new terrain

8/10/2019 New Terrain

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Overture:The More Things Change

Once, the basic building block of patriarchy was the nuclear family, and calling for

its abolition was a radical demand. Now families are increasingly fragmentedyethas this fundamentally expanded womens power or childrens autonomy?

Once, the mainstream media consisted of only a few television and radio channels.

hese have not only multiplied into infinity but are being supplanted by forms of

media such as !acebook, "outube, and witter. #ut has this done away with

passive consumption? $nd how much more control over these formats do users

really have, structurally speaking?

Once, movies represented the epitome of a society based on spectatorship% today,

video games let us star in our own shoot&'em&up epics, and the video game industry

does as much business as (ollywood. )n an audience watching a movie, everyone

is alone% the most you can do is boo if the storyline outrages you. )n the new video

games, on the other hand, you can interact with virtual versions of other players in

real time. #ut is this greater freedom? )s it more togetherness?

Once, one could speak of a social and cultural mainstream, and subculture itself

seemed subversive. Now *diversity+ is at a premium for our rulers, and subcultureis an essential motor of consumer society the more identities, the more markets.

Once, people grew up in the same community as their parents and grandparents,


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and travel could be considered a destabili-ing force interrupting static social and

cultural configurations. oday life is characteri-ed by constant movement as people

struggle to keep up with the demands of the market% in place of repressive

configurations, we have permanent transience, universal atomi-ation.

Once, laborers stayed at one workplace for years or decades, developing the social

ties and common reference points that made old&fashioned unions possible. oday,employment is increasingly temporary and precarious, as more and more workers

shift from factories and unions to service industry and compulsory flexibility.

Once, wage labor was a distinct sphere of life, and it was easy to recogni-e and

rebel against the ways our productive potential was exploited. Now every aspect of

existence is becoming *work,+ in the sense of activity that produces value in the

capitalist economy glancing at ones email account, one increases the capital of

those who sell advertisements. )n place of distinct speciali-ed roles in the capitalist

economy, we increasingly see flexible, collective production of capital, much ofwhich goes unpaid.

Once, the world was full of dictatorships in which power was clearly wielded from

above and could be contested as such. Now these are giving way to democracies

that seem to include more people in the political process, thus legitimi-ing the

repressive powers of the state.

Once, the essential unit of state power was the nation, and nations competedamong themselves to assert their individual interests. )n the era of capitalist

globali-ation, the interests of state power transcend national boundaries, and the

dominant mode of conflict is not war but policing. his is occasionally employed

against rogue nations, but continuously implemented against people.

Once, one could draw lines, however arbitrary, between the so&called !irst orld

and hird orld. oday the !irst orld and the hird orld coexist in every

metropolis, and white supremacy is administered in the /nited 0tates by an

$frican&$merican president.


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Fighting in the New TerrainAt the turn of the century, we could onlyimagine anarchism as a desertion froman all-powerful social order.

en years ago, as starry&eyed young maniacs, we publishedDays of War, Nights of Love,unexpectedly one of the best&selling anarchist books of the following decade.123$lthough

controversial at the time, in retrospect it was fairly representative of what many anarchistswere calling for immediacy, decentrali-ation, do&it&yourself resistance to capitalism. eadded some more provocative elements anonymity,plagiarism,crime, hedonism, the refusal

of work,the delegitimi-ation of historyin favor of myth, the idea that revolutionary strugglecould be a romantic adventure.

Our approach was shaped by a specific historical context. he 0oviet bloc had recentlycollapsed and the impending political, economic, and ecological crises had yet to come intoview% capitalist triumphalism was at its peak. e focused on undermining middle class

values because they seemed to defineeveryonesaspirations% we presented anarchist struggle

as an individual pro4ect because it was difficult to imagine anything else. $s the anti&globali-ation movement gathered momentum in the /0 and gave way to the anti&warmovement, we came to conceptuali-e struggle more collectively, though still as originating

from a personal decision to oppose a firmly rooted status 5uo.
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oday, much of what we proclaimed has become pass6. $s capitalism has shifted into a stateof perpetual crisis and technological innovations have penetrated deeper into every aspect oflife, instability, decentrali-ation, and anonymity have come to characteri-e our societywithout bringing the world of our dreams any closer.

7adicals often think they are out in a wasteland, disconnected from society, when in fact

they are its cutting edgethough not necessarily moving towards the goals they espouse. $swe later argued inRolling Thunder 89, resistance is the motor of history it drives social,

political, and technological developments, forcing the prevailing order to innovateconstantly in order to outflank or absorb opposition. hus we can contribute to tremendoustransformations without ever achieving our ob4ect.

his is not to credit radicals with the agency to determine world events, so much as to assertthat we often find ourselves unconsciously on their cusp. :easured against the infinities of

history, all agency is infinitesimalbut the very notion of political theory presumes that it isstill possible to utili-e this agency meaningfully.

hen we strategi-e for individual campaigns, we have to take care not to make demands

that can be defused by partial reforms, lest our oppressors neutrali-e us by simply grantingthem. 0ome examples of easily co&opted radical programs are so obvious that it ispractically vulgar to point them out bicycle fetishism,*sustainable+ technology,*buyinglocal+ and other forms of ethical consumerism, volunteer work that mitigates the suffering

caused by global capitalism without challenging its roots.

#ut this phenomenon can also occur on a structural level. e should look at the ways wehave called for broad social change that could take place without shaking the foundations of

capitalism and hierarchyso that next time our efforts can take us all the way.

Today it must become a line of ightout of a collapsing world.

Not WorkingDid It Work?he defining provocation of our early years was to take literally the 0ituationists

dictumNEVER WOR. $ few of us decided to test out on our own skin whether

this was actually possible. his bit of bravado showed all the genius of untutored

youth, and all the perils. hough countless othershad trodden this road before, for

us it was as if we were the first primates to be shot into space. )n any case, we were

doingsomething, taking the dream of revolution seriously as a pro4ect one might

initiate in ones own life i!!ediately, withas we used to sayan aristocratic

disdain for conse5uences.

)ts tempting to brush this off as mere performance art. "et we have to understand itas an early attempt to answer the 5uestion that still faces would&be revolutionaries

in the /0 and estern ;urope What "ould interru#t our o$edien"e%


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though the answers many of them offer are e5ually limited. #y themselves, neither

voluntary unemployment nor gratuitous vandalism seem to be capable of 4erking

society into a revolutionary situation.1=3>espite everything, we stand by our initial

hunch that it will take a new way of livingto bring about such a situation% its not

4ust a matter of putting in enough hours at the same old tasks. he essential fabric

of our societythe curtain that stands between us and another worldis above all

thegood $ehaviorof exploited and excluded alike.

ithin a decade, history rendered our experiment obsolete, perversely granting our

demand for an unemployable class. /0 unemployment rates, alleged to be at @in

the year =AAA, had climbed to 2A@by the end of =AABonly counting people

known to be actively looking for work. he excess of consumer society once

offered dropouts a certain margin of error% the economic crisis eroded this and gave

a decidedly involuntary flavor to 4oblessness.

)t turns out capitalism has no more use for us than we have for it. his doesnt 4ustgo for anarchist dropouts, but for millions of workers in the /0. >espite the

economic crisis, ma4or corporations are currently reporting enormous earnings

but instead of using this income to hire more employees, theyre investing in

foreign markets, purchasing new technology to reduce their need for employees,

and paying out dividends to stockholders. hats good for Ceneral :otors is not

good for the country after all%1D3the most profitable companies in the /0 right now

are shifting both production and consumption to *developing markets+ overseas.

)n this context, dropout culture looks a bit like a voluntary austerityprogram% its

convenient for the wealthy if we re4ect consumer materialism, since theres not

enough to go around anyway. )n the late =Ath century, when the ma4ority of people

identified with their 4obs, refusing to pursue employment as self&reali-ation

expressed a re4ection of capitalist values. Now erratic employment and

identification with ones leisure activities rather than ones career path have been

normali-ed as an economic position rather than a political one.


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in abundancewe need to interrupt the processes that produce poverty.

New Technologies, Outmoded trategies

)n the second half of the =Ath century, radicals based themselves in subcultural

enclaves from which to launch assaults on mainstream society. he call for

confrontational unemployment presumed a context of existing countercultural

spaces in which people could invest themselves inso!ething else.

he cultural landscape is different today% subculture itself seems to function

differently. hanks to new communications technology, it develops and spreads

much faster, and is replaced 4ust as 5uickly. Eunk rock, for example, is no longer a

secret society into which high school students are initiated by classmates mix

tapes. )t is still generated by the participants, but now as a consumer market

mediated via impersonal venues such as message boards and downloading. )ts no

surprise if people are less personally invested in it as easily as they discovered it,

they can move on to something else. )n a world composed ofinfor!ation,

subculture no longer appears to be outsidesociety, indicating a possible line of

escape, but rather one of many -ones within it, a mere matter of taste.

:eanwhile, the internet has transformed anonymity from the province of criminals

and anarchists into a feature of everyday communication. "et unexpectedly, it also

fixes political identities and positions in place according to a new logic. he

landscape of political discourse is mapped in advance by /7Fs% its difficult to

produce a mythology of collective power and transformation when every statementis already located in a known constellation. $ poster on a wall could have been put

up by anyone% it seems to indicate a general sentiment, even if it only represents

one persons ideas. $ statement on a website, on the other hand, appears in a world
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permanently segregated into ideological ghettos. he myth of


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(ere we arrive at one of the most pernicious ways our wishes have been granted inform rather than content. !ree distribution, once thought to demonstrate a radical

alternative to capitalist models, is now taken for granted in a society in which the

means of material production are still held hostage by capitalists.13;lectronic

formats lend themselves to free distribution of information% this forces those who

produce material formats such as newspapers to give them away, too, or go out of

businessto be replaced by bloggers happy to work for free. :eanwhile, food,

housing, and other necessitiesnot to mention the hardware re5uired to access

electronic formatsare as expensive as ever. his situation offers a certain amount

of access to the dispossessed while benefiting those who already control vastresources% it is perfect for an era of high unemployment in which it will be

necessary to placate the 4obless and !ake use of the!. )t implies a future in which

a wealthy elite will use free labor from a vast body ofprecariousand unemployed
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workers to maintain its power and their dependence.

his is all the more gruesome in that this free labor will be absolutely voluntary,

and will appear to benefit the general public rather than the elite.

Perhaps he cen ral con radic ion of our age is ha he

new echnologies and social forms horizon alize

produc ion and dis ribu ion of informa ion, ye make us

more dependen on corpora e produc s.

Decentrali!ing "ierarch#$ %artici&ation as u'(ugation

$t the close of the 2BBAs, anarchists championed participation, decentrali-ation,

and individual agency. #uilding on our experiences in the do&it&yourself

underground, we helped populari-e the viral model,in which a format developed in

one context could be reproduced worldwide. ;xemplified by programs like !ood

Not #ombs and tactics such as the #lack #loc, this helped spread a particular anti&

authoritarian culture from New "ork to New Gealand.

$t the time, we were responding both to the limitations of the previous centurys

political and technological models and to emerging opportunities to transcendthem. his put us near the forefront of innovations that reshaped capitalist society.

!or example, Hmob,the 0:0 text messaging program developed by the

)nstitute for $pplied $utonomyfor protests atthe >emocratic and 7epublican

National


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;ven fascists are trying to get in on decentrali-ation and autonomy. )n ;urope,

*$utonomous Nationalists+have appropriated radical aesthetics and formats,

utili-ing anticapitalist rhetoric and black bloc tactics. his is not simply a matter of

our enemies attempting to disguise themselves as us, though it certainly muddies

the waters it also indicates an ideologi"al s#litin fascist circles as the younger

generation attempts to update its organi-ational models for the =2st century.

!ascists in the /0 and elsewhere are engaged in the same pro4ect under theparadoxical banner of *National $narchism+% if they succeed in persuading the

general public that anarchism is a form of fascism, our prospects will be bleak

indeed.

)*utono!ous Nationalists+ -o!e$ody #lease #ut these !orons out of our

!isery/

hat does it mean if fascists, the foremost proponents of hierarchy, can employ thedecentrali-ed structures we pioneered? he =Ath centurytaught us the

conse5uences of using hierarchical means to pursue supposedly non&hierarchical

ends. he =2st century may show us how supposedly non&hierarchical means can

produce hierarchical ends.

;xtrapolating from these developments and others, we might hypothesi-e that we

are moving towards a situation in which the foundation of hierarchical society will

not be permanent centrali-ation of power, but the standardi-ation of certain

disempoweringfor!sof sociali-ing, decision&making, and values. hese appear tospread spontaneously, though in fact they only appear desirable because of what is

a$sentin the social context imposed on us.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Autonomous_nationalistshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Autonomous_nationalistshttp://www.publiceye.org/magazine/v23n4/rebranding_fascism.htmlhttp://blog/2009/09/08/from-the-archives-critique-of-state-socialism/http://blog/2009/09/08/from-the-archives-critique-of-state-socialism/http://thecloud.crimethinc.com/images/terrain/photo1b.jpghttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Autonomous_nationalistshttp://www.publiceye.org/magazine/v23n4/rebranding_fascism.htmlhttp://blog/2009/09/08/from-the-archives-critique-of-state-socialism/


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#utdecentrali-ed hierarchies? his sounds like a Gen koan. (ierarchy is the

concentration of power in the hands of a few. (ow can it be decentrali-ed?

o make sense of this, lets go back to !oucaults conception of thepanopticon.

Ieremy #entham designed the panopticon as a model to make prisons and

workplaces more efficient% it is a circular building in which all the rooms open

inward on a courtyard, so as to be viewed from a central observation tower. heinmates cannot see what goes on in the tower, but they know they may be under

observation from it at any given moment, so they eventually internali-e this

surveillance and control. )n a word, powerseeswithout looking, while the

observed look without seeing.

0ano#ti"on

)n the panopticon, power is already based in the#eri#heryrather than the center, inthat control is chiefly maintained by the inmates themselves.1J3orkers compete

to be capitalists rather than establishing common cause as a class% fascists enforce

oppressive relationships autonomously, without state oversight. >omination is not

imposed from above but is a function of#arti"i#ation itself.

0imply to participate in society, we must accept the mediation of structures

determined by forces outside our control. !or example, our friendships increasingly

pass through !acebook, cellular phones, and other technologies that map our

activities and relationships for corporations as well as government intelligence%

these formats also shape the content of the friendships themselves. he same goes

for our economic activities in place of simple poverty we have loans and credit
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ratingswe are not a class without property, but a class driven by debt. $nd once

again, all this appears voluntary, or even as *progress.+

hat does it look like to resist in this context? ;verything seemed so much easier

in 2B2K when proletarians worldwide dreamed of storming the inter Ealace. wo

generations later, the e5uivalent seemed to be taking over the head5uarters of

network television% this fantasy reappeared in a (ollywood action movieasrecently as =AA9. Now, its increasingly obvious that global capitalism has no

center, no heart through which to drive a stake.

)n fact, this development is a boon to anarchists, in that it closes the way to top&

down forms of struggle. here are no shortcuts now, and no 4ustifications for taking

themthere will be no more *provisional+ dictatorships. he authoritarian

revolutions of the =Ath century are behind us for good% if revolt is to break out,

anarchist practices will have to spread.

0ome have argued that in the absence of a center, when the aforementioned virusis

much more dangerous than the frontal assault, the task is not so much to pick the

correct target as to populari-e a new way of fighting. )f this has not yet occurred,

maybe it is simply because anarchists have yet to develop an approach that strikes

others as#ra"ti"al. hen we demonstrate concrete solutions to the problems posed

by the capitalist disaster, perhaps these will catch on.

#ut this is tricky. 0uch solutions have to resonate beyond any particular subculturein an era in which every innovation instantly generates and is contained by

subculture. hey must somehow refuse and interru#tthe forms of participation

essential to the maintenance of order, both the ones predicated on integration and

the ones predicated on marginality. hey have to provide for peoples immediate

needs while giving rise to insurgent desires leading elsewhere. $nd if we advance

solutions that turn out not to address the root causes of our problemsas we did a

decade agowe will only ino"ulatethe ruling order against this generations

resistance.

hen it comes to contagious solutions, perhaps the Creek riots of =AALduring

which all the banks were burned were less significant than the day&to&day practices

in Creece of occupying buildings, sei-ing and redistributing food,and gathering

publicly outside the logic of commerce. Or perhaps the riots were e5ually

significant not 4ust as a material attack on the enemy but as a festival affirming a

radically different way of being.

Desta'ili!ation o) ociet#$ Dou'le or Nothing

)n the 2BBAs, capitalism appeared eminently stable, if not unassailable. $narchists
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fantasi-ed about riots, catastrophes, and industrial collapse precisely because these

seemed impossibleand because, in their absence, it appeared that they could only

be a good thing.

$ll that changed starting in 0eptember =AA2. $ decade later, crises and catastrophes

are all too familiar. he notion that the world is coming to an end is practically

banal% who hasnt read a report about global warming and shrugged? he capitalistempire is obviously overextended and few still believe it is going to last forever.

!or now, however, it seems to be able to utili-e these catastrophes to consolidate

control, passing on the costs to the oppressed.1K3

$s globali-ation intensifies thedistance between classes,some of the disparities

between nations seem to be leveling out. 0ocial support structures in ;urope and

the /0 are being dismantled 4ust as economic growth shifts to


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Eerhaps it would be better if history were moving slowly enough that we had time

to build up a massive popular movement. /nfortunately we may not have a choice

in the matter. 7eady or not, the instability we wished for is here% we will either

change the world or perish with it.

0o it is high time to dispense with strategies founded on the stasis of the status 5uo.

$t the same time, crisis keeps one locked in a perpetual present, reacting toconstant stimuli rather than acting strategically. $t our current capacity, we can do

little to mitigate the effects of capitalist catastrophes. Our 4ob is rather to set off

"hain rea"tions of revolt% we should evaluate everything we undertake in this light.

)n this context, it is more important than ever not to see ourselvesas the

protagonists of insurrection. he currently existing social body of anarchists in the

/0 is numerous enough to "ataly1esocial upheavals, but not nearly numerous

enough to carry them out. $s a comrade from Moid Networknever tires of

emphasi-ing, *e dont make the insurrection. e do some organi-ing% everyonemakes the insurrection.+

his will demand a lot from each of us. en thousand anarchists willing to go to the

same lengths as ;nric >uran, the patron saint of debt defaulters, could constitute a

real force, sei-ing resources with which to establish alternative infrastructures and

setting a public example of disobedience that could spread far and wide.12A3That

would bring *dropping out+up to date for the new era. )ts terrifying to imagine

going to such lengthsbut in a collapsing world, terror waits ahead whether we

choose it or not.

;veryone who has participated in a black bloc knows its safest in the front.

Dou$le or nothing.
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(ight $a"k2so"ial #ea"e is neither

Conclusion$ For'idden %leasures

#ut enough about strategy. here was one demand in Days of War, Nights of Love

that could not be reali-ed in any form under capitalism the idea that unmediated

life could become intense and 4oyous. e expressed this in our conception ofresistance as a romantic adventure capable of fulfilling all the desires produced but

never consummated by consumer society. >espite all the tribulation and heartbreak

of the past decade, this challenge still lingers like hope at the bottom of Eandoras

box.

e still stand by this demand. e dont resist simply out of duty or habit or thirst

for vengeance, but because we want to live fully, to make the most of our limitless

potential. e are anarchist revolutionaries because it seems there is no way to find

out what that means without at least a little fighting.

$s many hardships as it may entail, our struggle is a pursuit of 4oyto be more

precise, it is a way of generating new forms of 4oy. )f we lose sight of this, no one

else will 4oin us, nor should they.En3oying ourselvesis not simply something we

must do to be strategic, to win recruits% it is an infallible indication of whether or

not we have anything to offer.

$s austerity becomes the watchword of our rulers, the pleasures available on themarket will be increasingly ersat-. he turn to virtual reality is practically an

admission that real life is notcannot befulfilling. e should prove otherwise,

discoveringfor$idden #leasuresthat point the way to another world.
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)ronically, ten years ago this one sensible demand was the most controversial

aspect of our program. Nothing makes people more defensive than the suggestion

that they can and should en4oy themselves this triggers all their shame at their

failures to do so, all their resentment towards those they feel must be monopoli-ing

pleasure, and a great deal of lingering Euritanism besides.

)n(rag!ents of an *nar"hist *nthro#ology 1pdf3, >avid Craeber speculates that

if one wishes to ins#ire ethni" hatred, the easiest way to do so is to "on"entrate on

the $i1arre, #erverse ways in whi"h the other grou# is assu!ed to #ursue #leasure.

4f one wishes to e!#hasi1e "o!!onality, the easiest way is to #oint out that they

also feel #ain.

his formula is tragically familiar to anyone who has witnessed radicals

caricaturing each other. >eclaring that you have experienced heavenly pleasure

especially in something that actually violates the regime of control, such asshoplifting or fighting policeis an invitation for others to heap scorn upon you.

$nd perhaps this formula also explains why anarchists can come together when the

state murders #rad illor$lexis Crigoropoulosbut cannot set aside our

differences to fight e5ually fiercelyfor the living.
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>eath mobili-es us, cataly-es us. he reminder of our own mortality liberates us,

enabling us to act without fearfor nothing is more terrifying than the possibility

that we "ouldlive out our dreams, that something is truly at stake in our lives. )f

only we knew that the world were ending, we would finally be able to risk

everythingnot 4ust because we would have nothing to lose, but because we

would no longer have anything to win.

#ut if we want to be anarchists, we are going to have to embrace the possibility

that our dreams "ancome trueand fight accordingly. e are going to have to

choose life over death for once, pleasure over pain. e are going to have to $egin.

123 $t the time, we had no idea the book would reach anyone at all. $ fierce argument took place shortlybefore it went to print over whether to print 2AAA or 29AA copies, which concluded with one


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reinvigorate the Feftis more about sustaining capitalism than sustaining life on earth.

1B3 Of course, if anarchists become more effective, we will probably see Feftist organi-ing revive, in

part as a means of co&opting resistance.

12A3 Now that Cod is dead, perhaps we can disbelievede$tout of existenceor even !oney, if enough

of us treat it as a fiction.


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