northern quebec consumption in the cree community of
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Ecology of Food and Nutrition
ISSN: 0367-0244 (Print) 1543-5237 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gefn20
Facilitators and Barriers to Traditional FoodConsumption in the Cree Community of Mistissini,Northern Quebec
Véronique Laberge Gaudin, Olivier Receveur, Félix Girard & Louise Potvin
To cite this article: Véronique Laberge Gaudin, Olivier Receveur, Félix Girard & LouisePotvin (2015) Facilitators and Barriers to Traditional Food Consumption in the CreeCommunity of Mistissini, Northern Quebec, Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 54:6, 663-692, DOI:10.1080/03670244.2015.1072815
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03670244.2015.1072815
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Ecology of Food and Nutrition, 54:663–692, 2015Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0367-0244 print/1543-5237 onlineDOI: 10.1080/03670244.2015.1072815
Facilitators and Barriers to Traditional FoodConsumption in the Cree Community of
Mistissini, Northern Quebec
VÉRONIQUE LABERGE GAUDINDepartment of Public Health, Cree Board of Health and Social Services of James Bay,
Mistissini, Canada
OLIVIER RECEVEURDepartment of Nutrition, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Canada
FÉLIX GIRARDDepartment of Oral Health, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Canada
LOUISE POTVINSchool of Public Health, Université de Montréal, Montreal, Canada
To identify barriers to traditional food consumption and factorsthat facilitate it among the Cree community of Mistissini, a series offour focus groups was conducted with a total of twenty-three people.Two ecological models were created, one for facilitating factors anda second for obstacles, illustrating the role of numerous intercon-nected influences of traditional food consumption. Environmentalimpact project, laws and regulation, local businesses, traditionalknowledge, youth influence, employment status, and nonconve-nience of traditional food were named among numerous factorsinfluencing traditional food consumption. The findings of thisstudy can be used by political and public health organizations topromote traditional food where more emphasis should be investedin community and environmental strategies.
KEYWORDS determinants, ecological perspective, focus group,Native American Indian, traditional foods
Address correspondence to Véronique Laberge Gaudin, Department of Oral Health,Université de Montréal, C.P. 6128 Succursale Centre-ville, Montréal, QC H3C 3J7, Canada.E-mail: [email protected]
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INTRODUCTION
Over the past 50 years, the Aboriginal nations of Canada have been affectedby an important increase in chronic diseases such as diabetes (Health Canada2004). At the same time, the diet of many Aboriginal peoples has changeddrastically: traditionally based on the consumption of wild animals andplants, it is now mainly based on market foods (Kuhnlein et al. 2008).A rapid decrease in traditional food consumption over time has been widelydocumented in the literature Kuhnlein et al. 2004; Nakano et al. 2005b).This decrease is considered harmful to the population’s health, as traditionalfoods have been shown to reduce the risk of developing chronic diseases(Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996; Kuhnlein et al. 2004; Nakano et al. 2005b;Receveur, Boulay, and Kuhnlein 1997). It appears that consuming as little as5% of the total daily energy intake in the form of traditional foods would sig-nificantly increase the consumption of vitamin A, protein, iron, zinc, copper,magnesium, phosphorus, potassium, and vitamin E (Nakano et al. 2005b).Eating traditional foods can also help reduce the intake of sucrose and sat-urated fats (Ballew et al. 2006; Kuhnlein et al. 2004; Nakano et al. 2005b).Beyond their nutritional benefits, traditional foods contribute to supportingthe cultural, social, spiritual, and economic health of Aboriginal communities(Van Oostdam et al. 2003).
In 2000, Kuhnlein and Chan defined the traditional food system as being“all of the food species that are available to a particular culture from local nat-ural resources and the accepted patterns for their use within that culture. Thisterm also embraces an understanding of the socio-cultural meanings given tothese foods, their acquisition, and their processing: the chemical compositionof these foods; the way each food is used by age and gender groups within aselected culture; and the nutrition and health consequences of all these fac-tors for those who consume these foods” (Kuhnlein and Chan 2000, p. 596).
For the Cree, traditional food includes animals, plants, and berries aswell as bannock, a quick bread of European origin (Delormier, Kuhnlein,and Penn 1992).
Many factors influence food consumption (Raine 2005; Sallis and Glanz2009), and previous studies have pointed out some important factorsinvolved in traditional food consumption (Chan et al. 2006; Kuhnlein andReceveur 1996; Willows 2005). It has been established that living in small,isolated communities facilitates this type of choice (Chan et al. 2006; Nakanoet al. 2005b) and that being an older hunter, being physically active, andpracticing traditional activities increases the likelihood of consuming tra-ditional foods (Chan et al. 2006; Receveur, Boulay, and Kuhnlein 1997;Redwood et al. 2008). Conversely, a decrease in the possession or trans-mission of knowledge related to hunting, preparing, and storing traditionalfoods negatively affects its consumption (Chan et al. 2006; Kuhnlein andReceveur 1996). Other obstacles are the time and energy required to harvest
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Facilitators and Obstacles to Traditional Food Consumption 665
and process traditional food (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996; Mead et al. 2010;Skinner, Hanning, and Tsuji 2006); environmental changes (Kuhnlein andReceveur 1996); increased employment opportunities (Chan et al. 2006); thereduction of hunting opportunities (Chan et al. 2006); shifts in food prefer-ences (Chan et al. 2006); lack of interest in traditional activities (Chan et al.2006); and lack of equipment or funds to support hunting or harvestingactivities (Chan et al. 2006; Mead et al. 2010). With regard to the cost of tra-ditional foods, research findings are contradictory; while some studies arguethat hunting and fishing expenses represent an obstacle (Chan et al. 2006;Lambden et al. 2006), others contend that the cost of a market food basketin isolated communities is very high and traditional food is cheaper, thuscreating an incentive for its consumption (Wein 1994). One study found thateducation, occupation, and job status do not have a significant influence ontraditional food consumption (Wein, Sabry, and Evers 1991), whereas otherstudies have reported the opposite (Batal 2001; Hopping et al. 2010).
Many studies have explored aspects of food consumption from a widevariety of disciplines and perspectives, and several models have been devel-oped to help understand the process of food choice (Glanz and Mullis 1988;Furst et al. 1996; Story et al. 2008; Wetter et al. 2001). However, few studieshave mapped environmental and individual influences using the ecologicalmodel, and those that have employed this model have examined food con-sumption in non-Aboriginal populations (Story et al. 2008). In this study, weaim to develop a comprehensive ecological model of traditional food con-sumption in an Aboriginal community setting. The ecological model suggeststhat traditional food consumption is influenced not only by individual behav-iors, but also by social, community, and environmental factors (Delormier,Frohlich, and Potvin 2009; Sobal, Kettel Khan, and Bisogni 1998). The modelconsists of a series of concentric circles illustrating different factors influ-encing an individual’s food consumption. Such a framework describes thepattern of interactions between the individual, his or her social network, andthe environment or setting. In addition, our choice of an ecological approachis possibly in line with the Cree concept of health, miyupimaatisiiun, whichgoes beyond the health of the individual and implies a healthy and respectfulrelationship with the territory and the animals (Adelson 2000).
The purpose of this study is to identify the obstacles and factorsthat facilitate traditional food consumption among the Cree community ofMistissini in Northern Quebec. Mistissini (pop. 3,000) is one of the biggestcommunities among the nine Cree communities located on the east coastof James Bay in Canada (Figure 1). An ecological model with four levelsof influence—individual, interpersonal, community, and environment—willbe used as a conceptual framework. This model is intended to expandour understanding of factors related to traditional food consumption andplace these factors in the context of other influences on health. The mod-eling of these facilitators and obstacles is an important step toward the
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FIGURE 1 Map of Cree communities in Northern Quebec.
development of strategies to increase the proportion of traditional foodconsumed regularly.
METHODS
This study represents phase II of a sequential explanatory mixed methodsdesign; the overall methodology is described in detail elsewhere (LabergeGaudin et al. 2014). A focus group approach was employed to gain a betterunderstanding of what Cree perspectives influence traditional food consump-tion (obstacles and facilitators) (Krueger and Casey 2009). Participants wereMistissini residents aged between 18 and 90 years. Focus groups are a formof group interviews that capitalize on communication between the partici-pants (Kitzinger 2000) and facilitate the collection of data in a more naturalenvironment where individuals are influenced by others (Krueger and Casey2009). The objective of focus groups is to allow participants to clarify andexplore their own points of view by comparing them with the opinionsof others (Kitzinger 1994, 2000). Focus groups also allow participants togenerate their own opinions in line with their social standards and culturalvalues (Kitzinger 2000). Ideally, groups should be small enough to allowall individuals to express their ideas but sufficiently large to collect diverseand interesting information (Krueger and Casey 2009; Weber 1990). Groups
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Facilitators and Obstacles to Traditional Food Consumption 667
should be relatively homogenous in order to facilitate discussion, the sharingof opinions, and the identification of points of consensus.
Focus Group Data Collection and Recruitment
In 2009, following Krueger’s recommendations, four focus groups were orga-nized, each composed of four to eight people for a total of twenty-threeparticipants (Krueger and Casey 2009). After the last focus group, no newinformation was gained, and it was decided that theoretical saturation wasreached. Each group discussion lasted approximately 90 minutes. All focusgroups were mixed gender and were held at the participants’ preferredlocation and time. To increase participant similarity and to create a morecomfortable environment, a homogenization sample strategy was used todivide the participants into two groups of 18–40-year-olds and two groupsof 40–90-year-olds (Krueger and Casey 2009). Participants were selectedthrough nomination (Krueger and Casey 2009). All discussions and inter-views were held in English and/or Cree, facilitated by the main researcher,who had worked and lived 8 years in the community. A Cree interpreter andmoderator was used when necessary.
A discussion schedule (Table 1) was developed and pretested withopen-ended questions designed to be short, clear, simple, and one-dimensional (Krueger and Casey 2009). Along the discussion schedule, avisual aid illustrating the four levels of the ecological model was also used toencourage participants to go back and forth between the discussion scheduleand the posited conceptual framework.
Focus Group Data Analysis
The main researcher did all data analysis. A deductive-inductive thematicanalysis was used to analyze the data collected from the interviews (Braun
TABLE 1 Discussion Schedule
This focus group is about exploring facilitators and obstacles that influence traditional foodconsumption.
What makes you eat traditional food? (visual support: ecological model)In your familyWhat may make you eat more traditional food?What keeps you from eating traditional food?In your communityWhat may make you eat more traditional food?What keeps you from eating traditional food?In the Cree NationWhat may make you eat more traditional food?What keeps you from eating traditional food?Is there anything you would like to add?
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and Clarke 2006): deductive because the ecological model was used asa theoretical background and factors were selected to answer a specificresearch question (Braun and Clarke 2006) and inductive because factorsare data-driven and not predetermined to fit specific factors of the ecologicalmodel (Braun and Clarke 2006). Each focus group discussion was recordedthen transcribed by an external transcriber and was closely revised bythe moderator. Initially, major themes were organized and categorizedmanually into the ecological model levels. However, to ensure better datamanagement, QDA Miner 3.2 software (Provalis research, Montreal) wassubsequently used to code and organize the transcribed data into factors.The use of computer software facilitated the iterative coding process andhighlighted inconsistencies. It also made coding updates or modificationseasier (Krueger and Casey 2009).
The coding process assigned sentences and/or paragraphs to a factor.Those factors were organized into four ecological levels following a thematicanalysis of the participants’ classifications during focus groups. Then, in aniterative process, each factor was revisited or merged into different factors.Facilitators and obstacles were extracted from each factor. Finally, factors,facilitators, and obstacles were named and defined. To ensure validity, theresults were later presented to a group of community representatives.
The ecological model provides a framework within which it is possibleto explore potential obstacles and facilitators of traditional food consump-tion. The model consists of a series of concentric circles, here called levelsof influence, that illustrate different factors influencing food consumption.The inner circle, the individual level, includes individual characteristics andbehaviors. The next concentric circle, the interpersonal level, includes familymembers and other people who interact directly with the individual. Thethird circle, the community level, includes physical settings in a community,such as schools and workplaces. The fourth circle, the environmental level,includes larger societal influences such as the greater economic, ecological,and political contexts.
Using an ecological model suggests that traditional food consumptionoccurs as a result of interactions between factors and different levels of influ-ence. Consumption of food is an ongoing process through which individualsinteract actively and iteratively with proximal and distal environments(Bronfenbrenner 1979). The individual has the ability to participate in andrestructure his or her environment just as his or her environment influencesthat particular individual (Bronfenbrenner 1986). In addition, this modelsuggests that food consumption is the result of multiple interconnectedinfluences among different levels, rather than being the influence of a singlefactor.
The Cree Board of Health and Social Services of James Bay, the researchethics committee of the Université de Montréal, and the Mistissini Band
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Facilitators and Obstacles to Traditional Food Consumption 669
Council approved the study protocol. All participants provided informedconsent before participating in the study.
RESULTS
Figure 2 and Figure 3 provide ecological models of facilitators (Figure 2) andobstacles (Figure 3) illustrating the role of numerous influences on traditionalfood consumption
Tables 2, 3, 4, and 5 describe in more detail the results of the focusgroup analyses: They describe the factors identified by participants as influ-encing their food consumption. Each table represents a level of the ecologicalmodel, and four levels are described: individual, interpersonal, community,and environment. Each table provides the name and a short descriptionof the factors influencing traditional food consumption. Two additionalcolumns, facilitators and obstacles, explain how each of these factors influ-ences (positively or negatively) traditional food consumption. Finally, the lastcolumn provides quotes illustrating a facilitator or an obstacle.
FIGURE 2 Ecological representation of facilitators.
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FIGURE 3 Ecological representation of barriers.
Individual Level (Table 2)
This level includes factors influencing the intake of traditional foods, suchas a person’s preferences, employment status, education, and lifestyle. Withregard to food preferences, some participants mentioned that they used tolike the taste of wild game but that alterations in the wild animals’ eatinghabits have changed the taste of the meat. For example, as a result of theenvironmental impact of development projects and a greater human pres-ence on Cree territory, bears are feeding on garbage, which changes thetaste of their meat. In addition, some people use nontraditional recipes andcooking techniques to prepare wild game (e.g., spaghetti sauce with groundmoose meat), which facilitates the cooking of traditional foods for some butis not appreciated by everyone. Studying outside the community was alsoseen as a possible threat to the survival of traditional Cree culture because awesternized educated person could be perceived as no longer caring abouttraditional foods.
Individual factors are related to Cree beliefs and identity. These aregenerally facilitators of traditional food consumption: People are proud to
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TAB
LE2
Faci
litat
ors
and
Obst
acle
sCla
ssifi
edby
Fact
ors
for
the
Indiv
idual
Leve
l
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ors
Des
crip
tion
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litat
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acle
sQ
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erat
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Age
Bei
ng
old
er“T
he
elder
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em
ore
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dto
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gtrad
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food.”
Life
styl
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ctic
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ities
or
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g;pra
ctic
eofphys
ical
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lly
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ve
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ctic
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itional
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ities
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.,sn
ow
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ng,
carv
ing,
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nnin
g,an
dse
win
g)
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ess
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ple
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more
trad
ition
orien
ted
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ore
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and
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ore
.B
ecau
seif
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tto
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you
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est
ore
,an
dth
enyo
udrive
hom
e.W
her
eas
ahunte
rw
ould
goan
dhunt.
Wal
k.Chec
kth
esn
ares
.You
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eto
race
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naf
ter
am
oose
.”Pre
fere
nce
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nce
s,av
ersi
ons,
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ns,
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ings
,m
oods,
and
feel
ings
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ke
trad
itio
nal
foo
d−
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erat
esgo
od
mem
ori
es−
Cra
vings
−D
islik
eofth
est
rong
tast
esofso
me
trad
itional
foods
−D
islik
eth
eal
tere
dta
ste
ofw
ildga
me
−D
islik
enew
cooki
ng
tech
niq
ues
“You
know
what
Im
ean;
ever
ybody
eats
trad
itional
food,
butth
eyhav
eth
eir
ow
npre
fere
nce
what
trad
itional
food
is.”
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bac
km
emories
of
thin
gsin
my
child
hood
or
the
bush
.”Em
plo
ymen
tThe
stat
eofbei
ng
emplo
yed
Job
pro
vid
esan
acce
ssto
mo
ney
Lack
oftim
ew
itha
job
“We
wer
eta
lkin
gab
outm
oney
,an
dfo
rth
ose
who
are
nonem
plo
yed,w
her
edo
they
getth
eir
money
toge
tth
eir
bush
food?A
nd
those
who
are
emplo
yed
may
hav
eth
em
oney
,butth
eydon’t
hav
eth
etim
e.”
Educa
tional
atta
inm
ent
Schoolat
tendan
ceouts
ide
ofth
eco
mm
unity
——
—H
avin
gst
ud
ied
ou
tsid
eth
eco
mm
un
itie
sm
ayle
adto
alo
sso
fC
ree
valu
e
“They
hav
em
ore
educa
tion,so
they
don’t
care
abouttrad
itional
Cre
efo
od.”
(Con
tin
ued
)
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TAB
LE2
(Contin
ued
)
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Cre
eid
entit
yA
way
todiffe
rentia
teCre
esfr
om
oth
ercu
lture
s
−B
eing
pro
ud
oftrad
itional
Cre
efo
od
−P
art
of
ou
rcu
ltu
re
——
—“I
would
n’t
say
it’s
[trad
itional
food]a
whole
iden
tity
buta
maj
or
par
t.”“A
nd
Ith
ink
also
,lik
e,it
influen
ced
me
more
tobe
more
India
n,lik
e,ea
tm
ore
trad
itional
food
and,lik
e,to
sew
and
lear
n,
like,
the
Cre
ew
ays.
”B
elie
fsA
ttitu
des
,fa
ith,
per
ceptio
ns
ofhea
lth,
rela
tionsh
ips
bet
wee
nlif
esty
lean
dhea
lth
−Pro
vides
more
ener
gy−
Pro
vides
nutrie
nts
−Is
hea
lth
y−
Isa
trad
itional
med
icin
e−
Hel
ps
atta
inp
hy
sica
lan
dsp
irit
ual
bal
ance
Bei
ng
curs
edfo
ryo
ur
huntin
g“I
t’sa
lothea
lthie
r:trad
itional
food
ishea
lthy
food.”
“Iam
inM
ontrea
lan
dIdon’t
eatit
(tra
diti
onal
food).
Idon’t
feel
mys
elf;
Idon’t
feel
my
ow
nan
dam
outofbal
ance
,an
dif
Iea
tit
Ife
elbet
ter
you
know
,Idon’t
know
ifth
atis
like
asp
iritu
alth
ing.
”Sk
ills
Com
pet
ency
or
dex
terity
acquired
or
dev
eloped
thro
ugh
trai
nin
gor
exper
ience
Introduct
ion
ofnew
cooki
ng
tech
niq
ues
−Lo
sso
ftr
adit
ion
alco
ok
ing
tech
niq
ues
−Lo
sso
fp
rep
arat
ion
tech
niq
ues
−Rel
uct
ance
toex
ert
effo
rtfo
rpre
par
ing
and
cooki
ng
“All
ofth
ose
pre
par
atio
ns
and
cooki
ng
met
hods
are
goin
gout
the
win
dow
.”“.
..is
real
lyhar
dfo
rus
totry
toco
ok
afe
astth
erigh
tw
ay.”
...
“Ith
ink
itis
the
reas
on
why
som
eofth
eyo
ung
peo
ple
don’t
eatth
atm
uch
trad
itional
food
bec
ause
they
don’t
know
how
topre
par
eit.
”
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Tim
ePer
iod
nec
essa
ryor
avai
lable
for
agi
ven
activ
ity
Pay
anel
der
topre
par
ean
dcl
ean
anim
al−
Lon
gp
rep
arat
ion
tim
e−
Lack
oftim
eto
gohuntin
g
“They
are
too
lazy
,or
they
don’t
hav
eth
etim
eIsh
ould
say
topre
par
eth
efo
od.”
Conve
nie
nce
Pre
sentan
dre
ady
for
use
:A
than
dAva
ilable
inyo
ur
fam
ily−
No
tco
nve
nie
nt
−N
otal
way
sav
aila
ble
“Ith
ink
peo
ple
...hum
...ar
ela
zyco
oki
ng
trad
itional
food
not
like
when
you
getso
met
hin
gfr
om
the
store
you
just
open
itan
dputit
inth
em
icro
wav
eve
ryea
syan
dco
nve
nie
ntbutto
cook
trad
itional
food
you
hav
eto
cutit
up,boil
it,or
you
putit
inth
eove
n.”
Cost
Am
ountpai
dor
required
:price
Chea
per
tobuy
trad
itional
foods
from
ahunte
r−
Tra
dit
ion
alfo
od
isex
pen
sive
−H
un
tin
gis
exp
ensi
ve
“Our
thre
epar
trid
ges
and
ara
bbit
pro
bab
lyco
stus
$60.
Not
countin
gth
esh
ells
,ju
stth
ega
s.So
inth
atw
ay,it
isex
pen
sive
.”
Not
e.Bold
faci
litat
ors
and
obst
acle
sar
eill
ust
rate
dby
aquote
.
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674 V. Laberge Gaudin et al.
consume traditional foods and believe it is high-quality food. However, thetraditional belief that shamans have the power to curse people and impedetheir ability to hunt was mentioned as an obstacle.
Finally, other individual factors included cost, time, skills, and conve-nience. In this study, these were most often perceived as obstacles to theconsumption of traditional foods. For example, traditional food was seen asbeing expensive and inconvenient, and its preparation was seen as requiringspecial skills and a lot of time.
Interpersonal Level (Table 3)
The interpersonal level includes all factors related to the relationships withothers. For this level, the most important influences on traditional food con-sumption relate to one’s family. People reported that they always have accessto traditional food at their parents’ or grandparents’ homes:
Usually my mom makes traditional food when I’m at her house—at familygatherings and also for birthdays.
The presence or absence of hunters in one’s family is identified, respec-tively, as a facilitator and an obstacle. Because hunting is typically a familyactivity, more family income was mentioned as having a positive influenceon traditional food consumption. Younger generations are perceived as los-ing their Cree values and of showing less interest in consuming traditionalfoods:
Family doesn’t insist that the children eat [traditional food]; it is changingvalues.
The Cree values of respecting animals is not being passed on, you know.From the elders to the youth, I think it has a lot to do, well it is respectingthe animals, plus the environment, you know.
Finally, sharing was identified as a facilitator, although participants notedthat it is becoming more difficult due to the high cost of hunting and limitedaccess to traditional foods.
Community Level—Physical Settings (Table 4)
The community level corresponds to the physical settings that influencethe consumption of traditional foods. The absence of traditional foods inrestaurants and grocery stores was mentioned as an important obstacle totraditional food consumption. Most people interviewed wanted to see greaterinvolvement on the part of local schools and childcare facilities to increase
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TAB
LE3
Faci
litat
ors
and
Obst
acle
sCla
ssifi
edby
Fact
ors
for
the
Soci
alN
etw
ork
Leve
l
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Fam
ilyin
fluen
ceFa
mily
mem
ber
saf
fect
ing
the
consu
mptio
noftrad
itional
foods
−Enco
ura
ged
by
fam
ily−
Pre
sence
ofa
hunte
rin
the
fam
ily−
Fam
ilie
ste
ach
thei
rch
ild
ren
trad
itio
nal
kn
ow
led
ge−
Ear
lyfe
edin
gof
trad
itional
foods
tobab
ies
Ab
sen
ceo
fa
hu
nte
rin
the
fam
ily
“Butm
ypar
ents
still
teac
hm
yki
ds.
Like
Isa
id,w
ithce
rtai
nan
imal
sin
the
springt
ime.
It’s
trad
itional
.”“W
ellit
alldep
ends
ifth
epar
ents
are
hunte
rsofif
they
hav
eac
cess
toit
[TF]
.W
ithth
ehunte
rsth
eyca
nbring
the
food
and
ifyo
uca
n`t
mar
rya
hunte
ryo
uw
illhav
ea
har
dtim
efindin
gtrad
itional
food.”
Eld
er influen
ceEld
ers
affe
ctin
gth
eco
nsu
mptio
noftrad
itional
foods
En
cou
rage
db
yel
der
s—
——
“Ito
ldm
ysel
fto
be
more
into
it,lik
e,w
hat
the
elder
sw
ere
tryi
ng
tote
ach
me.
Ith
ink
ithad
alo
tof
influen
ceon
me.
”Youth
influen
ceYouth
saf
fect
ing
the
consu
mptio
noftrad
itional
foods
——
—−
No
tea
ten
wit
hfr
ien
ds
−So
me
child
ren
won’t
eat
it
“My
frie
nds,
they
don’t
even
talk
abouttrad
itional
food
or,
like,
let’s
hav
eso
me
bea
ver;
wher
eas
my
fam
ilyw
ould
call
me
and
say:
com
eove
r,w
eco
oke
dso
me
par
trid
ge.”
Soci
alnorm
Rule
sso
cial
lyen
forc
ed.
Influen
ced
by
cultu
reW
ell
per
ceiv
edLi
vein
afa
stfo
od
gen
erat
ion
“It’s
wel
lse
enby
the
com
munity
toea
ttrad
itional
food.”
“We
live
ina
fast
food
gener
atio
nan
dtrad
itional
food
isin
the
slow
food
gener
atio
n.”
Shar
ing
Tom
ake
join
tuse
of
trad
itional
food
Shar
edb
etw
een
frie
nd
san
dfa
mil
y—
——
“Gen
eral
lyat
goose
bre
akor
moose
bre
akth
eyhav
elo
tsofm
eatan
dlo
tsofge
ese
or
duck
sor
anyt
hin
g.W
epas
sit
allar
ound
with
inour
fam
ilyan
dfr
iends.
”
(Con
tin
ued
)
675
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TAB
LE3
(Contin
ued
)
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Ext
ended
fam
ilyga
ther
-in
gs
Wal
king-
out∗ ,
wed
din
gs,
fam
ilyev
ents
Fam
ily
gath
erin
gsse
rve
trad
itio
nal
foo
d—
——
“Fea
sts,
wel
lw
hen
ther
eis
aw
alki
ng-
outce
rem
ony
ther
eis
alw
ays
afe
astw
ithit
[trad
itional
food]to
oor
wed
din
gs,sp
ecia
locc
asio
ns.
”Fa
mily
inco
mes
Wag
es,fa
mily
sala
ries
——
—F
amil
yh
un
tin
gis
exp
ensi
ve“T
he
fam
ilyhav
eto
hav
em
oney
tobe
able
toac
cess
it[tr
aditi
onal
food]”
“What
Ihea
rdif
ther
eis
afa
mily
of
five
or
more
,yo
uhav
eto
hav
eat
leas
t5,
000
dolla
rsor
more
tosp
end
on
allth
eeq
uip
men
tth
atyo
unee
dfo
rhuntin
g,fish
ing,
and
trap
pin
g.A
nd
it’s
expen
sive
bec
ause
ofth
ew
ayw
eliv
eto
day
,th
eth
ings
we
are
eatin
g,th
eth
ings
that
we
trav
elw
ith,
and
we
nee
da
lotofga
sm
oney
.”
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Val
ues
Bas
icnotio
ns
peo
ple
hav
eab
outhow
the
world
funct
ions.
−E
atin
gtr
adit
ion
alfo
od
isp
art
of
Cre
eva
lues
−N
ever
was
tetrad
itional
food;ea
tal
lpar
tsofth
ean
imal
−W
astin
goftrad
itional
food
−Le
ssre
spec
tfo
ran
imal
s−
Eat
ing
trad
itional
food
not
asim
portan
tas
bef
ore
−R
elu
ctan
ceto
exer
tef
fort
toge
ttr
adit
ion
alfo
od
“Iw
ould
n’t
pro
bab
lybe
follo
win
gm
yCre
eva
lues
Igu
ess
like
Iw
ould
hav
est
opped
eatin
gtrad
itional
food.”
“So
those
day
s,yo
uw
illse
ea
caribou,aa
ahit
isgo
ing
tobe
too
much
work
topull
out,
gobac
kto
the
road
and
look
for
som
em
ore
(yea
h)
(lau
ghin
g).B
efore
itw
as,O
ooh.Car
ibou
trac
ksoka
yle
t’sgo
,w
ear
ech
asin
gth
ose
for
the
nex
tday
suntil
we
catc
hup
with
them
and
getone.
Butnow
day
s,it
isaa
aah
he
isnoton
the
side
ofth
ero
adso
Iw
on’t
shoot
them
will
golo
ok
for
anoth
erone
(lau
ghin
g).”
Know
ledge
Aw
aren
ess
or
under
stan
din
gga
ined
by
exper
ience
or
educa
tion
——
—−
Lost
of
trad
itio
nal
kn
ow
led
ge−
Lost
ofan
imal
anat
om
ykn
ow
ledge
“Ith
ink
the
big
gest
atth
eco
mm
unity
leve
lis
tofigu
rehow
topas
sth
ekn
ow
ledge
.Yea
h.
Yea
h.B
oth
ofhuntin
gan
dco
oki
ng
and
for
pre
serv
ing
but
bec
ause
...on
the
indiv
idual
leve
lw
ithth
efa
mily
itis
not
real
ly[p
asse
don].”
Not
e.Bold
faci
litat
ors
and
obst
acle
sar
eill
ust
rate
dby
aquote
.∗ W
alki
ng-
outis
atrad
itional
Cre
ece
rem
ony
wher
ea
fam
ilyin
troduce
sits
child
toth
eco
mm
unity
and
introduce
sth
ech
ildto
his
or
her
trad
itional
role
asa
mal
eor
fem
ale
with
inCre
eso
ciet
y.
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678 V. Laberge Gaudin et al.
traditional food availability and improve the content of cultural classes wheretraditional cooking techniques and practices are taught. The Band Counciland the Cree Trappers’ Association were generally seen as facilitators oftraditional food consumption even if some improvements were suggested.As part of a program designed to promote traditional knowledge and prac-tices, the Mistissini Band Council offers a program where traditional foodis served an average of six meals per week. Although meals are free foreveryone, it is only accessible by car, and no transportation is provided.In addition, the cultural norm dictates that elders eat first, and because manyelders attend, there is not always enough food for the younger members ofthe community.
According to the participants, access to a hunting ground is a crucialfactor influencing traditional Cree food consumption. Having little access tohunting grounds or not knowing a tallyman (an individual who is recognizedby the government to manage and take care of his family’s trap line andwho controls access to these traditional hunting-trapping grounds) impedesthe consumption of traditional food. Participants mentioned an increase intraditional food intake when staying at a hunting camp:
That’s like when we are in the bush we intend to practice our traditionalways more than when we live in the community because traditional foodis more accessible.
Where a person lives—residence location—is both a great facilitatorand a big obstacle. Staying in the bush is a major contributor for accessingtraditional foods, followed by living in a Cree community. Then staying inthe city was identified as a major obstacle. Finally, community remoteness isconsidered as a facilitating factor due to the low influence of other cultures.
Environment Level (Table 5)
For this level, we identified two main subgroups: ecology and govern-ment. Ecological factors, such as wildlife sustainability, environmental impactprojects, and contaminants, greatly influenced traditional food consumption.To maintain wildlife populations, participants mentioned the importance ofmonitoring wildlife and respecting traditional Cree regeneration techniques.As for environmental impact projects, such as hydro-electrical projects, min-ing, and forestry, they were seen as major obstacles to the consumption oftraditional foods. The preservation of wildlife populations and the effect oflarge-scale projects are clearly issues of great importance to the Mistissinicommunity as this discussion elicited many comments and emotional reac-tions from the focus group participants. Some participants believed that notlistening to public health messages targeting food contaminants (such asmethylmercury in fishes) may facilitate the consumption of traditional foods.
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TAB
LE4
Faci
litat
ors
and
Obst
acle
sCla
ssifi
edby
Fact
ors
for
the
Com
munity
Leve
l
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Phys
ical
Settin
gRes
iden
celo
catio
nPla
cew
her
ea
per
son
lives
−Liv
ing
ina
Cre
eco
mm
un
ity
−Sta
ying
inth
ebush
−Liv
ing
inan
isola
ted
Cre
eco
mm
unity
bec
ause
:−L
ess
influen
ced
by
oth
ercu
lture
−Hig
hco
stof
nontrad
itional
food
Livi
ng
ina
city
“Ifth
atper
son
isin
the
land
ofth
eW
hite
man
,he
or
she
will
eat
White
man
’sfo
od.The
food
you
eat
dep
ends
on
wher
eyo
uar
e.”
“Lik
ew
hen
Iam
her
e(in
the
com
munity
)Iam
able
tohav
etrad
itional
food
pre
tty
much
ever
yw
eeke
nd.O
uts
ide
the
com
munity
isa
big
pro
ble
mofhav
ing
acce
ssto
trad
itional
food.”
Land
acce
ssA
bili
tyto
acce
ssa
huntin
ggr
ound
Hav
ing
ahuntin
ggr
ound
−No
tk
no
win
gan
yta
lly
man
−Huntin
ggr
ound
isnotea
sily
acce
ssib
le−H
un
tin
go
no
ther
terr
ito
ries
isfr
ow
ned
up
on
“Peo
ple
that
don’t
hav
ela
nd
they
cannotre
ally
goout[h
untin
g].”
“Butyo
uca
n’t
just
gohuntin
gan
ywher
e...Idon’t
know
who’s
terr
itory
itis
bec
ause
itis
like
stea
ling,
you
know
.”
Com
munity
even
tsan
dpro
gram
s
Colla
bora
tive
activ
ities
pla
nned
inth
eco
mm
unity
−Ban
dCounci
lpro
gram
soffer
ing
free
trad
itional
food
−Co
mm
un
ity
even
tso
ffer
ing
free
trad
itio
nal
foo
d−F
un
dra
isin
g
−Pro
vidin
gfo
od
inst
ead
ofsh
ow
ing
how
topre
par
eit
−Exp
ensi
veto
buy
trad
itional
pla
tefr
om
fundra
isin
g
“Alo
tofth
ese
com
munity
groups
Igu
ess
when
ever
ther
eis
aco
mm
unity
feas
tw
eal
way
sin
clude
trad
itional
food.”
“The
oth
erth
ing
I’ve
notic
edis
that
peo
ple
sell
pla
tes—
trad
itional
pla
tes.
That
’show
my
mom
gets
som
ean
dth
at’s
how
Ige
tso
me
too.”
(Con
tin
ued
)
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TAB
LE4
(Contin
ued
)
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Schoolan
dChild
care
pro
gram
s
Act
iviti
espla
nned
insc
hools
or
child
care
cente
rs
−Ser
ved
inch
ildca
rece
nte
rs−C
ree
cultu
ral
pro
gram
sin
schools
Cre
ecu
ltu
ral
pro
gram
sin
sch
oo
lsar
eli
mit
edin
sco
pe
“It’s
suppose
dto
be
ther
eat
the
schoolin
the
Cre
ecu
lture
,butth
eydon’t
do
much
;th
eyw
illm
ake
pad
dle
that
this
big
[show
ing
apad
dle
the
size
ofa
han
d]an
dnot
good
for
anyt
hin
g(h
um
-hum
).A
nd
the
axe
han
dle
are
like
this
inst
ead
ofth
ere
alax
ehan
dle
.So
that
know
ledge
from
know
ing
how
todo
itfr
om
long
time
ago,to
be
pas
sed
on
now
isve
ryfa
stly
dis
appea
ring.
Idon’t
thin
km
yso
nca
nm
ake
apad
dle
eith
er,butm
yfa
ther
-in-law
use
dto
be
very
good
atit.
”Cre
eTra
pper
s’A
ssoci
atio
n(C
TA)
Org
aniz
atio
ndes
igned
topro
tect
and
mai
nta
ina
Cre
ew
ayoflif
e
−Sel
lstr
adit
ion
alfo
od
−Funds
pro
gram
Notev
eryo
ne
can
affo
rdtrad
itional
food
sold
by
CTA
“Iw
ould
say
that
like
com
munity
groups
like
the
CTA
and
ban
ds
they
do
pro
mote
trad
itional
food
and
they
do
hav
eth
eCTA
apro
gram
that
they
buy
and
sell
trad
itional
food.They
hav
ea
free
zer
and
inth
efr
eeze
rsth
at’s
wher
eth
eyst
ore
the
goods
Igu
ess
...Ther
ear
ebea
ver
....”
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Loca
lbusi
nes
ses
Org
aniz
atio
ndes
igned
topro
vide
goods
or
serv
ices
inth
eco
mm
unity
(gro
cery
store
s,re
stau
rants
)
Som
etim
esav
aila
ble
atth
egr
oce
ryst
ore
−No
tav
aila
ble
inre
stau
ran
tsan
dgr
oce
ryst
ore
s−A
bse
nce
of
bu
sin
esse
sto
clea
nan
dp
rep
are
trad
itio
nal
foo
d
“And
the
oth
erth
ing
is,th
ere
stau
rants
don’t
serv
etrad
itional
food.N
one
of
the
rest
aura
nts
serv
eit.
”“M
aybe
ifth
eyhav
ea
pla
cew
her
ew
eca
nbring
duck
san
dge
ese
and
they
pre
par
eit
and
cutit
up
and,lik
e,sm
oke
itan
dth
enth
eygi
veit
bac
kto
you
soyo
uca
npre
serv
eit
and
eatit
with
your
fam
ily.Li
kean
org
aniz
atio
nor
agr
oup
ofper
sons
inth
eco
mm
unity
pre
par
ing
allth
etrad
itional
food,fo
rth
ose
who
don’t
know
how
topre
par
eit
they
can
take
itove
rth
ere
and
pre
par
eit
for
you
and
give
itbac
kto
you
soyo
uca
nfe
edyo
ur
fam
ily.Eve
nif
you
catc
ha
lotoffish
ther
e,lik
efo
rm
eI
don’t
know
how
tosm
oke
it,Ica
nbring
itto
them
and
they
pre
par
eit
for
me
and
they
give
itbac
kan
dI
can
eatw
ithm
yfa
mily
.”
Not
e.Bold
faci
litat
ors
and
obst
acle
sar
eill
ust
rate
dby
aquote
.
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682 V. Laberge Gaudin et al.
For the government subgroup, laws and regulations were seen asobstacles to traditional food consumption. For example, the Quebec gov-ernment does not allow traditional foods to be served in public institutions.Forbidding Cree and public entities to sell traditional foods was mentionedseveral times as being a barrier.
Cree regional entities and media, aside from the Cree Trappers’Association, were seen as not prioritizing the promotion of traditional foodor traditional activities.
DISCUSSION
The scientific community emphasizes a need for describing the tradi-tional food process from an Aboriginal perspective (Skinner, Hanning, andTsuji 2006). The numbers of obstacles and facilitators identified in thisstudy concord with existing factors such as contaminants, environmentalimpact projects, laws and regulations, physical settings, and social networks(Nudelle et al. 2007).
It is obvious that ecological and wildlife sustainability were seen as sig-nificant factors. Without a healthy balanced flora and fauna, the consumptionof traditional foods would be extremely difficult (Chan et al. 2006; Guyotet al. 2006; Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996). While some of our participantsmentioned that not listening to public health messages targeting food con-taminants (such as methylmercury in fishes) might facilitate the consumptionof traditional food, their comment highlights the need for more work onpublic health messaging on the benefits and risks of traditional food. At thesocial level, the family was perceived as promoting traditional food consump-tion and friends as blocking it. Many studies have revealed the considerableinfluence of social networks on health, beginning with the family and extend-ing to other groups (Breslow 1996; Delormier, Frohlich, and Potvin 2009;Nestle et al. 1998; Patel and Schlundt 2001; Shepherd 1999). Previous studieshave documented a decrease in traditional food sharing practices (Delormier,Kuhnlein, and Penn 1992; Power 2008). However, the Crees of Mistissini arestill practicing sharing on a regular basis. Income is usually measured at theindividual level, but according to our study, when it is associated with tradi-tional food consumption, family income might be a better predictor. It seemsthat eating traditional food is more a family custom then an individual one.For example, hunting, preparing, and eating traditional food is practiced infamily, involving shared resources such as hunting and trapping equipment,camp installations, and hunting ground. Future traditional food consumptionstrategies should target families instead of individuals.
Factors identified under the individual level, such as individual charac-teristics, cost, convenience, and time, are common not only for traditional
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TAB
LE5
Faci
litat
ors
and
Obst
acle
sCla
ssifi
edby
Fact
ors
for
the
Envi
ronm
entLe
vel
Fact
ors
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crip
tion
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litat
ors
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acle
sQ
uote
s
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rnm
ent
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san
dre
gula
tions
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sofco
nduct
or
princi
ple
ses
tablis
hed
by
agre
emen
tor
auth
ority
Tra
diti
onal
foods
can
be
exch
ange
d−H
untin
glim
ited
tola
nd
cate
gories
1an
d2
−Tra
dit
ion
alfo
od
sca
nn
ot
be
sold
−Gove
rnm
enta
len
titie
sar
enot
allo
wed
tose
rve
trad
itional
foods
−Gove
rnm
entla
ws
are
confu
sing
and
notad
apte
dto
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ere
aliti
es−C
ree
lands
are
open
tooth
erhunte
rs
“Wel
lif
we
look
atea
chen
tity
Igu
ess
groce
ryst
ore
san
dre
stau
rants
are
notal
low
edto
pro
mote
trad
itional
food
and
it’s
agai
nst
the
law
inso
me
way
.Is
itlik
e,yo
uca
nnotse
rve
any
trad
itional
food?Li
keat
the
store
.”
Reg
ional
entit
ies
Gra
nd
Counci
lofth
eCre
es,Cre
eReg
ional
Auth
oritie
s,Cre
eH
ealth
Boar
d,Cre
eSc
hoolB
oar
d
——
—−N
ole
ader
ship
ove
rla
nd
pre
serv
atio
n−A
bse
nce
of
ata
skfo
rce
top
rom
ote
trad
itio
nal
foo
ds
−Could
be
bet
ter
pro
mote
dby
regi
onal
entit
ies
−Sta
keh
old
ers
do
n’t
lead
by
exam
ple
“Ith
ink
itw
ould
be
esse
ntia
lto
hav
ea
som
eki
nd
ofw
ork
ing
group
on
trad
itional
food,bec
ause
we
sort
of
nee
da
lotofed
uca
tional
par
tto
the
com
munity
and
the
fam
ily.”
“For
the
gran
dch
ief,
he
pro
bab
lyea
tstrad
itional
food,butIdon’t
real
lyse
ehim
.It’s
like
he
isa
pro
mote
rI
gues
s.Li
keif
they
give
the
exam
ple
more
peo
ple
would
eatit.
Ith
ink
they
should
pro
mote
it.”
Cre
em
edia
Tele
visi
on
(Maa
muita
au),
New
slet
ter
(Nat
ion),
Rad
io
——
—N
ot
pro
mo
ted
on
the
rad
io“T
he
regi
onal
radio
stat
ion
...
Maa
muita
au.It
ison
now
They
use
topro
mote
iteh
for
like
cooki
ng,
butw
hen
you
liste
nto
the
radio
you
bar
ely
hea
rab
outan
ythin
gtrad
itional
,al
lth
eyta
lkab
outis
hock
ey,an
dth
eyta
lkCre
e,yo
ukn
ow
.Ith
ink
it’s
kind
ofa
blo
ckto
me.
”
(Con
tin
ued
)
683
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TAB
LE5
(Contin
ued
)
Fact
ors
Des
crip
tion
Faci
litat
ors
Obst
acle
sQ
uote
s
Eco
logy
Wild
life
sust
ainab
ility
Pote
ntia
llo
nge
vity
of
nondom
estic
ated
pla
nts
and
anim
alsy
stem
s
Tra
dit
ion
alre
gen
erat
ion
tech
niq
ues
pra
ctic
ed
−Lan
dm
odifi
catio
ns
endan
ger
wild
life
−Wild
life
popula
tion
isnot
monito
red
−Tra
diti
onal
rege
ner
atio
nte
chniq
ues
notpra
ctic
edev
eryw
her
e−S
witc
hin
huntin
gpat
tern
s−G
row
ing
Cre
epopula
tion
−Unlim
ited
killi
ng
“They
use
dto
say
that
one
fam
ilyw
ould
live
with
anoth
erfa
mily
inth
eir
trad
itional
cam
pgr
ounds—
huntin
ggr
ounds
soth
atth
ean
imal
sw
ould
pro
sper
.In
term
sofga
me
repro
duct
ion—
the
anim
als.
”
Envi
ronm
enta
lim
pac
tpro
ject
s
Hyd
ro-e
lect
rica
lpro
ject
s,fo
rest
ry,m
inin
g,an
doth
erin
dust
ries
modifyi
ng
the
envi
ronm
ent
——
—−R
oad
s−F
loo
ded
lan
ds
−Pro
duct
ion
ofnois
es−P
roduct
ion
ofnois
es−C
lear
cutt
ing
“Wel
lher
eth
efloodin
gla
nds
and
clea
rcu
ttin
ghas
ahuge
affe
cton
the
anim
als.
The
anim
als
...Eve
nth
efish
...They
hav
ech
ange
dth
eir
cours
e.Yah
,ev
enth
ebirds
...
Like
during
goose
bre
akth
eych
ange
thei
rco
urs
ew
hen
they
goup
North.”
Conta
min
ants
Res
ults
ofpollu
tion
Notlis
tenin
gto
public
hea
lthm
essa
ges
−Mer
cury
fish
leve
ls−O
ther
conta
min
ants
“The
oth
erth
ing
aboutth
een
viro
nm
entis
the
mer
cury
leve
lsin
the
fish
.The
med
ical
fiel
dsa
ysyo
uca
n’t
consu
me
asm
uch
asyo
uca
nso
peo
ple
lose
inte
rest
inea
ting
fish
.”
Not
e.Bold
faci
litat
ors
and
obst
acle
sar
eill
ust
rate
dby
aquote
.
684
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Facilitators and Obstacles to Traditional Food Consumption 685
foods, but for any food choice for the general population (Booth et al.2001; Glanz et al. 1998; Raine 2005; Traill, Chambers, and Butler 2011).In addition, traditional food remains a favorite food for many Aboriginal peo-ples (Drewnowski 1997; Nakano et al. 2005a; Rozin and Vollmecke 1986).In the current study, preference acted as both a facilitator and an obsta-cle. Participants mentioned they liked traditional food, craved it, and hadmemories attached to it; however, they also mentioned that they did notlike the taste of some wild animals or some parts of these animals, andthey did not like some of the cooking techniques used to prepare thesemeats. In our focus groups, we noted that differences in preferences variedby age group. For example, older people tended to prefer a greater varietyof traditional foods. However, older and younger people also defined tra-ditional foods differently. For example, some elders did not consider wildgame prepared according to a non-Cree recipe as part of the Cree traditionaldiet, whereas other participants considered all wild game as traditional food,reflecting that the definition of traditional food undergoes gradual changeover time. Nevertheless, all participants agreed that the consumption of tra-ditional foods was an important part of the Cree identity and that eatingtraditional foods helped them connect with their culture. Interestingly, someparticipants mentioned having access to traditional meat but not having thetime or the knowledge of how to clean it, prepare it, or cook it.
As for the cost of traditional foods, many mentioned the high costof hunting. In fact, nobody mentioned it as being cheaper than marketfoods—which contradicts a previous study (Wein 1994)—perhaps due tothe increased cost of hunting equipment (guns, snowmobiles, gas) over thepast few years (Chan et al. 2006; Lambden et al. 2006). Cost shows howone factor can cut across different levels of influence in an ecological modeland how it interacts with other factors at each of these different levels. Forexample, at the individual level, cost may interact with convenience to moti-vate a consumer to buy market foods instead of traditional foods, especiallyif he or she has to provide supper for a big family (cost is now interact-ing with family, which is under the interpersonal level). In addition, if, ata local grocery store (community level), traditional food is very expensivebecause of strict laws and regulations (environmental level) requiring rigidand expensive handling and hygiene measures, it makes it very difficult tochoose traditional foods.
During focus group interviews, participants suggested some solutions topromote traditional foods: creating a task force, enriching the traditional Creeteaching program at school, promoting traditional food on the radio, revis-iting laws and regulation, selling traditional foods harvested locally at localgrocery store(s) and restaurant(s), “Figuring out how to pass on [traditional]knowledge,” or implementing services where people can have their animalcleaned and prepared:
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Maybe if they have a place where we can bring ducks and geese and theyprepare it and cut it up and, like, smoke it and then they give it back toyou so you can preserve it, and eat it with your family. You mean like . . .
Like an organization or a group of persons in the community preparingall the traditional food, for those who don’t know how to prepare it theycan take it over there and prepare it for you and give it back to you soyou can feed your family. Even if you catch a lot of fish there, like for me Idon’t know how to smoke it, I can bring it to them and they prepare it forme and they give it back and I can eat with my family.
Our focus group participants did not all support this last proposal.For some, it is not enough to consume traditional food for its nutritionalvalue. They argue that the social, cultural, and spiritual aspects of obtain-ing and preparing traditional foods are just as important. Consequently,this knowledge and these traditions should be passed on to future gener-ations since they seem integral parts of the traditional food system withoutwhich harvesting and consumption will be compromised. Some Crees canbe torn between their community obligation to work at a sedentary job andtheir traditional hunting practice, which requires many days in the bush.However, maintaining the consumption of traditional foods but skippingtime-consuming activities such as cleaning and preparing might possibly leadto this knowledge being lost over time.
Interestingly, all solutions were at a community or environmental level,whereas none were at the individual level. It seems that participants feltthat the maintenance of traditional foods is a community responsibility andthat individuals do not have much power over it. This highlights the impor-tance of implementing environmental strategies to promote traditional foods.By contrast, the majority of traditional food determinants identified in thescientific literature are mainly at the individual level.
The choice of the ecological model as a conceptual framework wasappropriate because it allowed all of the factors to be categorized, highlight-ing the importance of community and environmental influence. With theecological model, we were able to map different levels of influence for tra-ditional food consumption, taking into consideration the influence of eachobstacle and facilitator.
In our study, we had a wide range of participants. Some were visionarythinkers holding strategic political positions in the community; others wereunemployed community residents. Some were hunters, whereas others werenot. The moderator and researcher were familiar with Cree culture, whichfacilitated the initial contact and the establishment of trust (Fontes 1998).Both were attentive listeners and were at ease in terms of Cree interpersonalrelations, which facilitated the recruitment of participants and the flow ofdiscussions during the focus groups. For example, traditional food is a sub-ject that Cree people like to discuss at length; in addition, the moderator
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and researcher were aware that in the Cree tradition, it is important notto interrupt a person while they are talking. As a result, when participantsseemed to be veering off topic, they were not interrupted, and went on toshare interesting and unexpected opinions.
Limitations
One of the weaknesses of focus groups is that the participants tend to portraythemselves as rational individuals, when we know that food choice is notalways a rational one (Krueger and Casey 2009). Another limitation of focusgroups is that participants tend to project a socially acceptable image ofthemselves, and a person may express an opinion in line with the rest ofthe group even if it is at odds with his or her personal opinions (Smithson2000). Finally, one or several group members might dominate the discussion,which may result in the expression of only one opinion (Smithson 2000).To avoid this limitation, a skilled moderator was used to stimulate the morequiet participants. When necessary, a Cree interpreter was used to facilitatediscussion; however, the translation from Cree to English probably lead to aloss of information (Miles and Huberman 2003; Smithson 2000).
CONCLUSION
Traditional foods should be part of public health strategies to reduce theburden of chronic diseases and to improve well-being. Even a little traditionalfood consumption improves diet quality and provides various social andcultural benefits (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996). Traditional food is part ofthe Aboriginal identity, and several indications demonstrate that Cree youthswould like to pursue traditional activities, at least on a seasonal or part-timebasis (Loutit 2005). A participant said “We live in a fast food generation,and traditional food is in the slow food generation,” highlighting that theconsumption of traditional food is sadly slowly decreasing in this modernera, but also underlining the importance of traditional food as it demandsslowing down and connecting with others and promotes Cree culture, naturesurrounding animals’ environment, and even spirituality.
Employing an ecological approach allowed us to look at the variouslevels of influence and their interactions, which will help in the design ofa comprehensive public health approach that would make choosing tradi-tional foods the easiest choice. The ecological approach also stressed theimportance of combining family and environmental promotional strategies,even if according to our result more emphasis should be on community andenvironmental strategies.
The present study has identified a number of factors involved in tradi-tional food consumption. Obstacles and facilitators to traditional foods have
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not previously been examined in the Cree community, and these findingshave an immediate application in public health planning. These results alsosuggest the need to plan multilevel intervention studies to address decliningtraditional food consumption.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank all participants, who generously shared their views andexperiences. Thanks to Bernard Lafleur, from Zeste Graphique, for designingfigures. Finally, the authors thank the Cree Nation of Mistissini for their greatsupport.
FUNDING
The author are grateful to the Cree Board of Health and Social Services ofJames Bay for their strong collaboration and for providing funding to thisresearch. Louise Potvin holds a Tier 1 Canada Research Chair (950-228295).
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