nie 93-26 croatia:when will fighting resume?

8/7/2019 NIE 93-26 Croatia:When Will Fighting Resume?

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Croatia: When Will Fighting Resume?NIE 93-26July 1993National Intelligence Estimate

APPRoVED ron nrtEASE; DATE:ior -g 1-201 1 I

This National Intelligence Estimate represents the views of the Director of Central Intclligencewith the advice and assistance of the US Intelligence Community.Warning Page

KEY JUDGMENTSControlled Areas in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, June 1993Croatia is intent on recovering the nearly 30 percent of its territory lost to Serbs in 1991 . Zagrebis increasingly impatient with stalcmated negotiations and the inability of the UN ProtectiveForces (UNPROFOR) to implement the V,ange cease-fire plan, which would have preventedincreased Serb control in these areas.i,_ jThe Croatian military has prepared contingency plans for new offensives, but President Tudjmanis staying his hand. A new offcnsivc could jeopardize Croatia's ties to the West. Moreover,negotiations on a Bosnian peace settlement and parallel Serb-Croat talks on Serb-held territory inCroatia will help to delay Croatian military moves, especially if Zagreb anticipates real gains. lfBelgrade andZagreb continue cooperating on an agreement in Bosnia, they may also be able tomove toward a negotiated deal in Croatia, _ jNevertheless, Zagreb is likely to launch limited attacks over the next six months unless itperceives serious progress in restoring its control over Serb-held areas. We believe that there is aless-than-even chance of a settlement on Serb-held areas in Croatia by the end of the year,particularly given local resistance to implementing such an agreement. Tudjman might takequick military action if:

o Croatian Serbs move rapidly to join disputed territories with the self-proclaimed BosnianSerb state or provoke an attack by stepping up their shelling.c Zagreb perceives a weakening of Western resistance to renewed hostilities, such as awithdrawal of UNPROFOR troops.. Tudjman believes Serb President \{ilosevic will acquiesce to Croatia regaining control


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implementing the Vance Plan and enforce the more recent UN Resolution 815, which identifiedthe Serb-held areas as an integral part of Croatial ,The Vance Plan establishing a cease-fire was hotly disputed in Belgrade,Zagreb, and among theCroatian Serbs and only came into operation after more than a dozen cease-fires broke down.Zagreb and Belgrads ultimalely accepted the cease-fire, but the competing territorial claimsremain unresolved.l _]Since then, the breakaway Serb community in Krajina has undermined the Vance Plan byrefusing to disarm, continuing with ethnic cleansing, declaring its own "state"--"the Republic ofSerb Krajinar' ("RSKt')--and preparing to join with the self-proclaimed Serb state in Bosnia.Disagreements among "RSK'leaders and between "RSK" Serbs and Belgrade, however,indicate that they remain an unpredictable and destabilizing force in the region. "RSK"authorities, with the collusion of Belgrade, arrested some Croatian Serb municipal leaders fromwestern Slavonia who were negotiating a deal designed to restore Croatian territorial cg_nt1gl ,over their localities in exchange for economic cooperation and limited Serb autonomy.i

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Zagreb is frustrated that the international community continues to express support for Croatia'sterritorial integrity but has made no effort to strengthen UNPROFOR's mandate. The Croatianleadership is also bitter over its perception that the international community has offered Croatiamore advice than real assistance in coping with the economic and social costs of protractedtighting and territorial losses. President Tudjman was angered in May 1993 when the WorldBank delayed consideration of a $ 125 million em_e[genc1 reconstruction loan, largely as a resultof Croatian involvement in the Bosnian conflict. i

The UIV Role in CroatiaVance PlanFollowing the Serb-Croatfighting in 1991, UN special envoy Cyrus Vance negotiated a cease-fire among the parties and a general plan.for managing the Croatian territory lost to Serbs.Major provisions were left deliberately vague in order to increase the chances that all sideswould accept it. In general, the plan calledfor:

. Cease-fire between Croatian, Serbian, andfederal Yugoslav militaryforces.o Withdrawalfrom Croatia of all Yugoslav militaryforces.o Creation of UN Protected Areas (UNPAs) in territory held by Serbs and the deploymentof UNforces to these areas.o Demilitarization of remaining "Republic of Serb Krajina" ("RSK"1 and paramilitary

.forces in the UNPAs with UN supenision over indigenous lightly armed, ethnicallymixed policeforces.


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over parts of Serb-held territory.o Milosevic is replaced by ultranationalists intent on quickly annexing Serb-held Croatianterritory.l-- -_lThe Croatian military is incapable of regaining all territory lost to Croatian Serbs. Zagreb's likelystrategy will be to secure the area around the Dalmatian city of Zadar and to retake parts ofnorthem Krajina or westem Slavonia--terrilq{l-_sltlat are strategically vital to Croatia and wherethe Serbs are likely to offer less resistance.lCroatia is likely to avoid riskier attacks against Knin, the Krajina Serb "capital, " and in easternSlavonia, butZagreb could overestimate its military capabilities, press initial gains, and provokea general warj __ ]Milosevic will seek to avoid conflict with Croatia. He probably would approvc direct militaryintervention by federal forces only in the case of a Croatian Serb collapse or to repel large-scaleattacks, especially against Knin or eastem Slavonia. Federal and "Repub_lic of Scrb Krajina"("RSK") forces almost certainly would prevail in eastern Slavonia,l_ lRenewed Serb-Croat fighting would doom a Bosnian peace plan, create new refugee flows,increase the risks of conflict in Kosovo, and severely strain the international coalition directingmediation and relief efforts in former Yugoslavia:r Russia and other countries would p1qlaUy call for international condemnation of Croatiaand the imposition of sanctions. I

DISCUSSIONThe Croatian Dilemma: Land or PeaceZagreb is on a collision course with Croatian Serbs, who with federal Yugoslav militaryassistance captured nearly 30 percent of Croatia in the 1991 fighting. Wrile still hoping to regainlost territory through negotiations, Croatia is losing patience with the UN's inability toimplement the 1992 Vance cease-fire plan and with the stalemated talks that were to determinethe status of the disputed territory. After more than a year of IIN Protective Forces(UNPROFOR) presence, large areas in the Krajina, western Slavonia, and the left bank of theDanube in eastern Slavonia are more firmly under Serb control.Croatia will most likely resume limited attacks during the next six months, in the absence ofsuccessful negotiations providing for the retum of some Serb-occupied territory. Croatia hasdrawn up contingency plans for military strikes designed to recapture at least some of the lostterritory. Although Zagreb has agreed to extend the United Nations peacekeeping rnandate inSerb-held areas of Croatia until 30 Septcmber, it has made it clear the UN must begin


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o l/oluntary return of displaced per"sons. i 'The UN Security Council passed a resolution endorsing the Vance Plan and subsequentresolutions to establish its presence in the war zones. Zagreb ttses these reqplg1jgt4s to insist thatthe UN is responsible for helping it regain control over its entire territory.l iUNSC Resolution 762During the I99l .fighting, the Yugoslav Army seized territory outside but adjacent to the UNprotected areas. These lands were inside Croatia but largely populated by Serbs. UN Resolution762 authorized UNPROFOR to operate in these "piryk zgJys" to oversee and monitor theprocess of restoring Croatian government authority.iUNSC Resolution 81 5Last March, the Security Council augmented the Vance PIan byformally declaring the UNPAs tobe "an integral part of Croatia." It called for an internation ally supervised plebiscite afterseveral years to establish the permanent status of the UNPAs.:,

Tudjman, the govemment, and the Croatian people are united in their determination to end Serbcontrol over the UN Protected Areas (UNPAs) and the "pink zones" (Scrb-hcld areas on thefringes of northern and southern UNPAs) by whatever means are necessary. Tudjman is undergreat pressure to regain Croatian territory. Having comc to power in 1990 with promises to endu'hat Croatia vieu'ed as Serb domination of federal Yugoslavia, he has staked his political futureon restoring the Croatian nation after almost a millenium of "fbreign domination." Tudjman'sCroatiarr Democratic Union (HDZ), the dominant but fractious party in parliament, is heldtogether primarily by its opposition to Serb hegemony and its commitment to Croatiannationhood.Tudjman also faces intense pressure from nationalists to restore control over the tINPAs.Regional party organizations in Osijek and Split, two cities closer to Serb-occupied areas andCroat sections of Herzegovina, respectively, are impatient with the growing refugee burden andlack of UN assertiveness. Moreover, the so-called "Herzegovina lobby," an informal group ofCroatian nationalists from western Herzegovina, enjoys growing influence over Tudjman and theHDZ. Croatian Defense Minister Gojko Susak and other Herzegovinians hold key posts in thegovernment and parliament and have direct access to Tudjman. They advocate Croatian territorial expansion in Herzegovina, if necessary through military force. Their support for Croatautonomy in westem Herzegovina is designed to ensurc eventual union of these areas withCroatia, Moreover, an active Croatian cmigre community plays a significant role in the HDZthrough financial support and active encouragement of the nationalist agenda.lTudjman also is feeling pressure from the moderate flank of the HDZ--made up of formerCommunists, liberals, and businessmen--to restore Croatian control over the UNPAs. This group,however, believes that building close ties to the West is crucial to Croatia's future and is fearfulof a renewed full-scale war with Serbia. Having witnessed the effects of sanctions on Serbia,


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they fear that new fighting will deter Western investment, sever commercial ties, and prevent arevival of tourism. l,- - IA military victory--quick and at minimal cost even if limited-could boost Tudjman's popularityand silence his opposition. How ever, military initiatives that did not quickly restorc Croatiancontrol in the UNPAs could widen HDZ divisions and erase the party's parliamentary majority ifenough moderate deputies split off or joined opposition groups in a new govemment coalition:o Faced with a successful no-confidencc vote, HDZ nationalists might suspend theconstitution rather than relinquish power.o The imposition of Western sanctions following Croatian military action would bolsterTudjman's rivals, bptet lbg_risk of polarizing domestic politics and strcngthening anti-Western sentiment.l iEconomic Problems Cut Both WaysCroatia's serious economic problerns, hopes for Western assistance, and fears of economicisolation so far have encouraged Tudjman to procrastinate on implementing military contingencyplans to seize control of the UNPAs. Unlike its Serbian counterpart, the Croatian leadership isdetermined to link its country to Western economic and security institutions. Furthermore,Zagreb knows that economic recovery depends on terminating hostilities and attracting Westernassistance and tourists


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lHowever, war dainage and the burden of 850,000 refugees already have severely strained thcCroatian economy:. Roughly $2 billion a year in lost tourist revenues on the Dalmatian coast amounts to morethan 10 percent of Croatia's GNP.o Postwar reconstruction'-estimated by Croatians to cost roughly $30 billion--has notbegun, and major international aid has not been pledged.o The loss of domestic oil production and other economic assets has severely weakbned theeconomy and increased its dependence on foreign assistance.o Rising defense costs, now amounting to one-third of the national budget, have forced arestructuring and downsizing of the Croatian military.o The large refugee population is taxing health and social services-- to the tune of $1.5-3.0million per day, adding to domestic tensions over care and resettlement.f-- -

The Croatian Economic Slideln ]99), Croatia's Gh'P.fell to $15 bil lion, down roughly 50 percentfrom 1990. Refugee supportanci social sen'ices amounted to roughly one-quarter of GNP. Croatia's $I billion budget deficitln 1992 lroughly one-third of its total government spending)is likely to be matched in 1993, ledbr militarv expenditures and refugee costs. In addition, dependence on expensive foreign energlsources has grown dramatically, since Zagreb lost access to imports from Serbia and Bosnia. Inparticular, oilproduction_dropped by 50 percent due to the loss of the SisakreJinery andfields inv,estern Slavonia.Inflation, already averaging 20 to 30 percent monthly, is expected to hit 50 percent per month bythe end of the year. This slide toward hyperinflation will hamper efforts to gain access tointernationalfinancial assistance. Debt negotiations with the London Club have gone nowherebecause of Zagreb's demandfor a debtforgiveness agreementl-__j


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International assistance could help address some of Croatia's economic and social ills, but evenlarge aid commitments could not convince Tudjman and other Croatian officials to put offindefinitely their plans to recover Serb-held Croatian territory. Barring a diplomatic settlement,Croatian officials sooner or later will conclude that military action to seize control of at leastdT

of the UNPAs and resettle refugees is necessary to reverse the country's economic slide. I iWestem pressure has helped persuade Tudjman to put offmilitary strikes, and Western wamingscould still deter Zagreb from a major offensive. The threat of economic isolation is credible aslong as the West presents a united front. In particular, clear wamings from Germany--a keyeconomic partner-- already have helped dissuade Tudjman from pursuing military options:o Croatia remains heavily dependent on energy imports for roughly half its oil andelectricity needs and is still t'acing shortages.r Foreign assistance and investment will be needed to launch a privatiz3lrp4{ogftrm,stabilize the monetary system, and repay $2.6 billion in foreign debtf_-.Odds of Renewed Conflict RisingTudjman's dilemma over the costs and benefits of initiating military action will sharpen over thenext several months. Continuing negotiations in Geneva on a Bosnian peace settlement andparallel talks betweenZagreb and Belgrade on Serb-held tenitory in Croatia will most likely helpto delay Croatian military moves against the UNPAs, especially if the talks appear near toproducing results. To the extent Belgrade andZagreb work together to reach an agreanent inBosnia, they may also be able to move toward a negotiated deal on the Serb-held areas inCroatia.l__,_lWe believe, however, that there is a less-than-even chance of a settlement on Serb-held areas inCroatia by the end of the year, particularly given the difficulties of implementing such anagreement over local opposition. Pressed by political and economic factors, Tudjman is,therefore, likely to approve limited military attacks to regain some territoty.[----]Croatia is increasingly skeptical of UN performance in implonenting the Vance Plan andconcemed that long-term UNPROFOR presence will entrench Serb control and result in de factoSerb annexation of occupied Croatian territories. In addition, the constant Serb shelling ofcoastal areas will eventually force the government to r"spond.[lCertain developments, however, are likely to precipitate a quick dccision inZ,agreb to initiatemilitary operations:

o Actions by Bosnian Serbs and the "RSK" to unify their self-proclaimed states and createcommon institutions or stepped-up shelling that inflicted large Croatian casualties.o A quick failure of negotiations between Belgrade andZageb and no signs of a

strengthened UNPROFOR mandate.


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A perception that Westem opposition to renewed hostilities is weakening, such as thewithdrawal of UNPROFOR forces.o Tudjman's perception that Serb President Milosevic acquiesced to Croatian actions toregain control of Serb-held territory.

Replacement of Milosevic by hardline Serb nationalists dedicated to quick annexation ofcaptured Croatian territory.l IWe cannot rule oirt the possibility that Zagreb would miscalculate Belgrade's tolerance ofCroatian military actions. There is conflicting reporting regarding Zper&:s a,ssessment ofSerbia's intentions and of its own military capabilities in the region.l

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Croatia Still No Match for SerbiaZagreb's military is incapable of regaining all of Croatia's former territory under presentcircumstances. The Croatian military command is less optimistic than earlier this year about itsability to reverse Serb gains on the battlefield. It is cautious about engaging the Serbs in theKrajina, for fear of heavy casualties and of unleashing a major Serb counteroffensive that woulddraw in Bosnian Serb and federal Yugoslav forces. The military leadership also calculates that itcan no longercount on Westem military intervention against the Serbs in Bosnia--includingairstrikesl IThe Croatian Army would not attempt to liberate all the lost territory at once. Zagreb's mostlikely military strategy will be to secure key areas around Zadar, the northern Krajina or westcmSlavonia and avoid eastern Slavonia. These actions would require Croatian forces to breachUNPA boundaries, creating a risk of confrontation between Croatian and UN forces. Croatiaprobably would not be constrained by the presence of UN forces, although Zagreb will avoiddirect attacks on peacekeepers and miglrt even give UN commanders some advance tacticalwarning of military movements in the UNPAs. However, the Serbs will likely try to restrictUNPROFOR's movements--as they did in the January attacks--and use UN troops as hostages inorder to deter Croatian attacksl

Cro atian Military PreparationsInte I I igence r ep o r t ingL-- iIj__lactual Croatian troop and ammunition movements, reinforces our judgment that some limitedattaclrs are likely over the iext three to six months. Elements of at least three Croatian GuardsMobile Brigades--Zagreb's prirnary assaultforce--have beenSfuplpyedfrom northern and centralCroatia to areas where offensive aclions might be expected. L____lNone of th? reporting on tr,oop movements can be directly linlced to offensive preparations.Moreover, _)tacts definitive evidence of the timing and scale of a plannedoffensive. Small-scale aitacl


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could be launched with little warning. We also cannot rule out loealfield commanders taking theinitiative to silence Serb guns and causing an escalation of Serb-Croatlighting that was notintended in Zagreb.There is some reporting of Croatian contingency plansfor a multipronged advance in W SectorSouth, although we do not believe the Croatian military is capable of successfully orchestratinga large-scale attack. This could involve as rnany as 32,000 troops, including up to six GuardsMobile Brigades. Such operations would req(ire additional mobilization and probably would bedetected Ui\ore launchiig an attack.l_ ,

Resecuring the Zadar Area The most likely area of renewed conflict between Croatia and the"RSK' is the UNPA Sector South, particularly near the site of the January fighting for control ofthe Maslenica bridgehead, a critical road link between most of Dalmatia and the rest of thecountry. Serb-shelling of the newly constructed pontoon bridge could resume if Croatian forcesdo not withdraw as agreed. Croatia would respond forccfully in that case. By concenffating theirattacks on the hills and high ground east and southeast ofZadar, Croatian forces couldsuccessfully secure much of this region with a force composed of at least five or six Armybrigades, including at least two Guards Mobile Brigades.[__]UNPAs North and West Next Croatian military action might also involve westem Slavonia inUNPA Sector West and two areas in UNPA Sector North: the Banija region south of Sisak andthe region southeast of Karlovac. Croatian concorns about these areas, however, are not asimmediate as the Zadar-Maslenica lifeline to Dalmatia:

In western Slavonia, Croatia's objective would be to reopen the Belgrade-Zagrebhighway and railway and to secure the high ground north of this route. This would free animportant line of communication permitting future military operations in easternSlavonia.Croatian operations in northern Krajina would seek to secure the Adria oil pipeline andpush Serbian artillery out of range of Karlovac.' I

The Croat-Serb Military BalanceIn the Zadar region, Croatia maintains a military headquarters, which commands aforce ofapproximately I1,000 to i,3,000 troops that are capable ofpushing the Serbs off selected highground f they concentrate their attacks. Croatianforces are primarily lightly armed iffintryequipped with artillery pieces, armored vehicles, and antitank weapons. Theyface severalthousand'?,S/(" troops with some artillery and armored equipment. Small numbers of


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"volunteers"from Bosnia or Serbia probably wgg!! glugment "RSK"forces--as they didfollowing the Maslenica offensive in January.l IIn western Slavonia, Croatianforces include seven infantry brigades and one Home Guardsregiment totaling approximately 15,000 troops whenfully mobilized. They are opposed byroughly 2,400 to 3,600 "RSK" soldiers, who could be reinforcedfrom either Sector North orfrom the Bosnian Serb army. In Sector North, Croatia could mobilize up to 34,000 troops fromHome Guard regiments and infantry brigades against l,3,000 "RSK" troops. aa NIE 93-23, CorrybcitanTf,orces in the Former Yugoslavia, provides a more comprehensive assessment of alt poslYugoslavforc* [ _]

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In separate attacks the Croatian Army probably can secure either the Belgrade-Zagreb highwayin Sector West or the Adria pipeline in Sector North-but not both simultaneously. Zagreb could**i its few well-trained units and limited artillery to seize these objectives one at a time.l IKnin and Eastern Slavonia More Risky. The Croats run greater risks of military defeat andintervention by Belgrade if they seek more ambitious territorial objectives. Tudjman and hisrnilitary commanders probably will not attempt to capture Knin, the "RSK' capital, for fear ofprovoking Belgrade's intervention. Croatia would face even greater risks of intervention if itinitiated military operations in eastem Slavonia. Facing Croatian forces across the Danube aresome of the Yugoslav Army's best trained and equipped forces that have conducted exercises forintervening in eastern Slavonia. They would be prepared to protect gains for which they havealready paid dearly--particularly the city of Vukovar. Moreover, Croafian forces would havedifficulty supporting large-scale operations in eastem Slavonia as long as the Serbs controlwestem Slavonia. "RSK" forces in Sector East are numerous and well armed.Serbs Likely To PrevailBelgrade would tailor its military response to the targets, scale, and success of the Croatianattacks. It probably would assist "RSK" forces indirectly through the dispatch of "volunteers" toCroatia and facilitate the transfer of Bosnian Serb troops and equipment to Krajina or Slavonia."RSK" forces are likely to prevail in eastern Slavonia and Knin with the help of Bosnian Serband federal Yugoslav forces. Absent Belgrade's support, "RSK'lqgqqgrobably cannot repelCroatian attacks elsewhere in the Krajina or in westem Slavonia.i

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Unlike hardline Serbian ultranationalists, Milosevic has little interest in renewing the war withCroatia at this time. As long as Milosevic retains the upper hand in Belgrade, federal forcesprobably would intervene directly only to repel large-scale attacks, especially against Knin oreastern Slavonia. Belgrade would use Croatian military attacks to justify suspending itsproclaimed embargo on aid to Bosnian Serbs.l_

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Knin Dfficult To Defend Belgrade's ability to intervene directly in the fighting around Knin or


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in western Slavonia would be limited by geography and logistic problems. Because deployingand supporting any heavy forces in the Krajina region would be difficult, Belgrade probablywould rely initially on airstrikes and small units of specialized forces. While Belgrade certainlywould rely to a large extent on Bosnian Serb forces and logistic infiastructure, it could usefbderal troops to backfill Bosnian Serb positions in the northern corridor of Bosnia.i_lCounteroffensive in Eastern Slavonia Belgrade could respond to large-scale Croatian attacksagainst the "RSK" by launching a counteroffensive designed to expand control in easternSlavonia. Serbia's strong position in the region and the proximity of its forces to the Croatian cityof Osijek make that area a likely scene of figlrting in the event th4t 4 rnqiq Croatian offensivecompels the Serbs to punish the Croats for their gains elsewho".L_ __ ]Federal forces, bolstered by well-armed "RSK" troopsn almost certainly would prevail in a directconfrontation with Croatian troops in eastem Slavonia. Belgrade's advantages in heavy weaponsand airpower would quickly overwhelm outgunned Croatian troops. The region's relatively flatterrain and well-developed road network would allow Serbian and federal forces to movc inquickly and employ their armored and motorized units to their best advantage. The dimensionsand pace of a federal advance into eastem Slavonia, however, would be uncertain because of thearmy's relative inexperience in offensive operations. I IImpact of New FightingA Croatian attack on Serbs in the UNPAs or adjacent areas would have a broader impact in theregion, especially if the fighting escalates into a general Serb-Croat war. In particular, increasedSerb-Croat fighting around the borders of Bosnia-Herzegovina would probably spread inside thatcountry and undermine or destlgy any prospects for a negotiated settlernent that may have beenreached in that conflict.lRenewed Serb-Croat fighting would place much of the international presence in formerYugoslavia at risk. LJNPROFOR, tIN Human Rights Commission (UNHCR), InternationalCommittee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the myriad private organizations active in Croatiawould be exposed to the fighting and might require evacuation. Croatia could be lost as a stagingground and transshipment point for the international relief effort to Bosnia" leaving only Serbiaas an access route. UNPROFOR operations in the entire Yugoslav region would be severelydisrupted. UNPROFOR's overall headquarters a19n@greb, and its bases in central andsouthern Bosnia are supported out of Dalmatia.L__A new outbreak of fighting, particularly if it becomes widespread, would produce an upsurge inrefugee flows to other parts of Croatia and to neighboring countries. Not only would newrefugees flee their homes but Serbs, Croats, and Bosnians already displaced by the war--200,000of them in Dalmatia-might be forced to move again[----_lA new round of fighting in Croatia, particularly in eastern Slavonia" would seriously unsettle theHungarian Government, which has repeatedly expressed its concern for the safety of the large(roughly 350,000) Hungarian community in Vojvodina. Budapest would escalate its calls forWestern security guarantees if not for a closer Hungarian association with NATO. TheHungarians might also ask Washington to issue a demarche to Belgrade regarding VojvodinaHungarians similar to the earlier waming to Serbia regarding treatment of ethnic Albanians in


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Kosovo. In the absence of stronger Westem assurances to Hungary, Budapest might relax itsenforcement of sanctlq!! 3gginst Serbia and reconsider its permission for NATO airbome earlywamrng overillgnB.lI

New fighting between Serbs and Croats would not threaten Serb control over Kosovo. Serbiawould not have to reduce its security forces in the province to support a military campaign inCroatia. Nevertheless, if Croatia seemed to be tying up large Serb military resources, someethnic Albanian radicals might be ernbqldened to challenge Serb authority, thereby increasingthe risks of conflict in Kosovo.l . IRenewed Serb-Croat fighting and its fallout in neighboring countries would severely strain, if notsunder, the international coalition that has directed and managed the mediation and relief effortsin former Yugoslavia. Russia, which sought intemational sanctions against Croatia in response tothe Croatian attack in the Zadu area in January, would most likely push--along with othercountries-for uN condemnation of zagreb and the imposition of sanctions | |Renewed Serb-Croat warfare could be seen as a direct failure of UNPROFOR and LINinvolvement in the peace process in form.er Yugoslavia, resulting in a severely negative impacton the willingness of states tgsupBs4 the UN--already strapped for funds and contributors--infuture peacekeeping effons.l I

nie 93-26 croatia:when will fighting resume?

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