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Publications Mail Agreement #40068926 Publications Mail Agreement #40068926 BY NEIL MOSS W ith growing trade uncer- tainty around the globe, the Liberal government is trumpet- ing its leadership of a group of likeminded nations to reform the BY SAMANTHA WRIGHT ALLEN T he federal government should pursue a co-managed fishing system that accepts First Nation BY LAURA RYCKEWAERT T he portraits of past Speakers and monarchs—white man, after predominantly white man, aside from Queens Victoria and Elizabeth and two Speakers— have long decorated the halls of the Senate, but a new display is breathing new life, and represen- tation, into the space. “I’m a firm believer that the arts are an international lan- BY SAMANTHA WRIGHT ALLEN T he Liberal government has struck 10 working groups to fulfill its Throne Speech promise of an accelerated timeline to com- plete the already delayed action plan on missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. In the weeks before the one- year anniversary of the final report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous BY NEIL MOSS I n the summer of 2018, as the Assad government was con- solidating its position in southern Syria, Canadian officials were working behind the scenes to protect members of the White Helmets—including women members whose participation Feds trumpet uncertain WTO reform to protect Canada from trade whims of superpowers Co-managed approach, self-governing fisheries the answer to long- simmering lobster dispute, says Senator Feds strike working groups to tackle delayed MMIWG action plan Diplomats raised concern for safety of Canadian- supported female White Helmet members days before daring 2018 rescue, emails show New Senate art display is the first ever to feature Black artists Continued on page 14 Continued on page 4 Continued on page 11 Continued on page 13 Continued on page 12 News News News News News THIRTY-FIRST YEAR, NO. 1767 CANADAS POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSPAPER WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 $5.00 Manitoba Senator Patricia Bovey is pushing to see more diversity represented in the art hanging throughout the building the Upper Chamber calls home, calling the new display the ‘first iteration’ of those efforts. Tim Powers p.9 Money talks: Senate groups revive financial finagling p. 3 Building back better becoming a bad bet Bad+Bitchy p. 5 Redrawing the political landscape as COVID becomes a way of life Les Whittington p. 10 Cudmore returns to Hill work with public safety minister Hill Climbers pp. 6-7 HOH p.2 Sen. Patricia Bovey watches as Yisa Akinbolaji’s Stolen Identities is installed in the Senate of Canada Building on Sept. 18. Photograph courtesy of the Senate of Canada

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Page 1: New Senate art display is the first ever to feature Black artists...2 days ago  · Publications Mail Agreement #40068926 BY NEIL MOSS With growing trade uncer- tainty around the globe,

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BY NEIL MOSS

With growing trade uncer-tainty around the globe, the

Liberal government is trumpet-ing its leadership of a group of likeminded nations to reform the

BY SAMANTHA WRIGHT ALLEN

The federal government should pursue a co-managed fishing

system that accepts First Nation

BY LAURA RYCKEWAERT

The portraits of past Speakers and monarchs—white man,

after predominantly white man,

aside from Queens Victoria and Elizabeth and two Speakers—have long decorated the halls of the Senate, but a new display is breathing new life, and represen-

tation, into the space. “I’m a firm believer that the

arts are an international lan-

BY SAMANTHA WRIGHT ALLEN

The Liberal government has struck 10 working groups to

fulfill its Throne Speech promise of an accelerated timeline to com-plete the already delayed action plan on missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls.

In the weeks before the one-year anniversary of the final report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous

BY NEIL MOSS

In the summer of 2018, as the Assad government was con-

solidating its position in southern Syria, Canadian officials were working behind the scenes to protect members of the White Helmets—including women members whose participation

Feds trumpet uncertain WTO reform to protect Canada from trade whims of superpowers

Co-managed approach, self-governing fisheries the answer to long-simmering lobster dispute, says Senator

Feds strike working groups to tackle delayed MMIWG action plan

Diplomats raised concern for safety of Canadian-supported female White Helmet members days before daring 2018 rescue, emails show

New Senate art display is the first ever to feature Black artists

Continued on page 14Continued on page 4 Continued on page 11

Continued on page 13Continued on page 12

NewsNews

NewsNews News

THIRTY-FIRST YEAR, NO. 1767 Canada’s PolitiCs and Government newsPaPer WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 $5.00

Manitoba Senator Patricia Bovey is pushing to see more diversity represented in the art hanging throughout the building the Upper Chamber calls home, calling the new display the ‘first iteration’ of those efforts.

Tim Powers

p.9

Money talks: Senate groups revive financial finagling p. 3

Building back better becoming a bad bet

Bad+Bitchy p. 5Redrawing the

political landscape as COVID becomes

a way of life Les Whittington p. 10

Cudmore returns to Hill work with public safety minister

Hill Climbers pp. 6-7

HOH p.2

Sen. Patricia Bovey watches as Yisa Akinbolaji’s Stolen Identities is installed in the Senate of Canada Building on Sept. 18. Photograph courtesy of the Senate of Canada

Page 2: New Senate art display is the first ever to feature Black artists...2 days ago  · Publications Mail Agreement #40068926 BY NEIL MOSS With growing trade uncer- tainty around the globe,

The House of Commons held its first hy-brid in-person/remote recorded division

on Sept. 28, with a vote on a Bloc Québé-cois change to a Conservative amendment to the House’s Address in Reply to the Speech from the Throne. It wasn’t without a few hiccups.

A world-wide Microsoft outage delayed the vote by more than 30 minutes (appar-ently MPs passed the time on Zoom with a singalong) and led to some MPs unable to log into the system. Chief Govern-ment Whip Mark Holland requested and received unanimous consent for those affected to call in via telephone to register their vote.

Though time-consuming—it took more than an hour to tally one vote from all of the participating MPs both in the House and across the country—the process pro-vided some moments of levity.

Depending on where they were in the country, the vote caught MPs in various parts of their day, like Alberta Conserva-tive Matt Jeneroux who was in a vehicle with daylight in the windows, while Liberal Nathaniel Erskine-Smith registered his vote while reading a bedtime story to his child. Conservative Michelle Rempel Gar-ner brought her dog into frame to empha-size her vote. Her Tory colleague, Richard Bragdon, had a small-voiced audience who registered their seeming displeasure with his contrary vote.

Speaker Anthony Rota had to remind MPs to mute their microphones so that they wouldn’t appear on camera when it wasn’t their turn, as “any movement, such as kiss-ing your children” would be picked up.

Not too long after that reminder, nearly an hour into the process, as Bloc MPs cast their votes, the words “how long has this been going on for?” were broadcast—prompting Mr. Rota to remind again those participating virtually to mute their micro-phones when they weren’t actively voting.

Bloc MP Xavier Barsalou-Duval, also vot-ing from his car, got turned around. He mis-takenly voted against his party’s motion and did not receive unanimous consent to correct his slip up. Meanwhile, Green MP Jenica Atwin’s vote was not registered at the time, according to her party’s parliamentary leader Elizabeth May, who said she had emails from both Ms. Atwin and one of her staffers expressing concern that her name was among those read out as having been called in sepa-rately. But she confirmed on Twitter the next day that her vote was counted.

The first-time wrinkles and hijinx still need to be smoothed out, with Conserva-

tive Whip Blake Richards flagging the need for remote MPs to adhere to the Chamber rules—namely, the dress code for men, requiring them to wear a jacket, and the abolition of props.

—by Charelle Evelyn

Senator Salma Ataullahjan seeks to be first Canadian Inter-Parliamentary Union prez

A Conservative Senator is looking to be the first Canadian to serve a term as head of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).

The 131-year-old organization brings together Parliamentarians from around the world in the promotion of democracy and cooperation.

Tory Senator Salma Ataullahjan, who currently serves as the president of the IPU Committee on Middle East Questions, will be the first Canadian to seek the presi-dency.

“Over the last decade I have witnessed and been proud to support the work the IPU does to address gender inequities, hu-man rights, and maternal and child health. Not only has this inspired me to take a leadership role within the IPU, it has now inspired me to take this work forward by submitting my candidacy for president of the IPU. I look forward to having the sup-port of all my parliamentary colleagues,” she said in a statement.

Sen. Ataullahjan has been a member of the Red Chamber since 2010. She was nominated to the Senate by then-prime

minister Stephen Harper. She was a previous Conserva-tive candidate in 2008, where she finished second to current Innovation Minister Navdeep Bains in the riding of Mississauga-Bramp-ton South, Ont.

The current IPU president is Mexican Senator Gabriela Cuevas Barron. Past presidents have included past Namib-ian prime minister Theo-Ben Gurirab and former Finn-ish prime minister Johannes Virolainen, among others.

Sen. Ataullahjan isn’t the only Ca-nadian running to lead a multilateral organization. Last week, former finance minister Bill Mor-neau was officially unveiled as Canada’s candidate to fill the secretary-general post at the Organiza-tion for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Mr. Morneau announced that he was putting his name forward for the role on Aug. 17—the same evening he announced his resignation from cabinet and as an MP.

Past Bloc MP, opposition House leader Suzanne Tremblay dies at 83

For more than 10 years, past Bloc Québécois MP Suzanne Tremblay took her place on the opposition benches of the House. She died on Sept. 26 at the age of 83.

Ms. Tremblay was the short-lived House leader for the Bloc in 1997, and was the party’s deputy House leader from 1996 to 1997 and 1997 to 2000.

She represented ridings around Ri-mouski, Que., from 1993 to 2004—winning three consecutive elections.

Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet called Ms. Tremblay a “fighter” and a woman “devoted to her convictions” in a French statement.

Bloc Québécois MP Maxime Blanch-ette-Joncas, who represents Rimouski-Neigette-Témiscouata-Les Basques, Que., said she was an “inspiration” for the work she did for the region.

Hill security to increase after Jagmeet Singh, reporter Daniel Thibeault harassed

After NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh was harassed while walking down Wellington Street, the Parliamentary Protective Ser-vice will increase security, according to a Canadian Press report.

A man is seen on a video posted to Twit-ter threatening to arrest Mr. Singh, later saying: “Next time I see you, we’re gonna have a dance.”

The same man was arrested and subse-quently released from custody after being seen earlier last week harassing Radio-Canada reporter Daniel Thibeault. In July, he was arrested after trying to citizen’s arrest Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

“Mr. Singh’s kung-fu level patience and resolve serve him well here, it’s impressive. But public servants shouldn’t need to put up with this kind of BS,” tweeted Liberal MP Adam van Koeverden.

Fellow Grit MP Adam Vaughan called it “astonishingly vile behaviour.”

The harassment is part of a trend of in-creased threats against politicians. In July, a Canadian reservist crashed through the gates at Rideau Hall and has been charged with threatening Mr. Trudeau. Infrastruc-

ture Minister Catherine McKenna has also faced threatening behaviour from the public.

Mr. Singh said he felt “safe and comfort-able” during the Sept. 25 interaction.

“I was okay in the situation that hap-pened but I also have years and years of martial arts experience and I’ve competed and I felt very comfortable in making sure I could take care of myself,” he told report-ers.

In response to the incident, the Parlia-mentary Protective Service will have an increased presence and be more visible around the Parliamentary Precinct, accord-ing to a CP report.

Grits postpone convention until 2021

As Ontario enters into the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Liberal Party announced it has postponed its con-vention until April.

The convention was initially scheduled to be held between Nov. 12 and 14 in Ot-tawa.

“Our top priority will always be the health and safety of all Canadians, includ-ing the dedicated supporters who volunteer their time and leadership within our party,” party president Suzanne Cowan said in a statement. “Protecting people’s safety has guided this decision at all times, and we will be continuing to monitor and follow the guidance of public health experts with respect to all of our events and organizing across Canada.”

The Liberals’ last national convention was held in 2018 in Halifax.

[email protected] The Hill Times

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 | THE HILL TIMES2

by Neil Moss

Heard on the Hill

First virtual Commons vote featured lags and laughs

Conservative Michelle Rempel Garner voted remotely for the first time on Sept. 28 with her furry companion. Screenshot via Parlvu

Conservative Senator Salma Ataullahjan is pictured at an Inter-Parliamentary Union assembly in 2016. Photograph courtesy of Facebook/Salma Ataullahjan

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is pictured with his wife Sophie Grégoire Trudeau and son Hadrien Trudeau at the 2018 Liberal convention in Halifax. The Hill Times photograph by Cynthia Münster

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BY SAMANTHA WRIGHT ALLEN

A discussion about how to allocate the ex-panded Progressive Senate Group new

funding without expanding the Senate’s bud-get this year reignited wider longstanding tensions among groups about the formula leadership teams are using this Parliament.

Earlier this month the Progressive Sen-ate Group (PSG) met the 11-member mark that makes it entitled to $460,000 in group administrative and research funding, and on Sept. 24, the Senate Internal Economy, Budgets, and Administration Commit-tee discussed how to set aside the extra $90,000 added to the PSG’s budget.

That sparked some Senators on the powerful committee, which manages spending in the Red Chamber, to suggest it’d be a good time to revisit the formula that leaders agreed on after the election, granting how much each group gets and thresholds for increased funding. Groups with more than 20 members are entitled to $1.06-million, with the amount decreasing by $300,000 for every five-member reduc-tion (i.e. different thresholds for 16-20 members, 10-15 members, and so on). There are currently four recognized groups in the Senate.

Senators heard those funds could come directly from the various groups, which are anticipating surpluses, or from the excess funds from the Senate’s budget, like expected savings from committees, which travelled less than budgeted for this year.

Before focusing on the funding, In-dependent Senator Marilou McPhedran

(Manitoba) said it’s important to revisit and “understand the framework and the principles that are being applied” to make these decisions.

It should be made “much clearer,” she said, given “significant” changes in the Sen-ate, rankling Conservatives on the commit-tee when she said outside of their ranks, 80 per cent of Senators “claim independence and are not part of a caucus.” The Conser-vative funding level has not changed to re-flect their decline in the numbers, relative to the rest of the Senate, she suggested.

Conservative Senate Leader Don Plett (Landmark, Man.) called her assertions “offensive” and “ridiculous,” citing the high likelihood members of the ISG have been shown to vote with the government.

“If we want to talk about a decrease in numbers, Senator McPhedran’s caucus has decreased by 15 this year alone. We aren’t revisiting the funding in their group, nor should we,” he said, adding it’s been set and the committee has “no business” discussing it again until this Parliament is over.

Canadian Senators Group member Percy Downe (Charlottetown, P.E.I.) ques-tioned why the Senate budgets $1.5-million for the government’s three-person team in the Senate, which he said should come from the Privy Council Office because it’s doing the government’s work. Senator Marc Gold (Stadacona, Que.), the govern-ment representative in the Senate, said those funds “reinforce” the Senate’s inde-pendence as an institution separate from the House of Commons and the govern-ment.

Progressive Senator Jim Munson (Ot-tawa–Rideau Canal, Ont.) said his group preferred the money wasn’t pulled from other group’s budgets, which Senators ultimately agreed on in a vote.

Language training, procurement transparency discussed

Senators also moved to open up discussions about procurement projects that previously would’ve been entirely in camera, and agreed to continue to contract the House of Commons to handle the Sen-ate’s language training services for up to $420,000 over five years.

The sole-sourced contract will run from October 2020 to September 2025 and cov-ers courses, registration, and communica-tions to promote the program, said Vanessa Bastos, who leads people, culture, and inclusion at the Senate’s Human Resources Directorate.

The House is best suited to offer the service because its training curriculum is designed for Parliamentarians in the parliamentary context, including flexibil-ity in cancellations to consider the sitting calendar so that the Senate is only charged for services it uses.

“The [contract] gives the Senate access to a permanent team and teaching body for language services that promotes both stability, quality, and consistency in terms of its training of the teachers,” she said.

Senators agreed this was a good choice, but noted COVID-19 had created teacher shortages, with training hours halved and

uncertainty whether it’d be made up for current students. Sen. McPhedran said she’s concerned Senator training is treated as secondary to that for MPs.

On procurement, Senators agreed greater transparency was necessary and instead of holding discussions in camera—as was practice previous to the meeting—committee members can discuss non-sensitive information in public before going behind closed doors to finish the deliberations, including dollar amounts, and vote.

Next, they immediately discussed put-ting out requests for proposals to enter standing offer agreements with companies that can supply IT equipment, citing an increased need for laptops.

Typically the Senate issues between eight and 10 competitive processes for equipment—like monitors, keyboards, mice, and laptop docking stations—a time-consuming process that would be replaced by these three-year agreements, with two or three companies, and include two one-year renewal options.

The Senate is forecasting it will pur-chase 800 laptops and replace 30 desktop workstations over the next three years, over and above the more than 700 laptops purchased over the summer to respond to the pandemic given their expected three-year lifecycle.

“Our fleet of computers has shifted towards mobile units,” explained David Vatcher, Senate director of information services, who said the last six months have sped those efforts towards creating a mo-bile workforce. “My crystal ball is no better than anyone else’s, but we want to make sure the Senate is ready to do business in the future, either from a teleworking per-spective or from the office.”

[email protected] The Hill Times

News

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

Senate committee approves $460,000 budget for 11-member progressive group

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4

treaty rights and an Indigenous governance model as a path forward to the long-simmering lobster fishery dispute, says Canada’s first Mi’kmaq Senator.

“The status quo isn’t sustain-able, it’s actually very dangerous at the moment, so we have to look at other options,” said Indepen-dent Senator Dan Christmas (Nova Scotia), who said the feder-al response has been frustrating.

“If we develop our own plans, if we develop our own system of enforcement, fisheries officers, boat observers, our own reporting system … we can ensure our own fishery respects conservation on everything else.”

On Sept. 17, the 21st anni-versary of the Supreme Court of Canada’s Marshall decision that affirmed the treaty rights of Mi’kmaq people to fish to earn a “moderate livelihood,” the Sipekne’katik First Nation held a ceremony and gave seven licences to members, amount-ing to 350 lobster traps that were set in what’s the offseason for commercial fisheries. It prompted more than a week of protests from non-Indigenous fishermen, who removed the traps set in St. Marys Bay, N.S., and are alleged to have vandalized equipment and vessels.

The court also said the treaty right was subject to federal regulation, but 21 years later no government made those steps. The Sipekne’katik fishermen are exercising their right to a moder-ate livelihood, which Sen. Christ-mas said represents a fraction of the nearly 1,000 inshore lobster licences in the area.

If Mi’kmaq and Maliseet continue to be forced to fit into the Canadian commercial fishery regime—akin to fitting a square peg into a round hole, he sug-gested—Sen. Christmas said there can’t be progress.

“Really Crown-Indigenous Relations should take the lead,” he said, and there should be negotia-tions based on a self-government approach to try to create an instrument where nations can govern their own definition of “moderate livelihood,” which could differ by community.

Alongside Progressive Senator Brian Francis (Prince Edward

Island) and Liberal MP Jaime Battiste (Sydney-Victoria, N.S.), Canada’s three first Mi’kmaq Parliamentarians presented their vision during an online meeting Sept. 25 with Fisheries Minister Bernadette Jordan (South Shore-St. Margarets, N.S.) and Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett (Toronto-St. Paul’s, Ont.).

The future should be based on a Mi’kmaq governance model, rather than what Sen. Christ-mas called the Jim Jones model, named for the Maritimes negotia-tor the Liberals appointed three years ago. Negotiations haven’t worked and he predicted no Nova Scotia First Nation would sign under the current “prescriptive” approach.

“There’s fundamental prob-lems with the process in the Mi’kmaq view and as long as the one process remains, I think we’re doomed to more of the status quo.”

This week, the three are work-ing on a letter to present “fresh ideas” on how to move forward, noted Mr. Battiste, who said he thinks progress is being made and tensions are de-escalating.

“It’s all about co-development and looking at making sure the species is sustainable in the future, but also transparency in steward-ship from Mi’kmaq communities. Community members need to know how much is being fished,” said Mr. Battiste, adding Ottawa has a role to play in educating Ca-nadians about Indigenous rights.

“As politicians, we can usu-ally go as far as the electorate understand, and if they don’t un-derstand the history, the treaties, what courts have ruled, this is a challenge for us.”

Mr. Battiste and Sen. Christ-mas said that approach isn’t new in Atlantic Canada. Soon after the Marshall decision, the Nova Scotia government agreed to turn over local control of education to

Mi’kmaq First Nations. Two de-cades later, on-reserve graduation rates have risen from 30 per cent to more than 90 per cent, a sign that this method works, they said.

“We know when Mi’kmaq are given room to exercise our own government, we can achieve our own success,” said Sen. Christ-mas, who also pointed to the federal government’s June an-nouncement of an agreement to create an Atlantic First Nations Water Authority.

Ministers were willing to consider it, he said, while Ms. Jordan’s secretary, Jane Deeks said she couldn’t comment on the proposal, she said the minister and Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) would continue to meet with First Nations.

“We’re taking the approach they want,” she said. She said Ms. Jordan, who wasn’t available for an interview, had no other com-ment beyond a joint statement released with Ms. Bennett on Sept. 21, following their meeting with the Assembly of Nova Scotia Mi’kmaw Chiefs, calling for “com-munication, not confrontation.”

In the House on Sept. 24, Ms. Jordan said that dialogue contin-ues, promising to “find the path forward to make sure that First Nations’ treaty rights are imple-mented.”

Feds’ slow response made tensions worse, critics say

NDP, Conservative, and Green MPs all said the federal govern-ment has failed to address ten-sions and the root problems, but offered different understandings of the conflict.

The government isn’t doing enough to bring commercial fishermen to the table, accord-ing to Conservative West Nova MP Chris d’Entremont, who he said are worried they might end up “losing something,” given the dramatic growth of fishery in

St. Marys Bay that has led to de-crease in catches over the years.

“Since they’re not part of a discussion and it’s not being transparent, I think they have a right to worry about it,” he said. “All parties are involved … so it’ll take all of them at the table to come to some kind of solution.”

Ms. Deeks said the federal government has met with the commercial leadership “many times,” including last week, and will continue to do so.

Mr. d’Entremont said he’s not sure if the co-managed fishery is the right approach, noting commercial fisheries already feel their voice isn’t being heard.

“Here’s the challenge: if there’s two sets of rules to apply, which sets of rules apply in cer-tain situations? They have to be pretty clear in how these things are going to be laid out,” he said, and the government has been “wishy-washy” in its response.

It’s “tough” to say whether he thinks the Mi’kmaq have the right to set up a self-regulated fishery as they have, said Mr. d’Entremont, who called it “unau-thorized” and the responsibility of Fisheries and Oceans to regulate any fishery in Canada.

“At the same time, it was [Fish-eries and Oceans’] responsibility over the last 21 years to come up

with a definition on how that’s supposed to work, so they’ve re-neged on their responsibility and I think this government hasn’t got it any further along.”

NDP MP and fisheries critic Gord Johns (Courtenay-Alberni, B.C.) said a future model should be “joint-managed” rather than co-managed, saying the latter sug-gests consultation as lip service rather than greater control.

Mr. Johns said he sees similar problems on the West Coast, and it comes down to the government not respecting and upholding the constitutional rights of Indig-enous people.

“The government has dragged its feet for decades,” he said, and amounts to another example of systemic racism. “They’re spend-ing millions and sending their negotiators to the table without a mandate, without resources to resolve these outstanding rights and issues that support self-deter-mination.”

‘All about racism,’ says Atwin 

The issue is deeply personal for Green MP Jenica Atwin (Fred-

ericton, N.B.), whose husband and children are Indigenous. The Green’s fisheries critic said she had to speak up.

The federal government has failed to provide a clear statement on Indigenous rights, fuelling the fire and permitting “fallacy” among commercial fishers to persist that conservation is their central argument, and their liveli-hoods and the next fishing season is threatened.

“It’s absolutely untrue,” and the few First Nations licences are “a blip on the radar” com-pared to the commercial fishers in St. Marys Bay, so “for that to be an argument to mount this aggressive, intimidating, racism-fuelled protest is unacceptable and it makes no sense,” said Ms. Atwin, who also took issue with how Mr. d’Entremont framed the problem.

Her assessment is “abso-lutely wrong,” countered Mr. d’Entremont, who reiterated the focus is the “tremendous impact” on conservation, and not racism.

“It’s non-Indigenous, techni-cally white fisherman, concerned about an Indigenous fishery so if you want to call that racist, in a way, technically, it is, but that’s not the base of it at all and that’s the unfortunate part being missed by the media,” he said, but other Liberal MPs have “caught on” that all people should be at the table.

None of the 10 Liberal Nova Scotia MPs, including Ms. Jor-dan, were available for inter-views. Over email, Liberal MP Lenore Zann said she emailed both Ms. Bennett and Ms. Jordan last week about the file. She reiterated a statement she made Sept. 19 that it’s her “strong belief” that the Marshall Decision and Mi’kmaq treaty rights must be upheld.

“Systemic racism is real. Rac-ism is real. This is a ‘watershed’ moment. It is time to do the right thing,” said Ms. Zann (Cumber-land-Colchester, N.S.).

RCMP and Fisheries and Oceans officers have been act-ing as “bystanders” rather than stepping in when actions turn criminal, added Ms. Atwin.

“From the get-go of this dispute, they should have been making arrests when traps were stolen, when there was vandal-ism, when someone was uttering threats … and instead they stood back, and that’s inappropriate and it’s a double standard—see how they react to Indigenous demonstrations,” she said. “It’s all about racism for me.”

The department of Fisheries and Oceans hasn’t done a good job of race relations with this whole issue, and is being “largely absent,” agreed Sen. Christmas, who said it may fall on Mi’kmaq leadership to mend relations that are likely to remain “uncomfort-able” for a while.

“It’s unfortunate that may be the only option but we are often reminded … that the whole basis of our treaties are based on a principle of peace and friendship,” he said. “Maybe we’ve got to bear some responsibility there if the federal government is unable to try to re-establish or strengthen those relationships once again.”

[email protected] The Hill Times

Co-managed approach, self-governing fisheries the answer to long-simmering lobster dispute, says Senator The Conservative, NDP, and Green Party critics all say the federal government has failed to act to address tensions.

News

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 | THE HILL TIMES

Continued from page 1

Three Mi'kmaq Parliamentarians, including Independent Senator Dan Christmas, are working together to present ideas to the federal government to address the fishing dispute in southwest Nova Scotia. Photograph courtesy of Dan Christmas' office

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5

CALGARY—It’s Fall 2020 and we still have a government.

That’s nice. It’s the best one can hope for in the midst of a global pandemic, economic disintegra-tion, and a society that is held to-gether, not by a common purpose,

but the tenuous glue of predictable racial fragmentation. A lot of peo-ple are telling on themselves and frankly many of our politicians would rather see human suffering than a loss of lifestyle. In Canada, property over people has been the rallying cry of the “law and order” crowd, unless the law calls for justice for those without power.

COVID-19 has laid bare the mendacity of a value on which Canada prides itself: fairness.

It was within this context that the Speech from the Throne was presented by a Governor General who, ironically (or unironically, de-pending on your point of view), has been accused of abusing her staff, allegations she denies, and who—given her place in the political peck-ing order—cannot effectively be fired. The PM would have to go to Mother England to ask permission to do so, another ironic (or unironic) example of Canadian “sovereignty.” Class is not only economic, and power is what Canadian tradi-tions and processes are designed to protect. It’s too bad our realiza-tion of this fact required a global pandemic. Canada is also a country of ignorance born of fragility.

The promise is to build back better. Too bad the country can’t build back before excising the immediate threat, which is the constraint to any rebound. And

the Liberals know that. Before many of the pronouncements in the Throne Speech become real-ized, COVID-19 infections would need to cease, which won’t happen without a vaccine. By the time it rolls out, the government will look like it’s managed to keep its hand on the tiller and steady the ship. Let’s be honest: no one wants to change a government in the middle of a war or a pandemic. Even I would be angry to go to the polls in the middle of the second wave (shoutout to John Horgan).

Those nice words are devoid of details for a reason: firstly, the Speech from the Throne is not sup-posed to provide details, but give an overall direction for this government. More details are revealed by min-isters’ mandate letters, from which policy proposals and the budget are developed. The fact that there is no budget for the foreseeable future is concerning, given current fiscal balances and projected deficits. The budget is a political document that also provides a level of accountabil-ity, to be produced with a comple-mentary economic and fiscal update in the fall. Since the re-election of the Trudeau government last year, we haven’t had either.

Secondly, why give details when marketing will suffice? Political pundits may hand-wring, but the average Canadian cares more

about their immediate needs—their jobs, their rent/mortgage, their kids—in relation to this virus, than they care about debt and deficits. They care about climate change and food security. They know that Canada is more unfair, the browner your skin and the more Indigenous your identity. They know that the police have trigger fingers. They know that the real welfare queens are the wealthy who suck the teat of the state by hoovering up our tax dollars and giving nothing to workers. Deficit hawks be damned, the centre is tracking leftward and Trudeau knows that, even if the Conservatives are ignoring it at their peril.

Alberta Premier Jason Kenney is feeling the effects of this shift as demonstrated by his dismal polling results. His newly minted United Conservative Party has suffered an ignominious decline to the point of equality with Alberta’s NDP opposition. Ouch. Even Ontario Premier Doug Ford

knows that cutting provincial funds to public services during a pandemic is bad for politics, but what has been shown globally is the more right the government, the worse they are at operations and responding to people’s pain through policy. Those who peddle misery by ignoring human rights and, well, humanity may be pun-ished politically the longer this pandemic ravages the populace. Perhaps that reality check will cause Conservative Leader Erin O’Toole to take this pandemic seriously and provide PPE at his events, which have thus far been connected to 15 infected people.

What will be interesting to wit-ness is how the parties react and position themselves with respect to Trudeau’s line in the sand: “This is not the time for austerity.” And succeeding polls keep proving him right.

Erica Ifill is a co-host of the Bad+Bitchy podcast.

The Hill Times

OTTAWA— Last week, the British Parliament was in a

flap over the fact that during a heated debate, Defence Secretary Ben Wallace stated the U.K. had previously been involved in “ille-gal wars.” Wallace was obviously

referring to the war in Iraq, and his Labour Party counterparts took offence. Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s office had to later issue a statement that Wallace’s views were his personal opinion.

However, a 2017 survey revealed that nearly one-third of British citizens also believe that the Iraq war was indeed “illegal” and that former prime minister Tony Blair should stand trial for war crimes.

The survey was taken after a for-mer chief of the Iraqi Army brought a private prosecution against Blair for his role in supporting the U.S.-led 2003 invasion of Iraq.

The British High Court subse-quently blocked the Iraqi officer’s bid to bring Blair to justice.

It is refreshing to know that one-third of the survey respon-dents believed “Mr. Blair know-ingly misled Parliament and the public and should be tried as a war criminal.”

What is disappointing, and per-haps revealing of an inherent sense of first-world privilege, is the fact that two-thirds of those surveyed did not think Blair’s actions were punishable as a war crime.

Iraqi General Abdulwaheed al-Rabat, the plaintiff in this case, was not acting on some sort of a whim.

All the evidence of Blair’s manipulative actions was al-ready revealed and detailed in a thorough British parliamentary investigation, known as the Chil-cot Inquiry.

When the Chilcot Inquiry results were made public in 2016, they painted a chilling picture of not only Blair’s actions, but also those of his former foreign secre-tary Jack Straw.

The inquiry concluded: “Sad-dam Hussein did not pose an urgent threat to the U.K., intel-ligence reporting about [Iraqi] weapons of mass destruction was presented with unwarranted certainty, that the war was unnec-essary, and that the U.K. under-mined the authority of the UN Security Council.”

Had the Iraq invasion gone smoothly and had the U.S.-U.K. coalition established a post-Sad-dam democratic utopia, one could argue that Blair’s lies were for the greater good. But that is not the case, given that to this day—more than 17 years later—the bloodlet-ting and violent anarchy still grip war-ravaged Iraq.

In fact, the magnitude of the crime which Blair co-committed—we cannot exclude former U.S. president George W. Bush’s regime from this equation—is that the

human cost to Iraqis remains incal-culable, as it remains ongoing.

In other words, Blair and Bush are indeed war criminals, but until the killing, which they unleashed, is stopped in Iraq, we cannot assess the full magnitude of their crimes.

However, before my fellow Ca-nadians puff out their chests and take pride in the fact that then-prime minister Jean Chrétien opted out of joining in on Blair and Bush’s war crimes in Iraq, let me just state one word: Libya.

Back in the spring of 2011, it was Canada, under the leadership of then-prime minister Stephen Harp-er, that took the lead international role in helping Libyan rebels to oust President Muammar Gaddafi.

After some initial success, the Libyan rebels had suffered setbacks at the hands of Gad-dafi security forces. When it was alleged that Gaddafi was about to use his air force to bomb his own citizens in retribution, the UN au-thorized NATO to impose a no-fly zone over Libyan soil.

The UN never authorized NATO to drop bombs and engage in combat, yet that is exactly what they began doing immediately. The NATO allied task force was com-manded by Canadian Lieutenant-General Charles Bouchard. On the

diplomatic front, the international effort to oust Gaddafi was spear-headed by Canada’s then-foreign minister John Baird.

Despite deploying the most sophisticated aerial arsenal ever seen, NATO’s Libyan rebel allies still took nearly 10 months to de-feat the Gaddafi loyalists. It was NATO airstrikes that allowed the Libyan rebels to capture Gaddafi and brutally murder him on the streets of Sirte on Oct. 20, 2011.

Canada celebrated this war “triumph” with a victory parade on Parliament Hill, the only NATO ally to do so.

Reality was quick to unravel into violent anarchy across the post-Gaddafi Libyan landscape, resulting in thousands of deaths, lawlessness, and terror for the Libyan people, which nearly a decade later persists unabated.

We were so focused on removing an autocrat that no one groomed Gaddafi’s successor. As a result, the Libyan people were plunged from the proverbial frying pan straight into the fire of anarchy.

The U.K. at least had the cour-age to examine their moral fail-ings in Iraq with the commission of the Chilcot Inquiry. Perhaps it is time for Canada to do the same with our role in the Libyan inter-vention of 2011.

It was unnecessary and under-mined the UN’s authority. It, too, has an incalculable magnitude in terms of criminal liability as the kill-ing and chaos continues to this day.

Scott Taylor is the editor and publisher of Esprit de Corps magazine.

The Hill Times

Comment

Parliament returns with the theatre of building back better

Canada should examine its moral failings in Libyan intervention

What will be interesting to witness is how the parties react and position themselves with respect to Justin Trudeau’s line in the sand: ‘This is not the time for austerity.’

Actions by the Canada-commanded NATO task force have an incalculable magnitude in terms of criminal liability as the killing and chaos continues to this day.

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

The country can’t ‘build back’ and many promises made in the Throne Speech can’t be fulfilled before a vaccine is found, and the Liberals know that, writes Erica Ifill. By the time it rolls out, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau will look like he’s managed to keep his hand on the tiller and steady the ship. The Hill Times photograph by Sam Garcia

Erica Ifill

Bad+Bitchy

Scott Taylor

Inside Defence

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James Cudmore is back on Parliament Hill, this time as director of communi-

cations to Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Minister Bill Blair.

Mr. Cudmore marked his return roughly two weeks ago, after being on what he de-scribed on LinkedIn as a “sabbatical” since exiting as director of policy to the demo-cratic institutions minister shortly after the last election. He had served in that role for roughly two years, starting in April 2018.

A former senior reporter with CBC’s parliamentary bureau, during which time he

tackled the defence and foreign affairs beats, Mr. Cudmore first began working for the Liberal government in January 2016, first as a senior policy adviser to National Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan. By that fall, he had been promoted to director of policy to the minister.

In 2018, Mr. Cudmore found himself in a position universally dreaded by back-room operatives: at the centre of a political scandal. Mr. Cudmore’s employment in Mr. Sajjan’s office came under question amid the Vice-Admiral Mark Norman affair. Mr. Norman was charged in 2018 with breach of trust—charges that have since been stayed—for allegedly leaking confidential details of a Quebec shipbuilding contract to media. It was Mr. Cudmore, then a CBC reporter, who had broken the story about the shipbuilding contract.

Previously, former PMO speechwriter Brittany Perreault was director of commu-nications to Mr. Blair. She left the Hill back in June.

Mary-Liz Power continues as press secretary to Mr. Blair, whose office is run by chief of staff Zita Astravas.

In Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s of-fice, Leslie O’Leary’s brief return to the top office has come to end; she marked her last day there on Sept. 25.

Director of issues management in the PMO throughout 2019, Ms. O’Leary had returned to the office as a special adviser to the PM in July. Before then, she’d been chief of staff to Women and Gender Equal-ity Minister Maryam Monsef. She’s also a former chief of staff and director of issues management to then-infrastructure minis-ter Amarjeet Sohi, among other past roles.

Mike McNair, who returned to the PMO upon the outbreak of COVID-19 to serve as a special adviser focused on the govern-ment’s economic response, has also once again left the top office.

Mr. McNair previously ran the PMO’s policy shop from 2015 up until this past January, and before then had been in charge of policy, research, and parlia-mentary affairs in Mr. Trudeau’s office as opposition Liberal leader, amongst other past roles.

He announced his exit on Twitter on Sept. 25, saying it was his “honour to help again in whatever way I could.” Mr. McNair noted he’s set to start as a distinguished fellow with the business school INSEAD and join FiscalNote’s advisory board.

Senior correspondence writer Joshua Clarke also recently left the PMO, again. He first joined the office back in October 2017 as an English writer, exiting about a year and a half later to work in the private sector before returning in January. His LinkedIn profile indicates he’s now pursu-ing a law degree at Queen’s University.

On the flip side, Alexandre Gravel joined the top office earlier this month as a new speechwriter for Mr. Trudeau.

Mr. Gravel has a background in adver-tising and branding. He was last working as a senior copywriter for McCann in Mon-treal, and before then worked as associate creative director at advertising agency Forsman & Bodenfors Canada, and as a senior copywriter for Lululemon, among other past jobs.

He joins fellow PMO speechwriters Dexter Nyuurnibe and Astrid Krizus, all of whom report to director of communica-tions Cameron Ahmad.

Monsef names new directorMs. Monsef, who also serves as minister

of rural economic development, recently promoted Rosalyn Stevens to take over

as director of parliamentary affairs in her office.

Ms. Stevens has been working for Ms. Monsef since April 2018, starting as a special assistant for digital media and communications. Her last title was senior special assistant for communications and planning.

During Ontario’s 2014 election, Ms. Stevens ran as the Liberal candidate in the former provincial riding of Carleton-Mississippi Mills, ultimately coming second behind now-former PC MPP Jack MacLaren. Ms. Stevens is also a former assistant to Liberal MP Sonia Sidhu, and ran communications for then-federal Lib-eral candidate Chris Rodgers’s ultimately unsuccessful 2019 campaign in Carleton, Ont., amongst other past experience. Mr. Rodgers is now director of policy to Inter-governmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc.

Ms. Stevens replaces Matthew Pollesel, who is no longer working in the minister’s office.

Director of issues management Dale Palmeter has also left. A former longtime staffer to then-MP and minister Scott Brison, Mr. Palmeter had joined then-rural economic development minister Berna-dette Jordan’s office as issues management director in early 2019 and carried over to Ms. Monsef’s team when she took over the portfolio last fall. Mr. Palmeter previously spent more than two decades working for Mr. Brison, starting off as his assistant as the Progressive Conservative MP for Kings-Hants, N.S., in 1997.

Last week, Ms. Monsef welcomed a new regional adviser for Ontario to her team: Alice Zheng.

Ms. Zheng is a former assistant to Mis-sissauga Centre, Ont., Liberal MP Omar Alghabra. She replaces Skye Wolff in the role. Ms. Wolff remains in Ms. Monsef’s of-fice and is now busy as executive assistant to the minister’s chief of staff, Christopher Evelyn.

Also new to the office this month is senior policy adviser Emily Hartman. Ms. Hartman spent the last almost two years working as a senior policy analyst for Em-

ployment and Social Development Canada and before that was a Liberal staffer at Queen’s Park from 2011 to 2018.

Her last role at Ontario’s legislature was as a senior policy adviser to then-commu-nity and social services minister Michael Coteau. She’s also a former assistant to

Plus, special advisers Leslie O’Leary and Mike McNair both recently marked their last day in the Prime Minister’s Office, again.

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 | THE HILL TIMES

Cudmore joins Public Safety Minister Blair’s team

by Laura Ryckewaert

hill climbers

6

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CAREERS

Continued on page 7

James Cudmore is back on the Hill. Photograph courtesy of LinkedIn

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Mike McNair. Photograph courtesy of Twitter/Adam Scotti

Rosalyn Stevens is now parliamentary affairs director to the WAGE minister. Photograph courtesy of LinkedIn

Emily Hartman recently joined Ms. Monsef’s team as a senior policy adviser. Photograph courtesy of LinkedIn

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7

Justin Trudeau possibly made his first fatal mistake when he prorogued Parlia-

ment on Aug. 18 rather than calling an election to reset the government agenda to face the ongoing challenges of the pan-demic. His decision to prorogue was likely a calculation that Canadian voters would turn against the Liberals for calling a snap election in the middle of a health and eco-nomic crisis. However, history has shown us that the opposite is usually the case.

It was only last summer when Trudeau was rid-ing high on a wave of considerable public sympathy as the unfortunate leader who was suddenly thrust into a health crisis of gargantuan proportions. The willingness of the Canadian public to cut him po-litical slack was explained in part by the generos-ity of the govern-ment’s financial aid programs and policies that supported Canadians during the darkest hours of the pandemic.

Given this excess of goodwill, several people believed that Trudeau was sure to call an election in the fall to take advan-tage of the sympathy that he had acquired and, more importantly, before the aid mon-ey ran out. Others, however, counselled caution, fearing that a snap election would smack of political opportunism. If this is the thinking that led Trudeau to avoid a fall ballot, he will have failed to seize a golden opportunity, as the government has a bulletproof case to make if it wanted to pull the plug on this Parliament and send voters to the polls who likely would have rewarded him with a majority government. In fact, history has shown us that Cana-dian voters don’t punish governments who preach stability in times of uncertainty, they reward them.

In November 2008, Jean Charest was leading a Liberal minority government in Quebec that was struggling in the midst of

global financial crisis and many believed that voters would react negatively should he have the nerve to call a snap election. Charest called the election regardless, while maintaining that a minority govern-ment was inadequate to meet the demands of the stormy present and that Quebec needed a government with “both hands on the steering wheel.” Charest won his bet and the strongest majority of his three victories as premier.

In the 2011 federal election, Stephen Harper asked Canadians for “a strong, stable, national Conservative majority government” so often that it drove political reporters to drink, as they could no longer bear the prime minister’s mantra. However, it clearly struck a chord with Canadians who gave him exactly what he was asking for. In New Brunswick, Premier Blaine Higgs recently asked for a strong majority mandate to navi-gate uncertain times and, again, voters chose stability to weather unstable times. The same will likely hold true for John Horgan in Brit-ish Columbia when voters in that province go to the polls in October.

But by taking a pass on a fall election, Trudeau might be forfeiting his strongest card in the hand he currently holds: Don-ald Trump. No prime minister in the history of Canada has had to deal with an Ameri-can administration as unpredictable and as unstable as this one, and Trudeau’s calm and composed approach to Trump’s fiery volatility have earned him significant and deserved praise. By not calling an election now, Trudeau risks losing his greatest foil if Joe Biden wins in November.

Canadians continue to view Trump as a wild card, and with the American presi-dent as a baseline, Trudeau enjoys a huge comparative edge. As long as Trump continues to sow instability south of the border, Canadians will continue to seek political shelter with the Trudeau they know. Trump’s instability is the gift that keeps on giving and why

Trudeau would want an election without the certainty of that gift is positively mys-tifying—especially with new Conservative Leader Erin O’Toole just now starting to make a name for himself.

The longer Trudeau waits to drop the electoral writ, the longer O’Toole has to build his brand among Canadian voters. The leader of the official opposition is already hard at work crafting an image of a stable and reliable alternative to contrast Trudeau’s flamboyant hipsterism, which could play very well with the electorate in times of instability. Years from now, the prime minister’s decision to reset the gov-ernment agenda by proroguing Parliament and not calling an election might haunt him as the moment he started an avoidable countdown to a premature political death.

Ross O’Connor has been foreign and na-tional security advisor to Stephen Harper and director of policy to two foreign ministers. Follow him on Twitter @RosO-Conchobhair.

The Hill Times

Kathleen Wynne as both premier and min-ister of agriculture, among other past roles.

Staffing moves for ministers Hajdu, O’Regan

Hill Climbers has some staffing changes to catch up on in the offices of Health Min-ister Patty Hajdu and Natural Resources Minister Seamus O’Regan.

During the summer, senior communica-tions and issues management adviser Matt Pascuzzo left Ms. Hajdu’s office, and the Hill, to return to his hometown of Thunder Bay, Ont., to study law at Lakehead University.

Mr. Pascuzzo first came to Ottawa to

work as Ms. Hajdu’s executive assistant as then-status of women minister in 2015, after helping her get elected as the MP for Thunder Bay-Superior North, Ont., for the first time that year.

He later became a special assistant for communications, and in the fall of 2016 was promoted to press secretary. In April 2018, Mr. Pascuzzo landed a job as a PMO press secretary, and spent almost two years there before returning to work for Ms. Hajdu as health minister at the beginning of this year.

Senior parliamentary affairs and issues management adviser Aisling MacKnight has since changed roles to replace Mr. Pas-cuzzo as a senior communications adviser; she’ll continue to tackle issues manage-ment for the minister. Ms. MacKnight has been working for Ms. Hajdu since her time as employment minister, starting out there as a legislative assistant in July 2018. She was promoted to senior parliamentary affairs and issues management adviser by the end of 2018.

Ms. MacKnight is a former Ontario Lib-eral staffer, last serving as press secretary to then-education minister Indira Naidoo-Harris. She’s also a former scheduler to then-Ontario minister Liz Sandals as both education minister and later Treasury Board president, among other past roles.

Thierry Bélair continues as director of communications to Ms. Hajdu, supported by press secretary Cole Davidson.

Senior policy adviser Travis Gordon also bid farewell to Ms. Hajdu’s office this summer. He first joined the health minis-ter’s office as a policy and Atlantic regional affairs adviser in 2017 under then-minister Jane Philpott. Before then, Mr. Gordon was an assistant to P.E.I. Liberal MP Sean Casey. His LinkedIn profile indicates he’s now studying a master’s degree in pub-lic policy and administration at Carleton University.

Léo Newman has since joined the health minister’s office as a senior policy adviser. He’s spent the last almost three and a half years working for the justice minister, ending as a parliamentary af-fairs and Western, Northern, and On-tario regional adviser to current minister David Lametti. Before joining that office in 2017, Mr. Newman was an assistant to Innovation Minister Navdeep Bains as the Liberal MP for Mississauga-Malton, Ont.

After interning in the health minister’s office over the summer, Cody Trystruha has been hired on full time as executive assistant to Ms. Hajdu. He comes from the

minister’s riding and recently studied for a bachelor’s degree in business administra-tion at Lakehead University.

Hannah Wieler was hired as a legisla-tive assistant in Ms. Hajdu’s office earlier this month. She’s a former assistant to Ontario Liberal MP Helena Jaczek, and previously interned in the PMO over the summer of 2019. During the last election, she worked on then-Liberal candidate Tamara Taggart’s ultimately unsuccessful campaign in Vancouver Kingsway, B.C.

Sabina Saini is chief of staff to the health minister.

Over in Mr. O’Regan’s office, Katherine Koostachin is now director of Indigenous relations and reconciliation.

She joined the minister’s team on Sept. 8, arriving straight from Indigenous Services Minister Marc Miller’s office, where she’d been a senior policy adviser since the beginning of the year. Before then, Ms. Koostachin spent two years as a senior policy adviser in then-environment minister Catherine McKenna’s office, her first job on the Hill.

Originally from the Cree Mushkegowuk

community of the Attawapiskat First Na-tion in Ontario, Ms. Koostachin is a former Indigenous affairs co-ordinator for the University of Ottawa and a former as-sociate legal counsel with Willms & Shier Environmental Lawyers LLP, having been called to the Ontario Bar back in 2008.

Previously, Cheryl Cardinal filled the role of director of Indigenous relations and reconciliation in the natural resources minister’s office; she left at the beginning of the summer and is now director of In-digenous policy and procurement to Public Services Minister Anita Anand, as reported by Hill Climbers.

Claire Teichman is another addition to Mr. O’Regan’s team; she was brought on as a special assistant for communications as of July 27. A former recruitment consultant with Michael Page, she was last working for Lululemon in Vancouver, B.C.

Mr. O’Regan’s executive assistant of

the last roughly seven months, Héléna Botelho, left as of Sept. 9 to start her own business and put her certification as an eyelash and nail technician to use. Located in Gatineau, Que., it’s called Creations Helena.

Paul Moen is chief of staff to the minister. [email protected]

The Hill Times

Opinion

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

Ross O’Connor

Opinion

Has failing to call a fall election signalled Trudeau’s undoing? History has shown us that Canadian voters don’t punish governments who preach stability in times of uncertainty, they reward them.

Continued from page 6

Matt Pascuzzo, pictured at a House committee meeting with Ms. Hajdu back in 2017. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

Katherine Koostachin is a recent addition to the natural resources minister’s office. Photograph courtesy of LinkedIn

Claire Teichman is a special assistant for communications to Mr. O’Regan. Photograph courtesy of Claire Teichman

Years from now, the prime minister’s decision to reset the government agenda by proroguing Parliament and not calling an election might haunt him as the moment he started an avoidable countdown to a premature political death, writes Ross O’Connor. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

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8

A Throne Speech isn’t meant to be much more than a high-level outline of what

the government intends to do in the coming session of Parliament. But there is room for specificity, and the government has taken advantage of that for other initiatives.

For example, this time around, the Liberals zeroed in on the creation of an “Action Plan for Women in the Economy to help more women get back into the workforce and to ensure a feminist, inter-sectional response to this pandemic and recovery”; the launch of “a new fund to attract investments in making zero-emis-sions products”; said they would “work to introduce free, automatic tax filing for simple returns to ensure citizens receive the benefits they need”; and reiterated a previous promise to plant two billion trees.

In response to the Sept. 23 Throne Speech, Canadian Chamber of Com-merce CEO Perrin Beatty said in a press release: “Throne Speeches are generally directional in nature, setting out a policy agenda but leaving many of the details to be filled in later. In the middle of a pandemic and with a struggling economy, details matter and time is of the essence. We would have liked to see a more spe-cific operational plan.”

Yes, Mr. Beatty was talking about busi-ness interests, but the sentiment is easily transferred to the government’s promise to take action against systemic racism in Canada.

Specifically highlighting systemic racism and the need to act to address the longstanding barriers and oppression of Indigenous, Black, and racialized people in

Canada is a novel and long-overdue (one could even call it unprecedented) step in a Canadian Speech from the Throne.

“For too many Canadians, systemic racism is a lived reality. We know that racism did not take a pause during the pandemic. On the contrary, COVID-19 has hit racialized Canadians especially hard,” Gov. Gen. Julie Payette read in the Senate Chamber last week. “The government pledged to address systemic racism, and committed to do so in a way informed by the lived experiences of racialized com-munities and Indigenous Peoples.”

Months have gone by since the gov-ernment made that pledge. And very little has come to pass.

The most notable development was the Liberals’ Sept. 9 announcement of a program to support Black entrepreneurs. Instead, the Throne Speech said the government would “redouble its efforts” and “move forward” on areas of concern, including police training and civilian oversight of law enforcement.

The speech touched on all of the areas of reform as outlined by the Parliamenta-ry Black Caucus in its June 16 statement, but didn’t give much indication that the government had done more than read the executive summary, write down the bullet points, and put it on its “read later” list.

Black and Indigenous people in Cana-da have waited a long time for a govern-ment to take their concerns seriously. And as the COVID-19 pandemic has shown to affect racialized communities more severely, there’s no more time to waste.

The Hill Times

It’s been interesting to watch the debates on how to fuel Canada’s recovery, and

as the owner of a Canadian start-up, I am perplexed.

Of course, tax breaks, grants, and tar-geted liquidity would benefit my business, just as they would any other small- and medium-sized enterprise (SME). But let’s agree—changes to fiscal policy are not enough to stimulate a massive economic recovery.

As the founder and CEO of Careteam Technologies, a Vancouver health tech company, we’ve benefited enormously from federal support. We’ve also benefited from federal and provincial government programs that help SMEs scale faster and gain global recognition. By combining these initiatives with stimulus-oriented policy changes, governments can help businesses become more prosperous than they were pre-pandemic.

At the start of the COVID-19 crisis, Careteam and other SMEs went into cri-sis mode. Changes to fiscal policy had an enormous impact. The Canada Emergen-cy Wage Subsidy (CEWS), for example, allowed us to retain staff and ease back into normal operations.

Today, we’re thriving again with fund-ing from the federal government’s Digital Technology Supercluster. Our involve-ment in a Supercluster project demon-strates the complementary role govern-ment programs can play. In collaboration with diverse organizations such as Change Healthcare, Providence Health

Care, and MetaOptima Technology, we’re working to identify and expedite urgent skin cancer cases through e-referral and e-triage. By teaming up and tapping into the technology, expertise, and experience of leading research institutions, health care providers and other innovative start-ups, we can do bigger and better things than we ever could on our own.

This collaboration is not only boost-ing our bottom lines, it will contribute to the well-being of Canadians. There are 80,000 new skin cancer cases re-ported annually in Canada. By enabling physicians to identify cancer and treat patients more quickly and efficiently, we can save thousands of lives not to men-tion millions of health care dollars every year.

Importantly, Careteam has also been able to raise more money, attract top talent, and get the attention of heavy-hitters because they heard of us through the Supercluster. We have global ambi-tions, and the Supercluster positions us as a strong Canadian partner. Careteam wouldn’t be as successful without the Supercluster. Equally, we might not have survived the COVID-19 crisis without CEWS.

By leveraging both innovation pro-grams and fiscal policy, Canada can ac-celerate its economic recovery. And that is the uniquely Canadian way to move forward.

Dr. Alexandra Greenhill Vancouver, B.C.

The prime minister announced on Sept. 25 that Canada would purchase vac-

cines for low- and middle-income coun-tries in addition to acquiring vaccines for Canadians. Canada is doing this by con-tributing to the COVAX facility, which was established early in the pandemic to bring countries together to meet the goal of fair access to COVID-19 vaccines everywhere. We will contribute $220-million toward vaccines for poorer nations.

The recent Speech from the Throne reminded Canadians that we have to address the pandemic globally as well as at home. The government committed to

“invest more” in international develop-ment, and the contribution to COVAX is a great start. But there is more to be done to help developing nations address the horrendous economic and social impacts of the pandemic.

Canadian non-governmental groups are asking the federal government to commit at least one per cent of CO-VID funding in new and additional aid towards an emergency global response. This is both affordable and reasonable and we still have a ways to go.

Sherry Moran Ottawa, Ont.

Throne Speech a missed opportunity to signal real action

on tackling systemic racism

The uniquely Canadian way to kick-start our recovery

Throne Speech reminds us to be generous and involved

global citizens: reader

Editorial Letters to the Editor

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9

OTTAWA—Last week in this space, I wrote about the need

to consider gradually opening the Atlantic Bubble. Let me just say, the reaction from my home region was not overwhelmingly positive.

Note the sarcasm—if they could have burned me in effigy, they would have. I had not been called some of the names I was since I was a bouncer removing unruly patrons from a George Street bar. Sadly, case counts soared in Ontario and Quebec this past week, so now in the eyes of quite a few, my call for opening up more of Canada was delusional.

I stand by my arguments, and again I point out I am talking about a gradual approach. Not having all of this done tomorrow. Right now, clearly, we all need to focus on our own backyards, particularly those of us in Ontario and Quebec. But my bigger plea is for a rational, comprehensive conversation about all of this as we try to manage the anxiety and changes we are all trying to navigate. One of the great casual-ties of COVID-19 is the division it is sowing between regions and people on an individual level.

A dear friend of mine took to email to verbally lacerate me last Friday evening after reading the last column. Living in Atlantic Canada, this thoughtful and kind person thought I had lost my marbles for even suggesting a

discussion about opening. The message was: stay away for now, and look after your own house. The comments were driven by fear and a personal experience this individual had seeing a friend struggle through COVID-19. I get that.

But the bigger point I have been trying to make is: Canadians playing against Canadians is not who we are. From floods, to forest fires, to ice storms, you name it, Canadians from every part of the country have helped each other for as long as I have known. They have not told their neighbours to piss off until the problem goes away.

Most of us follow our public health officials’ guidance. We stay two metres apart. We wear masks as required. We wash our hands. We limit or avoid social gather-ings. Yes, more responsibility for managing COVID-19 is of the personal variety, not the commu-

nity. However, it still is shocking that any effort to have a bigger dialogue about how we can live through the next year or more of this pandemic is met with virulent strains of disgust.

While I most certainly com-mend and thank our public health officials across the country for the work they are doing, it is not a capital crime to ask questions.

Once, not that long ago in the public marketplace of ideas, it was healthy to challenge experts to understand their broader thinking, to determine what influences their context. Now, in broader swaths of the public, likely because of the extreme stress of what we are all going through, it feels sacrosanct to do so. Ultimately, giving up the chal-lenge function benefits no one. So, I am not about to give it up anytime soon.

Despite what some may ascribe to me, I am not a kooky conservative looking to wage a war on science. Like so many others, I am a Canadian trying to get through this thing as best I can. I want all of us to stay as well as possible. But I am wor-ried about the long-term health, wellness, and economic conse-quences of the pandemic, par-ticularly on my Atlantic Canada home.

I am also a son and a dad. My son has not seen his grandmother in Newfoundland and Labrador in more than a year because of this plight. Some say it might not be until 2022 that our family will be able to properly unify. That is crushing to contemplate. Forgive me if I keep agitating on this mat-ter, but from my perspective it is too important not to.

Tim Powers is vice-chairman of Summa Strategies and manag-ing director of Abacus Data. He is a former adviser to Conservative political leaders.

The Hill Times

If you’re of a certain age, chances are you’ll never forget

the screeching symphony of sounds your computer once had to perform just to get online.

Today, dial-up internet is a rel-ic of the 90s for most—something many reminisce and chuckle about. However, for many rural Canadians, particularly farmers, lack of broadband internet is still a modern-day reality. And it’s certainly no laughing matter.

The Canadian Internet Reg-istration Authority highlighted Canada’s staggering urban-rural digital divide in July, using inter-net performance tests to show that median download speeds received by rural Canadians are roughly 10 times slower than those experi-enced by their urban counterparts.

It has been more than six months since many Canadians began work-ing from home as a result of the COVID-19 global pandemic, expos-ing just how critical reliable internet connectivity is in our daily lives.

As parents worked from home using video conferencing, kids completed online schooling, and the additional bandwidth used for entertainment, many urban fami-lies found themselves upgrading their internet to better suit their current needs.

Unfortunately for most rural Canadians, upgrading their inter-net simply isn’t an option.

This is where I ask urban-dwelling Canadians to put them-selves in the shoes of their rural counterparts and imagine their lives over the past half-year with internet that was 10 times slower.

Could have you done your job? Schooled your kids? Kept yourself and your family entertained?

The global COVID-19 pandemic has made the need to expand and improve rural broadband access even more critical. During last week’s Throne Speech, the Liberal government reiterated its update from May to accelerate its strategy

to bring high-speed internet to all Canadians by 2030, though how it intends on doing so remains to be seen given the lack of concrete timelines or plans.

While I recognize a Herculean, multi-billion-dollar effort like this takes time, rural Canadians will only be assured that meaningful progress is being made when the government demonstrates how it plans to work with telecommuni-cations providers, rural communi-ties, and agricultural stakeholders to greatly accelerate this timeline.

In the early days of the pan-demic, the federal government was quick to deem agriculture an essential service. Our country needed Canadian farmers to en-sure “an uninterrupted and reliable food chain,” and they delivered in spades, putting in long, hard hours to ensure grocery store shelves stayed stocked during one of the

most challenging periods in our history, and into the future.

But as they continue to pro-vide an essential service to us all, farmers are among the many ru-ral Canadians stuck on the wrong side of our nation’s digital divide. This is something that doesn’t sit right—nor does it add up.

Broadband access is a business imperative for Canada’s agri-food sector. According to the Cana-dian Federation of Agriculture, a dramatic increase in rural internet connectivity is needed for farm-ers to adopt innovative practices such as precision agriculture, a data-based farm management approach that focuses on target-ing inputs, reducing waste, and improving management practices.

Without high-speed internet, Canadian growers will be unable to implement new technologies that will improve the sustainability

of their farms and keep Canada’s agriculture industry competitive on the world stage. The future of the family farm is also at risk without broadband access, as it is essential to making rural Canada and agriculture attractive to the next generation of farmers.

And it isn’t just farmers who will benefit economically, of course. According to a 2019 study by the SouthGrow Regional Initiative, building high-speed broadband networks to every home in the prov-ince of Alberta would see a return of at least $3 for every dollar spent. One would only assume similar benefits could be realized through-out the rest of Canada as well.

While it’s often helpful to show economic return, the ben-efits of high-speed internet to the everyday lives of rural Canadians could be even greater.

The ability to live our lives online is something that many of us now take for granted. But while dial-up speed internet is a distant memory for most, it remains the option for far too many Canadians, particularly those who are essen-tial in maintaining our food supply.

It’s time to bridge our coun-try’s great digital divide by providing those who live in rural communities with the broadband access they need and deserve.

Bryce Eger is the president of Corteva Agriscience Canada, the largest pure-play agriculture company in the country.

The Hill Times

Opinion

Let’s not turn COVID-19 fight into Canadian versus Canadian

It’s time to bridge our country’s great digital divide

One of the great casualties of COVID-19 is the division it is sowing between regions and people on an individual level.

As they continue to provide an essential service to us all, farmers are among the many rural Canadians stuck on the wrong side of our nation’s digital divide.

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

Bryce Eger

Opinion

Without high-speed internet, Canadian growers will be unable to implement new technologies that will improve the sustainability of their farms and keep Canada’s agriculture industry competitive on the world stage, writes Bryce Eger. Photograph courtesy of Pexels

A woman wearing a mask is pictured walking in downtown Ottawa in April. It is shocking that any effort to have a bigger dialogue about how we can live through the next year or more of this pandemic is met with virulent strains of disgust, writes Tim Powers. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

Tim Powers

Plain Speak

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OTTAWA—Throne Speeches are always aspirational, but

the blueprint for the future that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau

has rolled out goes a step beyond. It stands as the kind of compre-hensive policy wish list political parties normally accumulate over the course of an entire election campaign.

Touching on the full spectrum of social and economic policy, from climate change to pharma-care and childcare to addressing inequality through a wealth tax, the package would indeed work as a Liberal election platform if the minority government were to be toppled in a Commons confi-dence vote.

And, as with an election platform, it’s unlikely any government would be able to fully follow through on such an extensive list of substantive and potentially exorbitant proposals. Many might in the end be judged unaffordable or too difficult to implement in a timely fashion. The pandemic in that sense is a strange double-edged item for the government. On the one hand, Trudeau and company are under tremendous pressure to re-spond rapidly and effectively to this unprecedented calamity and protect Canadians from COVID-related trouble on every front. On the other, the urgency of the pan-demic overshadows everything else the federal government does,

offering a built-in rationalization for all the promises getting lost in the shuffle.

As such, COVID-19 is rede-fining the political landscape in ways that Canadians and their political parties are only begin-ning to seriously factor into their plans. From Trudeau on down, Canada’s political lead-ers have been behind the curve on COVID-19 from its emer-gence as an oddity in faraway China 10 months ago. And for the most part, they are still struggling to catch up today.

It is obvious now, with the pan-demic bouncing back fiercely as a result of the attempt to cautiously ease out of the spring lockdown and get the economy at least up on crutches, that the virus will dictate socio-economic conditions and every government’s pro-grams for some time to come. The prime minister’s warning on Sept. 23—“It’s all too likely we won’t be gathering for Thanksgiving, but we still have a shot at Christ-mas”—will be remembered for a long time.

In fact, Trudeau’s tenure will be defined by COVID no less than his father’s time in power is iden-tified with the flare-up of FLQ violence in 1970 and, to a lesser extent, the National Energy Pro-

gram a decade later. For Trudeau and everyone else, there is likely to be a long haul ahead.

Canadians, for the most part, are not in revolt against needed COVID restrictions for misbe-gotten notions of individual prerogative as are segments of the population in the U.S. and Europe. But the awareness of the all-consuming nature of the CO-VID situation still seems incre-mental here. While no one knows for sure, the pandemic could well be with us through 2021 and into 2022. There will be nothing re-sembling a full recovery for air-lines, tourism, and the hospitality sector until sometime well in the future. And the overall economy could be weak for much of the decade as countries try to repair the damage.

This is the reality woven into the Throne Speech. The Liberals’ policy unveil, while far-reaching, essentially reflects the need to put the COVID response front and centre. There’s plenty in there about tackling climate change, but those who were expecting the government to seize on the pandemic upheaval to thrust Canada into an expedited, all-encompassing green strategy will have to wait. The main items on the agenda had to be measures

needed to save lives, counter un-employment, and keep businesses afloat—with an eye to setting the stage for economic rebuilding down the road.

The Liberals’ more realistic, COVID-support-focused approach fits with NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh’s concerns and appears to be enough to keep Trudeau’s minority in power for now. That’s probably a good thing for the Conservatives, whether they ac-cept it or not, as it will give them time to try to create a coherent response to the current national situation. That Conservative Leader Erin O’Toole was in isola-tion with the virus on Sept. 23 is a potent symbolic reminder that the political landscape is fun-damentally changing as COVID becomes a way of life.

There’s no excuse for the egregious mess Trudeau made out of the WE plan. But the pub-lic is probably willing to look beyond that scandal, at least for a while, because of the pro-longed health/economic emer-gency. That doesn’t mean things are going to get any easier for the Liberals, with the economy tanking, western alienation on the rise as a result of the oil price collapse, raging climate problems, and unfinished rec-onciliation with First Nations. Each of these is a matter of historic national importance and will have to be dealt with once the pandemic is finally brought under control.

Les Whittington is a regular columnist for The Hill Times.

The Hill Times

OTTAWA—Like many Cana-dians, I skipped watching the

Speech from the Throne and the prime minister’s “non-political chat” last week. It was unusual, as I have always been interested in the speech, especially as a public servant when I contributed a sen-tence or two. This time, I thought

it was a waste of time, as I had a feeling neither address would deal with the massive size of the national debt.

I was right, of course, unless you believe the prime minister’s comment about acting in “a fis-cally sustainable way” foreshad-owed more prudent financial management. But the Speech from the Throne had pre-empted that prospect. After listing plans to “build back better,” with hun-dreds of billions of dollars in in-come support, health care, public transit, retrofits, clean energy, rural broadband, and affordable housing came the redundant statement: “This is not the time for austerity.” No kidding.

There was a hint revenue for all this would come from wealthy Canadians and internet giants, two groups who are notoriously difficult to pin down, and who have legions of lawyers to protect them.

In 1995, when Canada faced its last financial crisis and as Jean Chrétien liked to remind us, “the IMF was knocking at our door,” the federal debt-to-GDP ratio was approaching 70 per cent.

The strategy of the Chrétien government was to educate Cana-dians about the importance of the national debt. Then-finance min-

ister Paul Martin was everywhere the year before the 1995 budget, explaining why deficits under-mined the capacity of individuals to borrow, and the government’s ability to spend. A combination of severe cuts to government, reduc-tions in transfers, GST revenues, and a booming economy soon led to surpluses, and a decline in the cost of borrowing money.

Today, the deficit of $343-bil-lion will create a $1.2-trillion debt, or 70 per cent of our $1.7-trillion GDP. But when provincial debt is added in, the amount is closer to

$2-trillion, or 115 per cent of GDP.It is hard to believe the lived

experience of Canadians only 25 years ago has been wiped out like the erasing of a collective memory bank. Yet, aside from a reference in the Throne Speech to Canada being in the “best fiscal position of its peers,” there was no context as to how we got there.

Yes, we are in a health crisis and Canadians cannot be allowed to struggle while the economy falters. But the government needs to signal how it will pay for the debt; offering a raft of new expen-ditures is not the message the financial markets want to hear. I can imagine the people at Finance and Treasury Board are tearing out what hair they have left.

Both speeches invoked the wartime “Greatest Generation” and mentioned how Canadians are “strong” and “resilient.” Yet, unlike in wartime, there is no call for people to sacrifice. It is as if the prime minister is treating us like children, who can’t face up to the financial reckoning ahead.

But the debt has to be paid back. Printing money and issuing bonds is not the road to fiscal stability. And interest rates could rise as the debt increases.

In the spring, I made some suggestions to reduce the debt,

including raising the GST to seven per cent and eliminating offshore tax havens. In subse-quent months, the C.D. Howe In-stitute supported a GST increase (generating $16-billion annually), and Canadians for Tax Fairness endorsed pursuing the $25-bil-lion Canada loses each year to tax havens. At the same time, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation researched limiting the capital gains exemption on principal residences. In a market of 500,000 sales each year, a 10 per cent capital gain would gener-ate up to $25-billion annually while leaving homeowners with cash in hand.

All these measures could be undertaken without the political and economic hassle of income tax increases. For those who sup-port building back better, extra revenues would pay down debt and permit those expenditures without crippling the economy.

By ignoring the need to get the government’s fiscal house in or-der, the prime minister is driving the Canadian economy towards a wall of debt at 130 kilometres per hour. At some point, he has to slow down and change course. Better to do it now than wait until the brakes fail.

Andrew Caddell is retired from Global Affairs Canada, where he was a senior policy adviser. He previously worked as an adviser to Liberal governments. He is a fellow with the Canadian Global Affairs Institute and a principal of QIT Canada. He can be reached at [email protected].

The Hill Times

Comment

Redrawing the political landscape as COVID becomes a way of life

If we are truly ‘strong and resilient’ the government should act on the debt

It is obvious now, with the pandemic bouncing back fiercely, that the virus will dictate socio-economic conditions and every government’s programs for some time to come.

It is hard to believe the lived experience of Canadians only 25 years ago has been wiped out like the erasing of a collective memory bank.

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 | THE HILL TIMES

Les Whittington

Need to Know

Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland is pictured speaking to reporters on Sept. 15. Printing money and issuing bonds is not the road to fiscal stability, writes Andrew Caddell, and interest rates could rise as the debt increases. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

Andrew Caddell

With All Due Respect

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11

guage, along with movement and music, and that it is our artists who really reach into the soul of who we are as individuals, as regions, and as a nation,” said Manitoba Senator Patricia Bovey, a member of the Progressive Senate Group, who spearheaded the installation of the new display through her role as chair of the Senate’s artwork and heritage working group.

“In the Senate … one of our jobs is to represent our regions, right, and so it’s been very apparent to me that [what] I think we should be looking at is the art hanging in the Senate.”

Sen. Bovey said she was already considering how to increase the representation reflected in the Senate’s art dis-plays when “everything fell into place” on the night of June 5, as she watched Black Lives Matter protests take to the streets of Win-nipeg.

“I thought, ‘now’s the time.’ We had the opportunity to represent and honour Canada’s Black art-ists,” who have made “tremendous contributions to the visual expres-sion in this country,” said Sen. Bovey.

Installed on Sept. 18, the two-piece display is the first ever to feature work by Black artists in the Senate. It’s been given a central home, sitting in the foyer outside the Red Chamber, at the foot of the stairs that lead up to the galleries, by which Senators, staff, and visitors will regularly pass—the latter, that is, when the building re-opens to the public. The pieces are on loan until the end of June 2021; if and when public tours re-open before then, the display will be included as a new stop.

It includes a vibrant acrylic and oil on canvas painting, Stolen Identities, by Winnipeg-based Ni-gerian-Canadian artist Yisa Akin-

bolaji, that features Louis Riel framed by a Métis dream catcher and poplar trees, alongside a sculpture molded from a 1927 edi-tion of Who’s Who in Canada, by

Vancouver-based artist and poet Chantal Gibson. Ms. Gibson’s Who’s Who is accompanied by an e-reader showing the origi-nal pages of the book—a who’s who of white Canadians of the time—which have been threaded through with black cotton.

Not counting artwork rented and displayed by individual Sena-tors in their offices, the Upper Chamber’s collection includes 225 works of art, plus 65 pieces cur-rently on loan. Of those, the two works installed this month are the only pieces by Black artists.

“Historically, artworks dis-played in the Senate have includ-ed portraits of former Senators, Speakers, and the British monar-chy. Over time, the collection has grown to include works depicting Senate and Parliamentary history, the French monarchy, landscapes, and works by Indigenous artists,” explained a Senate spokesperson in an email response to The Hill Times.

“The recent installation of two works by Black Canadian artists marks another step in the Senate art collection’s evolution.”

With 50 years of experience working in the arts as a gallery director, curator, and historian, before her appointment to the Up-per Chamber in 2016, Sen. Bovey said she was already familiar with the artists and works she ultimately recommended for approval—approval she said she was “thrilled” to get “very quickly” from not only the four-member working group and the Senate Internal Economy, Budgets, and Administration Committee to which it reports, but the Senate Speaker’s office as well.

“I made the suggestion of the two specific pieces. I thought if we were going to get this fast they

needed to see exactly what I was proposing,” she explained.

Along with wanting to give voice to Black artists from West-ern Canada, who she said aren’t “heard nearly, nearly enough,” Sen. Bovey said she sought out works that used different medi-ums, and balanced Canadian-born and new Canadian talent, by artists who “already had a national and international reputa-tion and had contributed signifi-cantly” to the field.

Reached by The Hill Times last week, both artists said they were honoured to have their works hung in the Senate Building—an installation both hope to eventu-ally see in person, having been unable to attend the Sept. 18 event as a result of COVID-19.

Mr. Akinbolaji completed Stolen Identities back in 2018. He said his inspiration came “after several years of hearing the recurring news” of missing Indig-enous women and girls.

“I felt the need to advocate through a body of work to ad-dress violence against Indigenous women and girls of our country. When someone is missing, she is one of us, and we should all be concerned,” he said in an email, adding the work is also meant to remind viewers about the efforts of Métis leader Louis Riel “and the work we are yet to complete.”

The painting features “the colours and patterns” of Mr. Akinbolaji’s Nigerian roots, and is “really questioning whose iden-tity is what,” and “raises the kinds of questions that we all need to be asking ourselves and asking society,” said Sen. Bovey.

Ms. Gibson, who’s also an English professor at Simon Fraser University, started work on Who’s Who in late 2013. From the dining table in her west-end Vancouver apartment, she said she spent a year punching holes in the 1927 book’s pages, sewing close to 2,000 threads of black cotton through them (helped by two friends who measured and cut yarn), and finally tying, braiding, and twisting those threads into the sculpture that’s now featured in the Senate foyer.

Long “fascinated by old books,” Ms. Gibson said she stumbled upon Who’s Who in Canada, 1927 in a used book store and everything about it, from “the title, the size, the iconic red cover, the gold print, the pho-tos inside,” inspired her project. Noting her and Mr. Akinbolaji’s pieces—which she said “really complement each other”—are the

first by Black artists in the Sen-ate, Ms. Gibson said she hopes they “won’t be the last.”

Sen. Bovey said she person-ally hopes to see more diverse displays, including more works by Indigenous artists, featured throughout the Senate’s side of the precinct in the future.

“It is these installations that give voice within the Senate [of a] wider representation of Cana-dians,” she said. “Now that the building is open and the move of the collection has [been] done, we can then turn to that part of our responsibility, which is increasing the knowledge and awareness of the connection between Canadi-ans and the Senate itself.”

Asked about plans for the next such display, Sen. Bovey said the working group has begun discus-sions, but flagged COVID-19 as a complication, as she finds it important to travel to meet artists and see their work in person.

The Senate’s art advisory group dates to 2002. It’s charged with deciding which artwork gets displayed in Senate committee rooms, other meeting spaces, and corridors, and helped oversee the removal, transportation, and stor-age of Senate art from the Centre Block building in 2018 and 2019.

Sen. Bovey confirmed the working group “will be very involved as spaces are developed” and final design plans settled on for Centre Block’s massive renovation.

[email protected] The Hill Times

New Senate art display is the first ever to feature Black artists Manitoba Senator Patricia Bovey is pushing to see more diversity represented in the art hanging throughout the building the Upper Chamber calls home, calling the new display the ‘first iteration’ of those efforts.

News

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

Continued from page 1

Winnipeg-based artist Yisa Akinbolaji immigrated to Canada from Nigeria in 1997. Photograph courtesy of Abby Akinbolaji

Sen. Bovey was on site to watch the new display being installed in the Senate Building on Sept. 18. Photograph courtesy of the Senate of Canada

The two-piece display, pictured in situ in the foyer outside the Senate Chamber on Sept. 25. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

Chantal Gibson is pictured with another of her pieces sculpted from an old book of Canadian history. Photograph courtesy of Marianne Meadahl

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in the humanitarian effort was actively encouraged by Ottawa—who were facing an increasingly desperate situation.

Participation by women in the White Helmets, the Syrian volunteer humanitarian group, had been supported and funded by Canadian programs, but that backing had now put their lives in danger, which was a present con-cern for Global Affairs officials plotting rescue options, a series of partially redacted emails show. The emails were obtained by The Hill Times under the Access to Information Act.

“I feel it is worth noting that Canada pushed for WH [White Helmets] to include women and funded their efforts to recruit and train women. Now those women are in even more danger due to their work with WH. I know there are a multitude of obstacles but I implore you to explore all the op-tions to help save their lives,” said Pamela O’Donnell, then-director of the Peace and Stabilization Op-erations Program’ programs divi-sion, in an email to fellow Global Affairs officials. Ms. O’Donnell is now Canada’s high commis-sioner to Tanzania, Zambia, and Seychelles.

When Chrystia Freeland (Uni-versity-Rosedale, Ont.) became Canada’s foreign affairs minister in 2017, she extolled Canada’s feminist foreign policy. That ap-proach to international relations can be seen as diplomats were planning options for the rescue of White Helmets who had been championed by Canada and were now in trouble.

The against-all-odds rescue of 422 White Helmet volunteers and their families was celebrated in a 2018 account in The Globe and Mail and later in then-named The Observer, which profiled the work of Robin Wettlaufer—Canada’s then-Istanbul-based special envoy to Syria—in pushing for the rescue operation. Emails show the work of Ms. Wettlaufer as well as teams of Canadian diplomats in Jordan and Israel embassies in co-ordinating the rescue.

Thirteen days before the July 21, 2018, rescue, Ms. Wettlaufer, who is now Canada’s representa-tive to the Palestinian Authority, shared information from contacts revealing that the White Helmets were growing increasingly con-cerned over the safety of women-led humanitarian teams in south Syria.

“WH were (understandably) quite emotional. They felt they had been abandoned by their western backers in their hour of need,” the email noted. “They raised the women teams in the south, which had been created with Canadian support. They asked where our support was now that they were under threat.”

Since 2017, Canada had been supporting the White Helmets through two projects that totalled $7.5-million of funding. One of the programs was centred on increasing the participation of

women in the group, including at “operational and management levels.” Through the program, 290 female White Helmets were re-cruited, including 31 in leadership positions. The women that were recruited allowed the White Hel-mets to operate in some of Syria’s most conservative communities, where they were the only ones that were permitted to rescue women and girls, Ms. O’Donnell wrote in an email.

Leading up to the rescue, Ms. Freeland made a self-described “impassioned plea” at a July 11 foreign ministers dinner, which was part of a NATO summit, to foster support for the rescue of the White Helmets.

“She spoke to the real risk of torture, execution, and other grave violations of human rights, and suggested that if we did not act now, we would regret and be judged by our failure to help ensure safety and security of our partners,” Richard Arbeiter, Canada’s deputy permanent representative to the UN, noted in an email. “[Freeland] also made clear that concerns about absorp-tion/resettlement capacity should not/not serve as a disincentive to evacuation.”

The day of the speech, a Global Affairs official noted in two separate emails that Ms. Free-land’s office had been asking how many women were among the group of White Helmets at risk.

Global Affairs did not respond with comment before press deadline.

University of Waterloo profes-sor Bessma Momani, a leading Canadian expert on the Middle East, said there was an ethical responsibility from Canada to protect those White Helmets who it had supported.

She said that it is important for Western governments to know that their association with the White Helmets put the very people they were trying to help in “harm’s way” of both Assad gov-ernment forces and radicals.

“The White Helmets have always been between a rock and a hard place,” she said. “They did get support from external actors … [and] they get stuck as being seen as collaborators or somehow agents of some shadowy force.”

In opposition-held regions, White Helmets were the first to arrive on scene after an explo-sion. Prof. Momani said little chil-dren would be “more receptive” to

seeing a first responder who was a woman.

She said female and male mem-bers of the White Helmets faced different types of danger, adding that sometimes the government and radical forces could be “crueler” to men, but women have also been subject to sexual-based violence.

“They are both vulnerable.”

The ‘maybe too crazy’ planThe “maybe too crazy” idea

of resettling White Helmets in Canada was proposed by Cana-da’s then-executive co-ordinator for Syria, Sébastien Beaulieu, on April 11, emails show—14 weeks before the rescue took place. Mr. Beaulieu, who was stationed in Canada’s embassy in Lebanon, proposed three “quick Canadian niche ideas to pursue interna-tionally.” He suggested Canada could resettle “50, 100, 200” White Helmets to Canada. Other ideas included providing scholarships for young women and highlight-ing the work of Syrian women activists at an upcoming G7 meeting.

Mr. Beaulieu noted that while Canada didn’t want to “drain” Syria of its “heroic first responders while they are needed and can make a difference within Syria,” their area to operate was “shrinking by the day.” He remarked that the volun-teers wouldn’t be able to go back to government-controlled areas as they are labelled as “terrorists.” Mr. Beaulieu now serves as Canada’s ambassador to Senegal.

The White Helmets, more formally called the Syria Civil Defence, were the subject of a 2016 Oscar-winning documentary and have received international acclaim for their humanitarian efforts in the midst of the Syr-ian Civil War. They have been subject to a Russian-linked disinformation campaign due to their presence during some of the most horrific moments of the war, which allowed them to document war crimes, including capturing a 2017 chemical weapon attack perpetrated by Assad forces on video. The group says it has saved more than 100,000 Syrians. More than 250 volunteers have been killed while undertaking rescue operations, including more than 30 women. The group has been target of “double-tap” attacks from Assad and Russian forces—where a second bomb strikes the same location as a previous hit to target

rescue workers helping causali-ties of the first strike.

Three members of the White Helmets appeared before the House Subcommittee on Inter-national Human Rights in March 2018.

In early July, as the forces of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad strengthened their control in south-ern Syria, Ms. Wettlaufer pushed the need to help the soon-to-be trapped White Helmet volunteers.

“I really think we need to raise the alarm on this,” she said in a July 4 email. “Isn’t there some-thing Canada can do for them?? It’s a lot, but not crazy numbers. But time is incredibly short.”

“I imagine they would make fine additions to any fire brigades in Canada.”

Ms. Wettlaufer had met with Raed Saleh, the head of the White Helmets, the day before.

When it came time for the rescue on the evening of July 21, fewer White Helmets and their families reached the border than were hoped. But 422 were able to cross. From Syria, the White Helmets crossed the border into Israel through the Golan Heights—with the help of the Is-rael Defence Forces—and soon af-ter they were on buses to Jordan.

The Assad government called the rescue a “criminal” operation.

Rescue was the ‘essence of Canada at its best’: Shugart

While there was some disap-pointment that the 800 that had planned to cross the border had not arrived, there was celebration in the Pearson Building for what it was able to accomplish.

“While the numbers were less than we hoped, we had antici-pated that all would not make it through,” said now-retired Mark Gwozdecky in an email, who was then an assistant deputy minister for international security and po-litical affairs at Global Affairs.

“One thing we know for sure is that there are [redacted] human beings whose lives were possi-bly saved and who will wake up tomorrow with radically altered lives—for the better. And some-thing tells me that their signifi-cant contributions to their home country has not ended,” he noted.

In a post-rescue update, Ms. Wettlaufer wrote some White Helmets chose to remain by choice, while others were trapped. “We have asked the White Helmet leadership to make clear that there will not be another southern evacuation,” she said.

Privy Council Clerk Ian Shugart, who was deputy minis-ter of foreign affairs at the time, thanked the diplomats involved in co-ordinating the rescue in a July 25 email. Ms. Freeland also sent a note of appreciation that day.

“What we have done collec-tively, in the field, and at head-quarters, is the essence of Canada at its best: compassion, a concern for practical justice, savvy and well-honed diplomatic relation-ships, operational skills at a very refined level, and much more,” Mr. Shugart wrote. “I can’t help feeling that what you have done is an act of solidarity with what the White Helmets themselves have done.”

[email protected] Hill Times

Diplomats raised concern for safety of Canadian-supported female White Helmet members days before daring 2018 rescue, emails show ‘I feel it is worth noting that Canada pushed for [White Helmets] to include women and funded their efforts to recruit and train women. Now those women are in even more danger,’ a GAC official wrote.

News

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020 | THE HILL TIMES

Continued from page 1

As opposition forces lost ground in southern Syria, members of the White Helmets occupied an increasingly precarious position in the summer of 2018. Ultimately, 422 members and family members were able to leave the country through a Canadian-led rescue effort. Photograph courtesy of Twitter/The White Helmets

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13

Women and Girls (MMIWG), the government said it would miss the promised June deadline to meet the first item on the 231 calls for justice: an action plan. Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett (Toronto-St. Paul’s, Ont.) has since resisted demands to make public the new deadline, but the Sept. 23 Throne Speech promised the government would speed up the process.

Ms. Bennett’s press secretary, Emily Williams, told The Hill Times that work is underway to co-develop that plan, and collec-tively these 10 working groups, each led by Indigenous women, are drafting their respective com-ponents.

“Although the realities of liv-ing in a time of a pandemic has changed the manner by which we are all engaging on a National Ac-tion Plan, we are supporting virtual discussions led by Indigenous women’s groups and our provincial and territorial partners, to con-

tinue the work of co-developing a National Action Plan while staying physically isolated,” said Ms. Wil-liams by email Sept. 29.

Ms. Williams did not respond to questions about when the working groups were formed, and why they weren’t struck before the pandemic, when the initial deadline was months away.

Advocates have raised con-cerns that some women-led orga-nizations and leaders are being left out or are on the periphery of that work, with the Ontario Native Women’s Association (ONWA) expressing frustration that it’s not on any of the working groups, saying unclear why it’s being left out.

Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) president Lor-raine Whitman said her organiza-tion expressed concerns directly with Ms. Bennett about the de-lays, and because NWAC was not given “adequate opportunity” to provide input.

“But that issue appears to have been resolved,” she said by email.

As the organization representing Indigenous women of Canada that’s “led the call” to address the issue, NWAC was initially disappointed to learn it was participating as mem-bers of just three of the 10 working-level committees created to provide input to the action plan.

“We at NWAC have put much thought into this and we know what needs to be done. To resolve the issue we contacted Minister Bennett who recognized our concerns and, as a result of the discussion, NWAC now has its own working-level committee to inform the government’s action plan—one that we anticipate will offer significant opportunity for recommending measures that should be included,” she said.

That group will be added to a number of already-formed sub groups that fall under the core working group, which is meant to lead the action plan’s development and is made up of representatives from each sub-working group.

The core group is being co-chaired by Gina Wilson, senior

associate deputy minister of diversity, inclusion, and youth at Heritage Canada, who earlier this year was named an Indspire Awards recipient as one of 10 outstanding Indigenous leaders in Canada.

Some of its proposed par-ticipants include the Manitoba MMIWG Coalition, the Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak, Pauk-tuutit Inuit Women of Canada, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK), the Assembly of First Nations’ Women’s Council, Les Femmes

Michif Otipemisiwak, the Ontario Federation of Indigenous Friend-ship Centres, Ma Mawi Wi Chi Itata, and the Native Women’s Association of Canada, accord-ing to a recent list of the working groups prepared by the govern-ment and shared with The Hill Times by one of the members.

The Hill Times reached out to organizations in the proposed core group, but did not receive respons-es by deadline. The Pauktuutit In-uit Women of Canada pointed to a Sept. 28 statement from president Rebecca Kudloo saying she was pleased to see the commitment to have an action plan delivered as soon as possible.

“The development of this strat-egy must fully involve Inuit-led organizations and be respectful of the families of our missing and murdered women and girls,” she said in the statement, while reiterating the organization’s call for $20-million to create five new emergency shelters and safe cen-tres for Inuit women and children as a “direct response” to the Inuit-specific MMIWG calls for justice.

The other working groups and their proposed chairs include: a provincial/territorial working group; a Family and Survivors Circle, with Hilda Anderson-Pyrz as proposed chair; a federal sub-working group, with Crown-In-digenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada senior assistant deputy minister Jeff Moore as a co-chair; an urban group, with Diane Redsky as the chair; a First Nation group, led by Chief Connie Big Eagle, chair of the As-sembly of First Nations’ Women’s Council; an Inuit group, whose chair would be agreed upon by Pauktuutit in collaboration with ITK; a Métis group that is region-ally represented and chaired by Melanie Omeniho, president of Les Femmes Michif Otipemisi-

wak; a 2SLGBTQQIA group, led by Sylvia Maracle, executive director of the Ontario Federation of Native Friendship Centre; and a data group, to be co-chaired by Mr. Moore and Karine Duhamel, the former director of research for the national inquiry.

‘Big gaps’ in action plan development, ONWA says

As the largest and longest established Indigenous women’s organization in Canada, ONWA

president Dawn Lavell-Harvard said it “makes zero sense” to exclude her organization from the development of the action plan.

“To be set aside in this way, not to be part of the leader-ship and helping to inform this national the action plan is really concerning and unfortunately we believe a direct result of the residual impacts of the sex discrimination of the Indian Act that meant so many of our women and their descendents were denied membership and denied status in their community because of marriage,” she said.

When the last Parliament passed Bill S-3 to address the his-toric discrimination, it estimated between 270,000 and 450,000 people could be entitled to status. Even before COVID, the govern-ment admitted lengthy delays in registering women.

It’s these women who are “slip-ping through the cracks in this conversation,” as well as urban and rural Indigenous women, and those living off-reserve, said Ms. Lavell-Harvard, noting the ONWA is no longer part of the NWAC so its absence at the table is “not a small oversight.”

“This is a pretty big gap in their action plan,” she said.

Other groups have also been excluded, and she’s heard it’s because the government is focusing on a distinctions-based approach—on the distinct needs of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit—and though that should have a “prominent” place, she said it leaves a gap. Then there’s the fact the national organizations tak-ing part—the ITK, the Assembly of First Nations, and the Métis National Council—are male-led, leaving some who’ve long ad-vocated for the inquiry to worry women are not at the centre of the process, said Shelagh Day, chair of the Human Rights Committee of the Canadian Feminist Alliance for International Action (FAFIA).

While she said she doesn’t think her group needs to be at the table, she said she worries some women leaders and groups are on the margins after working so hard to advocate for Indigenous women.

“There are a number of orga-nizations, and FAFIA is one of them, who have spent a great deal of time on this issue of MMIWG, learned a lot, have a lot of exper-tise, lobbied for the inquiry, went to the Inter-American Commis-sion on Human Rights … were parties at the national inquiry, made submissions, and then we don’t know anything,” she said. “It’s hard to be on the sidelines.”

Ms. Williams did not respond to those concerns, but in her general response noted all the working groups would be led by women. The plan will be “rooted in” a distinctions-based approach and “will address the unique needs, experiences, and cultural contexts of, Indigenous peoples and communities,” said Ms. Wil-liams, and will also represent regional perspectives.

“The National Action Plan will be a durable and accountable document that can be measured against and adjusted, ensuring we make progress on ending violence against Indigenous women, girls, Two Spirit and LGBTQ people.”

[email protected] The Hill Times

Feds strike working groups to tackle delayed MMIWG action plan Groups say they’re pleased to see Ottawa picking up the pace, while the Ontario Native Women’s Association says its exclusion ‘makes zero sense’ and means some women will fall through the cracks in the conversation.

News

THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

Continued from page 1

Deputy minister Gina Wilson will co-chair the core working group leading the development of the National Action Plan. The Hill Times file photograph

Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett's department has struck a number of working groups to start drafting the various sections of the action plan, including a focus on First Nations, Métis, Inuit, data, and urban communities. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

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14

World Trade Organization, but progress is far from guaranteed.

The Canadian government formed the Ottawa Group in 2018 with Australia, Brazil, Chile, the European Union, Japan, Kenya, South Korea, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, and Switzerland to build consensus around World Trade Orga-nization (WTO) reforms.

The efforts of the Ottawa Group were part of just a select few foreign policy pri-orities mentioned during the Speech from the Throne.

“The government will continue to fight for free trade, including by leading the Ot-tawa Group to reform the World Trade Or-ganization,” Governor General Julie Payette read on Sept. 23.

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought about trade uncertainty as protectionist ac-tion has risen to protect vital supplies, but the global trading system was under threat even before the pandemic due to the trade policies of U.S. President Donald Trump and a resurgence of worldwide anti-free trade sentiment.

“The WTO has always been central to our trade policy and that’s because if we don’t have rules to how trade is done then we will be overwhelmed by the large pow-ers and a return to the Wild West,” said Ser-gio Marchi, a former Liberal trade minister and past ambassador to the WTO.

The issues at the WTO were front and centre this week for Canada, as the U.S. appealed a softwood lumber ruling that was in favour of Canada to the appellate body, but since there is no quorum to hear appeals, the decision will go into a void.

International Trade Minister Mary Ng (Markham-Thornhill, Ont.) said Canada was “disappointed” in the U.S. decision to appeal.

“This appeal comes at a time when the WTO Appellate Body is currently unable to hear appeals as a direct result of the U.S. refusal to agree to the appointment of new appellate body members,” Ms. Ng said in a statement.

Mr. Marchi said while Canada doesn’t win all of its disputes at the WTO, it wins a lot more through being a member of the group.

Trade experts told The Hill Times that reform efforts should include addressing the dispute settlement system, revitalizing negotiations at the WTO, greater transpar-ency with the public, integrating trade and environmental issues, supporting the WTO’s e-commerce and digital trade discussions, and addressing industrial subsidies.

“The WTO is facing a series of chal-lenges which the Ottawa Group is working to address—including finding an effective dispute settlement system, advancing nego-tiations in new and inclusive areas, and en-suring the organization can operate more

effectively and efficiently. This will ensure predictability and stability for Canadian businesses seeking to grow and explore opportunities in the global marketplace which is more important than ever amid COVID-19,” Ryan Nearing, a spokesperson for Ms. Ng, said in a statement.

“Ottawa Group members continue to advance work at all levels, and Minister Ng looks forward to hosting another ministeri-al-level meeting of the Ottawa Group over the next few months,” he said.

Mr. Marchi said reform has never been more important as the organization has been stalled for the last few years.

“If it continues to stall, I think it runs the risk of becoming irrelevant in the life of trade, day in and day out. So it’s quite imperative that the WTO get its act together,” he said.

The Ottawa Group has brought together a wide mixture of likeminded countries that represent the body of the WTO as a whole—from developed and developing countries, large and small trading nations, and with countries from the north, south, east, and west.

A former government official said on background that since its formation, some countries were skeptical that the Ottawa Group is a reform initiative that could work.

Its staying power shows that it has become one of the key instruments to talk about re-form and to try enact it, the official said.

Mr. Marchi said reform at the WTO is made more difficult because decisions are made by consensus.

“Reform in any multilateral institution is never easy simply because, just like at the WTO, there is literally no voting. You have to do everything by consensus,” he said. “So you move as quickly as the slow-est member is willing to go.”

“The other issue that is the difficult one for reform is it’s always in the eye of the beholder. So an issue for reform for Canada which we might see as a great thing … other countries may not have the same view,” said Mr. Marchi, noting a possible example being greater transparency at the WTO.

Trade experts said that the U.S. election will be pivotal in seeing how reforms will play out at the WTO.

“The United States under Donald Trump has gone from being the locomotive of the WTO—when I was ambassador I saw every

day the kind of leadership the U.S. would bring to the institution—… to a caboose,” he said. “I think that caboose has been thwarting the WTO, slowing progress down, paralyzing the DSP [dispute settlement process].”

Without the United States and China be-ing on board, it will be a struggle to enact change, Mr. Marchi said, adding that not having the two superpowers as members of the Ottawa Group is by design.

“Once [the Ottawa Group] has solidified their thinking, then you can draw larger concentric circles and that, obviously, must include the United States and China.”

Pierre Pettigrew, Mr. Marchi’s successor as trade minister, said Canada has gath-ered the right group of countries to make progress.

“Down the line what we will probably want is to demonstrate that this progress done by the Ottawa Group is worth embracing by the whole membership,” said Mr. Pettigrew, who also served as foreign affairs minister in Paul Martin’s cabinet.

He said the work of the group is “very timely,” especially if U.S. Demo-cratic presidential candi-date Joe Biden wins the Nov. 3 election.

“A United States administration that would be more open to multilat-eralism and international institutions than the Trump administration will be quite interested to look at the progress done [by the Ottawa Group] and might decide to support some of these initiatives,” he said.

Historically, the Democrats have had their fair share of issues with the WTO, but not to the same level of Mr. Trump.

Mark Agnew, senior director of inter-national policy at the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, said it is “quite important” to have groups like the Ottawa Group meet behind the scenes to develop proposals and ideas that can eventually be brought for-ward after a new director-general is in place and after the U.S. presidential elections.

Currently there are five candidates to become the organization’s new director-gen-eral, including two candidates from Ottawa Group countries—Amina Mohamed from Kenya and Yoo Myung-hee of South Korea.

Mr. Agnew said some of the declara-tions from the Ottawa Group have been “helpful to have” as tangible outcomes, such as commitments to not employ export restrictions.

“It helps set a good benchmark for other countries to then be hopefully pointed towards,” he said.

Mr. Agnew said the WTO needs wide-spread support among its members to be seen as a voice for trade and place where decisions are made.

“There’s no guarantee on the path ahead—the WTO will always exist—but it might not be effective, it might not be cred-ible,” he said. “It is quite an important mo-ment for the institution to ensure its cred-ibility and effectiveness going forward.”

[email protected] The Hill Times

Feds trumpet uncertain WTO reform to protect Canada from trade whims of superpowers The efforts of the Ottawa Group were part of just a select few foreign policy priorities mentioned during the Throne Speech, ahead of a ‘disappointing’ move by the U.S. to appeal a WTO softwood lumber ruling.

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Continued from page 1

International Trade Minister Mary Ng's office says the World Trade Organization is facing a series of challenges which the Ottawa Group is working to address, but experts says success isn't guaranteed. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade

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WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 30EU-Canada Business Summit—Minister of

Small Business, Export Promotion, and Inter-national Trade Mary Ng will deliver remarks at the EU-Canada Business Summit—a one-day event hosted by the Canada-Europe Economic Chamber. This year’s topics are Energy and the Environment, Security and Transport, International Trade and Mobility, and Manufacturers and Artificial Intelligence. Other speakers include Chris Cooter, Canada’s head of mission to the European Union; Olivier Nicoloff, Canada’s ambassador to Bel-gium and Luxembourg; and others. The free, virtual event takes place Wednesday, Sept. 30, beginning at 2:30 a.m. ET. Register at canadaeurope.eu.

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petition Bureau will host its first annual Digital Enforcement Summit from Tuesday, Oct. 6 to Thursday, Nov. 26 to enhance its effectiveness as it takes on new and emerg-ing issues in the digital economy. Featuring a series of four online panels, the summit will allow the Bureau and its international counterparts to share best practices and explore new tools and strategies for tackling

emerging enforcement issues in the digital era. Today’s panel is on “Developments in Intelligence, Detection, and Evidence.” Contact [email protected].

Racial Inequality and Disparity: Change for Greater Good—ISG Senator Murray Sinclair will take part in a webinar on “Racial Inequality and Disparity” hosted by Aksis: Edmonton’s Aboriginal Business and Professional Association. He will be joined by Dr. Wanda Costen for a discussion on why correcting social and economic imbal-ances is so critical to our collective future. Tuesday, Oct. 6, from 11 a.m. to 2 p.m. ET. Tickets available via Eventbrite.

Governance through COVID19: Les-sons from Disruption—The Institute on Governance hosts a webinar, “Governance

through COVID19: Lessons from Disrup-tion,” part of its Policy Crunch series. Queen’s University’s Prof. Andrew Graham and Prof. Kathy L. Brock, PhD, will join Dalhousie University’s Lori Turnbull to reflect on the new Throne Speech, ad-dress the implications of the pandemic on governance, the executive and accountabil-ity, the public service, and the role of the central agencies going forward. Tuesday, Oct. 6, from 5:30-7:30 p.m. Register for this free event via Eventbrite.

THURSDAY, OCT. 8Munk Dialogues—On Thursday, Oct. 8,

at 8 pm EDT, the Munk Dialogues series will feature dialogue with Michael Eric Dyson, bestselling author, scholar, and racial justice campaigner, on the future of the politics of race and social justice in the shadow of the most consequential U.S. election in a generation. The Munk Dia-logues will be available live and on-demand on the free CBC Gem streaming service (gem.cbc.ca) and on the Munk Debates website (www.munkdebates.com/dialogues).

WEDNESDAY, OCT. 14 Munk Dialogues—On Wednesday, Oct.

14, at 8 pm EDT, the Munk Dialogues se-ries will feature dialogue with Robert Reich, former U.S. labour secretary, economic inequality activist, and filmmaker, on how to meet the once-in-a-generation societal challenges presented by COVID-19 and its shakeout of the global economy. The Munk Dialogues will be available live and on-demand on the free CBC Gem streaming service (gem.cbc.ca) and on the Munk Debates website (www.munkdebates.com/dialogues).

THURSDAY, OCT. 15PPF Testimonial Dinner and Awards—The

Public Policy Forum’s Honour Roll is going virtual. The PPF Honour Roll virtual ses-sions with our 2020 Testimonial Dinner & Awards will be held from 4:30 p.m. to 6:30 p.m. which includes networking sessions. Join us virtually on Thursday Oct. 15 and Thursday Oct. 22 as we celebrate Elyse Allan, Sen. Peter Harder, Anne McLellan and Sen. Murray Sinclair and their achieve-ments. Rob Russo, formerly with CBC will be receiving the Hyman Solomon journal-ism award. Data scientist, AI literacy expert and author, Shingai Manjengwa, is the re-cipient of the Emerging Leader Award. The 33rd annual Testimonial Dinner and Awards honours Canadians who have made their mark on business, policy and leadership. They will take their place among a cohort of other stellar Canadians who we’ve honoured over the last 33 years, people who have dedicated themselves to making Canada a better place through policy leadership and public service.

SUNDAY, OCT. 18War: How Conflict Shaped Us with

Margaret MacMillan—Margaret Macmillan shares her insights into the very nature of war—from the ancient Greeks to modern times—with CBC’s Adrian Harewood. In her sweeping new book, international bestselling author and historian MacMillan analyzes the tangled history of war and so-ciety and our complicated feelings towards it and towards those who fight. It explores the ways in which changes in society have affected the nature of war and how in turn wars have changed the societies that fight them, including the ways in which women have been both participants in and the objects of war. The free, pre-recorded event is Sunday, Oct. 18, at 2 p.m. RSVP at writersfestival.org.

Rona Ambrose tells her story during virtual Pink Tea talk on Oct. 2

More at hilltimes.com/calendar

Parliamentary Calendar

A Throne Speech, in a global pandemicThe Hill Times photographs by Andrew Meade & Sam Garcia

15THE HILL TIMES | WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020

The usher of the black rod, Greg Peters, knocks three times on the House of Commons door, as part of the ceremony, to inform the Speaker that MPs’ presence is requested in the Senate Chamber on Sept. 23.

Governor General Julie Payette arrives at the Senate of Canada Building, where she delivered the Speech from the Throne.

Gérard Deltell, Tim Uppal, and other Conservative MPs leave West Block as Speech from the Throne proceedings get underway in Ottawa.

Green Parliamentary Leader Elizabeth May and chief of staff Debra Eindiguer head to the West Block for the opening of the second session of the 43rd Parliament.

Gabrielle Fayant, co-founder of the Assembly of Seven Generations, pictured on the far right, performs before the reading of the Throne Speech in solidarity with Mi’kwmaw warriors and the Algonquin moose moratorium.

CBC’s David Cochrane prepares for a hit outside the West Block before the Speech from the Throne.

The Throne Speech ceremony usually involves a 21-gun salute and two musical salutes. It was a scaled-back affair due to the pandemic, with fewer soldiers participating in the ceremony.

The Parliamentary Calendar is a free events listing. Send in your political, cultur-al, diplomatic, or governmental event in a paragraph with all the relevant details under the subject line ‘Parliamentary Calendar’ to [email protected] by Wednesday at noon before the Monday paper or by Friday at noon for the Wednesday paper. We can’t guarantee inclusion of every event, but we will definitely do our best. Events can be updated daily online, too.

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