“not enough hours, our accountant tells me”: trends in children's, women's and...
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'Not Enough Hours, Our Accountant Tell8 Me':
T r d s in Children's, h e n ' s ad Ikn'r Imlvgant
In Canadian Agriculture
Pvasla Smith*
Introduction Employment ra tes w i t h i n Canadian pr imary a g r i c u l t u r e have dec l ined
dramat ica l l y . Despite the subs tan t ia l decrease i n the number o f men em- ployed i n t h i s sector, the involvement o f women has increased. There have also been s t r i k i n g s h i f t s i n the types o f employment, as expressed by the terms unpaid, pa id and self-employed. Both developments have led t o a v a r i e t y o f explanat ions and, occas iona l l y , p red ic t ions .
Some suggest t ha t the r a t e o f s u b s t i t u t i o n o f pa id f o r unpaid labor imp l ies the imninent demise o f the fami ly farm. Less dramatic but, per- haps, more cyn ica l i n te rp re ta t i ons o f the s h i f t s from unpaid t o paid l a - bor and the increase i n the employment o f wmen are tha t these r e f l e c t accountants' exhortat ions t o take advantage o f taxa t ion regu la t i on changes or o f employment subsidy programs. Others, argue tha t both changes represent fundamental a t t i t u d i n a l changes among both female and male members o f farm fami l i es . From t h i s perspective, these develop- ments represent "nothing" more tha-n changing opinions about the employ- ment o f women, t h e i r pension r i g h t s and the need t o recognize t h e i r con- t r i b u t i o n t o the farm enterpr ise . i n the event o f d ivorce or i n other p roper ty sett lements.
Determining whether some or a l l o f these explanations are accurate i s beyond the scope o f t h i s paper. Quan t i f y i ng the amount and type o f l a - bor cont r ibu ted by i t s members t o one o f the " labor markets" i n Canadian
* Sample Survey & Data Bank Unit , Un ive rs i t y o f Regina
With u n f a i l i n g pat ience and co-operation, Brenda Clarke, Cathy Cromey, Bernard Houle and Ray Bollrnan, Ag r i cu l tu re S t a t i s t i c s D iv is ion : and Pat Grainger. Census Labour Force A c t i v i t y Analyst, S t a t i s t i c s Canada ass is ted i n the preparat ion o f tab- u l a t i o n s reported i n t h i s paper.
Donna Holmlund i s a l so thanked f o r her e f f o r t s t o produce decent typed copy under considerable pressure. F i nanc i a 1 support from the Un ive rs i t y o f Regina Pres ident ' s Fund and. thereby, SSHRC i s g r a t e f u l l y acknowledged.
I am a lso g r a t e f u l t o Lee Chalmers, David Freshwater and Hike Tran t f o r t h e i r comments. Omissions and ana ly t i ca l o r i n t e r - p r e t i v e e r ro rs are s o l e l y the au thor 's respons ib i l i t y , however.
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a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion--" the fam i l y farm"--is one o f i t s purposes, hwever . Consistent w i t h the work of those who argue t h a t t rends i n Canada's occupational s t r u c t u r e should not be t rea ted as sex-neutral, another purpose i s t o examine trends i n a g r i c u l t u r a l employment f o r both men and women. To consider c la ims t h a t cu r ren t da ta c o l l e c t i o n tech- niques underestimate the ex ten t o f wunen's involvement i s another. Re- cent f i nd ings o f o thers a r e discussed. A b r i e f l i s t i n g of some major questions r e q u i r i n g f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n concludes t h i s attempt t o en- courage f u r t h e r research.
Est imat ing the types and amount o f male and female labor involved d i - r e c t l y o r i n support o f Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y on fami ly farms, i s d i f f i c u l t . One d i f f i c u l t y i s symbolized by the quo ta t i on pro- v ided i n the t i t l e . The remark i s c red i ted t o a respondent l i v i n g on a mixed farm i n b n i t o b a . Th is was her humorous response t o the standard quest ion used t o c l a s s i f y the labor market p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f i nd i v idua ls : i t r e f l e c t s one range o f explanat ions concerning women's increased in - volvement i n a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion.
Even from the r e s u l t s o f flawed data c o l l e c t i o n techniques. i t i s ev- ident t ha t noteworthy changes i n male and female a g r i c u l t u r a l employment have occurred i n the l a s t th ree decades. These changes may represent changing pa t te rns o f work o r expectat ions o r they may symbolize ana ly t - i c a l and theo re t i ca l confusion. While t h i s paper on ly describes the c o n t r i b u t i o n made by men, women and c h i l d r e n t o Canadian ag r i cu l tu re , i t w i l l be necessary t o understand pa t te rns o f employment and changing ex- pectat ions, i n order t o improve our a n a l y t i c a l a b i l i t y . Before data c o l l e c t i o n techniques are changed o r modif ied, a t t e n t i o n should be de- voted t o a l l th ree tasks.
Sam Preliminary Issues God he lp the cow-less. sou-less, hen-less, w i fe - less farm.
Unc i tab le quote a t t r i b u t e d by G. Church, Economics, U n i v e r s i t y o f Regina. t o a key- note speaker t o Da i ry Convention i n Saskat- chewan, c i r c a . 1920-1923.
Although i t s r e l a t i v e importance diminished between 1964 and 1982. the c o n t r i b u t i o n of primary a g r i c u l t u r e t o Canada's rea l domestic prod- u c t has continued t o be important (Canada 1984b: F igure 3 ) . W i th in t h i s context, the p ropor t i on o f the Canadian labor fo rce employed i n a g r i c u l - t u r e has decl ined s t e a d i l y (Shute 1975: 3: Canada 1984a: Table 13). Nevertheless, expressing the number o f persons employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e on a per farm bas is suggests tha t t he amount of labor requ i red by Cana- d ian farms has remained constant a t 1.4 i n d i v i d u a l s between 1951 and 1981 and tha t on l y a r e l a t i v e l y small decrease from 1.7 t o 1.4 "ag r i cu l - t u r a l i s t s " per farm occurred i n the three decades between 1921-1951 (Bol )man 1985: Table 8).
In a l i t t l e noted table. Connelly repo r t s t h a t women represented 1.7 percent of the Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l labor fo rce i n 1921; 3.9 percent i n
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1951 and 20.9 percent by 1971 (1978: Table 7.3). Between lgZl and 1971, no o ther occupational group had recorded as great a change i n i t s compo- s i t i o n by sex. L i t t l e a t t e n t i o n has been devoted t o t h i s development, by Connelly o r others. Between 1971 and 1981, the percentage of women employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s reported t o have increased a fu r the r .6 per- cent (Grainger 1984: Chart 2).
Women's increasing involvement i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p roduc t ion has n o t gone unnot iced i n other countr ies. I n the Uni ted States, " the number o f women employed so le l y o r p r i n c i p a l l y as farm operators and managers has doubled from 1970 t o 1980" (Kalbacher 1982: 1). Carson repor ts tha t , wh i l e female farmers are estimated t o represent approximately 10 percent o f a l l farmers i n B r i t a i n , " the fa rmer 's w i f e ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the farm business w i l l become s t i l l more s i g n i f i c a n t " (1981: 11). A s i m i l a r t rend a l s o has been reported i n Aus t ra l i a , where the number o f female farmers and farm managers increased th ree fo ld between 1961 and 1976 (Farquharson 1980: Table 4). I t should be noted t h a t Farquharson ques- t i ons whether t h i s i s a " rea l " increase.
There have been no d e t a i l e d analyses o f the con t r i bu t i ons made by wo- men and c h i l d r e n t o Canadian ag r i cu l tu re . Perhaps the quota t ion which introduces t h i s sect ion, w i t h i t s r e l a t i v e order o f p r i o r i t i e s , o f f e r s a p a r t i a l explanation. Even those recent s tud ies which have e x p l i c i t l y examined the issue o f human resources i n or labor inputs t o Canadian ag- r i c u l t u r e i n the regions have tended t o focus on the quest ion o f male labor (Horner 1980: 203) or t o have regarded these as "sexless" (Rust and Stone 1975: 8-10: Ba r i che l l o 1985: 142-143). Elsewhere, i t has been persuasively argued t h a t i t may now be t ime t o cease the f i c t i o n o f a "sex-neutral" pub l i c economy (HacDonald 1984: 1970). Nevertheless, a l - though there have been no de ta i l ed formal analyses o f women's and c h i l - d ren 's employment i n Canadian ag r i cu l tu re . there i s a growing l i t e r a t u r e which seeks t o address t h i s issue. These discussions have e i t h e r lacked empi r i ca l data or have used r e l a t i v e l y small samples o f p rov inc ia l o r sub-provincial populat ions ( fo r example, Hedley 1976; I re land 1983: Kohl 1976: Koski 1982: Hclsaac 1984; Reimer 1983). Despite t h e i r empi r i ca l l i m i t a t i o n s , there i s much which can be learned from these sources.
Th is " s ta te o f the Canadian a r t " has led some organizat ions repre- sent ing farm women t o be c r i t i c a l o f e x i s t i n g data c o l l e c t i o n techniques or instruments, espec ia l l y a t the na t iona l leve l (Globe and H a i l 1983). t o press f o r changes i n them and t o conduct t h e i r own surveys ( fo r exam- p l e , I r e land 1983: Koski 1982). One of the primary goals o f these ac- t i v i t i e s has been t o change perceptions about farm women among farm o r - ganizations, among agencies which serv ice ag r i cu l tu re , and i n the wider economic, lega l and pol i t i c a l spheres (AcGhee, undated).
While the o r i g i n s o f the Canadian d r i v e t o change perceptions about women's involvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e may be several, there i s no doubt tha t a number of wide ly reported matr imonial p roper ty cases dismayed many, i nc lud ing organizat ions represent ing farm wmen ( fo r ekample, Hur- doch v. Hurdoch 1975; Rathweil v. RKthwell 1978; Spencer; Spencer v. Spencer 1983 and Wildman v. Wildman 1983). A growth i n lgga l analyses o f these judgments and the p r i n c i p l e s o f (remedial) cons t ruc t ive t r u s t ,
B
164
common i n t e n t i o n and u n j u s t enrichment p a r a l l e l s the development l i t e r a t u r e about women i n a g r i c u l t u r e . flany o f the cour t decis ions r e - l i e d upon measurements o f con t r i bu t i ons made by the wives. Contr ibu- t i ons have been measured i n ma te r ia l terms but, espec ia l l y where there i s no evidence o f these, a l so i n the form o f labor. Confusions a r i s i n g from these measures have led one c m e n t a t o r . who compared the judgments concerning flurdoch and those w i t h respect t o Rathwell , t o make the f o l - lowing observations:
The op in ion tha t any change i n the law governing matr imonial p roper ty should be i n s t i t u t e d b y the Leg is la tu re was a l s o ex- pressed by the m a j o r i t y o f the Supreme Court i n flurdoch v. flurdoch, supra. The f a c t s o f t h a t case were f a i r l y s i m i l a r t o Rathwell . A farm w i f e sought an i n t e r e s t i n the farm proper- ty, t i t l e t o which her husband h e l d i n h i s name alone. H o w - ever, on the f a c t s o f the case, no i n i t i a l f i n a n c i a l con t r ibu- t i o n could be shown. Therefore, Rrs. Rurdoch had t o r e l y on the i n d i r e c t c o n t r i b u t i o n o f her labor t o e s t a b l i s h a t r u s t . She d i d no t succeed. Rathwell i s , o f course, d i s t i ngu ishab le from Hurdoch i n t h a t f i rs. Rathwell con t r i bu ted f i n a n c i a l l y t o the (down) payment on the land. A common sense view would hard ly regard a c o n t r i b u t i o n o f a mere $700 as being a s i g n i f - i can t d i f f e rence between the two cases. Th is i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n l i g h t o f the present day va lue o f both farms and the subsequent t h i r t y years o f labor con t r i bu ted by bo th wives. Courts, however, have no t always been guided by common sense and i t i s perhaps i n d i c a t i v e o f t he chaot ic s t a t e of matrimo- n i a l property law t h a t such t r i v i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s ca r ry such enormous weight. (Howel 1 1978: 313)
Changes t o matr imonial p roper ty l e g i s l a t i o n have been introduced by some p r o v i n c i a l governments, as a r e s u l t o f the "chaot ic s ta te" o f the law, the inequ i ty of some judgments and subsequent p o l i t i c a l pressure. Det rac tors of these changes have mounted t h e i r own repea lhnod i f i ca t i on campaigns i n Ontar io and Saskatchewan (Leader Post 1983; Star Phoenix 1983) w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t the l e g i s l a t i o n i s again being reconsidered i n some provinces.
A l l of these developments commend the ques t ion o f women's involve- ment - - i t s nature, type and ex ten t - - i n Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e t o our a t ten- t i o n . As noted e a r l i e r , there i s a growing l i t e r a t u r e about t h i s issue. both i n Canada and elsewhere.
What a re the recu r r i ng themes o f t h i s l i t e r a t u r e ? The f i r s t i s t h a t census procedures tend t o e i t h e r underrepresent or no t represent a t a l l the r o l e s o f wmen employed d i r e c t l y i n o r i n support o f primary a g r i - c u l t u r e (Canada 1984~: Boulding 1980; Gasson 1981; Shaver 1980; f o r ex- ample). Two others are tha t , desp i te t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n t con t r i bu t i ons t o on-farm labor, women tend t o underreport t h e i r involvement (Jones and Rosenfeld 1981) or t h a t male farmers underestimate (thereby undervalu- ing) con t r i bu t i ons o f t h e i r wives ( H i l l 1981). (It should be noted t h a t Jones and Rosenfeld found l i t t l e evidence o f t h i s . ) I n f l a t contra- d i c t i o n t o Jones and Rosenfeld. some have proposed t h a t wcinen's invo lve-
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ment may be ove r - repo r ted , as a r e s u l t o f i d i o s y n c r a t i c responses t o a v o i d t a x a t i o n , " s o c i a l change" o r t o q u a l i f y f o r income supplementat ion programs (Farquharson 1980; Bandin i 1966). A f i f t h theme i s - t h a t i n s u f - f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n has been devoted t o i n t e r a c t i o n s between o f f - and on- farm work by b o t h sexes i n v o l v e d i n fa rm ing "pa r tne rsh ip " (Bu t te and G i 1 l e s p i e 1984; Hedley 1976; Deseran, Fa lk and Jenkins 1984). F i n a l l y . a complex s e t o f themes r e l a t e s t o he " i d e a l - t y p e " models upon which many analyses, such as K o h l ' s (1978) a r e based. These c r i t i c s suggest t h a t t h e " i d e a l type" obscures e i t h e r the a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n w i t h i n t h e f a m i l y farm, thereby deny ng i t s many tens ions between b o t h t h e sexes and generat i ons (Hedley I 9 8 o r obscur i n g t h e pos i t i o n o f wo- men (Daley 1983) and m i n i m i z i n g t h e shor tages o f b a s i c suppor t systems w i t h which they must contend ( I r e l a n d 1983; Koski 1982):
Host o f t h i s deve lop ing l i t e r a t u r e has focused on the r o l e o f women. Only a few ( F a r r i e r e t a l . , 1983; Hedley 1982, f o r example) make d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e t o l abo r i n p u t s f rom c h i l d r e n .
Yho Yill Produce the F d ? The Roles of Children, Hem and Uanen
Any e f f o r t t o p r e d i c t who w i l l be i n v o l v e d i n p r imary a g r i c u l t u r e can u s e f u l l y r e l y upon t h e t i m e w o r n , but proven, fo rmu la t i on : "Where have we been, where a r e we now, where a r e we going?" T h i s i s t he p r e f e r r e d model f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n o f a s e r i e s o f da ta f rom two main sources.
Some words o f warn ing may i n t r o d u c e a p p r o p r i a t e l y t h i s d i scuss ion .
Those who have been r e s p o n s i b l e ... f o r r e c o r d i n g the numbers engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e i r ages and sex, t h e i r s t a t u s and t h e k i n d o f work they do seem possessed o f an e v i l genius t o f r u s t r a t e one 's b e s t i n t e n t i o n s o f w r i t i n g a nea t and d e f i n i - t i v e account ... . D e f i n i t i o n s change over t ime ... catego- r i e s o f workers m y s t e r i o u s l y appear in, and disappear from, t h e s t a t i s t i c s : ... reco rde rs ... do n o t always i n t e r p r e t t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n s i n t h e same way. (Tay lor 1966: 298)
As i f t h i s w e r e n ' t enough, a n a l y t i c a l and comparat ive d i f f i c u l t i e s can be and, i n t h i s case, a r e compounded by t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s own f l u i d sense o f what i s w o r t h w h i l e t o examine and what o t h e r s w i l l f i n d a t a l l i n t e r e s t i n g and c h a l l e n g i n g .
Yhich Sexes Have Been Producing the Food?
F i g u r e 1, based on the 1951-81 P o p u l a t i o n Censuses, compares t h e num- ber o f men and women whose major occupa t ion was a g r i c u l t u r a l . Wh i le c o n s i d e r i n g t h i s and subsequent f i g u r e s i n t h i s sec t i on , one should r e - member t h e o b s e r v a t i o n " t h e number o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i ndus t r y ' ' (on a pe r farm b a s i s - P.5.)" has remained cons tan t a t an av- erage o f 1.4 s ince 1951" (Bollman 1985: 2) . T o t a l i n d i v i d u a l s employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e has s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d (F igure I ) ; t h e number o f persons employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e i n 1981 rep resen t 62 pe rcen t o f those i n 1951 (Table A . l ) . Desp i te t h i s genera l t r e n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n of women has increased. Women represented 21.1 o f those w i t h an a g r i c -
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c u l t u r a l occupation by 1981. whereas they represented 3.9 percent i n 1951 (Table A . l ) .
Populat ion censuses a re no t the o n l y source which can be used t o ex- amine whether women's d i r e c t involvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e has increased. According t o the Labor Force Survey, the number o f women has s t e a d i l y increased between 1975 and 1983 (Figure 2). Women represented 22 per- cent o f those employed i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l indus t ry i n 1975. 27 percent i n 1981 and 29 percent by 1983 (Table B . l ) .
What i s suggested by canparing these two sources? The means o f data c o l l e c t i o n f o r the Census ( se l f - repo r t ) and the Labor Force Survey ( in - terview: face t o face/telephone) a re d i f f e r e n t . Thus, the s i m i l a r i t y o f the steady increase i n the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s noteworthy. I t i s a l so o f i n t e r e s t t h a t the Labor Force Survey repo r t s a somewhat higher percentage (6 percent) o f wunen employed i n a g r i c u l - tu re i n 1981 than the Census repo r t s women w i t h an a g r i c u l t u r a l occupa- t i o n . Whether t h i s i s a r e s u l t o f t he s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t "bases" o f the sourcesz or o f the themes o f under-reportinghnder-valuing (Jones. Ro- senfeld 1981; H i l l 1981) i s uncer ta in . l f under-reporting/under-valuing were t o occur, i t i s more l i k e l y t o manifest i t s e l f i n the Census f i g - ures than the Labor Force Survey.
To summarize. i t i s apparent from both sources t h a t the involvement of women i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s being repor ted a t a greater r a t e than i t ever has, and t h a t the t rend shows no evidence o f d imin ish ing .
Uhich Classes of Worker and Occupations Have Been Involved? With in the general t rends o f decreasing employment genera l l y , and de-
creasing men's and increas ing women's involvement, census estimates sug- gest there are some remarkable d i f f e rences by c lass o f worker between 1951 and 1981 (Figure 3 ) . Both the number o f self-employed and unpaid fami ly workers have decreased; unpaid workers have dec l ined a t a greater ra te , however. Paid labor has increased by 60 percent. Among males, s e l f employment has decreased by 59 percent and unpaid work by 89 per- cent. Among females, s e l f employment has increased by 214 percent and unpaid work by 58 percent. Hale p a i d workers have increased by 28 p e r - cent and female pa id workers by 753 percent between 1951 and 1981. By 1981, women represented 68 percent o f those involved i n unpaid fam i l y a g r i c u l t u r a l employment, 24 percent of pa id and I0 percent o f s e l f em- ployed workers (Table A.2).
Resul ts from the Labor Force Survey show s i m i l a r trends (Figure 4). Sel f employed and unpaid fami ly workers dec l ined by 4 percent and 15 percent between 1975 and 1983 (Table B . l ) . Paid workers increased by 14 percent i n t h i s per iod. By 1983. women represented 70 percent o f unpaid
Census f i gu res repor ted here represent those w i t h an a g r i c u l t u r a l oc- cupation. whereas the Labor Force Survey f i gu res represent those em- ployed i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l indus t ry . I t i s appropr iate tha t the Labor Force Survey estimates are higher than those o f the Census.
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tis
tic
s C
anad
a, L
abou
r F
wce
series. v
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nre
s fr
om
19
51
to
1981
. S
ee a
lso
tab&
A.l. ss
db
u
v -
FIGU
RE 3
wis
19
51
1961
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1911
15
812
536.
929
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o '
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515
8.09
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1.
680
19.6
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1951
. 54
5,O
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1961
391,406
1971
. ,
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19
1112
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226,125
--
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l Of
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3
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816
67.1
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242
55.8
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F WOR
KER
SOU
RC
E:
Sta
tist
ics
Can
ada,
un
publ
ish
ed L
abou
r F
orce
tab
ula
tion
s.
See
als
o ta
ble
B.l
FIGU
RE 4
ss
dbu
- -4 w
174
f a m i l y , 34 percen t o f p a i d and 12 p e r c e n t o f se l f -employed workers em- p loyed i n a g r i c u l t u r e .
Again, r e s u l t s from b o t h t h e Census and Labor Force Survey d i s p l a y remarkable cons is tency . Unpaid farm l a b o r has been r e p l a c e d by p a i d l a - bor . By 1981. 8 p e r c e n t (Census) o r 17 p e r c e n t (Labor Force Survey) o f work i n a g r i c u l t u r e was per formed by unpa id f a m i l y workers. Host (68 percent-Census: o r 70 percent-Labor Force) were women (Tables A . l and 6.1) . Again i t i s no ted t h a t , i f under-report ing/under-valuing were t o occur . i t i s more l i k e l y t o appear i n the s e l f - r e p o r t Census than the in terv iew-based Labor Force Survey.
Any d i s c u s s i o n o f l ong te rm t r e n d s would be incomplete i f t he compo- s i t i o n o f t he s p e c i f i c a g r i c u l t u r a l sub-occupat ions by sex were n o t ex- amined i n d e t a i l . W i t h i n t h e genera l t r e n d o f dec reas ing male and i n - c r e a s i n g female a g r i c u l t u r a l employment, t h e r e a r e s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s acco rd ing t o o c c u p a t i o n and sex (F igu re 5).
Accord ing t o the P o p u l a t i o n Censuses f o r 1951-81, t h e numbers o f farmers and farm l a b o r e r s a r e down s u b s t a n t i a l l y ; b o t h have decreased by 61 pe rcen t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d . On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of farm manager/foremen and o f n u r s e r y workers/groundskeepers/gardeners have increased s u b s t a n t i a l l y . These grew by f a c t o r s o f 1 1 and 2 9 . r e - s p e c t i v e l y , between 1951 and 1981. Comparisons f o r t h e "o the r " ca tegory a r e somewhat p rob lemat i c . Between 1971 and 1981, t h i s group p r i m a r i l y cons i s ted o f machinery o p e r a t o r s and custom workers; i t doubled i n t h i s p e r i o d (Table A . 2 ) . Whi le women rep resen ted 2 1 percen t o f those em- p loyed i n a g r i c u l t u r e by 1981. t hey accounted f o r 43 pe rcen t o f a l l farm labo re rs , I6 percen t , 15 percen t and 14 p e r c e n t o f t h e "growth" c l a s s i - f i c a t i o n s o f nu rse ry workers, of f a r m managers, and o f "o thers" and 9 percen t o f t h e dec reas ing p o p u l a t i o n o f farmers.
Both Census and Labor Force Survey es t ima tes suggest t h a t , w h i l e wo- men a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n p r i m a r y a g r i c u l t u r e i n Canada, most o f t h i s growing involvement has taken p l a c e i n t h e "pa id" c l a s s o f worker and i n t h e " fa rm labo re r ' ' occupa t ion w i t h i n a g r i c u l t u r e . Tha t t h e ma- j o r i t y o f unpa id l abo r i s now c o n t r i b u t e d by women a l s o m e r i t s c l o s e i n - t e r e s t and a t t e n t i o n .
What do these r e s u l t s suggest w i t h r e s p e c t t o some themes i d e n t i f i e d e a r l i e r ? Whether Census procedures underes t ima te the numbers o f women's involvement and the t y p e of t h e i r invo lvement i s d i f f i c u l t t o de te rm ine d e f i n i t i v e l y . C e r t a i n l y , comparisons between t h e Labor Force Survey and Census f i g u r e s suggest t h e r e may b e a tendency f o r u n d e r e s t i m a t i o n t o occur , n o t o n l y w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e numbers o f wmen, but a l s o w i t h r e - spec t t o t h e t ype o f c o n t r i b u t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y when t h a t t y p e i s unpa id f a m i l y work. Never the less, i t seems c l e a r t h a t women a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y r e p o r t i n g t h e i r invo lvement o r t h a t i t i s b e i n g reco rded i n c r e a s i n g l y . I t a l s o seems c l e a r t h a t more women a r e i n v o l v e d on e i t h e r a self-em- p loyed or waged b a s i s and t h a t t h i s i s a c o n t i n u i n g t rend .
In f a i r n e s s , one should n o t e t h a t c r i t i c s of Census procedures i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s have had as a c e n t r a l comp la in t t h a t a g r i c u l t u r a l cen-
C E N S U
S A
GR
I C U
IJTU
R AI
, 0
C C
UP
AT1
0 N
00
00
00
-
60
00
00
-
40
00
00
-
20
00
00
-
0 BY S
EX A
ND
OC
CU
PATI
ON
, C
EN
SUS
1951
-198
1 oth
er
man
ager
la
bou
rer
farm
er
FRE
UU
EN
CY
FE
N
MA
LE
F
EM
M
AL
E
SE
X
FE
M
MA
LE
FE
M
MA
LE
19
51
-1 1
96
1
19
71
1
98
1
YE
AR
LEG
EN
O:
OC
CW
ATI
ON
FA
RM
ER
LA
BO
UR
.
' MA
NA
GE
R
OTHE
R
SOU
RC
E:
Sta
tist
ics
Can
ada,
Lab
our
For
ce s
erie
s, v
olu
mes
fro
m 1
95
1 t
o 19
81.
See
also
tabl
e A
.2. ssdb
u! 5
FIG
URE
5
suses have no t i nqu i red about the sex o f farm operators (Kalbacher 1982; Gasson 1981; t h i s p r a c t i c e has been a l t e r e d i n the United States, a t l eas t ) . In Canada, no t on ly are we ab le t o asce r ta in the sex o f the op- e ra to r , but a l so t h a t o f other occupations invo lved i n a g r i c u l t u r a l pro- duct ion. Under-report ing or under-valuing are p rac t i ces t h a t cannot be changed b y a l t e r i n g census procedures alone: these p rac t i ces may await changes i n the percept ions o f those r e p o r t i n g or v a l u i n g the con t r i bu - t i ons o f women.
Having attempted t o assess the numbers o f women involved and the type o f t h e i r involvement. quest ions about the amount o f the d i r e c t con t r i bu - t i o n s made by women and c h i l d r e n t o Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e a re addressed i n the f o l l o w i n g sect ion.
h a t i s the Extent of the Direct Labor Contribution?
Average Annual Hours in Agricultural Dccupations Although those employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e have worked, on average, more
than a 40-hour week cont inuously between 1975 and 1983. there has been a dec l i ne i n average weekly hours du r ing t h i s 9-year per iod (Table B.2). By 1983. those employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e worked an average o f 43.5 weekly hours on an annual basis. There i s some v a r i a t i o n i n the r a t e o f de- c l i n e , according t o the c lass o f worker. Those s e l f employed w i thout pa id he lp recorded a drop o f 6 hours; the hours o f unpaid fam i l y workers decreased by 5; pa id workers by 3 and those who employed pa id he lp re - corded the smal les t decrease o f 2 hours.
Examining the average hours o f work by sex , i t i s noted t h a t men's average weekly hours o f work f o r men have decreased--8 percent--at a s l i g h t l y slower r a t e than have women's (9 percent) (Table B.2). H o w - ever, t h e r a t e o f decrease i n hours has been greater f o r male unpaid fam i l y workers (20 percent) than the decrease f o r females ( 1 1 percent ) . Average weekly hours o f male pa id workers have decreased less (3 per- cent) than have female (11 percent) . By 1983. the average weekly hours f o r women employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e represented about 60 percent o f the average hours per week worked by men; t h i s percentage has remained v i r - t u a l l y unchanged between 1975-1981.
Assessing Aggregate Hours of Wk: Sane Considerations Before cons ider ing the t o t a l and p ropor t i ona l a g r i c u l t u r a l hours, by
sex , c lass and type o f con t r i bu to r , seasona l i t y o f the demand f o r labor should be assessed.
I n general terms o f the numbers o f workers, the most " labor inten- s ive" months are August, September/July. June/October and Hay; the l eas t i n tens i ve are February, January/Harch i n those orders (Table 8.4). There i s some v a r i a t i o n i n t h i s pa t te rn , according t o c lass o f worker. The demand f o r self-employed labor i s genera l l y much s tead ie r than those f o r e i t h e r unpaid o r pa id labor: however, the demand f o r pa id labor ap- pears t o be most "seasonally sens i t i ve , " peaking i n August a t a r a t e greater then t h a t f o r unpaid labor a t t h a t time.
SIU
CS
3
Tab
la 2
. A
va
rw
Ilo
urs of
Wor
k pe
r lh
ak I
n t
he A
8ric
ulru
r.l
Indu
stry
. by
Sax
and
C1.a
. of
Wor
ker.
19
75-1
983,
C
anad
a
Cla
ss o
f vo
rkrr
1a.r
Self
-mw
loye
d ?a
id Y
orkc
r v
lth
no
vlt
h a
qlo
yee
. tO
t.1
Un
pld
fu
lly
1o
t.l
.Vl0
).8
8#
*o
rtar
Uh
r-1
. to
t.1
h1.
r-1.
1ot.l
hh
rru
1e
rot.1
hh
SR
UlC
1O
t.l
hl.
Te
ul.
1o
t.l
hl
e
~e
ul
e I
ot.1
1975
46
.1
33.1
43.0
58
.3
38.9
57
.5
57.7
30
.0
57.1
58
.2
41.7
57
.4
42.2
31
.5
J5.0
53
.6
32.8
48.9
1976
46
.8
30.4
42
.3
57.9
40
.5
57.2
59
.1
34.0
57
.8
58.1
39
.2
57.3
40
.4
31.1
33
.6
53.6
31
.5
48.3
1977
46
.3
30.3
41
.9
56.0
39
.1
54.9
58
.0
38.7
56
.7
56.4
39
.0
55.2
39
.3
31.3
33
.5
52.1
31
.8
47.0
1978
45
.7
30.0
41
.b
55.3
38.2
54.3
58
.4
33.3
56
.3
55.9
36
.9
54.7
37
.1
29.0
31
.2
51.7
30
.6
46.4
1979
47
.6
29.7
43
.1
55.7
36
.2
54.2
58
.0
40.8
56.6
56
.1
37.2
54
.7
34.7
20
.7
30.3
52
.2
30.3
46
.6
19
M
45.3
31
.4
41.0
53
.6
35
.1
52.1
57
.6
38.0
55
.7
54.2
34
.9
52.7
34
.8
26.0
28
.3
50.3
29
.2
45.7
1981
44
.4
29.5
39
.9
53.8
35
.3
51.8
59
.1
32.5
55
.5
5b.7
34
.5
52.5
34
.7
27.9
29
.7
50.4
29
.5
44.7
1982
45
.5
30.2
40
.7
53.7
38
.6
52.3
58
.3
36.7
55
.5
54.6
38
.1
53.0
35
.0
28.3
30
.1
50.6
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156
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Seasonal i ty o f average annual hours fo l l ows the same general pa t te rn (Table 8.5). Hay monthly averages exceed the annual averages f o r a l l classes o f workers w i t h the exception o f self-employed w i t h paid help. However, the d i f f e rence between the annual averages f o r the remaining classes are r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s month.
There i s some seasonal v a r i a t i o n both i n the numbers o f persons i n - volved i n and the average hours they con t r i bu te t o a g r i c u l t u r a l produc- t i o n which i s a f fec ted by t h e i r c lass o f worker s ta tus . With p a r t i c u l a r reference t o the month o f Hay 1981. higher p a r t i c i p a t i o n ra tes f o r pa id and s e l f employed w i thout paid he lp a re noted. Nonetheless, expressing t h e i r aggregate hours i n Aay I981 as a percentage o f t h e i r annual hours and comparing i t t o the Hay percentage f o r a l l classes suggests tha t c lass o f worker does no t introduce a ser ious b ias (Table 8 .4 and 5) .
Aggregate Hours i n Agriculture: Annual Averages
The f i r s t source o f informat ion used t o assess the amount and propor- t i o n o f hours cont r ibu ted t o a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion i s annual averages o f weekly hours from the Labor Force Survey summaries f o r 1975-83. These are displayed, by sex and c lass o f worker, f o r those employed i n a g r i c u l t u r a l occupations by Figure 6.
Between 1975 and 1983, the aggregate hours worked i n a g r i c u l t u r e de- creased by 3 m i l l i o n . o r 12 percent (Figure 6 ) . Rates o f dec l i ne vary, depending on the c lass o f worker and sex o f those employed i n a g r i c u l - tu re . Consistent w i t h the trends reported e a r l i e r concerning numbers o f workers, hours o f work cont r ibu ted by unpaid workers and those s e l f em- ployed w i thou t pa id he lp have decreased, bu t a t vary ing ra tes . Aggre- gate hours f o r unpaid workers decreased by 28 percent, and f o r s e l f em- ployed w i thou t paid he lp by 20 percent. Rates o f increase were much less "dramatic;" aggregates f o r pa id workers rose by 5 percent and f o r s e l f employed w i t h paid help by 3 percent.
There are important v a r i a t i o n s i n these pa t te rns by sex. Aggregate hours con t r i bu ted by women increased between 1975 and 1983 by approxi- mately 14 percent. Greatest increases i n these hours have been recorded f o r women s e l f employed w i thout he lp (96 percent) and w i t h he lp (85 per- cen t ) . Female pa id workers' aggregate hours have increased by 43 per- cent, wh i l e t h e i r unpaid hours decreased by 21 percent dur ing t h i s p e r i - od. With respect t o aggregate hours f o r males employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e between 1975-81, the fo l l ow ing decreases are noted: unpaid hours are down by 38 percent, s e l f employed by 23 percent, paid workers by 4 per- cent and s e l f employed w i t h pa id he lp by 2 percent.
To summarize the f i nd ings about increases i n women's d i r e c t involve- ment t o a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion between 1975 and 1983 i t i s use fu l t o combine observations concerning the numbers o f women and the hours they cont r ibu te .
Women's representa t ion has increased i n each o f the three classes o f worker. By 1983, women represented 70 percent o f unpaid fami ly workers, 34 percent o f paid and 1 1 percent o f self-employed workers (fable I ) .
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LFS
AG
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OR
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ER
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EA
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79
1980
LEG
EN
D:
CLA
SS
S
EL
F
UN
PA
ID
OF W
ORKE
R
SOU
RC
E:
Sta
tist
ics
Can
ada,
un
publ
ish
ed L
abou
r F
orce
tab
ula
tion
s.
. ,
..
i ;p
aid
‘“I I
t
1:
i
.
I
unpa
id
self
- em
ploy
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F
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HL
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1
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83
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EA
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.-.
. PA
ID
See
also
tabl
e 8.3
ssdb
u
FIGU
RE 6
182 TABLE 1. Women as a Percentage o f Each Agr i cu l tu ra l Class, Thei r Aggre-
gate Weekly Hours as a Percentage o f Each Class's and Total Weekly Hours. Canada 1975 and 1983.
UORKER
I Women as % Uomen's hours X Women's hours as
o f c lass o f c lass ' s hours X t o t a l hours
Unpaid fam i l y
1975 1983 1975 1983 1975 1983
67 70 61 67 8 7
Source: CANADA. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Unpublished Labour Force Survey Tabu- l a t i ons . See Table 61. 83. Hours are expressed as annual averages.
Paid worker
Sel f -empl oyed
TOTAL
Note:
Overa 1 1 women.
S i m i creased
25 5 8 1 24 34 I 19
5 11 3 8 2 5
27 29 15 20 15 20
29 percen t o f t hose employed i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y were
a r l y , women's share o f aggregate hours i n a g r i c u l t u r e has i n - f rom 15 p e r c e n t t o 19 pe rcen t . . I n 1983, women c o n t r i b u t e d 66
pe rcen t o f unpa id f a m i l y worke rs ' aggregate hours; t h e i r hours rep re - sented 25 percen t and 7 p e r c e n t of t h e aggregate hours worked i n the p a i d and s e l f employed c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . O f a l l aggregate hours i n 1983, 8 percen t were c o n t r i b u t e d by women who were pa id , 7 p e r c e n t by those who were unpa id and 5 p e r c e n t by se l f -employed women. These sum t o t h e 19 pe rcen t o f aggregate hours c o n t r i b u t e d by women.
D i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e p a t t e r n s o f hours c o n t r i b u t e d t o a g r i c u l t u r e be- tween unpaid, p a i d and se l f -employed workers a r e s u f f i c i e n t l y notewor thy t h a t f u r t h e r a t t e n t i o n and a n a l y s i s may be r e q u i r e d . Pa id l abo r may be s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r unpaid; nonetheless, i t a l s o appears t h a t what unpa id l abo r p e r s i s t s i s i n c r e a s i n g l y per formed by women. Whi le t h e importance o f unpaid l abo r i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y may be d i m i n i s h i n g , t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n made by women t o i t i s n o t .
rsgate Hours in Agriculture, Based on Last yeek in Yay 1981: 2 ildren, Operators and Spauses
f i n a l l y . t h i s d i s c u s s i o n t u r n s t o t h e one source o f d a t a which pe r - m i t s ready e x p l o r a t i o n of a t o p i c promised by the t i t l e : t h e r o l e o f c h i l d r e n i n a g r i c u l t u r e . R e s u l t s f rom the 1981 L inkage of t h e A g r i c u l - t u r e and P o p u l a t i o n Censuses p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n f o r a l l ope ra to rs , t h e i r spouses and c h i l d r e n who were members o f economic f a m i l i e s on cen- sus f a m i l y farms ( e x c l u d i n g f a m i l i e s i n which t h e r e i s more than one op- e r a t o r ) and r e p o r t e d hours o f a g r i c u l t u r a l work as t h e i r main occupa t ion i n t h e l a s t week of Hay 1981. When these hours o f work f o r t h e week p reced ing t h e census a r e expressed as aggregates, i t i s es t ima ted t h a t ope ra to rs , spouses and c h i l d r e n c o n t r i b u t e d 1 4 . 8 m i l l i o n hours t o a g r i -
183 c u l t u r e (Table C.1). These hours represent 68 percent o f the t o t a l aggregate of 21.6 m i l l i o n hours estimated by the 1981 Labor Force s m a - r y t o have been devoted t o a g r i c u l t u r e i n an average week (Table E.3) . Readers a re advised t h a t t h i s c a l c u l a t i o n should be t rea ted w i t h consid- e rab le caution, s ince the "aggregates" f o r the two sources are ca l cu la t - ed us ing d i f f e r e n t procedures and since the sources themselves are d i s - s i m i l a r . Nevertheless, the computation does suggest t ha t t h i s group o f f a m i l i e s accounts f o r a subs tan t ia l p ropor t ion o f the labor inputs t o ag r i cu l tu re .
Host o f the aggregate hours were cont r ibu ted by farm operators (Fig- u re 7). Their hours represented 74 percent o f the t o t a l aggregate: 98 percent o f the operators were male (Table C.l). Spouses o f census farm operators, con t r ibu ted 14 percent o f the aggregate hours. Chi ldren over 15 years o f age Contr ibuted another 12 percent; o f them, 84 percent were male.
O f the 2 m i l l i o n hours con t r i bu ted by spouses o f the operator, 42 percent a re c l a s s i f i e d as unpaid fam i l y work, I 6 percent as pa id and 42 percent as s e l f employed (Table C . 1 ) . S l i g h t l y less than 2 m i l l i o n hours are cont r ibu ted t o a g r i c u l t u r e by c h i l d r e n over 15; o f these 25 percent a re c l a s s i f i e d as unpaid, 53 percent as paid and 21 percent as s e l f employed.
Considering the "nonoperator" labor inputs, these r e s u l t s suggest there i s a greater r e l a t i o n s h i p between c lass o f worker and fami ly mem- bersh ip (spouses and ch i ld ren) . than there i s between c lass o f worker and sex. Examining the aggregate hours o f ch i l d ren by sex and c lass o f worker lends support t o t h i s observation. O f the 1.8 m i l l i o n hours con- t r i b u t e d by ch i l d ren d i r e c t l y t o a g r i c u l t u r a l work, female ch i l d ren are involved i n a mere 10 percent (Table C . 1 ) . O f female c h i l d r e n ' s hours, 31 percent a re c l a s s i f i e d as unpaid, 63 percent as pa id and 6 percent as s e l f employed. Aggregate hours cont r ibu ted by male ch i l d ren are d i s - t r i b u t e d as fo l lows: 24 percent unpaid, 52 percent paid and 23 percent s e l f employed (Table C.1). Aggregate hours cont r ibu ted by male and fe - male c h i l d r e n are most l i k e l y t o be classed as paid hours: female c h i l - dren are more l i k e l y than male t o be involved i n unpaid work.
These pa t te rns are q u i t e remarkable: f u r the r exp lo ra t i on o f them w i l l prove usefu l . I s i t the case t h a t the on ly way t o keep ch i l d ren ' s labor "down on the f a r m " i s t o pay f o r i t? I s c h i l d r e n ' s labor pa id because the demand f o r i t i s greater o f f the farm than i s the demand f o r the l a - bor o f spouses? Can an explanat ion f o r t h i s pa t te rn be found i n work concerning i n t r a - f a m i l i a l ro les , expectat ions and de fe r ra l s (Hedley 1981; Kohl 1976; f o r example)? O r i s ch i l d ren ' s labor paid because o f educational costs, t axa t i on reduc t ion or employment subsidy e l i g i b i l i t y ? And what o f the d i f fe rences between the c lass o f worker and sex f o r the hours cont r ibu ted by chi ldren--are these d i f fe rences s i g n i f i c a n t ? None of these questions can be d i r e c t l y answered. a t the moment. Neverthe- less, an attempt t o p r e d i c t who w i l l produce Canada's a g r i c u l t u r a l prod- uc ts i n the fu tu re , should b e n e f i t from an examination o f these p r e l i m i - nary questions.
184
SERIES C TABLE 1 : AL(;WGATE HOURS OF WRK PER YEEK FOAIALL OPERATOAS. SYSES AN0 CHILDREN 15 {EARS OF
AGE OR nORE. ERLOVEO I N N l C U L T U R f FWILY FARlls IN ECOIIOIlC FMlLlES , EXCLUO- ING FWILIES OV SEX AND CLASS OF WRKER. CMAM. 1981.
I UNPAIO FWlLV WRUR 1 CENSUS FAM OPERATORS
I fmrl. 1 SPOUSES
u l e
wle t a l e 1 CHILDREN
I z21r ’ PA10 WYIKER I CENSUS FARII OPEPATORS
fmrle , SELF-EWLOIEO YlTH PAID HELP
1 SPOUSES
I CHILDREN
‘ f m l e
CENSUS FARM OPEPATOUS u l e fem le
I N l e
SELF-EWLOVED YlTHouT PA10 HELP CENSUS FARII WERATMS
SWUSES nrl. fenale
, fmlr I 1 TOTAL I CENSUS FARM OPERATORS
, fmrl. , SPOUSES , wle f m 1 e
I -1. i f-1.
N l e
I CHILDREN
N
38.385 115 80 35
26.080 140
25.945 12.190 9,910 2.285
42.920 8 . M 8.390
505 11,260
135 11,125 22.715 1 9 . m 3,190
43.465 37,415 36.120
695 4,990
180 4.810 1.060 1.000
60
155,425 133.645 131.465
2.190 16,785
655 16.130 4.995 4 .a40
160
280,195 180,060 116.655
3.425 59.115
1.110 ss.010 41.020 34.750 6.295
1,311,435 5.200 3.925 1,260
860,985 6.580
856.530 451.250 396.600 54.840
1.117.385 .U4;315 421 ,835
14.890 326.485 ..... 312.45 946.585 829.820 111.545
2.705.350 2.421.195 2.383.11 0
211.165 220.290
11.260 209.125 63.865 60.985 2.890
9.115.965 8,139,115 8.010.090
87.400 6y1.450 36.010
621.310 311.740 311.105
8.035
14.856.135 . ~ ~ ~ . . ~ ~ il.OlO.485 10.824.960
131.715 2.066.210
59.510 1.999;650 1,119,440 1.51.510
177.310
*I wi th in of famlly
8.9
11.6
18.2
61.4
100.1
. I
65.4
34.
25.
19.
55.1
89.5
8.1
2.4
89.3
7.2
3.5
14.1
13.9
12.0
75.5 24.2
.8 99.5
81.9 12.2
96.3 3.4
1.7 95.8
81.7 11.8
98.4 1.2
5.1 94.9
95.5 4.5
98.4 1.1
5.5 94.4
91.9 2.5
98.3 1.2
2.9 96.8
89.8 10.0
SOURCE: UWAM. Sta t i s t i cs Canad.. Unpubl ishd tabulations from Agr icu l ture Population L i n t -
‘Excludes a l l operators. spouses o r ch i ldren who d l d not report any hours of w r k or whose occupation us rat stated. o r rhos. occupation YS mn-agr icu l tura l .
2Fami1y f i n s includes i n d l v i d w l proprietorships, per tmrshlps and family corporations and excludes institutionrl, Mucteritm. noon-family cwporations. and ’otkr . f a m and c o r u n i t y pesturer.
3 ~ c o n a i c famil ies include 2 or m r e indtv idurts living In t h sam dwelling. re la ted to th census f a n *rator by b i r t h . ~ r r l a g e o r edoption.
‘T)urr are 18.010 operators rho work on such f a r m for which thn i s mre thm one operator. T h s e lndiri&els h v a been ercluded.
a* of I981 Censuses.
o'im 6
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01
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HO
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S BY
SEX
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MEM
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SHIP
FRE
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S
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CHIL
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PO
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L
FEM
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F
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M
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m PA
ID
, LE
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: C
LASS
SE
LFW
ITH
SE
LF
-PU
T
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ORK
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SOU
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Sta
tist
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Can
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. un
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atio
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rom
Agr
icu
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sus
19
81
. S
ee a
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tabl
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.2.
ssd
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FI
GUR
E 7
Off-Farm Labor Contributions
Several authors, (most recent ly , B u t t e l and G i l l e s p i e 1984; Salant 1984) have proposed t h a t o f f - f a rm employment can be understood t o gener- a te income which bo th supports the farm and the household involved i n i t s operation. Data from the Agr i cu l tu re Populat ion Census Linkage per- m i t p re l im inary exp lo ra t i on o f the numbers o f which no t only operators, bu t a lso spouses and ch i ld ren , are engaged i n o f f - f a rm employment. ' Ex- pressing t h e i r hours worked as aggregates provides an estimate o f the ex ten t t o which these types o f f am i l y members con t r i bu te t o a g r i c u l t u r e i n an " i n d i r e c t " manner.
Almost cu l t u r a l I '
l i s t e d as 1981 (Tab operators
O f the
32 percent o f a l l the farm household members had a "nonagri- ( a l l other) occupation ra the r than an a g r i c u l t u r a l occupat ion tha t a t which they worked most hours i n the l a s t week o f Hay c C.2). O f these ind i v idua ls , approximately 35 percent were 38 percent were spouses and 26 percent were ch i ld ren .
t o t a l 8.6 m i 1 1 i on "nonagr icu l tu ra l " aggregate hours, 47 per- cent were worked by operators; almost equal p ropor t ions were cont r ibu ted by spouses (26 percent) and c h i l d r e n (27 percent) . These r e s u l t s sug- gest t ha t those operators whose main occupation i s "nonagr icu l tu ra l " oc- cupat ion work a greater number o f hours than c h i l d r e n i n t h i s group and a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater p ropor t ion than t h e i r spouses.
Since approximately 34 percent o f the c h i l d r e n ' s aggregate hours were cont r ibu ted by females and on ly 12 percent o f the c h i l d r e n ' s hours c las - s i f i e d as farm laborer were cont r ibu ted by ch i ld ren , i t i s apparent t h a t female c h i l d r e n are more l i k e l y t o con t r i bu te i n d i r e c t l y t o the fam i l y farm than d i r e c t l y (Table C.2). Indeed 79 percent o f female c h i l d r e n ' s aggregate hours o f work were nonagr icu l tu ra l . i n cont ras t t o 47 percent o f those f o r male ch i l d ren .
To summarize, a s i g n i f i c a n t number o f both women and ch i l d ren on fam- i l y farms are involved p r i m a r i l y i n nonagr icu l tu ra l ra ther than a g r i c u l - t u r a l work. Census farm operators who are p r i m a r i l y engaged i n nonagri- c u l t u r a l work con t r i bu te the grea tes t p ropor t ion t o these hours, however. Female c h i l d r e n are much more l i k e l y t o be engaged i n nonagri- c u l t u r a l work than are male ch i ld ren . The ex ten t t o which women and ch i l d ren con t r i bu te t o the support o f Canadian farms and t h e i r house- holds through o f f - f a rm employment and i t s support f unc t i on t o Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e i s considered.
In Surmary: Further Questions
These f i nd ings reported i n the preceding sect ions may have fu r thered our understanding o f the extent, type and amount o f women's. men's and c h i l d r e n ' s involvement i n Canadian a g r i c u l t u r a l production. Women's d i - r e c t involvement w i t h i n a g r i c u l t u r e as a whole i s increasing i n several d i f f e r e n t ways. Hore women are becoming farm operators: other women are becoming increas ing ly involved as pa id a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. Further- more, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women as unpaid fami ly workers i n a g r i c u l t u r e has s t e a d i l y grown, t o the po in t t h a t they now con t r i bu te approximately
188
SERIES C
----' . - -
I 114.9lS ! 155.515 i 1Sl.lM :
2.375 ; 14.810
695 , 14.115 '
4.570 .- - 4.420
145 I 19.1M) ' 11.795 ,
420 2.825 !
1.105
2.200 I40
86.115 10.740 10.110
u.mo
I 1 5 j 2,540 I
630 4 l . W
41.190 31.920 , 2B.120 I
295 I
5.8W : 2y1.735 j 85.385 , 92.705 '
2 . Q O I 90.465 ~
1.005 87.460 , 62.1)85 ' Jl.MS , 25.3M1
JCC W5IATLO,fK)1 APPLICIBLf : 229.020 CENSUS FAW OPERATORS ' 12.135
10;150 , 1.*5 ' 115.695
660 115.0(0 100,590 49.110 , 50.860
'OTAL j 741.910 CLNSUS FARM WfRAlORS I 2711.180
WI . I ~?0.030 fumlr 8 m 5
SPWSLS ! 265:285 m1. 4.715
1n.szJ.uJo 9.U3.170 9.495,¶20
9 s . m 592.400 39.615
550.b85 l7.910 az.ea0
6.090
1.039.780 (ll3.905 802,100
1 4 . l O rn.875
5.520 94.615
1?1 .OOO 116.M)o 1I.m
).I05 .?65 519,%0 %56.oM 22.050
1.369.005 14.750
1.359.270
I .lIl.MO 162.400
B,601,4b5 4.011.W5 l . M 1 , l 3 5
15.1W 2,261,625
132.220 2.186.5W 2.326.745 l.HKI.200
1llb.710
446.595 114.615 101.100
5.955 211,190
1.100 2 3 0 . 0 0 I00.590 93.460
i.3%.c.oo
4 . 4
13.9
16.1
1 . 9
1w.5
. .
1
w i t h i n OCCYP. t ion
91.6
5.6
2 . 1
78 I
9.5
1 2 . 2
1 1 . 5
4 1 . 4
41.0
4 6 . 7
26. I
21 I
25.7
51.8
?2.5
63 0
18.9
18.0
B . 5 1.0
6 .7 92.9
9 8 . 3 2 . 1
98.6 1.n
5.6 95 I!
91 fl 9 . 4
95.9 1.e
1 . 1 9 9 . 1
87.0 12.0
96.9 2 1
5 .8 96.7
64.5 3 1 . 8
93.8 5 .7
1 . 4 99.4
98.9
98.9 1 . 5
4 . 1 98.2
1 3 . 8 23.1
I
I !
! ! !
I
I
I
\
189
two- th i rds o f t h i s type o f labor. That these observations a r i s e from two means o f data c o l l e c t i o n which are s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t may lend f u r t h e r v a l i d i t y t o them.
Wi th in the farm households themselves, data reported here suggest t h a t bo th spouses and ch i l d ren o f farm operators cont r ibu ted s i g n i f i c a n t amounts o f labor t o Canadian fami ly farms, bo th d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y . as labor fo rce p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a g r i c u l t u r a l and nonagr icu l tu ra l occupa- t ions . The 1981 Agr icul ture-Populat ion Census Linkage suggests t h a t 'there a re many v a r i a t i o n s i n these patterns, bo th i n terms o f c lass o f worker status, sex and occupation.
Findings suggest tha t , i f f am i l y farms are conceived as labor mar- kets, the " a g r i c u l t u r a l " labor market may be no less s i g n i f i c a n t l y sex- segrated than any other. I t has been noted t h a t female c h i l d r e n are much more l i k e l y t o con t r i bu te t o a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion " i n d i r e c t l y " through nonagr icu l tu ra l occupations than d i r e c t l y . Those a g r i c u l t u r a l labor con t r i bu t i ons made by female c h i l d r e n l i v i n g a t home are somewhat more l i k e l y t o be classed a t unpaid labor than are those o f male c h i l - dren. Furthermore, the d i r e c t labor con t r i bu t i ons t o ag r i cu l tu re from spouses are much more l i k e l y t o be c l a s s i f i e d as unpaid labor than are those o f male ch i ld ren .
Perhaps these r e s u l t s w i l l su rpr ise few. There i s no necessary rea- son t o expect t ha t f am i l y farms would no t m i r ro r the larger soc ia l , eco- nomic and p o l i t i c a l s t ruc tu res w i t h i n which they funct ion. Neverthe- less, the quest ion before us has been: "Who w i l l produce the food?" An immediate quest ion which ar ises i n response t o these f ind ings then i s whether these pa t te rns are changing. Trends reported here suggest there may be some reason t o be l ieve tha t they are.
I f one accepts t h a t these pa t te rns are changing--i f the developments reported by Kalbacher (1982). Casson (1981) and Farquharson (1980), among others, are accurate--they s u b s t a n t i a l l y chal lenge Thomas' pre- d i c t i o n s concerning long-term a g r i c u l t u r a l labor market trends i n "ad- vanced" countr i es.
For many countr ies, i t would appear t h a t economic growth leads t o a reduc t ion in the farm employment of women ... a number o f advanced count r ies have reached the stage where women account f o r 10 percent o r less o f the farm labor and others where the t rend o f female employment i s downward. (1966: 301)
Indeed, two o f the more fundamental questions which reoccur i n the l i t e r a t u r e are whether these pa t te rns are indeed changing or whether o l d pa t te rns are being reported as new ones. I n some cases, there has been a tendency t o minimize the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women: female op- e ra to rs a re "only" widows; d r i v i n g t o town f o r repa i r pa r t s or t o the f i e l d t o d e l i v e r meals i s no t " rea l " work? I n other cases, the tendency has been t o t r e a t women who are inc reas ing ly involved e i t h e r as opera- t o r s o r as spouses as a homogenous group, w i thout a t t e n t i o n t o the s ig - n i f i c a n t v a r i a b i l i t y o f farm women's experiences as wives, mothers and workers (or not workersl) i n ag r i cu l tu re . Whether previous forms o f ac-
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t i v i t y are now being regarded and. there fore , reported d i f f e r e n t l y o r whether new pat te rns of involvement f o r women are developing remain v i - t a l questions.
What i s c lea r i s t h a t we may be s i n g u l a r l y unable t o answer the ques- t i o n "Who W i l l Produce the Food?" un t i l more i s understood about the in- terdependent and i n t e r a c t i n g l i v e s o f men. wmen and c h i l d r e n on Canadi- an farms and o f those l i v e s w i t h i n t h e i r la rger comnunit ies.
Although s m c i n fo rmat ion may have been provided which f u r t h e r s our understanding, i t i s obvious t h a t there are many more quest ions than an- swers. Some issues have been i d e n t i f i e d i n the tex t : those which appear most pressing are repeated.
1 .
2 .
3 .
4 .
5.
6 .
Is labor on Canadian farms be ing transformed from unpaid t o paid? What i s the content o f t h i s t ransformat ion: i s formerly unpaid fami ly work now reappearing as paid, but nonetheless. f am i l y work?
What i s the content o f women's increased involvement? Do some women "work harder" than others? Are some women unproductive i n terms o f farms' v i a b i l i t y ?
And what o f men's r o l e s ? Can i t be sa id t h a t r i g h t s t o matrimo- n i a l property should not on l y be a woman's o b l i g a t i o n t o prove, bu t also a man's, even where he has i n h e r i t e d the proper ty?
I s Canadian farming, as a labor market, no more or less d i s c r i m i - natory towards those women employed i n i t - -as wives and daughters but a l so as pa id non-family help-- than other sectors?
I f "farming o f the fu tu re " w i l l r equ i re increased nonfarm labor market p a r t i c i p a t i o n . increased managerial s k i l l s and improved leve ls o f education. what i s the impact o f these imperat ives upon the household members and upon labor a l l o c a t i o n s w i t h i n farm households?
What o f the i n t e r a c t i o n between the farm l i f e cyc le and the fami- l y l i f e cyc le? Can women's d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t con t r i bu t i ons t o a g r i c u l t u r e be melded w i t h some r e a l recogn i t i on o f t h e i r domes- t i c labor? Need--indeed, do--these spheres remain as separate as they are. by sex. i n urban f a m i l i e s ?
I n Conclusion The goal o f t h i s paper has been t o persuade i t s audience o f the i m -
portance of "counting women and c h i l d r e n in" t o labor input analyses o f a g r i c u l t u r a l product ion. Optimal means o f achieving t h i s goal have no t always been c lea r . Through the use o f a v a r i e t y o f primary sources, an e f f o r t has been made t o assess the type and ex ten t o f women and c h i l - d ren 's d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t c o n t r i b u t i o n t o Canadian a g r i c u l t u r e through t h e i r labor fo rce p a r t i c i p a t i o n .
Perhaps t h e images o f t h r e e women w i l l p rove more pe rsuas ive than t h i s mass o f s t a t i s t i c a l d e t a i l . The f i r s t two come f rom Campbell 's r e - markable work: they concern her mother and another woman known t o Camp- b e l l ' s p i o n e e r i n g c m u n i t y (Campbell 1983). Both women d ied. one by f o r c e o f circumstances, t h e o t h e r by choice.
Having borne s i x c h i l d r e n , Campbel l 's mother d i e d when her e l d e s t c h i l d was t h i r t e e n . Her daugh te r ' s r e c o l l e c t i o n i s a more e v o c a t i v e tes t imony t o her. t o t h e importance of mo the r ing and t o t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h which i t was accomplished than any summary.
I never remember her as middle-aged. She never looked l i k e '
W h i s t l e r ' s venerable mother i n t h e engrav ing f a t h e r hung on t h e l o g w a l l o f our f i r s t p r i m i t i v e Saskatchewan home. Nor have I thought of her as one o f those a n c i e n t e a r t h mothers who each i n her success ive g e n e r a t i o n founded a fecund, adapt- i n g people, y e t she was one o f them.
Ins tead , I remember her rehears ing a song, t e a towel i n hand, swaying t o an imagined accompaniment as she glanced a t t h e sco re propped aga ins t t h e k i t c h e n window. Whi le f a t h e r used t o read t o us a t bedt ime-- too o f t e n i t was K i n g s l e y ' s p re - cep t - - l aden Water Babies when he, and we, would have p r e f e r r e d K i p l i n g ' s t h r i l l i n g Jungle Books o r J u s t So Stor ies--she sanc about a g o l d f i s h swimming i n a b i g g l a s s bowl and such I O - ~ ~ l u l l a b i e s as " A l l Through t h e Night . " She improv ised games, on sunny days d r i v i n g Nora and me around t h e l o n e l y farmyard l i k e a team o f horses; when t h e weather was bad we raced ha lved wa lnu t s h e l l s on a sha l l ow m i l k pan o f water , each t i n y c r a f t powered by a b l a z i n g s c u l p t e d B r a z i l - n u t s a i l . As a s p e c i a l t r e a t we p layed w i t h t h e u n l i k e l y c o l l e c t i o n o f t r e a s - u r e s i n her g l o v e box--the c r y s t a l v i a l w i t h t h e l i n g e r i n g scen t of a t t a r o f roses, w h i t e k i d g loves, a spent b u l l e t t h a t had saved f a t h e r ' s l i f e on one o f h i s A f r i c a n s a f a r i s .
I t was supper t ime when she d i e d . f a t h e r had j u s t s t a r t e d a new r e c o r d on t h e gramophone, t h e l o v e l y Bach S u i t e No. 3 i n D H a j o r , and s a t down a t t h e head o f t h e t a b l e . H inu tes a f t e r he s a t down a t t h e t a b l e , suddenly he checked the c a t c h on t h e baby ' s h i g h c h a i r bes ide him, and l e f t us. When he came o u t o f mo the r ' s room, f a t h e r c losed t h e door beh ind him.
He s a i d we must f i n i s h our supper, and g o t us a l l u p s t a i r s t o bed. Then he phoned t h e d o c t o r and made t h e i n e v i t a b l e a r - rangements. She was b u r i e d i n her nightgown i n t h e l o n e l y l i t t l e cemetary across t h e n o r t h coulee, s t i l l wear ing t h e g o l d wedding r i n g he had had made f o r her i n A f r i c a . She was f o r t y - t w o . (Campbell 1983: 1, 143)
The second image, t h a t o f t he woman who d i e d by choice, i n v o l v e s t h e o c c a s i o n a l l y imposs ib le odds o f farming. A f t e r t h e i r second success ive c rop f a i l u r e , t a m p b e l l ' s ne ighbor e x e r c i s e d " t h e s t range courage'' stem- ming o f deepest despa i r . I n the m i d d l e o f October, she s imp ly waded
192
i n t o the deepest p a r t o f a s lough; t h e c h i l d she c a r r i e d d i e d w i t h i n her (Campbell 1983: 109) .
B u t t h e r e i s a t h i r d and, perhaps. more contemporary image: t h a t o f a woman I met r e c e n t l y . O r i g i n a l l y from O n t a r i o , she l i v e s on a farm approx ima te l y 1 1/2 hours n o r t h o f Regina. A teacher , she m a r r i e d f i v e years ago. F o l l o w i n g t h e b i r t h o f t h e i r two year o l d , she and her hus- band agreed she shou ld q u i t work t o s t a y a t home b o t h t o become more i n - vo l ved i n t h e fa rm and t o p r e p a r e f o r t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e i r second c h i l d . Her husband i s as i n t e r e s t e d a teacher as she i s a s t u d e n t about farming. They share t h e r a i s i n g o f t h e daughter , as much as p o s s i b l e . Both o f them recogn ize she w i l l r e t u r n t o teach ing f o r pe r iods , and a r e g r a t e f u l she has the o p p o r t u n i t y t o do i t w i t h such ease.
I n t h e memory of and respec t f o r these t h r e e images--these t h r e e r e a l women--for t h e i r hopes, t h e i r d e s p a i r , t h e i r dreams and t h e i r accom- p l i shmen ts , may I suggest we use ou r " s o c i o l o g i c a l " and our economic im- a g i n a t i o n s ? Women and c h i l d r e n a r e t o be counted i n as we assess who w i l l produce t h e food--counted not as a u d i t o r s ' drudges b u t as f u l l p e r - sons. We look t o a new and renewed f u t u r e .
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