not my place
TRANSCRIPT
Department of Sociology
Masterrsquos thesis in sociology 30 Credits
Autumn term 2021
Supervisor Daniel Ritter
Not My Place
Interpretation Privilege and Passivism in
the White Ally Experience
Alice Junman
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to better understand the experiences of allies in social movements
in this case the Black Lives Matter movement in Sweden The sociological relevance lies in
understanding how allies balance being active in a movement that departs from an identity
category to which one is an outsider and what this means in terms of responsibility privilege
and problems 11 qualitative interviews with self-identified White allies constitute the data
which has been analyzed and interpreted in relation to theories of modernity and situated
knowledge The results indicate that the ally role is perceived as meaningful and rewarding but
surrounded by different aspects to carefully balance These balances relate to the term
interpretation privilege a political term related to the concept of situated knowledge and it both
motivates and paralyzes the allies in their navigation in ally work
Keywords
Allies Social movements Black Lives Matter Situated knowledge Passivism
Table of Contents
Abstract 2
Table of Contents 3
1 Introduction and background 5
12 Aim and research question 7
2 Previous research 7
21 Allies 9
211 Why are allies important 10
212 What is problematic with allies 11
22 Digital activism 13
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism 14
3 Theory 15
31 Giddens 15
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity 16
32 Situated knowledge 17
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy 19
4 Methodology 20
41 Data collection 21
42 Sample 22
43 Coding and analysis 24
44 Ethical considerations 25
45 Methodological reflexivity 26
46 Limitations 27
5 Results and analysis 28
51 Balancing ally work 31
511 Interpretation privilege 32
512 Listen but donrsquot exploit 35
513 Help but donrsquot hijack 36
514 Take a step back but donrsquot become paralyzed 39
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection 42
6 Discussion and conclusion 46
7 References 49
5
1 Introduction and background
Thinking back on the year 2020 most of us will probably think about the Covid-19 pandemic
and how it affected our lives But 2020 was also a year of political protest Polish feminists
protested the restrictions on the right to abortion raised fees for public transportation in Chile
were met with large protests and US antiracists protested police brutality towards Black1
people as a direct response to the murder of George Floyd (Global Protest Tracker 2020) The
killing of Floyd in Minneapolis was not the first time Black Lives Matter (or BLM) a global
informal network or grassroots movement against racism and for Black liberation (Jaumlmte et al
2020370) was protesting police brutality and racist violence BLM is contextualized within a
long history of antiracist mobilization with clear links to the Civil Rights Movement both in
how it is described and interpreted in public discourse and in their ideas methods and
strategies (Clayton 2018457) The start of the movement came on February 26 2012 when
17-year-old Treyvon Martin was shot to death by a volunteer neighborhood watchman while
walking in his fatherrsquos middle-class neighborhood When the killer was acquitted there were
massive reactions and protests (Clayton 2018453) Alicia Garza Patrisse Cullors and Opal
Tometti took the initiative to gather the antiracist protests under one name one hashtag
BlackLivesMatter This first BLM-wave has since then been followed by several other protests
after cases of police violence against Black people (Clark 2019519) For example in 2014 the
BLM movement organized freedom rides to Ferguson (Missouri) inspired by the Civil Rights
movement after the murder of Michael Brown (Clayton 2018454)
After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 demonstrations took place globally including
in several Swedish cities In Stockholm up to a thousand people gathered to support the BLM
movement and to acknowledge the situation for ethnic minorities in Sweden (Rydberg amp
Weden 2020) Despite the Swedish self-image of exceptionalism in terms of equality (Schierup
amp Aringlund 2011 45 56) there are strong evidence that Afro-Swedes are marginalized in the
upper and lower divisions of the labor market (Wolgast et al 201810 28-36) as well as in the
hiring process health and hate crime (see Braring 2018 Bursell 2014 Lindstroumlm et al 2001)
1 The B in Black (and the W in White) is capitalized based on guidelines on writing about racial and ethnic identity
formulated by the American Psychological Association (2019)
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
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2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
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and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to better understand the experiences of allies in social movements
in this case the Black Lives Matter movement in Sweden The sociological relevance lies in
understanding how allies balance being active in a movement that departs from an identity
category to which one is an outsider and what this means in terms of responsibility privilege
and problems 11 qualitative interviews with self-identified White allies constitute the data
which has been analyzed and interpreted in relation to theories of modernity and situated
knowledge The results indicate that the ally role is perceived as meaningful and rewarding but
surrounded by different aspects to carefully balance These balances relate to the term
interpretation privilege a political term related to the concept of situated knowledge and it both
motivates and paralyzes the allies in their navigation in ally work
Keywords
Allies Social movements Black Lives Matter Situated knowledge Passivism
Table of Contents
Abstract 2
Table of Contents 3
1 Introduction and background 5
12 Aim and research question 7
2 Previous research 7
21 Allies 9
211 Why are allies important 10
212 What is problematic with allies 11
22 Digital activism 13
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism 14
3 Theory 15
31 Giddens 15
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity 16
32 Situated knowledge 17
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy 19
4 Methodology 20
41 Data collection 21
42 Sample 22
43 Coding and analysis 24
44 Ethical considerations 25
45 Methodological reflexivity 26
46 Limitations 27
5 Results and analysis 28
51 Balancing ally work 31
511 Interpretation privilege 32
512 Listen but donrsquot exploit 35
513 Help but donrsquot hijack 36
514 Take a step back but donrsquot become paralyzed 39
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection 42
6 Discussion and conclusion 46
7 References 49
5
1 Introduction and background
Thinking back on the year 2020 most of us will probably think about the Covid-19 pandemic
and how it affected our lives But 2020 was also a year of political protest Polish feminists
protested the restrictions on the right to abortion raised fees for public transportation in Chile
were met with large protests and US antiracists protested police brutality towards Black1
people as a direct response to the murder of George Floyd (Global Protest Tracker 2020) The
killing of Floyd in Minneapolis was not the first time Black Lives Matter (or BLM) a global
informal network or grassroots movement against racism and for Black liberation (Jaumlmte et al
2020370) was protesting police brutality and racist violence BLM is contextualized within a
long history of antiracist mobilization with clear links to the Civil Rights Movement both in
how it is described and interpreted in public discourse and in their ideas methods and
strategies (Clayton 2018457) The start of the movement came on February 26 2012 when
17-year-old Treyvon Martin was shot to death by a volunteer neighborhood watchman while
walking in his fatherrsquos middle-class neighborhood When the killer was acquitted there were
massive reactions and protests (Clayton 2018453) Alicia Garza Patrisse Cullors and Opal
Tometti took the initiative to gather the antiracist protests under one name one hashtag
BlackLivesMatter This first BLM-wave has since then been followed by several other protests
after cases of police violence against Black people (Clark 2019519) For example in 2014 the
BLM movement organized freedom rides to Ferguson (Missouri) inspired by the Civil Rights
movement after the murder of Michael Brown (Clayton 2018454)
After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 demonstrations took place globally including
in several Swedish cities In Stockholm up to a thousand people gathered to support the BLM
movement and to acknowledge the situation for ethnic minorities in Sweden (Rydberg amp
Weden 2020) Despite the Swedish self-image of exceptionalism in terms of equality (Schierup
amp Aringlund 2011 45 56) there are strong evidence that Afro-Swedes are marginalized in the
upper and lower divisions of the labor market (Wolgast et al 201810 28-36) as well as in the
hiring process health and hate crime (see Braring 2018 Bursell 2014 Lindstroumlm et al 2001)
1 The B in Black (and the W in White) is capitalized based on guidelines on writing about racial and ethnic identity
formulated by the American Psychological Association (2019)
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
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Table of Contents
Abstract 2
Table of Contents 3
1 Introduction and background 5
12 Aim and research question 7
2 Previous research 7
21 Allies 9
211 Why are allies important 10
212 What is problematic with allies 11
22 Digital activism 13
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism 14
3 Theory 15
31 Giddens 15
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity 16
32 Situated knowledge 17
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy 19
4 Methodology 20
41 Data collection 21
42 Sample 22
43 Coding and analysis 24
44 Ethical considerations 25
45 Methodological reflexivity 26
46 Limitations 27
5 Results and analysis 28
51 Balancing ally work 31
511 Interpretation privilege 32
512 Listen but donrsquot exploit 35
513 Help but donrsquot hijack 36
514 Take a step back but donrsquot become paralyzed 39
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection 42
6 Discussion and conclusion 46
7 References 49
5
1 Introduction and background
Thinking back on the year 2020 most of us will probably think about the Covid-19 pandemic
and how it affected our lives But 2020 was also a year of political protest Polish feminists
protested the restrictions on the right to abortion raised fees for public transportation in Chile
were met with large protests and US antiracists protested police brutality towards Black1
people as a direct response to the murder of George Floyd (Global Protest Tracker 2020) The
killing of Floyd in Minneapolis was not the first time Black Lives Matter (or BLM) a global
informal network or grassroots movement against racism and for Black liberation (Jaumlmte et al
2020370) was protesting police brutality and racist violence BLM is contextualized within a
long history of antiracist mobilization with clear links to the Civil Rights Movement both in
how it is described and interpreted in public discourse and in their ideas methods and
strategies (Clayton 2018457) The start of the movement came on February 26 2012 when
17-year-old Treyvon Martin was shot to death by a volunteer neighborhood watchman while
walking in his fatherrsquos middle-class neighborhood When the killer was acquitted there were
massive reactions and protests (Clayton 2018453) Alicia Garza Patrisse Cullors and Opal
Tometti took the initiative to gather the antiracist protests under one name one hashtag
BlackLivesMatter This first BLM-wave has since then been followed by several other protests
after cases of police violence against Black people (Clark 2019519) For example in 2014 the
BLM movement organized freedom rides to Ferguson (Missouri) inspired by the Civil Rights
movement after the murder of Michael Brown (Clayton 2018454)
After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 demonstrations took place globally including
in several Swedish cities In Stockholm up to a thousand people gathered to support the BLM
movement and to acknowledge the situation for ethnic minorities in Sweden (Rydberg amp
Weden 2020) Despite the Swedish self-image of exceptionalism in terms of equality (Schierup
amp Aringlund 2011 45 56) there are strong evidence that Afro-Swedes are marginalized in the
upper and lower divisions of the labor market (Wolgast et al 201810 28-36) as well as in the
hiring process health and hate crime (see Braring 2018 Bursell 2014 Lindstroumlm et al 2001)
1 The B in Black (and the W in White) is capitalized based on guidelines on writing about racial and ethnic identity
formulated by the American Psychological Association (2019)
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
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2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
512 Listen but donrsquot exploit 35
513 Help but donrsquot hijack 36
514 Take a step back but donrsquot become paralyzed 39
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection 42
6 Discussion and conclusion 46
7 References 49
5
1 Introduction and background
Thinking back on the year 2020 most of us will probably think about the Covid-19 pandemic
and how it affected our lives But 2020 was also a year of political protest Polish feminists
protested the restrictions on the right to abortion raised fees for public transportation in Chile
were met with large protests and US antiracists protested police brutality towards Black1
people as a direct response to the murder of George Floyd (Global Protest Tracker 2020) The
killing of Floyd in Minneapolis was not the first time Black Lives Matter (or BLM) a global
informal network or grassroots movement against racism and for Black liberation (Jaumlmte et al
2020370) was protesting police brutality and racist violence BLM is contextualized within a
long history of antiracist mobilization with clear links to the Civil Rights Movement both in
how it is described and interpreted in public discourse and in their ideas methods and
strategies (Clayton 2018457) The start of the movement came on February 26 2012 when
17-year-old Treyvon Martin was shot to death by a volunteer neighborhood watchman while
walking in his fatherrsquos middle-class neighborhood When the killer was acquitted there were
massive reactions and protests (Clayton 2018453) Alicia Garza Patrisse Cullors and Opal
Tometti took the initiative to gather the antiracist protests under one name one hashtag
BlackLivesMatter This first BLM-wave has since then been followed by several other protests
after cases of police violence against Black people (Clark 2019519) For example in 2014 the
BLM movement organized freedom rides to Ferguson (Missouri) inspired by the Civil Rights
movement after the murder of Michael Brown (Clayton 2018454)
After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 demonstrations took place globally including
in several Swedish cities In Stockholm up to a thousand people gathered to support the BLM
movement and to acknowledge the situation for ethnic minorities in Sweden (Rydberg amp
Weden 2020) Despite the Swedish self-image of exceptionalism in terms of equality (Schierup
amp Aringlund 2011 45 56) there are strong evidence that Afro-Swedes are marginalized in the
upper and lower divisions of the labor market (Wolgast et al 201810 28-36) as well as in the
hiring process health and hate crime (see Braring 2018 Bursell 2014 Lindstroumlm et al 2001)
1 The B in Black (and the W in White) is capitalized based on guidelines on writing about racial and ethnic identity
formulated by the American Psychological Association (2019)
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
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hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
5
1 Introduction and background
Thinking back on the year 2020 most of us will probably think about the Covid-19 pandemic
and how it affected our lives But 2020 was also a year of political protest Polish feminists
protested the restrictions on the right to abortion raised fees for public transportation in Chile
were met with large protests and US antiracists protested police brutality towards Black1
people as a direct response to the murder of George Floyd (Global Protest Tracker 2020) The
killing of Floyd in Minneapolis was not the first time Black Lives Matter (or BLM) a global
informal network or grassroots movement against racism and for Black liberation (Jaumlmte et al
2020370) was protesting police brutality and racist violence BLM is contextualized within a
long history of antiracist mobilization with clear links to the Civil Rights Movement both in
how it is described and interpreted in public discourse and in their ideas methods and
strategies (Clayton 2018457) The start of the movement came on February 26 2012 when
17-year-old Treyvon Martin was shot to death by a volunteer neighborhood watchman while
walking in his fatherrsquos middle-class neighborhood When the killer was acquitted there were
massive reactions and protests (Clayton 2018453) Alicia Garza Patrisse Cullors and Opal
Tometti took the initiative to gather the antiracist protests under one name one hashtag
BlackLivesMatter This first BLM-wave has since then been followed by several other protests
after cases of police violence against Black people (Clark 2019519) For example in 2014 the
BLM movement organized freedom rides to Ferguson (Missouri) inspired by the Civil Rights
movement after the murder of Michael Brown (Clayton 2018454)
After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 demonstrations took place globally including
in several Swedish cities In Stockholm up to a thousand people gathered to support the BLM
movement and to acknowledge the situation for ethnic minorities in Sweden (Rydberg amp
Weden 2020) Despite the Swedish self-image of exceptionalism in terms of equality (Schierup
amp Aringlund 2011 45 56) there are strong evidence that Afro-Swedes are marginalized in the
upper and lower divisions of the labor market (Wolgast et al 201810 28-36) as well as in the
hiring process health and hate crime (see Braring 2018 Bursell 2014 Lindstroumlm et al 2001)
1 The B in Black (and the W in White) is capitalized based on guidelines on writing about racial and ethnic identity
formulated by the American Psychological Association (2019)
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
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2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
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and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
6
The movement was quickly recognized by different social institutions for example BLM was
nominated for the Nobel peace prize (Belam 2021) and the Palme Prize (Palmefonden 2021)
and over the world millions of people showed their support of the movement digitally by
posting a Black square on Instagram using the hashtag blackouttuesday (Monckton 2020)
Not only Black and other POC2 joined the movement but also White allies activists working
politically for another grouprsquos benefit (Russo 201467) Allies of different ethnicities have been
recognized as important actors in the antiracist struggle by many researchers (see for example
Arora amp Stout 2019 Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Clark 2019) as well as male allies in feminist
movements (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) The role of White people as both perpetuators and
challengers of racism has been highly debated in the public discourse and in academia Books
such as Why Irsquom No Longer Talking to White People About Race by Reni Eddo-Lodge and
White Fragility Why Itrsquos So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo
have been introduced to the Swedish market after the birth of the BLM movement (Andersson
2021 Hibomo 2019) The role of White allies is thus surrounded by both appraisal and
suspicion and they must navigate their own role in the movement taking both positive and
negative views into account while finding a pathway into activism that suits them This
navigation is challenging and when Judith Butler talks on the subject in an interview in The
Guardian (Gleeson 2021) she summarizes the problems of allyship
Yes it is important to acknowledge that while a white person cannot claim to represent
Black experience that is no reason for white people to be paralyzed on matters on race
refusing to intervene at all No one needs to represent all Black experience in order to
track expose and oppose systemic racism ndash and to call upon others to do the same If
white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk becoming
self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making everything about
themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do the work of anti-racism
This balancing between activism and passivism constitutes the focus of this thesis and the
sociological relevance lies in understanding what allies themselves experience beyond the
public perceptions of White allies Their experiences and emotions matter insofar as they are
likely to affect the way the allies choose to act and this motivates the sociological relevance of
studying ally experience Although allyship is relatively well-studied there is less research on
the emotional experiences of allyship especially in the Swedish context
2 POC stands for people of color and describes people of non-White race or ethnicity (American Psychological
Association 2019)
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
7
12 Aim and research question
The purpose of this paper is to study White alliesrsquo experiences of participating in and supporting
antiracist causes and movements using the Swedish BLM movement as an illustrative case due
to its high topicality The aim is to better understand the role of emotions identity (defined as
ldquothe self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biographyrdquo [Giddens
199153]) and ideas about power and responsibility shaping ally work departing from the
Swedish context in order to evaluate what the circumstances of ally work are and how the
experience of ally work and identity is lived and understood by White allies themselves The
sociological relevance of the study consists of linking the macro-level political discourse on
responsibility and identity with lived experience agency and sense of self at the individual
micro-level reality of allies Previous research focuses on the emotions and experiences in itself
whereas this paper aims to link these experiences and emotions to action and agencyThe
research questions are
A What emotional experiences do participants have and how can these be related to
identity power and responsibility
B To what extent do White allies feel entitled to act and speak in the name of the
movement
2 Previous research
The field of social movement studies is a well-established field with a long history and there
is a variety of sub-fields with different focuses ranging from resource mobilization (McCarthy
amp Zald 1977) to political processes that enable or hinder social movement activity (McAdam
1983) to the collective interpretations of a movement that is created by framing processes
(Snow 1986) and much more There are many different definitions of the social movement
concept This paper will build upon the definition presented by Diani (19923) describing social
movements as ldquonetworks of informal interaction between a plurality of individuals groups
andor organizations engaged in a political andor cultural conflict on the basis of a shared
collective identityrdquo which describes the informal non-hierarchal form of BLM (Jaumlmte et al
2020370)
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
8
Social movements as a phenomenon have changed through history shifting from mostly class-
based collective action to movements built on multiple identity categories (Buechler
1995548) This assumption is foundational in new social movement theory (NSMT)
represented by for example Alain Touraine (1987) NSMT concludes that non-material values
replaced class interests as the main motivator for collective action if the goal for social
movements used to be to expropriate the power from the dominant class and thus empower
the working class it has now shifted to deconstructing and reframing power itself (Buechler
1995442 Touraine 1987218-20) New social movements deal specifically with ldquothe social
control of production and diffusion of symbolic goodsrdquo (Touraine 1987218) which means
focusing on for example domains of culture and language Research based on NSMT often
focus on the roles of emotions identities and lifestyles as central themes in modern social
movements which are seen as manifestations of the implicit economic and political structures
they appear within (Buechler 1995485) The centrality of identity is often referred to as
identity politics (Bernstein 200547) Kauffman (200124 29-32) argued that identity politics
implicates a shift from working for equality and redistribution to apolitical introspection and
lifestyle politics resonant with the market ideology Others recognized how identity politics
give previously unrecognized groups recognition and space to develop policy that favors their
specific interests instead of only serving those at top of the in-group hierarchy of the workersrsquo
movements (Bernstein 200564-6) Regardless of whether one associates identity politics with
something good or something bad it can be concluded that antiracist movements have some
basis in identity categories rather than class despite the historical link between antiracism and
socialist ideas (Bhattacharyya et al 20203) Identity as a political concept is also central to the
experiences thoughts and interpretations of the White allies participating in this study as their
recognition of their White identity is what their allyship departs from
When it comes to antiracist thought and practice similar tendencies as those described in
NSMT can be seen Bhattacharyya Virdee and Winter (20203) lined out the development of
antiracist academic thought showing how it has developed from anti-capitalist and anti-slavery
to a micro perspective seeing racism as everyday microaggressions and dehumanization
(ibid11-12) Recently antiracist thought has been more concerned with intersectionality
developing sub-theories of Black feminism and Black queer theory to emphasize how different
identities have different lived experiences of oppression The focus of antiracist thought and
practice today according to the authors is to amplify certain voices and perspectives to ensure
representation and diversity of different identities (ibid12)
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
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Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
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Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
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BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
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Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
9
Looking at the Swedish context Jaumlmte and colleagues (2020) discuss how the Swedish BLM
movement represents a structuralist turn in Swedish anti-racism which has historically been
focusing on extremities such as Apartheid or Nazism and less on discrimination in the labor
market housing and media (ibid369 375) Historically the antiracist movement in Sweden
been occupied by a large proportion of allies from the majority population but during the 2020
BLM wave this changed and more POC participated for their cause Because ally activism is
often more volatile the increased share of people with lived experience of racism contributes
to a more stable foundation for sustainable activism (ibid371-2) Digital methods also
dominated the Swedish case which can be compared to the MeToo movement rather than the
US-based BLM movement which focused much more on physical protest and resistance
(ibid369)
Based on the different important conclusions in previous research (the turn towards non-
material values antiracist tendencies to emphasize lived experience the overrepresentation of
White allies in the Swedish anti-racist movement historically and the dominance of digital
methods) the remainder of the previous research presented will focus on allyship and white
identity and digital methods in contemporary movements
21 Allies
In a movement where much emphasis is put on identities it is of interest to examine the role of
those who are part of the movement activity without belong to that specific identity group In
this case White allies The definition of an ally varies between different scholars Brown and
Ostrove (20132211) described an ally as a dominant group member who ldquowork to end
prejudice in their personal and professional lives and relinquish social privileges conferred by
their group status through their support of nondominant groupsrdquo Spanierman and Smith
(2017608-9) argued that an ally is someone who understands their privilege as well as their
own role in oppression through introspection and self-reflection and who use their privilege
in responsible ways to end oppression despite facing opposition from other dominant group
members For Drury and Kaiser (2014637) an ally is someone who ldquoaligns with a
disadvantaged group by recognizing the need for further progress in the fight for equal rights
and Russo (201467) simply defined allies as activists who are politically engaged to benefit a
group to which they are outsiders These definitions include both introspective aspects of
allyship and more action-oriented aspects and they are all relatively open regarding what
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
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httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
10
exactly an ally can be expected to do in support for the movement What almost all these
definitions have in common is the baseline assumption that allies recognize their own
privileges and in antiracist movements that they embrace their White identity whiteness is not
only a description of skin color or ethnicity but also a culturally and politically influenced
identity A White ally cannot only be White they must also recognize their whiteness as
culturally significant recognizing privilege and becoming aware of both oppression as such
and onersquos own role in it is the first step to become an ally (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638) Although
lsquoWhitersquo has not always been treated as a social identity in the same way as other ethnic
identities there has been a recent resurge of White identification in the US (Cole 20201627)
Cole identified three main types of White identity type 1 includes no recognition of whiteness
type 2 recognizes whiteness but sees it as a liability and type 3 recognizes whiteness as a
privilege Among these types of White identification type 3 is most likely to support the BLM
means and goals whereas type 2 is least likely to support the movement at all
White identity development is also closely linked to the idea of White guilt which is seen as a
normative response to realizing onersquos own whiteness and the privilege attached to it Individuals
who acknowledge recognize and understand racism have higher degrees of White guilt and
this can either motivate action or create passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84) Dull and
colleagues found that White guilt can motivate civic action under certain circumstances there
must also be individual beliefs of social responsibility and efficacy (ibid1089) If the individual
neither believes in their social responsibility nor their own efficacy as political actors they will
struggle to find motivation to act Efficacy was measured by asking the participants whether
they felt they had the knowledge capacity and opportunity to affect social change (ibid1086)
Feelings of shame and despair among other have demobilizing effects on political mobilization
(Zhelnina 2020361) and it is therefore highly relevant to explore what emotions are
experienced by the allies in this study and to what degree they motivate or hinder action
211 Why are allies important
The role of allies in social movements is considered important in creating both social change
and in improving the everyday conditions of marginalized groups Brown and Ostrove (2013)
argued that White allies have two main assignments in antiracist movements supporting
individual people from the nondominant group and engaging in informed political action After
realizing onersquos whiteness and privilege allies must actively work to dismantle the system of
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
11
oppression by for example willingly share power with the subordinated group (Clark
2019523)
One of the most valuable aspects of ally work in social movements is the fact that the costs of
confronting sexism racism or any other discriminatory behavior is much lower for allies
without personal interest in the issue than it is for marginalized group members Men
confronting sexist behavior are seen as more rational and credible and less hostile than their
female counterparts which can strengthen the receiverrsquos sympathy for the sentiment of the
movement (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) Male allies speaking up can also normalize rejecting
sexist ideas for women too and thus create a more open climate for such confrontations
(ibid644) The cost of ally work is further lowered when utilizing digital methods Clark (2019)
found that when White allies use their digital platforms to amplify the voices of Black people
the personal costs are low while the effects are positive The narratives of Black activists often
marginalized in their outreach in other ethnic or cultural groups are spread and legitimized by
White allies and it may ultimately strengthen the movement at large (Clark 2019528-31)
The idea that White allies should help the movement by amplifying the voices of Black people
can be further validated by the results of a study conducted by Arora and Stout (2019) on co-
ethnic mobilization and support for BLM They conducted an experimental study on the support
for the movement and the effect of messages from co-ethnic versus non-co-ethnic messengers
In general people tend to accept and embrace a political message more easily if they find the
messenger trustworthy and likeable which is an increasingly rational mechanism in times of
excessive access to information (Arora amp Stout 2019390) In their study they had people read
letters in favor for supporting the BLM movement written by authors of different ethnicities
Their results showed that White people did not change their opinion on BLM unless the author
was also White (ibid394-5) The implications of these results are that ldquoif whitesrsquo attitudes about
Black Lives Matter are to change appeals are much more effective coming from co-racial
individualsrdquo (ibid396) This implies that the role of White allies in amplifying the message of
Black activists and spreading the message especially within their own racial group is a very
powerful and important way for White allies to support the movement
212 What is problematic with allies
Although the role of allies in social movements are important there are also problems Some
research indicates that without lived experience of for example sexism or racism it is harder
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
12
to detect when such discrimination occurs For example men are less likely to interpret subtle
sexism as sexism and they are less likely to sympathize with someone confronting sexism if
that someone is female (Drury amp Kaiser 2014639 642) Thus much time and effort may have
to be put into educating out-group allies Allies are also less likely to be emotionally receptive
towards grasping the magnitude of oppression which again comes from lack of lived
experience (Russo 201480) It is also important to recognize uniqueness in group experiences
instead of assuming that experience of one type of oppression automatically leads to insights
about other oppressions (Spanierman amp Smith 2017608-10)
Besides the problem of potential insensibility on behalf of the ally another issue is low
engagement (Jaumlmte et al 2020370) Brown and Ostrove (20132220) argued that although
some inactivity of allies could be attributed to general passivity of contemporary activists or
lack of emotional engagement it could also come out of fear of doing anything considered
wrong White allies they argued tend to be more cautious in their actions because of this and
instead of acting on their own they leave space for Black people to take the lead However in
the attempt to leave room for and amplify for example Black narratives there is a significant
risk that allies freeride on the political labor of Black people (Clark 2019530) This problem
is also present in feminist movements where male allies often engage in low risk high reward
activism and often take credit for work dependent on the efforts of female feminists (Linder amp
Johnson 20155 17-18) This is made possible Linder and Johnson argued by the master
narrative saying male allies should be recognized validated and granted credibility regardless
of their actual contributions to the movementndash even though there is an overwhelming risk with
male feminist ally work being directly counterproductive due to lack of sympathy for the
female perspective and expertise (ibid4-5) In adverse cases male allies have been known to
not only capitalize on womenrsquos pain ignore their perspective and steal their hard work but to
actually commit sexual assault in feminist organizations (ibid9)
There are many other risks associated with ally work Mostly it originates in the fact that many
have good intentions but lack in self-reflection or knowledge about real political work
Spanierman and Smith (2017) pointed to how such discrepancies between intention capacity
and self-awareness can lead to paternalistic behavior towards marginalized people and that this
can strengthen the unconscious sense of superiority and legitimize status quo instead of
challenging it Another mistake especially important in digital activism is the tendency to
engage in optics instead of politics and to treat members of the disenfranchised group as objects
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
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httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
13
to be used for personal virtue signaling Such cosmetic activism rarely leads to any structural
criticism or challenging (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10)
22 Digital activism
As can be seen in the previous research on the positive opportunities with allies digital methods
are important for allies to engage for example in amplifying voices of minorities (Clark
2019528-31) This is perhaps even more true in the 2020 BLM-wave when many were limited
in their capacity to participate physically due to the pandemic All participants in this study
participated in digital activism (most of them exclusively so) and it is therefore important to
account for some research on the role digitalism plays in contemporary movements The
introduction of new technologies into political activism has been studied for many years even
before the social medias we use today Information and Communication technologies (ICTrsquos)
such as mobile phones or the internet had many effects on political activism as they became
available for more people for example it contributed with increased sense of community
strengthened political participation facilitated movement organization and increased
independence from elite representations of movements (Garrett 2006205-14)
Modern social medias have the same effects to some extent The internet and social media are
acknowledged to affect how social movements come into being and how they operate (Barassi
amp Zamponi 2020 Earl 2014) Social media platforms are used as tools for organizing raising
awareness and spreading information (Ahmed et al 2017447) and was for example one of
the success factors of the MeToo movement (Li et al 2020 Lin amp Yang 2019) Social media
also played a major role in the BLM protests without social media the protests of 2020 would
perhaps not have been as widespread The fact that the video picturing Floydrsquos murder spread
so rapidly led to massive emotional involvement and increased motivation for participation
according to research on the efficiency of emotions in digital activism (Clark 2019 Heldman
201788) Facilitating the growth of collective emotion and identity is one of the main
contributions of social media because emotions are crucial in motivating political action
(Ahmed et al 201746 Zhelnina 2020361) Studying the emotional expressions before during
and after a social protest on Twitter Ahmed and colleagues concluded that emotions affect
involvement online similarly to their effect offline ndash they channel participation and create
community and identification (Ahmed et al 2017459-61) Besides this social media functions
as a megaphone for individuals without having to be represented by any formal leader (Earl
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
14
201537) Earl argued that some of the functions centralized and formal social movement
organizations used to fill can in many cases be substituted with online communities lowering
the costs of organizers and participants (ibid39)
221 Critical perspectives on digital activism
Social media as site and tool for social activism is also criticized based on ideas about how it
leads to passivity and how motives for online activism differs from those in offline or lsquorealrsquo
activism Online activism is sometimes called slacktivism referencing the lower degrees of
effort and risk required to engage in online activism (Skoric 201277) The slacktivist narrative
is often used to explain the decline in youth political engagement (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136)
although the link between digital activism and low degrees of participation have not been
determined Online activism is usually less valued than more traditional types of activism which
requires more from the individual activist (Craddock 2019148-9 Heldman 2017207) despite
the lack of consensus between researchers on whether online activism is effective or not
(Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725) Skoric (201277) argued that the Internet promotes a
superficial mode of political activism where liking commenting and sharing are the main tools
for participating in political activism and that the focus often is aimed at the individual and her
capacity of introspection lifestyle politics or mere expression of opinions without further
actions Such positionings rarely challenges structures of power and dominance Slacktivism
feels good without actually doing any good and it distracts people from engaging in meaningful
activism (ibid78)
lsquoFeeling goodrsquo as a motive for political mobilization is further explored by Lilleker and Koc-
Michalska (201723) who argued that there is a strong link between both intrinsic and extrinsic
emotional motivations and political mobilization both self-fulfillment and recognition are
strong motivators for both online and offline activism Extrinsic motivations eg external
approval recognition and being perceived as lsquogoodrsquo has the strongest effect on motivating
participation (ibid34 25) The difference they found between online and offline participation
was that online activism is less self-fulfilling and more driven by ldquoconforming and earning
rewardsrdquo which they interpret as online participation potentially being mere clicktivism and
less personally meaningful to the people engaging in it (ibid35)
Although slacktivism is not necessarily a phenomenon limited to the digital sphere but includes
all performative positioning online activism arguably breeds slacktivism because of how easy
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
15
and available it is The motivation to engage in high-risk high-effort activism decreases if there
are always lower effort- and risk options available that gives the same recognition and
satisfaction (Skoric 201279) Morozov (2009) also has criticized the naiumlve faith in the potential
of Internet activism and argued that poorly planned online slacktivism is not only ineffective
and toothless but also holds potential for backfiring and causing devastating consequences For
example when Western activists attempted to attack Iranian government sources online they
accidentally slowed down the whole Iranian internet making the activism of local protestors
difficult (Morozov 200913)
As this section shows the relationship between social media and the general level of activism
among people is far from determined However the participants of this study all relied on digital
methods in their ally work and their experiences of digital methods are explored in the analysis
3 Theory
In this section the two theories used to analyze the data will be presented and discussed starting
with Giddensrsquo theories on modernity which are used to contextualize ally work as a 21st century
phenomenon shaped by the preconditions of modernity such as increased reflexivity and
ontological insecurity Thereafter theories of situated knowledge will be used to describe how
the allies relate to their own whiteness in relation to the concept of interpretation privilege
sometimes limiting the allies in their leeway of action Essentially Giddensrsquo theories will be
used to understand why allies hesitate about their role and theories of situated knowledge will
be used to understand what they base these hesitations on
31 Giddens
Giddensrsquo theory of modernity focuses on the circumstances of human activity and identity in
what he referred to as (late) modernity The theory will be used to contextualize ally work as
something that exists within a larger social cultural and economic structure that shapes the
way identity politics and human activity are formed with special focus on self-identity and
ontological security
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
7 References Ahmed S Jaidka K amp Cho J (2017) Tweeting Indiarsquos Nirbhaya protest a study of emotional dynamics in an online social
movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
httpswwwlansstyrelsensedownload184e0415ee166afb5932417f0d1542191137748Rapport202018-
2120Antisvart20rasism20och20diskrimineringpdf
Young IM (2004) Situated Knowledge and Democratic Discussions In Andersen J Siim B (eds) The Politics of Inclusion
and Empowerment E-book London Palgrave Macmillan httpsdoiorg1010579781403990013_2
Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
httpsdoiorg101093socprospz019
16
Worth mentioning when using the term modernity is that there are scholarly disagreements on
whether the current era should be interpreted as modernity late (or liquid see Bauman 2001)
modernity or postmodernity However Giddens belongs to the group of theorists who see
contemporary society as still existing within the theoretical frames of late modernity where the
tendencies of modernity has been further stretched and strengthened (Giddens 199127) This
assumption will be present throughout this paper while also acknowledging this is only one
interpretation
311 Life in modernity reflexivity and ontological insecurity
Modernity is an era characterized by post-traditional orders institutionalized radical doubt
detachment of time and space risk-cultures and abstract systems (Giddens 19912-5)
Following these changes in increased emphasis on reflexivity the continuous revisiting of
previously taken-for-granted concepts truths and ideas This applies to the institutional and
individual level and the latter will be of focus in this paper Without the guiding hand of
tradition or custom as in premodern society people must navigate in the world without being
firmly grounded in pregiven sets of beliefs on what should be done in each situation and with
the constant flow of information in modernity the horizon of possible actions are constantly
broadened (ibid20)
The increased emphasis on reflexivity means for the individual that ldquoself-identity becomes a
reflexively organised endeavorrdquo (Giddens 19915) Giddensrsquo described self-identity as a
project based on coherent and ldquocontinuously revised biographical narrativesrdquo which ldquotakes
place in the context of multiple choices as filtered through abstract systemsrdquo (ibid5) This
means that self-identity is closely linked to actions and is ldquoroutinely created and sustainedrdquo in
the actions of the individual (ibid52) This includes making constant decisions while having
endless choices ndash on what to do how to act and ultimately who to be in late modernity ldquowe
are not what we are but what we make of ourselvesrdquo (ibid54 75) If the individual fails to
perform in coherence with their sense of self-identity the individual may start to doubt their
own biographical narrative and ultimately themselves (ibid58) In the context of social
movements the ally identity is thus constantly reshaped by each choice of action and it
becomes important to act in accordance with the ideal-typical ally role Allyship is also a
globalized phenomenon which increases the number of aspects to take into consideration while
reflexively making choices
17
As reflexivity become more and more significant in guiding human action people in late
modernity experience loss of ontological security which is a ldquorsquonatural attitudersquo in everyday
liferdquo in relation to how to act and orient oneself in the world (Giddens 199136) Being
ontologically secure is ldquoto possess on the level of the unconscious and practical consciousness
lsquoanswersrsquo to fundamental existential questions which all human life in some way addressesrdquo
(ibid47) and was previously guided by tradition custom rules and norms of premodern society
Ontological security thus secures the individualsrsquo smooth navigation through life without them
hesitating on their role in the world too much However as society developed into modernity
and late modernity the conditions for ontological security changed ndash the traditions of
premodern society that used to give ontological security by offering a sense of structure
firmness and purpose are now exchanged for reflexivity (ibid48) making each single decision
dependent on an almost infinite number of possible options (ibid36) Without ontological
security the individual experiences existential anxiety caused by uncertainty ndash and such anxiety
itself ldquotends to paralyse relevant actions rather than generate themrdquo (ibid44) This passivity can
occur in relation to specific actions or to the sense of self in general for example failing to
perform in line with onersquos perceived self-identity can create ontological insecurity and it opens
for questioning onersquos entire role in a specific context for example a social movement For allies
ontological insecurity could arise in relation to them trying to navigate what actions are
appropriate for them to engage in based on the reflexive project of self-identity However
inactivism or passivity cannot only be seen in the individualrsquos relation to action but in politics
in general Giddens argued that politics in premodern times were emancipatory and aiming to
end oppression but that politics in modernity has been transformed into life politics a shift in
ideology and activity towards emphasizing lifestyle and self-actualization (ibid210-14)
The purpose of including Giddensrsquo theory of modernity is to provide a potential context in
which the allies of this study act and shape their own ally identities and how their occasionally
self-restricting introspection may be understood
32 Situated knowledge
To complement the theory of Giddens theories on situated knowledge will be included in the
analysis to point to specific ways in which the allies engage in reflexive decision-making eg
on what basis they make decisions about ally strategies The included theories are feminist
theories but their implications are not limited to gender relations
18
Theories of situated knowledge (also referred to as standpoint theory or feminist epistemology)
is an epistemological attempt to challenge the way knowledge is produced validated and
valued Epistemology is an ldquooverarching theory of knowledgerdquo (Collins 1990408) and theories
of epistemology focuses on how truth and knowledge is shaped by power relations between
social positions and how this could change Easily put social position of the knowledge
producer shapes the kind of knowledge that can be produced (Young 200425) In this thesis
the theoretical works of Haraway Young and Collins will be included although there are more
contributors to the thoughts about situated knowledge
Relating knowledge to power feminist theorists have pointed to how knowledge production
has been dominated by men and postcolonial thinkers have questioned dominant knowledge
for its sometimes exploitative and colonializing tendencies (in for example Western thought
and anthropology) Part of this critique has included a call for recognition privilege of lived
experience and reflexivity in research (Voronka 2016191) Donna Haraway (1988) presented
a feminist epistemology (or feminist objectivism) that recognized how women have historically
seen as immanent beings unable to transcend the body and escape its ldquofinite point of viewrdquo
whereas men have been seen as able to attain lsquoobjectiversquo perspectives and knowledges
(Haraway 1988575) The (imagined) male capacity to transcend ldquoparticular social location
and adopt a lsquoview from nowherersquordquo gives men higher status epistemologically (Young 200424)
Thus the gaze of the White male has been favored in sociology as it represents the unmarked
and objective perspective (Haraway 1988581)
The problem with the idea of objectivity and the lsquoview from nowherersquo according to feminist
and postcolonial critics is that knowledge is a power process and only taking one groups
knowledge into account reinforces these power processes Patricia Hill Collins argued that
power over the production and validation of knowledge is an issue of group interest where the
dominant group preserves their own interests by invalidating knowledge that either challenges
their hegemonic ideas or follows alternative practices in their creation of alternative knowledges
(Collins 1990409-10) Black womenrsquos knowledge is subjugated knowledge and it must fight
for recognition in an anti-Black and anti-female world (ibid414) The Black feminist
epistemology she advocated for includes sensitivity to the combination of female and Black
experiences unique for Black women and it recognized alternative ways to create knowledge
specific to Black womenrsquos knowledge production (ibid407-8)
19
321 Situated knowledge as political strategy
If knowledge is then produced under circumstances of domination power structures and
hegemony ndash what would an alternative look like and what could these alternatives lead to
From a quality standpoint Haraway (1988583) argued that including several perspectives in
knowledge production leads to better conclusions Even though she dismissed the idea that
subjugated people have a purer vision on truth and objectivity an idea she claimed is often
rooted in a fetishized idea of the Third World woman she argued that subjugated groups are
less likely to ldquoallow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledgerdquo than are
dominant groups (ibid583-586) She wrote that the only standpoint from which no objectivity
can ever be reached is ldquothe standpoint of the master the Man the One God whose Eye
produces appropriates and orders differencerdquo (ibid587) Thus to aim for objectivity depends
on including perspectives otherwise ignored by structures of power and dominance (ibid590)
Delegitimizing the idea of a lsquoGodrsquos eyersquo from where true knowledge can be observed and
mediated means including other perspectives and knowledges (Young 200420) This is not
only just and right it also contributes to wiser decision making in a context of democratic
processes including perspectives from all social standpoints maximizes knowledge which
should be treated as a democratic resource when fully utilized (ibid25-9) Thus the idea of
situated knowledges includes a normative assumption of inclusion and diversity in decision
making and knowledge production and social difference should be treated as a resource for
democratic societies (ibid29)
The standpoint theorists emphasize how recognizing specificity in knowledge claims for
different groups does not include the idea that subjugated groups are naturally epistemically
privileged eg that their perspective on every issue should be treated as automatically lsquotruersquo
(Haraway 1988583-4 Young 200427-29) Neither the position of these groups or any
imagined inherent attributes give subjugated groups automatic access to the truth but the
position opens up doors to new perspectives impossible to imagine from above (Haraway
1988584) The specific knowledge unique for the dominated social positions include different
understandings of their own position and others and the relation between them as well as ldquoa
point of view on the history of societyrdquo ldquoan interpretation of how the relations and processes
of the whole society operates especially as they affect onersquos own positionrdquo and finally ldquoa
position-specific experience and point of view on the natural and physical environmentrdquo
(Young 200429)
20
Applying these ideas in a context of practical politics for example in a social movement can
include such inclusion of different perspectives and emphasizing how group difference matters
in terms of knowledge but without claiming the existence of epistemic privilege Often this
practical application is based on including people with lived experience into different contexts
of power or knowledge production (Voronka 2016189)
However the strategy of using lived experience as a criterion for epistemic legitimacy can also
be problematized Voronka (2016192) argued that inclusion and representation of different
groups in decision making as a criterion for legitimate knowledge production can be seen as
resting on essentialist assumptions and stable identity categories The categories themselves are
left unaccounted for meaning the boundaries between and content of different identity groups
are seen as natural entities (ibid194) The concept of lived experience fails to answer questions
of who we are and why while the existence of these categories should be questioned in
themselves Thus acting based on ideas of lived experience and ldquoepistemic privilegerdquo (Young
200427) risks both treating identity as essentialist and constructing group attributes as
embodied truths and ignore difference in lived experience within groups (Voronka 2016196)
Thus Voronka (ibid197) argued
we need to mark how rsquopeople with lived experiencersquo [as a concept my note] risks
reproducing and replicating systems of domination that privileges subjects and
subjectivities that fit closely within the White heteropatriarchal matrix of ruling
Voronkarsquos experiences come from academia but the ideas can be applied to other contexts as
well Theories of situated knowledge can be extracted from the abstract epistemological level
and transformed into a concept more suitable and applicable for everyday situations and as will
be seen in the analysis this theme is highly present in the statements by the study participants
in the form of interpretation privilege (See section 5 Results and analysis)
4 Methodology
The study builds on phenomenological approach and aims to understand a social phenomenon
by interpreting the different meanings ascribed to it by the participant whose lived experience
is in focus for the analysis (Creswell amp Poth 2018150) Thus the focus of the study is not the
BLM movement itself but to understand the experience of the allies The study is abductive
21
meaning the research process was iterative - going back and forth between empirical findings
and theoretical background The aim of abductive analysis is often to generate theory by
cultivating already existing theories together with the surprising results found in the data
collection that are in turn reinterpreted through the revisited theoretical insights (Timmermans
amp Tavory 2012169 173-6) One important aspect of abduction is to revisit the phenomenon
as it can lead to new insights For example when the first couple of interviews were done the
lack of response to one specific question was interpreted as missing data But when the
transcripts were revisited after some additional previous research had been read I realized the
unanswered question was not missing data ndash it was data in itself This realization affected how
the data collection moved forward as the focus narrowed down on the ally role and its
limitations
41 Data collection
The data collection was done by conducting qualitative interviews with 11 self-identified White
allies to understand their perspective experiences and thoughts about their participation The
interviews were in average 010245 in length and they were conducted during a five-week
period The interviews were semi-structured guided by an interview guide without following
it in detail which creates room for flexibility This ensured both consistency between the
interviews and individual variations depending on the interviewee (Turner 2010755) The
interview guide had open-ended questions and covered three main themes (political
background identity emotions) Some questions related to relevant concepts for example they
were asked ldquoIn your perspective what is an allyrdquo The purpose was not to evaluate the
participants academic understanding of the term but to have them reflect upon their own
perceptions and thereby gain insight into their political thinking and its effect on their ally role
Other questions were about experiences such as ldquoCould you tell me about your participation in
the BLM movementrdquo and ldquoWhat emotional responses did you have when this happenedrdquo
Some parts of the interview focused on the BLM movement specifically but since the antiracist
ally identity was often developed before BLM started it also included more general experiences
of antiracist allyship At the end of each interview the participants were given a chance discuss
things important to them The limitation of interview data is that it is not a representation of the
world lsquoout therersquo but only a representation of how the interviewees describe their experiences
and these can be shaped by indefinite number of things beyond the scope of this thesis
22
All interviews were digitally conducted Although digital interviewing is often presented as a
second choice there are benefits to it For example Howlett (20217-8) noticed how the safe
environment of the home made the participants more relaxed and that the interviews also tended
to be both longer and richer in detail than offline interviews One could however imagine how
the opposite effect could occur if the home environment is unsafe or unfit for long
conversations The interviews took place more than a year into the pandemic and people were
thus more familiar with digital communication technologies than they were in the beginning
(ibid10) The pandemic was topic for small talk before the interviews started and our shared
experience with it created some sense of commonality and a relaxed atmosphere where potential
technical issues or disturbances were met with recognition from the other party Despite the
surprisingly positive experience with digital interviewing and as well as the rich data gathered
it is still important to recognize how the quality could have been even better with physical
interviews
The interviews were all conducted on Zoom and recorded in the software The interviews were
transcribed in full verbatim meaning that false starters stutters laughter and pauses were
included Such utterances are clues to how the participants feel about what they are telling and
should be treated as data
42 Sample
The sampling for this study is based on one inclusion criterion motivated by the purpose of the
study the criterion being White ally identification (Creswell amp Poth 201881 157) To base
the inclusion criterion on self-identification could potentially lead to low validity in terms of
not achieving a sample that represents the group one wishes to study by excluding those who
engage in ally work without identifying as such To ensure that the people included in the study
were lsquorealrsquo allies the criterion could have been having a certain amount of experience from ally
work or similar However this was a methodological choice motivated by reflections by
Craddock (2019) who studied activism Craddock learned that including the term activist in
her participant letter excluded people who - despite being very active - did not dare to call
themselves activists due to the high standard of what lsquorealrsquo activism is Especially women feel
that they cannot live up to the ideal and therefore they do not recognize their own activist
identity (Craddock 2019138-42) Therefore anyone who identified as an ally was allowed to
participate without evaluating or judging their level of participants
23
The sampling method was mixed consisting of convenience sampling and snowball sampling
(Creswell amp Poth 2018159) First an email was sent to the Swedish BLM organizationrsquos
official email telling them about the study and asking if they had any recommendations of
where participants could be found This email got no response Different Facebook groups were
chosen as lsquofieldsrsquo to sample in Personal acquaintances were also asked to participate The
choice of Facebook groups related to both convenience and lack of access to physical fields to
sample in and because much of the activism related to BLM took place online The Facebook
groups were all limited demographically (open only for women and non-binary people) and
they all had explicit value-systems with feminist anti-racist intersectional orientations Some
groups were simple support-and-chat groups some had a more political purpose (without party
connections) One participant was found in the comments section on a Facebook page that
relates to antiracism and contacted from there and a few were snowball sampled Recruiting
participants in online forums creates a problematic balance between transparency and
anonymity if too detailed information about the specific sampling sites is revealed the
participants identities can be spoiled due to traceability Thus the names of these Facebook
groups or pages cannot be revealed The groups were known to me beforehand as I am myself
a member in them and therefore had access to the lsquofieldrsquo which reduced the time and effort
spent on sampling If this study were a netnography with digital data to analyze it would be
problematic because my interpretation would be tainted by my personal experiences in the
groups but since the data itself was not related to the specific groups or the participants activity
in these groups it is less problematic
This digital convenience sampling limits the groups included in the sampling frame which
creates a skewed sample in terms of for example gender The complementary snowball
sampling creates a similar problem with homogeneity because of the tendency of participants
to recommend people who are like themselves As a result people with academic backgrounds
in social sciences and humanities are overrepresented in this sample The first interviewee Lisa
works in the international aid sector and she put me in touch with some old classmates and
colleagues which contributed to the skewed sample However the sampling method does not
aim to reach a randomized sample that is representative of the Swedish population in general
but instead a purposeful selection of people with certain experiences (Creswell amp Poth
2018272)
The final sample included people of different genders (9 female 1 male and 1 non-binary)
ages (22-36) education (from high school diploma to MA-degrees) and occupation (traditional
24
working-class occupations or white-collar jobs) They lived in or originated from different parts
of Sweden with one currently living in South Africa They also had very different backgrounds
in regards of political engagement some of them had been organized voluntarily or
professionally in multiple movements and civil society organizations some are or have been
active in party politics and some had their political experience mainly in online discussions
43 Coding and analysis
After all interviews were transcribed the data was coded in Excel using the guidelines for
phenomenological analysis presented called horizonalization (Creswell amp Poth 2018201
Moustakas 1994118) Horizonalization means creating a broad base or platform of equally
important statements to capture the experiences of the participants In phenomenological
studies coding and analysis should preferably be inductive highlighting ldquosignificant
statements sentences and quotesrdquo (Creswell amp Poth 201879) instead of deductively trying to
apply hypotheses or theories onto the data
The coding followed the subsequent steps First each transcript was read one at a time and
important statements were added in a quote-column in Excel (see Image 1) Following the
quote-column were categorical columns based on different themes from the interviews The 12
categories were Background Activity in BLM Identity Role Pandemic Emotion Motivation
Introspection BLM organization Balance Problems and Other There was also a column for
especially good quotes which were marked with an lsquoxrsquo In each column (for example ldquoRolerdquo)
inductively created codes were entered An example can be seen in Image 1
The coding was kept close to the data and focus was to create codes that described the specifics
of each statement instead of keeping the number of codes down which created some overlap
Image 1 Visual representation of the coding strategy
After the 11 interviews were coded the data included 243 quotes in 12 categories In order to
structure the analysis according to relevant topics themes were created out of the codes based
on representativeness and uniqueness These themes provided the basis for the interpretation
25
and analysis For example the previously mentioned code ldquoNot surerdquo was grouped together
with the code ldquoDecided by othersrdquo (in the column ldquoRolerdquo) and analyzed together because they
were interpreted as expressions of the same phenomenon eg insecurity regarding what the
role should contain (Moustakas 1994118)
After the coding which is a big part of the analysis itself the most relevant and interesting
themes were further analyzed This was related to observed regularities in statements being
repeated among several participants and novelty or lsquosurprise factorrsquo Whereas the coding was
unrelated to any specific theory the deeper analysis of the different themes was done parallel
to exploring theory The theories came into the process at different stages Giddensrsquo theory of
modernity and ontological security was explored after the initial coding before starting the
writing process of the analysis based on the pattern of insecurity and reflexivity among the
participantsrsquo descriptions of how they make decisions on how to act as an ally Thereafter the
concept of situated knowledge was introduced after all material had initially been analyzed and
written down in a first draft and the recurring use of the term interpretation privilege
(tolkningsfoumlretraumlde) caught my interest The focus was therefore the themes related to
interpretation privilege and how the participants made sense of the term as well as the different
aspects they had to balance because of their emphasis on interpretation privilege in the final
analysis
44 Ethical considerations
Research should be guided by ethical principles to ensure the safety of the participants and the
quality of the research The most important aspects include consent confidentiality and
anonymity Informed consent means that the participant must be given full information about
what participation means and they must be given the chance to both give and withdraw their
consent during or after the interview The researcher must tell the truth about the purpose of the
study and the participant can choose to leave any unwanted questions unanswered
(Vetenskapsraringdet 201710 16) All participants were given a letter with information about the
study which was again repeated verbally right before the interview The second important
aspect confidentiality means that all information and data must be handled safely and not be
shared with unauthorized people (ibid40) The data was stored on a password protected
computer and no personal information was saved along with the transcripts And finally
anonymity means that the identity of the participants must be concealed for example by giving
26
them new names or changing identifying details in their statements (ibid13) Both of my
sampling methods (digital convenience and snowball) can threaten the anonymity of the
participants because they become traceable either to those who were lsquosnowballedrsquo into the study
or those who were found online (see chapter 42 Sample)
In more qualitative terms the researcher must make fair interpretations of the statements made
by participants and be transparent with how conclusions were made This ensures both
transparency in a scientific standpoint and the well-being of the participants (Vetenskapsraringdet
201710) Related to this it is important to recognize how the analysis may affect the
participants for example Creswell and Poth (2018228) argue that there is always a risk that
participants feel bothered by the way their statements have been interpreted in relation to theory
and previous research and especially in a sensitive topic such as politics identity and emotions
In order to minimize this risk the interpretations will both be rooted in theory and previous
research and include alternative evidence and interpretations
45 Methodological reflexivity
Reflexivity requires researchers to be aware of and transparent about their own biases in their
interpretations as well as scrutinizing their power in relation to the research participants
(Creswell amp Poth 2018201 228) Besides the inherent power in the relation between
researcher and participants no specific power dynamics existed in this study The researcher
must reflect upon their own position (gender class race and similar) and how it affects the
way the research is conducted and how the results are interpreted (ibid228) Being reflexive
thus becomes a way to increase validity by clarifying where researcher bias may have affected
the results (ibid261) Evidence that contradicts the arguments made in the analysis has been
included to avoid bias The idea of researcher reflexivity builds on the epistemological approach
of social constructivism where knowledge is not seen as a neutral or objective but a subjective
socially embedded practice shaped by the lived experience of the author and the participants It
also means that self-criticism and self-consciousness is crucial aspects of qualitative
interpretive research (Lynch 200029-36)
According to Moustakas (1994103-4) reflexivity should guide every step in the
phenomenological research project including choice of topic it must have autobiographical
relevance to the researcher who must be genuinely curious and passionate about the
phenomenon ndash and of course be transparent about these motives The choice of BLM as an
27
empirical example in this study was based on my own experiences from the spring of 2020 I
was just as my respondents and many others very moved by the events that transpired and I
did too participate in some online actions such as checking myself into the US Ambassy on
Facebook to show my support of the movement I followed the news and read everything I
found on social media out of both political sympathy and sociological fascination I wanted to
know more about why the activism looked like it did and how others felt about being part of
it Being able to be fascinated in times of collective grief and trauma for Black people is of
course a privilege that I am aware of I can afford to be distanced towards and critical of the
antiracist movement and how it does or does not invite people to engage themselves in it
because my survival or well-being does not depend on it I aim to be respectful in my
interpretations and descriptions of the movement and its participants
46 Limitations
Instead of aiming to evaluate qualitative research by the same criteria as quantitative studies
there are adjusted validation practices for the specific approach of the study To assure good
quality for qualitative phenomenological studies phenomenological concepts should be used
properly understood and recommended methods should be followed Besides from engaging
in reflexive analysis it is also important to offer descriptive richness and interpretive depth
(Creswell amp Poth 2018272-82) There are also different validation strategies for qualitative
research The researcher can use triangulation to strengthen the stability of the results identify
disconfirming cases and clarify researcher reflexivity (ibid260-1) Member checking and
collaborating with participants can also strengthen the validity (ibid162 Arribas Lozano
2018455-6) All participants were informed of their right to see the transcripts and the analysis
if they wished but they were not contacted with the explicit purpose of checking the finished
results due to time Another aspect is reliability meaning how robust the results of the study
would be if someone else replicated the study (Creswell amp Poth 2018164-5) In the case of
qualitative studies where the researcher is intertwined with the interpretations the probability
of someone else reaching the exact same result is small but thick descriptions of methodology
and the data increases reliability somewhat The generalizability of qualitative studies is often
low and especially so when the sample is skewed The results of this study should be considered
valid only for the group studied since the results could have been different with different
28
representations of gender or class for example However with a purposeful sample of people
with a certain experience the goal is not generalizability beyond the group
Another potential issue is the fact that the quotes from the interviews included in this thesis
have been translated from Swedish to English which means that there is a risk that some of the
core meanings of the quotes may have been spoiled or changed However the analysis was
done on the Swedish transcripts making sure the interpretations were made on the original
material Thus the problem of translating quotes is mainly a problem of communicating the
results to the reader in the same form they appeared in the analysis process of the original
material
5 Results and analysis
As explained in the methods section (43 Coding and analysis) the analysis was gradually
turning toward the themes of a) interpretation privilege and b) how the notion of interpretation
privilege affects the leeway for action These themes will be the focus of the analysis which
will show that although the allies experience their allyship as important and meaningful they
sometimes struggle to find a path for themselves in their attempt to be lsquogoodrsquo allies Their
commitment to respecting interpretation privilege helps them live up the to the ally role as
supporters of Black people in general but it limits the leeway in which they are able to act
independently as political agents But first some general findings on how the allies think about
their role will be presented which primarily relates to the first research question about the
experiences of ally work
The overall experience of allyship is that the ally identity is surrounded by purpose community
and positive experiences They are all highly committed to and well-educated about the cause
Being part of the movement feels meaningful and even like rdquoa privilege to be able to be a part
of it and listen and learnrdquo as Lisa says She describes her emotional experiences
First there was a lot of frustration I think And then there was this powerfulhellip
some kind of like rsquowowrsquo there were a lot of chills there for a while [laughs]
because people really came together
29
Sam shares the experience of initial frustration and pain They describe the feeling when their
frustration and anger transformed into hope like ldquofree fallingrdquo ndash the realization that they were a
part of a group with so many sympathizers made it feel like change was possible
Most ally work was performed online and consisted of acts such as sharing information
knowledge and opinions participating in online seminars and meetings signing petitions and
lsquochecking inrsquo at the US Embassy in Stockholm on Facebook as part of a global protest act To
signal their support for the movement they occasionally used hashtags such as
blacklivesmatter and blackouttuesday All participants got most of their information from
social media in line with the general trend in contemporary activism (Ahmed et al 2017447
Heldman 201788) Previous research emphasizes the important role of emotions in social
movement mobilization and all participants in this study recognized how constant access to
heartbreaking stories virtual proof of mistreatment and a global sense of community provided
by social media motivated them to act (see for example Russo 2014)
Some interviewees also participated outside of social media by attending physical
demonstrations (Sam Sara and Emma) It is impossible to say how many of the interviewees
would have attended had there not been a global pandemic However as digital activism has
become dominating in contemporary social movements (Jaumlmte et al 2020371-2) the low rate
of physical protest among the participants in this study should not be attributed to the pandemic
alone For example Lucas says he has not been to as many demonstrations over the last years
as he would have wanted because of work and other circumstances Amanda says she has
always seen herself as an activist as someone who does what otherrsquos lacks the energy or
resources to do but that she is ldquonot the person who attends demos you knowrdquo And Caroline
who is involved in several organizations besides her antiracist engagement even experiences
that the pandemic has made participation easier for her since it can now be done from home ndash
a point Alva agrees with as she experiences difficulties joining offline protests due to physical
illness Thus the effects of the Covid pandemic are not exclusively negative and limiting Apart
from the different demonstrations the allies also emphasized how implementing antiracist ideas
into their everyday behavior and their professional lives is crucial to be a good ally
The main motivator for their allyship is the notion of privilege All interviewees refer to
themselves as White and relate it to privilege an increasingly common tendency and a
prerequisite for antiracist commitment among Whites (Cole 20201627 Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-9) Lisa describes herself as a ldquoprivileged White woman raised in a middle-class
homerdquo and she says that she faced few obstacles growing up and Sam argues that their White
30
identity gives them platforms and privileges many Black people lack Therefore they use their
social media to amplify the voices of Black people sharing their voices stories and
perspectives Amplifying voices of marginalized groups has been recognized in research as one
of the main tasks for allies (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
The argument of amplifying Black voices as a way to utilize onersquos privilege is twofold First
the participants see their privilege as an opportunity to reach out to fellow Whites who they
expect will listen more to their White counterparts than they would to a Black person which is
confirmed in previous research (see for example Arora amp Stout 2019 Linder amp Johnson 2015)
For example Lucas says
Us Whites who are not affected by racism we have to stand up and show that itrsquos
not OK to spread racism If we donrsquot therersquoll never be any change because
sometimes it feels like people listen more to [hellip] a White person confirming that
what a Black person says is true
Sam shares this reasoning and they actively try to reach people with ldquodeeply racist prejudicerdquo
who would ldquonever listen to a Black personrdquo According to Haraway (1988577) subjugated
groups are deprived the privilege of assumed objectivity and reduced to their position as
inherently linked to and epistemologically limited by their social position in a way the dominant
groups are not Subjugated knowledge must always be fought for in terms of recognition
(Collins 1990414) and the allies in this study is dedicated to doing so in order to reduce the
impact of their own privilege and increase the outreach of Black people Katrin recognizes how
this process of validation of knowledge based on power is an unequal process where Black
people are seen as unreliable because they are ldquoacting out of self-interestrdquo whereas White
people are assigned more credibility Recognizing these mechanisms does not mean that the
interviewees accept them they use words such as ldquoterriblerdquo and ldquodisgustingrdquo to describe the
phenomenon and they feel both guilty about having these privileges and motivated to use them
for good which has been recognized as a potential effect of guilt in previous research (Dull et
al 20211081-84) However acknowledging this epistemic hierarchy is not an automatic
renouncing of privilege but can instead reinforce racist structures by assuming the assigned
value of White knowledge is higher and thus seeing the role of White allies as more important
than that of Black people in fighting racism (see Collins 1009)
31
The second aspect of White privilege in antiracist activism is as recognized by the interviewees
the fact that the costs of engaging are much lower for White people than they are for Black
simply because one does not risk facing racism as a response to speaking up (Drury amp Kaiser
2014642) For example Sam says they saw their ability to participate in the demonstration as
a privilege ndash not everyone can be sure to get home safe if they choose to attend a demo due to
the potential threat of police harassment or counter-protestors These costs are further lowered
by the fact that most ally work is done online Sara for example says that it enables her to
ldquotake the fightrdquo without ending up in situations too uncomfortable or even dangerous
Essentially the privilege of being listened to and the lower cost of speaking up for White allies
motivates specific responsibilities assigned to ally work but it also risks reproducing racist
hierarchies by assigning White knowledge higher value The remainder of the analysis will
focus on how these responsibilities are put into practice and what may limit the allies in their
attempts to do ally work
51 Balancing ally work
Related to the second research question is to what extent the allies feel like they are entitled to
act in the movement and this following section aims to show what different aspects affect this
perception Based on the ideas about privilege and responsibility the difficulties in balancing
different strategies of ally work will now be analyzed Although it may seem self-explanatory
what allies should do based on the previous section ndash use their privilege to raise their voices
against racist discrimination ndash the experiences of the interviewed allies shows that it is more
complicated than at first glance They must balance different strategies which can be defined
as following
A Listen but do not exploit
B Help but do not hijack
C Step down but do not become paralyzed
These three points represent how different ally assignments presented by the interviewees are
at some point met with objections or disclaimers There are a multitude of examples in the
interviews but the above-mentioned strategies are the most representative and common For
analytical and stylistic purposes they will be presented in a step-by-step form but they should
not be understood as linear or causal The relationship between these aspects is much more
32
complicated which the analysis aims to demonstrate Before analyzing these three strategies
the concept that serves as an implicit (sometimes explicit) point of departure for most decisions
by the allies should be accounted for namely the concept of interpretation privilege
511 Interpretation privilege
In all interviews there is an assumption about what kind of knowledge is legitimate knowledge
and interpretations based on interpretation privilege (tolkningsfoumlretraumlde in Swedish) 9 of the
11 interviewees explicitly mention the term but the theme is discussed in all interviews This
means that despite their academic degrees years of professional experience in human rights
work or their genuine interest for social justice issues the interviewees recognize how their
lack of lived experience reduces their ability to fully understand the issue of racism The idea
of interpretation privilege is interpreted here as a translation of ideas about situated knowledge
(Collins 1990408) lived experience (Voronka 2016194) and power into everyday political
lingo This idea is expressed continuously throughout the interviews as a part of their political
reasoning and it guides how they relate to their role as allies Katrin explains
It is not the same thing to understand racism by reading about it or by seeing or
hearing about othersrsquo experiences as it is to carry it in the body It will never be
possible for me to understand that
Interpretation privilege then helps allies understand and accept their own inability to fully
comprehend racism and it creates respect towards the testimonies made by people who
experiences racism However knowing that one lacks access to a full understanding also
contributes to self-doubt about the ally role and the work associated with it Caroline who
studies to become a psychologist tells me she has some concerns about being a White
psychologist treating Black patients Her professors claim psychologists do not need to share
the patientsrsquo experiences but Caroline is doubtful
ldquoI as a White person will never be able to fully understand being constantly
vigilant as a Black person in Sweden not knowing what the day will be like to
constantly be exposed to microaggressions and discrimination and even worse
abuse every dayhelliprdquo
Accepting interpretation privilege as the fact that if one is not exposed to racism one will never
know exactly what it feels like is empathetic and sensitive to the lived experience of Black
33
people It means respecting the ways Black people make sense of and deal with their own
experiences of oppression without claiming to know better However for the participants in
this study it often leads them to disregard all kinds of personal opinions thoughts or ideas
about what racism is and what should be done about it simply because they lack lived
experience of racism The participants sometimes struggle to balance their own knowledge
against the opinions and experiences of Black people Caroline again
Itrsquos this thing about interpreting different actions ndash is this a racist action or not
Well thatrsquos not up to me [hellip] And I think that interpretation privilege in general
in social media too that you just donrsquot go in and interpret what is right and wrong
Here the lack of interpretation privilege disqualifies Caroline from even deciding whether she
finds something right or wrong although such judgements are foundational in political thinking
Interpretation privilege also decides the legitimacy of actions according to Sara she argues
that whereas it is the job of White allies to speak up against other Whites the meaning of the
action is not the same as if a Black person would do it Essentially if a White ally wants to
stand up against racism it should be with a disclaimer
I think it is important to be like lsquothis is my understanding of it but I donrsquot have
interpretation privilegersquo just to create some awareness that I donrsquot have any
right to think anything - Emma
Some participants strip themselves of their agency by retreating to the idea that their
perspectives thoughts and ideas do not matter Lisa tells me that she sometimes censors herself
by not posting or sharing certain things because she feels like she has too little knowledge She
also stays out of debates she is interested in because she ldquodoes not feel [she] has the right to say
something or make a statement in these issuesrdquo Another example of how allies renounce their
political agency can be represented by Sara who tells me that when she saw my participant
message she was concerned that I searched for lsquoself-identified alliesrsquo In her perspective the
label lsquoallyrsquo is not something that one can claim independently one must earn it by being
recognized as such by a Black person Zhelnina (2020361) points to the importance of activists
growing independence emotional confidence and autonomy in their political interpretations
for a movement to successfully mobilize and in a discourse where one does not even possess
the right to claim allyship to a political movement this type of independence and confidence
may be difficult to develop
34
Another important aspect is the conflict that arises when people with interpretation privilege
disagree within the group Lucas says he has met Black people who defend the right to use
racial slurs That does not mean he accept this as true and uses these words himself but he
acknowledges that these situations could be problematic The multitude of perspectives to
consider especially considering the global character of the movement and its social media
presence it becomes difficult to decide what to believe in And when those who have been
assigned authority in this case Black people with interpretation privilege it becomes even
harder The reflexive globalized world with endless sources of information with sometimes
contradictory messages makes it hard to navigate (Giddens 1991138) This problem also
relates to what Voronka (2016196) described as essentialist tendencies when using the concept
of lived experience as a criterion for inclusion With social media where almost unlimited
information is always accessible to the individual the effort to develop independent
interpretations becomes unnecessary and in the case of the White allies insensitive
However it should be noted that although the idea of interpretation privilege is present in all
interviews the participants are also aware that other types of knowledge such as skills from
previous experience in social movements or academic judicial or general professional
knowledge is important Many of them say that they do feel confident of the practical abilities
they have built up over many years of activism and civil society work and Alva among others
points to how she would like to take on the role of fixing practical organizational tasks for the
BLM movement if she were to become more involved in the future Thus there is no validity
in claiming that the interviewees lack all sorts of self-esteem in their ally identity and that they
completely disregard other types of knowledge as Lucas says ldquointerpretation privilege is not
everythingrdquo Still statements such as ldquoI donrsquot have any right to think anythingrdquo or rdquoItrsquos this
thing about interpreting actions ndash is this racist or not Well thatrsquos not up to merdquo are common
in the interviews Although many of the participants can be interpreted as having ontological
security in terms of knowing what they are good at they cannot translate this into a practical
consciousness that guides their actions in a natural manner which creates ontological insecurity
and passivity (Giddens 199144) This relates to findings about lack of lived experience as
leading to potential insensitivity to discrimination which the interviewees recognize in
themselves (Drury amp Kaiser 2014369-42) In theories of situated knowledge it is emphasized
how a multitude of perspectives is needed and that subjugated groups do not have natural access
to hidden truths (Haraway 1988583-6 Young 199027) The disregarding of White ally
perspectives due to lack of lived experience is thus not inherent in the theories themselves but
35
rather something that seems to occur along the popularized interpretation of the term as it is
translated into everyday political lingo as interpretation privilege
So in navigating what to do as an ally while being committed to the idea of interpretation
privilege the first strategy for good ally work is formulated listening
512 Listen but do not exploit
So drawing upon the notion of interpretation privilege the appropriate way to consume
information about racial issues and determining what to do is by listening to Black people
Listening itself becomes not only a way to retrieve information and insight but a political
practice that reflects power structures and identity It becomes a way to renounce onersquos owns
privilege and instead assigning the power of being heard to others (see Collins 1990 Haraway
1988 Young 2004) Sam explains
I as a White person will never be able to sit there and decide what is right and
wrong when it comes to Black experiences or just non-White experiences Irsquove got
nothing to say about that I know nothing about it I just donrsquot What I can do is
listen and learn and I need to take the initiative as a student in this subject
Listening and taking a step back represents successful allyship according to Lucas because it
means both getting access to the right information and showing emotional support and respect
for people exposed to racism Listening is a powerful way to use onersquos White privilege
respecting the interpretation privilege of Black people and redirecting some of the privilege
and power associated to onersquos whiteness to Black people which is one of the main assignments
of allies (Brown amp Ostrove 20132211) But apart from being a virtuous alternative strategy
for allies it is also a relatively effortless option compared to other types of activism such as
participating in demonstrations Effective unproblematic and ideologically right a seemingly
perfect strategy to apply as a White ally
However it is not that simple listening is not only an act of rejecting the power associated to
onersquos racial identity but also hauntingly close to exploitation of Black experience according
to the interviewees The problem of freeriding and exploiting or capitalizing on the stories of
subjugated groups has been acknowledged in previous research on allyship (Clark 2019530
Linder amp Johnson 20159) For example Lisa argues that White people should be careful
36
talking about racism as if they could understand it and instead listen to what Black people say
- but at the same time she says it quickly becomes counterproductive
Black Swedes are not supposed to have to educate me about the racism they
experience because in that case what do I really demand from a Black person
Lou has the same idea and she tells me about how she used to ask her Black partner many
lsquodumbrsquo questions but that she realized that this means that she puts the burden of educating her
on him Sara avoids asking her Black friends about how she as a White ally can help because
that puts too much responsibility on those Black friends Amanda tells me she is after having
listened to one of the biggest antiracist podcasts Raseriet afraid of being one of lsquothose White
peoplersquo who demand to be taught about racism from Black people After all they all agree that
racism is a problem White people created and a problem for White people to solve ndash the
responsibility should not land on Black people As Emma says
Itrsquos essentially White peoplersquos problem itrsquos White people who built the structures
we are protesting [hellip] Itrsquos not Black people who are supposed to stand there and
scream their lungs out about Black Lives Matter but itrsquos about White people
needing to get together and saying like lsquonow we have to fix this because we
created itrsquo
So while trying to balance interpretation privilege the participants easily stumble into another
pitfall Listening as ally work increases the risk of becoming a burden on Black people by
depending on them for education explanations and guidance and exploiting their knowledge
and lived experience for self-improvement which also reinforces racist structures Black people
are implicitly seen as political objects rather than subjects inevitably crushed under the pressure
of White questions and demands and in need of White protection The point of allyship is to
make life and activism easier for Black people not the other way around which brings us to
another strategy of allyship to balance helping
513 Help but do not hijack
Based on the idea that listening as political practice can become exploitative and freeriding the
allies land in the conclusion that helping is the main assignment for allies They motivate this
by referring to their own privileges However as this section will show helping as a political
practice is also surrounded by potential problems
37
The idea of helping as ally work relates again to the idea that the costs of confronting racism is
lower for White people than for Black people (Drury amp Kaiser 2014642) as well as the
realization that White people are granted more respect and legitimacy when advocating for
antiracist causes (Arora amp Stout 2019390) Helping consists of claiming co-responsibility of
changing society protecting Black people from painful experiences and deal with the racism
of White people For example if an ally hears someone being racist they must speak up Sara
tries to do so because she does not want to add to any Black personrsquos burden of having to take
every fight themselves Emma argues that it is not Black peoplersquos responsibility to keep the
movement alive and therefore it is important that White people speak up She thinks ldquoit feels
stupid if White people would just sit around and wait for initiatives cause then you donrsquot do
anything goodrdquo If Black people are left alone with total responsibility of changing institutions
and organizations in Loursquos experience that usually puts Black people in situations where the
risk of being exposed to racism is high and without the support system of allies to help
Although all interviewees describe different ways of helping and supporting Black people and
the BLM movement as a main task for allies such statements are often followed by a disclaimer
For example they say ldquoitrsquos this balance that you being White shouldnrsquot go in and take overrdquo
(Emma) and ldquoWe should support we should be there we should recognize and lift the issues
But we should not be the main actorsrdquo (Alva) One of the most common phrases in the
interviews were lsquothat is not my placersquo This reasoning is present regardless of what types of
actions the interviewees talk about both high-level activism in formal organizations or
representing the movement in media and everyday civil courage such as speaking up against
racist comments in the workplace Sara adds to her statement about wanting to speak up to help
Black people saying that she ldquoalso has to leave room for Black people to act and not trying to
be like lsquoI know best now so let me explain racismrsquordquo Amanda shares similar thoughts saying
Itrsquos important that this can be a movement that Black people own themselves and
that itrsquos not something us White people can just barge into and take over Itrsquos a
balancing between goodwill and wanting to help and to not barge in and be like
lsquoThis is what racism isrsquo
Amanda has worked in organizations who educate people in moral courage and antiracism for
a few years and she has much experience in this type of political work But when she is
contacted in her role as an antiracist educator and asked to hold a course in a workplace she
doubts herself She feels that she must lsquowarnrsquo them about her whiteness ldquoI have to start by
38
saying that Irsquom White Irsquoll never be able to talk about racism like a Black person couldrdquo During
spring of 2020 she started to think about her role again she tells me She concluded that ldquothis
is not my place this organization is not my place but I could do activism in other waysrdquo In
most interviews there are similar reasonings for example Bea explains how she is not against
White people organizing against racism but that she
would not be very comfortable doing it or starting an appeal or initiative like
lsquoWhites in support for Black Lives Matterrsquo because thatrsquos nothellip thatrsquos claiming
space and attention
Katrin said that she in her work at an equality foundation had to weigh her wish to do
something against the risk of ldquotaking over a voice that was just starting to build uprdquo and Lou
who works in HR criticizes her own attempts to implement antiracist ideas at her workplace
because she doubts if she has any right to ldquoclaim that we have to work with so-called diversity
issuesrdquo or ldquobe that voice in a White roomrdquo Emma mentions ldquosupporting without taking overrdquo
as the most important aspect of ally work This is an important part of allyship being
supportive standing by Black peoplersquos side acknowledging oppression raising the issues but
without being the protagonists of the movement as Alva explains Lisa agrees she asks herself
rdquoIs this my space to claim I donrsquot know am I supposed to march in the frontline when it comes
to this issue like Irsquom not so sure about thatrdquo In these statements it is implicitly assumed that
if Whites wanted to take over from Black people they easily could (even unconsciously) and
this implies Black people are less resilient as political actors
These arguments are often motivated by their own experiences with men taking space in
feminist movements They think about the way they want men to act and applies the same
reasoning to their own allyship
If this was about feminism and there was a dude telling me this or doing this that
Irsquom talking about now [taking over authorrsquos note] how would I react then [hellip]
I find it odd when female feminists feel like they have to pay tribute to and psyche
up male feminists I donrsquot think male feminists should need that And I feel the
same way about like Black people shouldnrsquot have to care about me at all it may
sound weird but I donrsquot do it for them itrsquos other Whites I want to affect ndash Katrin
Allies often use their own identities and social positions to understand other types of oppression
and although it seems to function as a source of empathy and compassion for the other group
as well as regulating ones ally behavior it is important to acknowledge that lived experience of
39
sexism does not mean inevitable understanding of experiences of racism (Spanierman amp Smith
2017608-10) which the allies mention themselves
This section shows that the strategy of helping is not as straight-forward and easily managed as
first described but instead associated with a big risk lsquoWhat if I take over What does it say
about me if I dordquo They engage in reflexive identity construction without being ontologically
secure eg without having a ldquopractical consciousnessrdquo or ldquonatural attituderdquo that guides how to
act This creates anxiety and fear of doing and thus being wrong (Giddens 199136) All
participants agree that although allies are important in creating change the movement is and
should be a Black space Although they are confident in these believes and dedicated to living
up to these ideals they are still afraid of unintentionally taking over or hijacking the movement
despite their wish to simply help and support the movement from the background To minimize
the risk of being one of those White allies who barges in and takes over the allies make sure to
balance this by taking a step back and leaving room for Black people to lead the way
514 Take a step back but do not become paralyzed
The choice to take a step back following the alliesrsquo reasoning about claiming space and taking
over means that they are more and more evolving toward a state of allyship where few actions
are legitimate and unproblematic This can be interpreted as a sign that the strategies described
previously (listening and helping) are not part of the alliesrsquo practical consciousness and that
engaging in such ally work is experienced as difficult and frightening due to ontological
insecurity This often leads to passivity (Giddens 199144) Taking a step back is described as
lsquoleaving room forrsquo Black people and it consists of listening (which as previous sections of the
analysis show is not seen as entirely unproblematic) and sharing the perspectives of Black
people for example in social media but without claiming a frontline position in the movement
These are two strategies that reduces the influence of White voices on the antiracist discourse
Taking a step back and leaving room for Black people is a way to denounce the privilege of
being listened to (Arora amp Stout 2019294-5) and reducing the power gap between dominant
and subjugated groups in terms of knowledge production (Collins 1990408)
However the interviewees testify to how the strategy to take a step back is often (but not
always) a shortcut to passivity Katrin who works in an equality foundation dealing with issues
of sexism and racism tells me what happened in her organization when choosing the take-a-
step-back approach by sharing articles Instagram posts and other materials created by Black
40
people and thus engaging in amplification of Black voices (Clark 2019528-31) They were
later criticized for ldquonot doing more not talking about it more screaming more sharing
morehelliprdquo They tried to do the right thing but failed Katrin wonders if they should have done
something of their own something bigger while also acknowledging how it would be
problematic of them to claim the spotlight
The allies worry about their own tendencies to become passive because of trying to navigate
among the different strategies Katrin explains this mechanism as a process where learning
about privilege and power creates an insight of onersquos own role in this power structure
ldquoYou realize that lsquoI have power I have responsibility and I do not have
interpretation privilegersquo and that makes you so scared to do anything wrong that
you end up doing nothing at allrdquo
She describes the insights as ldquoparalyzingrdquo and this experience is shared by more of the
interviewees and found in previous research (Brown amp Ostrove 20132220) Emma says that
it is a complex question that she thinks about a lot and that she has not yet landed in any
conclusions about what she should be doing as an ally but she knows that she must avoid
becoming paralyzed However it could be reflexivity itself that leads to such passivity
(Giddens 199144) Political background does not affect this mechanism as it is observed in
those with no prior experience as well as those with years of activism In some ways having
more prior experience can even make it harder to navigate the ally role because the roles
previously taken are no longer open to you as White Alva explains
Irsquom so used to being in the front and in the middle and being in the back is not
really like how I have been engaged before Irsquom not really used to it and to have
my role defined as being in the backseat in the back of the bus as Whitehellip [hellip] I
havenrsquot done that before And Irsquove struggled to find my role ndash what can I do
Cause I feel my hands are tied behind my back a little I would love to do more but
at the same time my interest cannot decide what the main issue should be Itrsquos all
about knowing your role and your place and being very sensitive to when people
tell you to back away or step up
At the end of each interview they were asked What would you like to see for the movement in
the future I got many analytical answers but some responded by saying like Alva ldquoItrsquos hard
for me to answer because Irsquom White I donrsquot know what needs to be focused on right now and
Irsquom not the right person to askrdquo Lisa says rdquoI donrsquot feel I have the right to speak on this or like
41
debate this issuerdquo Amanda does not answer the question either and refers to how it would be
inappropriate for her to try to decide what the movement should be about Interestingly she
notices how this perspective is only present in her relation to antiracism as she has worked for
LGBTQ-rights for years despite identifying as straight She cannot point out what is different
when it comes to antiracism but she feels there is a difference The uncertainty of knowing
what to do risks leading to passivity
ldquoItrsquos like Irsquove come tohellip Not a stop but a landmark and itrsquos like I canrsquot get
further than that because I donrsquot know what to do Irsquom sure there are things I
could do and a role for me to take on but I canrsquot find it right nowrdquo - Alva
Again the interviewees are aware of the paralyzing effect of their strategies and Lou claims
that she knows that she is overthinking it
When I discuss this with people who are exposed to racism I sometimes get the
feeling that theyrsquore like lsquowe donrsquot care who does it somebody just do itrsquo There
is a need for antiracist work to be done [hellip] So I think that itrsquos easy to fall into
some kind of paralyzed state that doesnrsquot help anybody
The assumption of passivity among contemporary activists can be considered mainstream in
the social movement field Youths of Western democracies are less engaged in any kind of
traditional political involvement such as voting political party membership or other
associational activities (Amnaring amp Ekman 20136) Often this decline in political activity is
attributed to the growing prevalence of digital methods instead of more traditional physical
methods because it gives people an undeserved sense of accomplishment (Skoric 201277) and
a false idea of what activism is efficient (Morozov 200913) Although the majority of the
intervieweesrsquo activism consisted of digital participation and digital participation only it would
be unfair to claim that it is out of a sense of undeserving feeling of accomplishment that they
stopped at digital methods Quite opposite to the conclusions made by Skoric and Morozov of
the self-absorbed slacktivist the interviewees are far from happy with their contributions to the
movement Digital activism is associated with laziness slack and performative allyship by the
interviewees and they usually do not value digital activism as high as physical engagement
For example Lisa says she feels a bit ashamed of being more of a ldquokeyboard activist than a real
activistrdquo and Amanda shares similar thoughts about her own participation
42
When I posted the image I felt like lsquoIrsquom so fucking lame for doing only thisrsquo
[laughs] I didnrsquot really think of it as an activist action because it was so easy
Thus the emotional experience relates to feeling ashamed which under specific circumstances
and motivate action ndash but often it leads to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina
2020361) When Emma describes how accessible online activism is she presents a scenario
where someone can ldquosit at home in the couch and watch a movie and at the same time just log
into social media and protestrdquo Bea even laughs while telling me that she ldquothinks she shared a
black square on Instagram like everyone elserdquo Accessibility is not an indicator of democratic
or inclusive value but quality and it seems like the easier it is the lower it is valued by the
allies Comparing to the study by Russo (2014) where the allies put themselves through
physical challenges to demonstrate their allyship the digital form of ally work is interpreted as
a lower form of activism and is surrounded by feelings of inadequacy and shame Although the
reasons for why many of them stopped at digital activism varies none of them did it out of
satisfaction or laziness In the cases where physical limitations the pandemic or lack of protests
in onersquos hometown was not the reason it was rooted in an insecurity about what to do as an
ally Digital methods were perceived as a safer option in a context where almost all other types
of White participation are criticized and the potential pain of being called out as a bad ally is
perceived to be lower in the digital realm than it would be in other contexts
As this section shows the allies handle the potential risk of hijacking the movement by taking
a step back to leave room for Black people to define shape and ultimately run the movement
themselves However this strategy creates its own problems there is an imminent risk of
becoming passive So when listening does not work because of the risk of freeriding and
exploiting Black experiences and actively helping to relieve Black people of the burden to
overthrow systemic racism is deemed inappropriate because it includes a risk of hijacking the
movement and stepping back is ruled out because it leads to passivity ndash what remains
515 Do good but not for the wrong reasons Introspection
In line with previous research and theory introspection of different kinds is often discussed as
an important ally assignment (Drury amp Kaiser 2014638 Kauffman 200124 29-32) Without
introspection the quality of allyship risks becoming deficient because without being aware of
onersquos privilege as well as guilt allyship easily slips into paternalistic behavior (Cole
20201267 Spanierman amp Smith 609-10) Introspection is described in terms of ldquochecking
43
myselfrdquo (Sam) ldquotake a step back and acknowledge that I am part of a racist systemrdquo (Lisa) and
being ldquohumble to the fact that you are part the structurerdquo (Caroline) All interviewees express
the idea that one cannot be a good ally or contribute to positive change without first having
engaged in introspection in different ways
I think one of the most important things is to understand your own whiteness It
sounds kind of ego and self-centered but I think that you canrsquot be an ally
otherwise ever if you donrsquot see your own privilege [hellip] Otherwise you end up
balancing the line between racism and antiracism and that line is thinner than
you think - Lou
This imagined thin line between antiracism and racism concerns many interviewees Lisa
Lucas and Emma also see the risk of falling into racist behavior as big and that they must start
by recognizing this risk to avoid it Amanda says that she knows that she eventually will do
something racist but that she tries not to fear it because ldquoself-criticism can create fear often
therersquos a fear of saying or doing the wrong thing which makes people afraid to be alliedrdquo which
creates passivity Sam calls self-reflection and rdquochecking themselvesrdquo their most important job
and claims that if their aim was to destroy racism that would indicate that they thought of
themselves as bias-free which they are not Lucas also recognizes his own prejudice and says
it is part of his ally work to try to diminish these biases The potential for racist behavior is both
ascribed to being raised in a racist system and to White identity Amanda attributes her future
racist actions to her whiteness explicitly and Caroline argues that all White people are capable
of racist actions regardless of intent lsquowokenessrsquo and knowledge and she knows that she will
at some point act racist despite her devotion to antiracism and her love for her Black partner
All these considerations are part of the reflexive process that is self-identity constantly
scrutinizing oneself and navigating around different actions to act in line with self-identity
(Giddens 199175) When the stakes are as high as they are for White allies ndash they risk acting
and thus being racist if they do not engage in enough introspection The room for action
becomes further limited
In relation to the digital realm where most ally work took place introspection also becomes
about motivations The main concern for the interviewees was whether or not they should use
their social media platforms for ally work at all since digital methods are sometimes frowned
upon for being shallow and too simple Despite this all of them did some type of digital ally
work When I asked those who shared the black square on Instagram why some of them
44
laughed and said that they did not know or could not explain it They mention motivations such
as fitting in
In a way it was like everyone on my Instagram did it and it became like a peer
pressure thing like rsquowhy didnrsquot she share itrsquo or rsquowhy didnrsquot he hare itrsquo you
know ndash Emma
Besides peer pressure the desire to lsquofeel goodrsquo was also reflected upon Many acknowledge
that this desire existed but they did not approve of it as a motive for action Caroline explains
that although it is good to show others where you stand it does not say much about who you
are in the everyday life and the act of posting on social media instead become about seeming
or feeling good The thing they worry about is whether them showing support for the BLM
movement was intended to help the movement or to make themselves look better ndash sometimes
called cosmetic activism (Spanierman amp Smith 2017609-10) or more often among the
participants performative allyship Lou who regularly shares information opinions petitions
and hashtags in her social media says that she worries about her allyship being performative
because she knows most of her followers already shares her opinions Thus her sharing yet
another Instagram post about how racism is wrong could possibly be to ldquoshow off and make
myself feel a little betterrdquo She is careful to stop and reflect upon her actions and intentions and
ask herself lsquowhy did I do this What was my purposersquo Bea shares the same concerns
describing online activism as potentially about ldquostrengthening your personal brandrdquo and
ldquomarketing yourselfrdquo ndash although she does not identify with these motives she feels like there
is always a risk of falling into performative allyship in social media Posting on social media is
also described as a way to claim an antiracist alibi as Bea explains
One way to avoid this is to actively choose not to share with others the activism they engage in
like Sam who calls it unlearning performative allyship Instead of risking acting in the wrong
way and for the wrong reasons they turn to strategic passivism However the unintended result
of this is that one of the main advantages of allies in social movements (that they can use their
voices and platforms to amplify Black voices) goes missing if social media posts are no longer
considered legitimate allyship (Arora amp Stout 2019390 Bhattacharyya et al 202012 Clark
2019528-31)
Introspection is not only a way to secure high-quality allyship but to reduce the risk of doing
something racist and thus being racist Identity is constructed biographically through action
and if the actions does not align with the sense of self-identity this incoherence leads to
45
ontological insecurity in terms of the self meaning one starts to doubt onersquos own motives
(Giddens 199152-54) Seeing onersquos own whiteness as a guarantee of future racist behavior
and knowing how such behavior would clash with the sense of self allies do best in trying to
avoid racist action by all means available Thus acting becomes a risk in itself and this could
be interpreted as ally work becoming unintuitive and unnatural to the allies both at a practical
level determining what to do and at a more discursive level shaping who to be Although
ontological security is defined as practical consciousness it applies to less hands-on orientation
in the world too for example finding onersquos role and identity in a social movement The way to
move forward after recognizing all possible ways one may act wrong is to engage in strategic
passivism apolitical introspection as a political strategy (Kauffman 200124 29-32 Giddens
199144) It is not equivalent to passivity because it includes a strategic choice and it is built
on ally work but ally work that is aimed inwards It becomes a way to be active without acting
in a context where other people may get hurt or judge you
Allies must also make sure not only to act coherently and right but to have pure intentions
being an ally for the sake of recognition or personal gratification is not accepted However
research shows that such extrinsic motivations are especially important in motivating digital
participation (Lilleker amp Koc-Michalska 201725 34-25) and that feelings of shame and guilt
can lead to passivity (Dull et al 20211081-84 Zhelnina 2020361) These two conditions
(ideas of inherent racism and requirements of pure motives) related to introspection does not
create an environment where being active is very appealing Lou admits how acknowledging
the thin line between antiracism and racism leaves her paralyzed instead of motivated
Introspection on the other hand requires no interaction with other people and thus no risk of
being evaluated judged or called out as a bad ally
As the analysis demonstrates the allies recognize there are many different ways they could
engage ndash but all of them are eventually met with disclaimers of how that specific strategy is
inappropriate They try to navigate their own identity and privilege in relation to interpretation
privilege based on theories of situated knowledge but because they lack ontological security
in their ally role they struggle to find a path that is neither inappropriate nor associated with
too much risk Eventually they land in what could be referred to as passivism strategic
passivity as a form of activism
46
6 Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was to better understand how the ally role and participation is
experienced by White allies participating in the Swedish BLM movement and to investigate to
what extent they felt that they had legitimacy as political agents in the movement As the results
show the allies felt strongly for the cause and had many positive experiences of community
and purpose However emotions related to shame guilt and insecurity were also an integral
part of their ally experience and it limited them in their ally work The analysis also shows that
while they are willing and motivated to act as allies the strategies available to them are
surrounded by disclaimers doubt and criticism Few potential actions or approaches are left
unproblematized and the allies often struggle to find their specific path The analysis
emphasizes the link between academic theories of situated knowledge and what can be seen as
a translated popularized version of the term formulated in the political discourse as
interpretation privilege The contribution of Giddensrsquo theories is that the concepts of reflexivity
and ontological security describes the reason for the hesitation the allies engage in whereas the
concept of situated knowledge describes on what basis they hesitate modernity explains why
they worry and situated knowledge what they worry about
Although the analysis shows a pattern that seems to link ideas of interpretation privilege with
passivism among allies the conclusion should not be that acknowledging the importance of
situated knowledge and recognizing the power intertwined with the knowledge creation and
validation process is unnecessary or harmful The theories of situated knowledge standpoint
theory and Black feminist epistemology are important contributions to the sociology of
knowledge and crucial reminders of the power embedded in knowledge However of interest
to political sociology scholars could be the translation of academic concepts into everyday
political lingo and what effects it may have on how people think about politics agency and
identity It is also important to point out that the statements by the interviewees do not reflect
the concept of interpretation privilege in itself but only their interpretation of it Therefore one
could never claim that the concept in itself limits or motivates anything only the way it is
interpreted
Many parts of the results need further investigation One is the implication of guilt if allies are
so limited in this movement whose fault is it It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the fault
belongs to the movement itself and its participants that activists and allies specifically create
47
an environment where action is limited and surrounded by doubt and insecurity This is not the
conclusion of the study Black people or specifically Black movement participants are not to
blame for a culture created by all participants of the movement and this culture or discourse
should be treated as such a larger collective process or frame that is affected by and affecting
all movement participants and the social context it is constructed in It is power on the discursive
level and beyond the reach of any specific grouprsquos aims to control it The experiences and
emotions of the allies should be treated as manifestations of a larger socio-political context
(Buechler 1995458) which could be the focus of future research
Another important aspect to discuss is the implications of quality of the participants allyship
Much research on the passivity of modern activists for example texts on slacktivism (see
Skoric 2012) have a contemptuous tone while discussing how little activists do and how good
they feel about themselves I refrain from evaluating the quality of the actual activism
performed by the allies and from explaining their digitally dominated activism with slacktivism
Instead of seeing contemporary passivism as a potential problem of bad activists one must
focus on the cultural structural and discursive processes enabling this specific kind of activism
instead of other more traditional and acknowledged types of activism Something in the
political climate digital activism identity political social movements or something completely
different limits those who wish to support the movement as allies in their action repertoires
One interesting finding is the consistency in the way the participants describe their involvement
and the issues they thought about Looking at prior experience and their doubts and concerns
about current and future activism there seems to be no link between being unexperienced or
so to say a lsquorookiersquo activist and feeling insecure about what to do as an ally The same problem
was present for people working with equality issues for a living having academic degrees in
the field and well as those without similar professional and academic competences Thus it is
unlikely to be out of inexperience or lack of knowledge that allies sometimes turn to passivism
It is also important to note that while this analysis turned out to be about tendencies of
passivism the interviewed allies were in fact not passive They all engaged in different ally
work digitally and physically sharing information online participating in demonstrations and
trying to incorporate antiracism in their everyday lives and encounters The idea of passivism
applies to their own reasoning and thinking about their allyship more than it does to their
performed ally work Passivism describes their strategic use of introspection which resembles
being passive from out outside perspective but includes much effort in scrutinizing oneself and
trying to become a better ally something that the interviewees are very focused on
48
The main contribution of this study is its representation of the ally perspective something that
is not well researched in the Swedish context It contributes with an insight into the political
arguments of a contemporary social movement characterized by identity-focus and digital
methods Potential contributions could also relate to the questions what would be needed for
allyship to become effective motivating and less associated with introspection and passivism
questions to which the answers must be found in larger contexts than that of these 11 alliesrsquo
testimonies In order to say more about how contemporary allyship is constructed experienced
and given meaning a triangulation of different methods and data sources would be required
along with a bigger sample
The study raised more questioned than it answered which indicates the importance and
relevance of further studies For example the theoretical coherence between the academic
concept of situated knowledge and the more casual term interpretation privilege would need to
be further explored as this study is only a rather shallow review of the concepts Studying the
larger political development and the discourse on activism or racism could also help
constructing a more developed understanding of what it really means to be an ally in the local
context of 21st century Sweden while simultaneously being part of a global network of activists
The implications of these results could be that while allyship is considered important both for
social movements at large (see Brown amp Ostrove 2013 Arora amp Stout 2019 Clark 2019) and
for the individual allies themselves it is also problematized by the interviewees in line with the
problems presented in previous research Applying these results to White allyship there are
things that would need to change in order for the allies to feel secure enough to find the
motivation to participate in the way they all claim they would want to but have not found the
time motivation or feeling of legitimacy to do For ally work to be a force to be reckoned with
in the antiracist struggle preconditions for action beyond introspection and strategic passivism
must be further developed Relating back to Butler the risk is otherwise that
If white people become exclusively preoccupied with our own privilege we risk
becoming self-absorbed We definitely donrsquot need more white people making
everything about themselves that just re-centralizes whiteness and refuses to do
the work of anti-racism (Gleeson 2021)
49
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movement Social Movement Studies 16(4) 227-465 httpsdoi1010801474283720161192457
American Psychological Association (2019) Racial and ethnic identity httpapastyleapaorgstyle-grammar-
guidelinesbias-free-languageracial-ethnic-minorities
Amnaring E amp Ekman J (2013) Standby citizens diverse faces of political passivity European Political Science 1-21
httpsdoi101017S175577391300009X
Andersson P (2021) Bokrecension Vit skoumlrhet vaumllbehoumlvlig i svensk rasismdebatt SVT Nyheter Downloaded 2021-09-29
from httpswwwsvtsekulturbokrecension-vit-skorhet-skickar-meningsfulla-impulser-in-i-den-svenska-debatten
Arora M amp Stout CT (2018) Letters for Black Lives Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter
Movement Political Research Quarterly 72(2) 389-402 httpsdoiorg1011772F1065912918793222
Arribas Lozano A (2018) Knowledge co-production with social movement networks Redefining grassroots politics
rethinking research Social Movement Studies 17(4) 451-463 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181457521
Barassi V amp Zamponi L (2020) Social media time identity narratives and the construction of political biographies Social
Movement Studies 195-6 592-608 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720201718489
Bauman Z (2001) Liquid Modernity Cambridge Polity Press
Bhattacharyya G Virdee S amp Winter A (2020) Revisiting histories of anti-racist thought and activism Identities 27(1)
1-19 httpsdoiorg1010801070289X20191647686
Belam M (2021) Black Lives Matter movement nominated for Nobel peace prize The Guardian 2021-01-29
httpswwwtheguardiancomworld2021jan29Black-lives-matter-nobel-peace-prize-petter-eide-norweigan-mp
(Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Bernstein M (2005) Identity Politics Annual Review of Sociology 31(1) 47-74
httpsdoiorg101146annurevsoc29010202100054
Brown K T amp Ostrove J M (2013) What does it mean to be an ally The perception of allies from the perspective of
people of color Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(11) 2211ndash2222 httpsdoiorg101111jasp12172
Braring (2018) Sjaumllvrapporterad utsatthet foumlr hatbrott Analys utifraringn Nationella trygghetsundersoumlkningen 2006ndash2017 Rapport
201810 Downloaded 2021-03-05 at
httpswwwbrasedownload187f57ba351641b9cdc3d1e0b515344265455312018_10_Sjalvrapporterad_utsatthet_for_
hatbrottpdf
Buechler SM (1995) NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORIES Sociological Quarterly 36 441-464
httpsdoiorg101111j1533-85251995tb00447x
Bursell M (2014) The Multiple Burdens of Foreign-Named MenmdashEvidence from a Field Experiment on Gendered Ethnic
Hiring Discrimination in Sweden European Sociological Review 30(3) 399ndash409 httpsdoiorg101093esrjcu047
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2020 Global Protest Tracker Downloaded 2020-12-16 at
httpscarnegieendowmentorgpublicationsinteractiveprotest-trackergclid=CjwKCAiA_eb-
BRB2EiwAGBnXXve4_M0rNWlgU0_MmYUuIg6ThabxkIbk_kQhlB7O_542emIVDHX1HRoCCFsQAvD_BwE
Clark M (2019) White folksrsquo work digital allyship praxis in the BlackLivesMatter movement Social Movement Studies
18(5) 519-534 httpsdoiorg1010801474283720191603104
Clayton DM (2018) Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement A Comparative Analysis of Two Social
Movements in the United States Journal of Black Studies 40(5)448-480
httpsdoiorg1011772F0021934718764099
Cole G (2020) Types of White Identification and Attitudes About Black Lives Matter Social Science Quarterly
101(4)1627-1633) httpsdoiorg101111ssqu12837
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Epistemology In Calhoun C J Gerteis J Moody S Pfaff amp I Virk (Ed) (2012)
Contemporary Sociological Theory 3rd Ed Chichester Wiley-Blackwell
Craddock E (2019) Doing rsquoenoughrsquo of the lsquorightrsquo thing the gendered dimension of the lsquoideal activistrsquo and its negative
emotional consequencesrdquo Social Movement Studies 18(2)137-153) httpsdoiorg1010801474283720181555457
Creswell JW amp Poth CN (2017) Qualitative inquiry and research design choosing among five approaches (Fourth
edition) Los Angeles Sage Publications
Diani M (1992) The Concept of Social Movement The Sociological Review 40(1)1-25 httpsdoiorg1011112Fj1467-
954X1992tb02943x
Drury B amp C Kaiser (2014) Allies against Sexism The Role of Men in Confronting Sexism Journal of Social Issues
70(4)637-652 httpsdoiorg101111josi12083
Dull BD Hoyt LT Grzanka PR amp Zeider KH (2021) Can White Guilt Motivate Action The Role of Civic Beliefs
Journal of Youth and Adolescence 50 1081ndash1097 (2021) httpsdoiorg101007s10964-021-01401-7
Earl J (2014) The Future of Social Movement Organizations The Waning Dominance of SMOs Online American
Behavioral Scientist 5935-52 httpsdoiorg1011772F0002764214540507
Garrett RK (2006) Protest in an Information Society a review of literature on social movements and new ICTs
Information Communication amp Society 9(2) 202-224 httpsdoiorg10108013691180600630773
Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity Self and society in the late modern age Stanford University Press
Gleeson J (2021) Judith Butler lsquoWe need to rethink the category of womanrsquo The Guardian 2021-09-07 (Accessed 20201-
09-14 at httpswwwtheguardiancomlifeandstyle2021sep07judith-butler-interview-gender)
50
Haraway D (1988) Situated Knowledges The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective
Feminist Studies 14(3) 575ndash599 httpsdoiorg1023073178066
Harris A Wyn J amp Younes S (2010) Beyond apathetic or activist youth lsquoOrdinaryrsquo young people and contemporary
forms of participation YOUNG 18(1)9ndash32 httpsdoiorg1011772F110330880901800103
Heldman C (2017) Protest Politics in the Marketplace Consumer Activism in the Corporate Age Ithaca Cornell University
Hibomo A (2019) Foumlrfattaren Reni Eddo-Lodge vill aumlndra paring hur vi pratar om rasism SVT Nyheter Downloaded (2021-09-
29) httpswwwsvtsekulturforfattaren-reni-eddo-lodge
Howlett M (2021) Looking at the lsquofieldrsquo through a Zoom lens Methodological reflections on conducting online research
during a global pandemic Qualitative Research httpsdoiorg1011771468794120985691
Jaumlmte J Kelekay J Schclarek Mulinari L och Sohl L (2020) rdquoSamhaumlllsvetenskapliga perspektiv paring Black Lives Matterrdquo
Sociologisk Forskning 57(3ndash4) s 363ndash379 httpdoiorg1037062sf5722320
Kauffman LA (2001) The Anti-Politics of Identity In Ryan B (Ed) Identity politics in the womenrsquos movement (2001)
New York NUY Press Ebook
Li P H Cho Y Qin amp A Chen (2020) MeToo as a Connective Movement Examining the Frames Adopted in the Anti-
Sexual Harassment Movement in China Social Science Computer Review 1-10
httpsdoiorg1011772F0894439320956790
Lilleker DG amp K Koc-Michalska (2017) What Drives Political Participation Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital
Age Political Communication 341 21-43 httpsdoiorg1010801058460920161225235
Lin Z amp L Yang (2019) Individual and collective empowerment Womenrsquos voices in the MeToo movement in China
Asian Journal of Womenrsquos Studies 25(1)117-131 httpsdoiorg1010801225927620191573002
Linder C amp RC Johnson (2015) Exploring the Complexities of Men as Allies in Feminist Movements Journal of Critical
Thought and Praxis 4(1) httpsdoiorg1031274jctp-180810-37
Lindstroumlm M Sundquist J Oumlstergren P (2001) Ethnic differences in self reported health in Malmouml in southern Sweden
Journal of Epidemiology amp Community Health 20015597-103 httpsdoiorg101136jech55297
Lynch M (2000) Against Reflexivity as an Academic Virtue and Source of Privileged Knowledge Theory Culture and
Society 17(3)26-54 httpsdoiorg1011772F02632760022051202
McAdam D (1983) Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency American Sociological Review 48(6) 735-754
httpsdoiorg1023072095322
McCarthy J amp M Zald (1977) Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory American Journal of
Sociology 82(6) 1212- 1241 httpwwwjstororgstable2777934
Monckton P (2020) This Is Why Millions Of People Are Posting Black Squares On Instagram Forbes Magazine
(Downloaded 2020-12-16 at httpswwwforbescomsitespaulmonckton20200602Blackout-tuesday-instagram-Black-
squares-Blackouttuesday-theshowmustbepausedsh=6dbf96b32794
Morozov E (2009) Iran Downside to the Twitter Revolution Dissent 56(4) 10-14 httpsdoiorg101353dss00092
Moustakas C (1994) Phenomenological research methods E-book Thousand Oaks CA SAGE Publications
httpswwwdoiorg1041359781412995658
Palmefonden (2021) Olof Palmepriset 2020 till Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation
httpswwwpalmefondense2020-Black-lives-matter-global-network-foundation-2 (Downloaded 2021-06-16)
Russo C (2014) Allies Forging Collective Identity Embodiment and Emotions on the Migrant Trail Mobilization An
International Quarterly 19(1)57-82 httpsdoiorg1017813maiq191e541814nt57q31t0
Rydberg J amp H Wedin (2020) Black lives matter-manifestation samlade tusentals i Stockholm SVT Nyheter 2020-06-03
httpswwwsvtsenyheterlokaltstockholmpolisen-upploser-manifestation-pa-sergels-torg (Downloaded 2020-12-11)
Schierup C-U amp Aringlund A (2011) lsquoThe end of Swedish exceptionalism Citizenship neoliberalism and the politics of
exclusionrsquo Race amp Class 53(1)45ndash64 httpsdoiorg1011770306396811406780
Skoric Marko M ldquoWhat Is Slack About Slacktivismrdquo (2012) 77-88 Rpt in Methodological and Conceptual Issues in
Cyber-Activism Research By Inter-Asia Roundtable 2012 Web 26 Feb 2016
Snow D E Burke Rochford S Warden amp R Benford (1986) Frame Alignment Processes Micromobilization and
Movement Participation American Sociological Review 51(4) 464-481 httpswwwjstororgstable2095581
Spanierman L amp L Smith (2017) Roles and Responsibilities of White Allies Implications for Research Teaching and
Practice The Counseling Psychologist 45(5)606-617 httpsdoiorg1011772F0011000017717712
Timmermans S amp Tavory I (2012) Theory construction in qualitative research From grounded theory to abductive
analysis Sociological theory 30(3) 167-186 httpsdoiorg1011772F0735275112457914
Touraine A (1987) Social Movements Participation and Protest Scandinavian Political Studies 10(3)207-222
Turner D W (2010) Qualitative Interview Design A Practical Guide for Novice Investigators The Qualitative Report
15(3) 754-760 httpsdoiorg10467432160-371520101178
Voronka J (2016) The Politics of lsquopeople with lived experiencersquo Experiential Authority and the Risks of Strategic
Essentialism Philosophy Psychiatry amp Psychology 23(3) 189-201 httpdoiorg101353ppp20160017
Vetenskapsraringdet (2017) God forskningssed [Electronic resource] Stockholm Vetenskapsraringdet Downloaded at
httpswwwvrseanalysrapportervara-rapporter2017-08-29-god-forskningssedhtml
Wolgast S I Molina amp M Gardell (2018) Antisvart rasism och diskriminering paring arbetsmarknaden Laumlnsstyrelsen
Retrieved 2021-04-15 from
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Zhelnina A (2020) The Apathy Syndrome How We Are Trained Not to Care about Politics Social Problems 67358ndash378
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