Dec.15th New Review

A CRITICAL SURVEY OF INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISM

TeaCents

VOL. HI. lOc. a copy Published on the first and fifteenth of the month. $1.50 a year No. 19

CONTENTS:PAGE

PREPAREDNESS 353Robert Rives La Monte

THE GARY PLAN OF SCHOOL ADMINISTRATION 355William E. Bohn

THE MECHANICS OF SOLIDARITY 357Austin Lewis

THE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT AND THE SOCIALIST PARTY. ... .359Mary S. Oppenheimer

THE SIN OF BEING FOUND Our 361Elsie Clews Parsons

THE "GENIUS" AND MR. DREISER 362Floyd Dell

PAGBTHE BANDBOX 364

Felix GrendonCURRENT AFFAIRS 365

L. B. BoudinBOOK REVIEWS 367

Metaphysics of World Power, Simon Strunsky.

A SOCIALIST DIGEST 368Dissensions in the Socialist Party Concerning: Preparedness; British

Workers and the Munitions Act; A Peep into Germany; FrenchSocialist Congress; Swiss Workers' Demands.

THE THIRD ANNIVERSARY OF THE NEW REVIEW. .372Copyright, 1915, try the New Review Publishing Ati'n. Reprint permitted if credit It gift*.

PreparednessBy Robert Rives La Monte

T IS a barbarous word, compounded in thetrue Teutonic barbarous fashion, and ascommonly used by the pollparrot agents

(conscious and unconscious) of the munition andsteel makers it means a very sinister, Teutonic, bar-baric thing. In a word it means nothing more norless than a complete moral and material equipmentfor efficient wholesale murder. The moral ideal ofthe hysterical advocates of preparedness is well typi-fied by the serene ruthlessness of character of theTurks who perpetrated the recent massacres of Ar-menians. But this lofty ideal is a mere counsel ofperfection to which it is not expected that Ameri-cans tainted by "Pacifism" can attain immediately.To reach the sublime height of the Turkish homicidewill, American preparednessers admit, require atleast a decade of education by Roosevelt, Gardner,Woodrow Wilson and those intrepid humanists, theEditor of the Metropolitan Magazine and Herr Hein-rich Reuterdahl, the richly imaginative concoctor ofnightmares for that illustrious disseminator of "So-cialism", sweetness and light. On the material side,as commonly employed to-day, the term connotes thepossession of such numbers of trained homicides andsuch vast quantities of variegated murder-machin-ery and ammunition as enabled their Teutonic High-nesses of Germany and Austria in the first fewweeks of the war to overrun Belgium and reach theMarne. But this material ideal is no mere counselof perfection. Here we go far beyond the teachingof our Teutonic schoolmasters. To subdue Mexicoand Central America and carry the Stars and Stripes

to the Andes in a few weeks would ne'er contentthem; for "is not the Amazon, or perchance theStraits of Magellan, our 'natural' boundary to theSouthward"? Where "manifest destiny" leads wemust not lack the men and guns to follow.

Preparedness can but be an ugly word. Whyshould it be a sinister one too? Why can we not pre-pare for Life as well as for Death? Why not forPeace as well as for War?

I am thinking much these days of Pat Quinlandown there in the jail at Trenton. What was hiscrime? Was he a thief? Or an advocate of murderor preparation for murder? No; he was an honestman. I knew him well. Many of you who readknew him. We know he was not a man of violence,but an impassioned lover of Peace. But his soul wasbig and so his vision of Peace was broad. He dreamtnot only of Peace between nations, but of that moredifficult preliminary, Peace within nations. His rug-ged commonsense told him we could never be sure ofthe former until we had conquered the latter. Hedreamt of Peace abroad and Peace at home. That isno crime. Many of us have had the same dreams.But Pat's crime was that he had the courage, thesimplicity and the sincerity to do his humble best tomake his dream come true. He may have blunderedand made mistakes. Who has not? But he kept hiseyes steadfastly fixed on a noble vision and did oneman's utmost to realize that vision in living fact. Forthat he is lying in jail.

Are we prepared for Life? For Peace? Somehow Ican not but feel that a nation that sends its great-

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hearted lovers of Peace to jail, and its advocates ofpreparedness for murder, war and death to theWhite House is still separated by well nigh an in-finity from readiness for fruitful Peace and joyfulLife.

But, says some bewildered reader, if you are notfor preparedness, you must be a pacifist, and Roose-velt says that pacifists are Chinamen without pig-tails. Well, I fear I am not a pacifist. I honor thepacifist immeasurably. I would that all men wouldabsolutely refuse to fight and kill under any cir-cumstances. But I do not see my way to becominga pacifist until economic equality shall have beendefinitely abolished. That is my goal. I believe it tobe a goal worth fighting for, worth shedding bloodfor even. So that as yet pacifism, noble as it is. isnot for me. Nor can I see why we should be scaredfrom our Peace guns by Roosevelt's cry of "China-man !" I have no doubt we have much to learn fromChina as China has much to learn from us.

There was a time when I believed that noSocialist would ever vote a penny or a pfennig formilitary and naval expenditures. This dream wasrudely dispelled many years ago when a comradeelected to office voted for an appropriation for a com-paratively innocent armory, which was in factchiefly used as a club-house and gymnasium by thebetter-paid workers of the community. But well doI remember the shock this gave me, I was innocentenough to take my Socialist principles seriously. Inthese days this will, I suppose, hardly be believed.

After reading the reams of apologies that Social-ists have written for the treason of the German So-cial Democracy of August 4, 1914, it appears almostludicrous that our consciences should once have beenso sensitive as to have had great difficulty in digest-ing that armory incident.

But if we once allow the craving for popularity,the itch for political power, the mania for vote-get-ting to sway us, it soon becomes an obsession thatcompletely eclipses our principles. The downfall ofthe German Social Democracy must remain the clas-sical illustration of the corruption of a Labor Partyby the greed for political power — a greed whichsacrifices the reality for an illusion. Who to-day candoubt that the German Socialists would have sacri-ficed fewer lives by a revolt to prevent the War thanthey have lost in the War?

But they had no longer the courage to risk theirpolitical power and prestige by taking what theyfound would be an unpopular course. They couldnot risk the loss of votes entailed by the appearanceof a lack of patriotism. The fall of the German So-cial Democracy was already complete in 1912 whenit voted the money for the increase of the army inorder that it might have a voice as to the incidenceof the new taxation. A party that could swallow

such sickening sophistry in 1912 was sure to vote thewar budget for the aggressive war of 1914.

But can we not learn by these sad experiences?Because the German Social Democracy built up agreat political machine, and gradually deteriorated,as it ceased to be (in grand old Liebknechf s unfor-getable phrase) "other than the others", are wedriven to conclude that political rot inevitablyawaits every Socialist Party? In moments of pessi-mism, the answer is too apt to be 'yes'. But surelywe do learn by experience. The corrupting tendencyof politics should hence forth be so evident thatevery Socialist Party should be on its guard dayand night against it. This no doubt will make them"impossibilists", "intransigeants" and other horriblethings. It may even put a quietus in the dreams of"constructive socialism", but we can stand all this,if only we can keep our Socialist Parties sound atthe core.

For the present war the treason of the GermanSocial Democracy has set aside all criteria of Social-ist judgment. Very sure of himself indeed must bethe orthodox Socialist who blames the Socialists ofBelgium and France attacked for rallying to thedefence and voting all needful supplies. But whenthe war is over may we not hope for a re-birth ofSocialist sanity? May we not hope that in the newand more powerful International, no Socialist Partyshall have a voice which does not pledge all its mem-bers elected to office to vote unfalteringly against allappropriations for War or War Preparedness?

When we have such an International I shall notrepel the name of pacifist. Such an Internationalmay not immediately make war impossible, but itwill from the very start make it highly improbable.

Let us as Socialists get back to our first principles.Let us remember that the workers of all lands arebrothers; that the one hope of the future is theirunion in loving and fissureless solidarity; and thatthe supremest treason of Socialism and Humanity isfor Socialists and workingmen to fight and kill eachother. Let us remember that the present govern-ments are not, even in Democracies, governments ofthe people but governments of the masters, and thattherefore it is not the function of the Socialists andworkers but of the masters to provide the means fortheir defense in the wars precipitated by capital-ist Imperialism.

If as Socialists we take our stand on these im-pregnable foundations we can remain serene amid allthe hysteria formented by the munition manufact-urers and the profit-mongers.

But let us forget for the nonce that we are or everwere Socialists. Let us face this preparedness maniaas citizens, as Americans, as patriots.

What danger is near? Against whom are we pre-paring? What nation or race threatens us? Eventhe Wilson program tacitly confesses there is no im-

THE GARY PLAN 855

mediate menace since it allows for several years ofcontinous preparation. Surely the nations ofEurope will be too exhausted after this war to dreamof attacking us till they have had many years to re-cuperate. Hobson and other victims of prepared-ness might see visions of Japan invading us. ButAustin Lewis who has lived in California for yearstells us (in the New Review of Nov. 1st) thatthere is no Japanese problem in California, thatthe Japanese have ceased to come; that the irri-tation, unreasonableness and crass provinciality ofa few years ago have fortunately dissappeared, withthe result that a Japanese problem in Californiamight be sought carefully but in vain.

The plain truth is that if we mind our own busi-ness as a nation and follow the policy of Washington'sfarewell address we are in no danger of aggressionfrom any quarter.

Why then should the nation permit itself to bedrawn by skillfully stimulated hysteria to adopt thePresident's Preparedness Programme, which, theDemocratic leader in Congress tells us, demands thatat one bound, in one year, we shall increase our al-ready immense naval expenditures by more than ourtotal increase during the last 14 years, and by morethan the total naval increase of Germany during thefive years preceeding the European War, and bymore than the combined naval increase of all thenations of the world in any one year in their history?

Do we fear Japan? Do we fear Germany? Ournavy is far superior to Germany's. Do not be misledby the nightmare of Herr Reuterdahl (I am sure hedeserves a von) in the Metropolitan. In the Decem-ber number he says: "Remember that the AmericanNavy is but a lagging fourth in naval statistics andmuch further down the list in actual efficiency."Admiral Fletcher, the head of the North Atlanticfleet surely knows something about our navy and thisvery year he testified under oath that "our navy wassuperior to that of Germany and every other countryexcept Great Britian."

This instance suffices to show one must be on one'sguard in reading the outpourings of the preparednesspropaganda.

We are in no danger from without. Our real perilis from within. If the Wilson programme be carriedout, sooner or later the development of capitalistImperialism will drive us to use our augmented mur-der equipment in buccaneering expeditions in Cen-tral and South America and the Windward Isles.The Monroe Doctrine will be forced, like charity, tocover a multitude of sins.

We will create a military and naval caste powerfulenough to pervert our social ideals.

The awful tragedy of it! Our one consolation forall the awful carnage of the European battlefieldsand trenches has been the hope that the war mightresult in the destructinon of the Prussian military

power, and thus remove the menace that has been atthe bottom of the mad competitive race in the multi-plication of armaments and navies. It seemed reas-onable to hope that the war might result in a generallimitation of armaments and an era of peace longeifough to give the new International of the Socialistsand Labor Unions time to develop sufficient power tomake war impossible. This result seemed almostwithin our grasp. The pity of it that it should beAmerica, the once great example of Peaceful Demo-cracy, that should dash down our hope of WorldPeace and compel exhausted, war-sickened Europeto resume the mad race of competitive navy building!

To avert this catastrophe, no effort can be toocollossal, no sacrifice too great. All honor to OswaldVillard and the Evening Post for their efforts to in-form the people of this impending and little suspect-ed peril! All honor to Congressman Kitchin, who isrisking his political future to preserve from destruc-tion the ideals of Washington and Jefferson!

May the Socialists and radicals of every shade andhue rally to the support of these men who have daredto lead in the unpopular fight to keep America trueto her earlier ideals!

The Gary Plan of SchoolAdministration

By William E. Bohn

THE so-called Gary plan is not a new system ofeducation. It is a plan of school administra-tion. A system of education is a program of

studies and activities based upon a unifying idea.Ideas fundamental enough to form the bases of edu-cational systems were originated by Pestalozzi, byFroebel, and by a very few others. Such ideas havesometimes been developed by a succession of originaleducational workers or thinkers. For example, asystem might be based on the work of the childpsychologists beginning with Herbart and comingdown to the latest experimenter at Teachers' College.A system might, likewise, be based on the studies ofthe child in relation to society which are being car-ried on by John Dewey and his followers. The systemwould include the basic ideas and all the machineryand activities necessary to the realization of theideals involved. Viewed from this point of view theGary plan is certainly not an educational system.

But if this newly developed scheme is not this onething it is something else, which may be just as im-portant to us at the present time. It is a practicalworking plan which may enable many communitiesto realize certain precious educational ideals underconditions which have hitherto forced us to contentourselves with schools which have satisfied nobody.

866NSW REVIEW

Practically all persons who think at all about edu-cation will agree that we need three things: greaterfreedom for the development of the individual child,a richer program of studies and activities, moredefinite preparation for life, and especially for citi-zenship. The securing of these things for the chil-dren in our public schools has hitherto seemed im-possible without the expenditure of money far inexcess of our commonly accepted notions with regardto this item in our community budgets. The bestexperimental schools have attained them in varyingdegrees. But most of these schools expend at leastthree times as much money per pupil for plant andremuneration of teachers as is expended by publicschool boards.

Briefly stated, what the Gary plan accomplishes isto give to all the children of a great public schoolmost of the advantages of these experimental privateschools without any great increase in the expenditureof funds per pupil. Of course some private schoolscan give their pupils certain sorts of advantages towhich no public school makes pretense. On theother hand, the great public school, once it has therich course of study and the variety of equipmentnecessary for the inauguration of the Gary plan, cangive its pupils a democratic environment, and asocial inspiration which must be lacking in theprivate school.

The following outline of the Gary plan is based onobservation of it as put into practice in Public School45, Bronx, New York City. The economy possibleunder this scheme is due to the fact that two com-plete schools work and play in one building using thesame rooms and apparatus. Every room is used allthe time. In Public School 45, the two organizationsare known as "X School" and "Y School." While"X School" is doing the ordinary academic work inrooms equipped like any ordinary grade rooms,"Y School" is on the playground, in the garden, theshop, or the auditorium. On certain days pupils ofthis second school may, if their parents desire it,receive religious instruction wherever priests orpreachers or rabbis see fit to provide it. During asecond period this arrangement is reversed: "SchoolX" occupies playground, shop, garden and auditor-ium; "School Y" learns arithmetic, reading and writ-ing in the school rooms. The younger pupils have aday of five hours; the older ones spend six hours aday in school. The great variety of activities in-dulged in, however, keeps them fresh and active.

It is most unfortunate that most of the criticismof this plan has dealt with unessentials. Many object,and rightly, to the religious feature. But this is notnecessarily an organic part. Trips to museums,factories, places of historical interest could be sub-stituted for the voluntary attendance on religiousinstruction without any essential change in thescheme as a whole.

The important thing about the whole matter Isthat when one goes into Public School 45, he finds3500 pupils, ordinary little New Yorkers, studying,working, playing,—and happy every minute. I havevisited many New York Public Schools, and I havealmost always come away with a feeling of depres-sion. The pupils usually seem to be in the lock-stepphysically and mentally. There are schools whichform notable exceptions to the rule. But they areexceptions. In most of these institutions the pupilsspend practically all their time over conventionaltext-books or reciting from them in a purely mechan-ical manner.

In Public School 45, there is the stir of life. Yougo from room to room and see children playing,printing, modeling, carpentering, cooking, drawing,and, half the time, studying books. They are gettingsomething of the freedom and variety hitherto re-served for young people whose parents are able topay from two to five hundred dollars a year fortheir education.

But the Gary plan as put into operation in thisschool is not a money-saving device. Before theintroduction of the plan there were in this school3500 pupils divided into 72 classes, and 75 teachers.The number of pupils is at present approximately thesame and the number of classes and teachers is ex-actly the same. There is, of course, a considerablechange in the classification of teachers. Under theold plan there were 72 teachers and 3 teachers classi-fied as special. At present there are 52 teachers ofthe acadamic subjects, or regular grade teachers,and 23 special teachers. Though the number ofteachers has not altered, the teaching done is, pre-sumably, of a higher type. But there is evidently nosaving effected in the payroll.

And the equipment is now much greater and morevaried than formerly. The Park Department of thecity has placed a "farm" of four acres at the disposalof the school. In addition, the school has made abeautiful vegetable garden of a piece of land acrossthe street. And the necessary equipment of shopsand work-rooms has, of course, necessitated a con-siderable outlay. The increase in expenditure hasbeen slight in comparison with the advantagesgained. It need not frighten the most timid schoolboards which are contemplating an educational ad-venture. But there has been an increase.

This fact leads to a variety of conclusions.Public officials who are attempting to force this planon a complicated school system over night with aview to affecting a saving of public funds are notdealing frankly with the people. If they actuallysucceed in saving money by the change which theyadvocate, they cannot possibly introduce a genuineGary system and the people will have no right toexpect the advantages which should come from thissystem.

MECHANICS OF SOLIDARITY 357

Moreover a system precisely like the one operatedat Gary and in the Bronx would be entirely out of thequestion in the congested part of any large city. Itis entirely possible that an elaborate system of excur-sions, easily arranged among the multiplicity of in-teresting places and objects offered by a large citymight be profitably substituted for the activities de-pendent on great spaces of open ground. But suchexcursions would be almost useless unless well man-aged by experts. So whenever the system is honestlyadopted for the good of the children it will meanthe expenditure of more money rather than less.

But to come back to general considerations. Thedual system which permits of the operation of twoschools in one building is not good in itself. If

"School X" had the exclusive use of the building andequipment of P. S. 45, doubtless a better progress ofstudies and activities could be arranged than the oneat present in operation. The succeeding periods ofwork and play could be arranged in a manner betteradapted to the physical and psychological necessitiesof the children. But such a consummation is entire-ly beyond the range of possibility at present or with-in the limits of any period for which the presentgeneration may reasonably feel called upon to makeits educational plans. In view of this fact, the Garyplan, or some other like it, offers us the only feasiblemethod of giving to public school children the sortof education which our present thought and experi-ence make it our duty to provide.

The Mechanics of Solidarity(Concluded.)

The relations between the two classes of laborhave been reversed in many fundamental industries.As a result of the development of machinery and thegrowth of the technological process the skill of theskilled has begun to lose its commanding influence.It has ceased, in certain essential industries at least,to be the basis of the labor side of production. Thedominant factor ceases to be the skill of the individ-ual worker, it becomes the discipline and coordina-tion of the mass of workers.

The almost automatic and rhythmical regularitywhich marks the modern factory, the monotonousrepetition of the same movements, so many to theminute, hour in and hour out, the minute subdivisionof the work so as to secure a sort of uncanny dex-terity, the handling of subdivided processes with aspeed and accuracy which demands incessant and im-placable drill,—all these contributed to the change.

Behind these again were the imperious needs ofthe market whidT necessitated a competitive effortto produce large amounts of goods to satisfy ordin-ary needs. Immense profit lies in supplying massesof men and in the control of the market for cheapgoods, without refinement and possessed of no ar-tistic qualities. This in its turn implied the fallingoff of skilled labor as the determining factor.Quantity and not quality becomes the essential ele-ment. The whole process of modern industry, then,and the operation of the modern markets appear tohave entered into a conspiracy to dethrone the skilledcraftsman, at least as the determining and necessaryfactor in the productive process.

That the skilled craftsman was on his last legsbecame apparent from the result of his strikes. Theperiod of victory has passed. The conditions whichnow confronted the crafts offered an altogether un-

By Austin Lewisanticipated resistance. The new processes, whichhad at least partially eliminated skill in many crafts,of which molding, glass-blowing and printing mayserve as examples, had proven successful; the num-bers of the unemployed were a constant menacewhich rendered the result of every strike at leastproblematical; the ease with which the new machin-ery could be learned placed the unskilled almost on alevel with the skilled; and the entire terrain of thefighting was thereby so changed as to make a succes-ful campaign on the old lines actually impossible.

The directing intelligence of the labor movementhowever semed to have no consciousness of all this.The old and well tried tactics were incessantly re-peated. The rank and file responded as loyally asever to the demands of the leaders. But the forwardmovement of the crafts was blocked. Here andthere a transient gain served to conceal the generalloss but on the whole the retrograde movement wasmarked. This necessarily affected morale and at-tempts were made in certain quarters to revivify theexploded theory of terrorism.

The fact that the governing class and the industri-al overlords were practically identical by this timegave the controlling industrial interests the unre-stricted use of the police power, which was all themore readily placed at their disposal, since the widearea of industrial strife threatened ever direr socialconsequences and increased the dangers of publicdisturbance. Where the local authorities were un-able to deal with the situation and the local militia,as in the recent Colorado troubles, met with armedresistance, the advent of the Federal troops undercover of preserving order put an end to the strike.

In short the crafts ceased to be effective becausetheir industrial background was gone. They wereno longer the main factor in industry and conge-

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quently they could no longer determine the contestfor industrial control. As a matter of fact they hadno idea of industrial control. No such notion hadever possessed them. Their minds were incapableof grasping it. Security of employment, a fair day'swork for a fair day's pay; a more or less completeownership of their job, as a job; these representedthe sum total of their desires and aspirations. Butthese aspirations, modest as they were, could notsurvive the destruction of the system on which theywere based.

With the craftsman's system and the craftsman'sorganization there gradually also disappeared thenarrow and circumscribed notion of solidarity con-ceived among these surroundings.

Such were the conditions antecedent to the newform of industrial action, the mass-strike. As hasbeen pointed out, industry on the labor side becameless dependent upon individual skill than upon theorganization, control and discipline of masses. Asa result, the mass so subjected to organization grewmore and more coherent. It began to find expressionas a mass, to think as a mass, to feel as a mass, andto have mass aspirations. James Thompson, theI. W. W. organizer, when describing the methodsemployed in teaching the idea of mass action to thetextile workers at Lawrence prior to the strike, tellshow the speaker held his hand up, clenched, as anillustration of the proper way to organize and thenheld his hand up with the fingers outspread as anillustration of the wrong way. Uneducated and in-choate as were the textile operatives they rapidlycaught this idea, and, repeating the lesson to them-selves, would say "This way, not that way."

The very environment of factory life producedmass organization and the conditions of mass ffm-ployment necessitated the mass strike. Hencefor-ward the employer would not find pitted against hima more or less loosely assembled collection of laborunits but an approximately compact body of em-ployees with an approach to a mass psychology.

This has been made clear by a series of labor ef-forts both in the United States and Europe, put for-ward by the hitherto neglected masses of what wasat the best but partially skilled labor. The capital-ists, like the socialists and the labor leaders, werecompletely taken by surprise by these demonstra-tions and in the early days of these movements vic-tories as sweeping as unexpected marked the actionsof this new force. In Italy, France, Russia, Argen-tina and the United States the same phenomenonappeared. In occupation as widely severed as thetextile industry of Lawrence and the transportationindustry of Great Britain we had the same demon-strations. In some cases they were successful, inothers, again, they failed. But their temporary suc-cess or failure was not the point to be observed. Theprincipal matter was that a portion of the working

class had at last arrived at the place where massaction was their natural and spontaneous expression;that that portion of the proletariat which had hither-to been considered incapable of organization had con-sciously striven for a new and effective form of or-ganizations which transcended all its predecessors inits scope and potentialities.

Not only in the sphere of what is ordinarily termedindustry, but, more unexpectedly, in agriculture wefind the same phenomenon. In Italy the agriculturallaborers of the South under very discouraging con-ditions not only made successful strikes but wonder-ful to say carried on successful mass cooperation.Their cooperative farming has won a place amongthe achievements of the international proletariat,where even their warmest sympathizers had hardlyanticipated success.

In the United States particularly in the PacificCoast States where the agricultural conditions neces-sitate the employment of seasonable labor, we findthe unskilled migratory laborer, who is, generallyand not without reason, regarded as the least hopefulof workers, actually undertaking to organize him-self. After one sharp conflict in the State of Cali-fornia, he compelled the state government to recog-nize his demands for decent camp conditions andbrought about a change in that respect which waslittle short of revolutionary.

In short the new movement was a mass actionmovement produced by the mass conditions of em-ployment. It sprang directly from the conditions,which indeed it mirrored. It was not the work ofagitators, it was based on no philosophical teachings,though it, naturally and inevitably, developed a phil-osophy suited to itself, and its own peculiar origin.The basis of this philosophy on the ethical side atleast was the rather over-worked word "solidarity."

Of course under such conditions "solidarity"meant something vitally different from what it hadhitherto implied. As the working class organizationwas broader and as mass-organization implied some-thing much more extensive than the mind of theaverage trade unionist could grasp, the solidaritypreached by the new organization was much moreinclusive and definite. Instead of reflecting the ideasof a limited class of skilled men, it began to reflectthe common desires of large numbers of averagemen. It was inclusive rather than exclusive. Differ-ent from the old trade unions, again, it began to in-clude women and children in its scope. Much wasmade of the proclamation at Lawrence that the in-dustrial union was for women and children as wellas for men.

This new point of view however was not accept-able to the old craft unions. It met with the mostvehement opposition in England and America, aselsewhere. In New Zealand an attempt at mass or-ganization of transport workers was violently as-

SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT AND THE S. P. 359

sailed by the established unions. Various attemptswere made to control the new movement by the olderunions. In Germany this brought about a struggle inthe Congress of German Labor Unions in 1914.

In this last instance the old unions demanded theentrance of helpless and unskilled workers into thetrade and industrial unions to which they wereeligible. This demand was indicative of the determ-ination of the old unions to control the new labormovement and parallelled the requirements of theBuilding Trades in the United States that the UnitedLaborers union should affiliate with them.

The factory workers on their part demanded theentrance of skilled workers into the unions of the un-skilled to which they were eligible. On this matterthe New Review (Aug. 1914) says:

"The resolution was defeated and the executivecommittee's recommendation of an arbitration courtwas adopted. The factory workers made a state-ment reaffirming their claims to the skilled workersin establishments under their control and called theproposed court a 'compulsory arbitration court.'

"While the factory workers were defeated by2,210,000 to 309,000 votes, the transport workersalso showed themselves decidedly oppositional. Theunskilled opposition, however, is, for the most part,within the great German unions themselves. Forthere the Metal Workers, Wood Workers, BuildingWorkers, etc., instead of being divided into a numberof loosely federated unions are united into singlegroups. And since the skilled workers are largelyorganized and the unskilled largely unorganized, thelatter are usually in a minority. Yet there has beena great deal of friction of late, especially in the great-est union of all, that of the Metal Workers, which hasover half a million members."

It is clear that here we have the beginning of anew conflict which must continue until the structureof organized labor is profoundly modified. Thechange in the industrial basis involves necessarilya corresponding change in the labor organization.This is already becoming sufficiently recognized tocause an agitation in favor of industrial unionismeven among the rank and file of the old craft unions.Such changes as are contemplated by these will nothowever meet the situation, for the mind of the mas-ses is already prepared for some attempt at an or-ganization on a vastly more comprehensive scale,than is implied in the term industrial unionism asunderstood by the American Federation of Labor.

The revolutionary changes which have destroyedthe crafts man's position have also destroyed thecraftsman's ideals. The old individualistic conceptsof the skilled worker are gone. Henceforth theworker is compelled to think in terms of the mass,compelled by the very force of circumstance and en-vironment, which shape his thoughts and idealswhether he will or not.

The Suffrage Movementand the Socialist Party

By Mary S. Oppenheimer

I N this article is meant by the Socialist Party theparty in Greater New York, or those districtsof the city where the Socialist Women's move-

ment has been particularly active in holding meet-ings and waging propaganda for Socialism andVotes for Women. The writer has never been morethan a lukewarm supporter of the separate women'smovement within the party and may therefore fit-tingly praise the skill with which it has been man-aged of late and the energy and devotion of itsworkers.

Here in New York this movement has justified it-self and proved its value as a political and moralfactor. Certainly without it at least half the So-cialist men who voted the other day would have lefttheir ballots blank on the suffrage amendment.Plenty of us can remember only too well the stolidindifference of even the best party workers amongthe men when the question of Woman Suffrage firstcame up at Branch meetings. The opposition wasactive as well as silent. If women had the vote itwould retard the coming of Socialism was a favoriteargument. A good many of the older party mem-bers still feel the strength of that statement thoughthey say less about it since the steady growth of theVotes for Women movement everywhere. Secondly,Woman Suffrage was a middle class and not a work-ing class movement, a statement undoubtedly trueand just as true now as it was several years ago.The men's verdict was that, while theoretically thething was all right, it was too middle class, not cal-culated to advance the interests of the workers, in-deed, likely to divert attention from issues of greatimportance to the workers, and therefore best notmade a live party issue. As for the women, theywanted the votes they regarded as their right andthe instinct to fight for their rights drove them onwith considerable aggressiveness.

The path of the Socialist Women's movement hasnot been easy and rosestrewn; rather is has beena stony and thorny way, financially and otherwise.A frequent accusation made by party membersagainst the Socialist women was that they were moreSuffragists than Socialists. It must be admittedthat there was sometimes ground for the accusation.

Once at least, the women openly defied the Cen-tral Committee and marched in a suffrage paradeagainst official orders. A second time they wouldhave done the same thing had the Central Committeetaken the same stand. The fight that evening wasone of the exhilarating events of a usually dull body.The opposition made fiery speeches against inarch-

360NEW REVIEW

ing, though some members who might have opposedthe plan refrained from taking an active hand in theproceedings because their wives, all ardent Suffrag-ists, were present as spectators. A few of the menwere glad to act as tellers, thus diplomaticallyescaping committing themselves. Then the husbandof one of the most enthusiastic workers appeared,coming late. Seeing, how matters were going, hethrew himself into the oratorical fray with energy,advancing the argument that the women were boundto march anyway, with or without permission. Thevote was close, but, thanks largely to him, it went infavor of the women.

In the last year the tide of Votes for Women, ris-ing everywhere, has swept the party along with it.The present membership in this city includes a verylarge proportion of Russian Jews and these, to aman, are warmly in favor of Woman Suffrage. Theyvoted solidly for it too. The three Assembly Dis-tricts, two in Manhattan, the Sixth and the Twenty-Sixth, and one in the Bronx, the Thirty-fourth,where the suffrage amendment won out by smallmajorities, 88, 70 and 153 respectively, are all strongJewish districts and the Socialist vote is somethingof a factor. The vote for the amendment was un-doubtedly the Socialist vote. The various suffrageassociations may not like to face the fact that theyowe such meagre majorities as they got in the cityto the Socialists and the foreigners, but the truth isthe truth. In this case the result is significant ofthe complexity, political and racial, of New YorkCity to-day.

Really the women workers for suffrage in the So-cialist Party were between the devil and the deepsea. Many of the Socialists thought their courseunwise, and, on the other hand, it is the fact that,in the main, the different suffrage associations donot want the Socialists. It is true that many indi-vidual Suffragists do not share this feeling. Theleaders recognize that Votes for Women is a move-ment big enough to sweep all sorts of women intoit: that it does so in the course of its strength and ofits growth. Yet lots of members in the rank andfile shudder politely when they meet a woman whotells them she is a Socialist. Perhaps a minorreason why the Suffragists would rather we stayedaway from their movement is the fact that we are,on the whole, bad marchers and paraders, not overwilling to submit to discipline and undignified inexchanging greetings and bits of conversation withthe sidewalk onlookers.

The backbone of the Suffrage movement is almostentirely middle class, being made up of the teachers,the nurses, the professional women of brains andliberal education, helped by a few women wealthyeven as wealth goes here in New York, the financialcentre of the whole country. A working classmovement it is not,—not yet. The average Socialist

worker would not feel at home in it, even if she couldbring herself to join and try to work actively in oneof the suffrage bodies. Yet the Socialist, like everyother woman of intelligence and advanced ideas feelsa thrill of indignation when she sees a drunken manstaggering along on his way to the polls and knowsthat in a sense that man holds her fate at the ballotbox in his hands. That feeling she shares in com-mon with Suffragists of all sorts.

We must not overrate the value of the final resultof Votes for Women. If the foreign born workingwoman had the ballot to-morrow, very large num-bers could not vote, either because they are not citi-zens of this country, or else, being compelled to moveabout from place to place in search of employment,they are deprived of their vote because they cannotfulfil the qualifications as to length of residence. Thesame thing is true of large numbers of foreign bornworking men. Naturalization has become too slowand too expensive a process, devouring time as wellas money; it fails to meet the requirements of thecase. All these working people, both men and wo-men, are in the main amenable to our laws, but theylack the protection of the vote, even those whowould now be entitled to it by right of sex. Our vot-ing system lacks Democracy, and Votes for Womenis in the long run but an inadequate means to mendthat want. Yet it is immensely valuable for thatdisfranchised class whom it would reach. It may beremarked that the American women are puttingup a far better fight for their rights as suffragiststhan are the horny handed sons of toil for the rightsof their unorganized brothers.

BOARD OF EDITORS

Frank BohnWilliam E. BohnLouis B. BoudinFloyd DellW. E. B. Du BoisMax EastmanLouis C. FrainaFelix GrendonIsaac A. Hourwich

Paul KennadayRobert Rives La MonteJoseph MichaelArthur LivingstonRobert H. LowieHelen MarotMoses OppenheimerHerman SimpsonWin. English Walling

ADVISORY COUNCIL

Arthur BullardGeorge Allan EnglandCharlotte Perkins GilmanArturo GiovanittiHarry W. LaidlerAustin LewisJohn Macy

Gustavus MyersMary White OvingtonWilliam J. RobinsonCharles P. SteinmetzJ. G. Phelps StokesHorace TraubelJohn Kenneth Turner

Published by the New Review Publishing Association

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ALEXANDER FRASERPresident

JULIUS HB1MANTreasurer

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THE SIN OF BEING FOUND OUT 361

The Sin of Being Found OutBy Elsie Clews Parsons

SACRIFICE of cherished points of view is notleast among the costs of science. It is hard,for example, to give up believing in Santa

Claus. Nor is the place of fairy tales ever quitefilled by the marvels of chemistry or astronomy.When the day comes for ethnology to be recognizedas part of a liberal education, a great deal of ourfavorite humor will lose its point. Time honoredjokes will languish. Beloved sarcasms will hangtheir heads and slink away.

Among the first to go will be that treasured idiomof the cynic—the sin of being found out. Even nowone is tempted to challenge it—not with the weaponsof its worsted foe, the established morality, but withthose put into our hands by the study of comparativeculture.

Let me begin by describing the surreptitiousnessoften required of relations neither illegal nor illicit,—conventional, conformist relations. My illustra-tions will be taken from the institutions of sex, forit is against them that our sarcasms are for the mostpart directed.

Making love in public is almost everywhere ac-counted immoral or at least in bad taste. Aversionto it would appear to be so marked in a tribe of WestAfrica that anyone caught lovemaking out of doorsruns the risk of enslavement. And among us sonatural and instinctive is deemed the desire for priv-acy that the lack of it is thought of as a perversion.But it is of normal, ordinary affairs of sex I wouldspeak, betrothal, marriage.

Engaged couples are generally circumspect orguarded. In one place they may be subject to chap-eronage, in another to the condition of not seeingeach other at all. That this kind of taboo is not al-ways due to the prudential motive we are prompt toallege, the wish to preclude premature intimacies,the inclusion of others in the separation is an evi-dence. From the day of his engagement a Beduiyouth has to keep away not only from his fiancee,but from her mother. In old times in Albania anengaged girl had to keep out of the sight of herprospective family-in-law and not even speak ofthem. The Ostyak who calls on the parents of hisfiancee is supposed to walk into their house back-wards and at no time look them in the face.

The Ostyak is entirely cut off from his fiancee. Inother communities, although a man may visit hissweetheart in the most intimate way, the privacy ofher parents he is bound to respect. In a Massimcoui^hip the lover may not enter the girl's houseuntil he r parents are presumed to be asleep, and he is

expected to leave her before dawn. The people in thehouse may be quite aware of what is going on, butdecorum requires an appearance of secrecy. Thiskind of conventional secrecy has been observed out-side of New Guinea.

Even after marriage secrecy is required. Whatelse is the honeymoon but a form of surreptitious-ness ? The newly wed want to be by themselves, wesay. The islander of Torres Straits is even franker.His word for marrying is "hiding."

Here again f urtiveness is not merely self-regard-ing. It is expected of the honeymooners by theirfamilies. For a certain period their people wouldrather not see them. It would be awkward, embar-assing, a strain. It is the same sense of strain, Itake it, that has led to the custom of the bridegroomvisiting his bride by stealth. Such was the practiceof the Spartans. The Spartan bride was sometimesa mother before the bridegroom saw her face bydaylight.

Constraint with parents-in-law is so formalized inmany places that it has been classed as a form ofwhat ethnologists call ceremonial avoidance. Espec-ially marked between the sexes, a man avoiding hismother-in-law, a woman her father-in-law, it hasbeen explained by some ethnologists as an incestprohibition. The explanation is unlikely when oneconsiders that sex relations are commonly restrictedto contemporaries. At any rate there are manyavoidance rules the incest theory does-not accountfor. Until she was a mother, a woman of the SouthSlavs did not speak to her parents-in-law. Amongthe Albanians she did not talk to her husband beforehis parents. Among the Abchasses of the Caucasusit is disgraceful for husband and wife ever to appeartogether before her parents or for some years beforehis parents.

Would not kinsfolk seem to be more concernedabout the decencies of marriages than about its inti-macies? About its conventionalities than about itspersonal adjustments? Nor are they insistent mere-ly on the covert character of the relationship; itsstability is of great concern to them. If a marriagelasts for better or for worse, no readjustment isrequired of the outsider, no change of attitude.Therefore, whatever the law of the land, relativesand friends are ever likely to be against divorce.

Of circumstances leading to divorce they are alsoof course critical—of elopment or other flagrant evi-dences of adultery. Even if it did not occasiondivorce, such conduct they would find reprehensible,for merely in itself it exacts of them readjustments.

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Of interest in this connection is the fact that inmany communities unchastity is tolerated in girlsunless it results in pregnancy, or in men, unmarriedor married, unless it is obtruded upon the notice ofthose who like their mothers or wives would closetheir eyes, as it is said, to that part of their life.

In other words, illicit relations to be suffered mustbe furtive. Now furtiveness, however gratifying itmay be to outsiders, involves for the furtive them-selves a failure of adjustment and a sense of unrest.For those who in their turn want to settle downthere is in the makeshifts of deceits, of secrecy, muchdissatisfaction or distress, feelings of indignity oroppression. To escape from entertaining these feel-ings lovers may cease to be secretive as they are ex-pected to be. They want to give themselves away.They want to be found out.

And so it is by their own search for a quiet lifethat illicit lovers are tempted into upsetting thepeople around them, disturbing that most coveted ofsocial facilities, the facility of taking people forgranted. Marriage alone affords this facility toperfection. Extra marriage relations must bear theodium of comparison, and indiscretion in them, alack of furtiveness, the malevolence of the staticminded.

Is not the sin of being found out indeed a sin, aplain, indisputable offense, quite too simple for theplay of irony?

The "Genius" and Mr.Dreiser

By Floyd Dell

IHAVE always admired the builders of Babel.

They said: "Come, let us make a city and atown, the top whereof may reach to heaven."

Mr. Dreiser has said to himself, "I will write anovel which shall be founded deep in the mire of fact,whose boundaries shall include vast territories ofhuman striving, and with a tower of hopes and fearsthat shall pierce the heavens of illusion."1

In the Babel project God found a certain lack ofmodesty, of good taste, and though the Bible does notmention it, probably a lack of finish in the minorarchitectural details. More pleasing to him was thehumbler but more perfected work of the other build-ers of the period, who carved their cornices withutmost care, and put a high polish on the handles ofthe big front door. In this respect certain contempo-rary critics resemble God, and have confounded thepresumptous Mr. Dreiser with the confusion of theirtongues.

Mr. Dreiser's theme was in itself vast enough.His theme was the life of one of those persons who

1) »e "Genius," by Theodore Dreiser. New York: John Lane. $1.60.

are called, and who believe themselves to be, "geni-uses" ; who indubitably possess some form of artisticability, and along with that a peculiar organizationof nerves, which makes them the strangest, mostalluring, most unstable, and most troublesome of allliving beings. He wanted to show the growth of thisodd, attractive and vexatious being, his triumphs inart and his failures in life, his preposterous andmalignant effect upon the lives of others, chieflywomen, his vanity, his rapacity, his cruelty, his folly,his overweening selfishness, his blind graspings athappiness, his tumble into the gulfs of despair, al-most of insanity, his twilight wanderings in theregion of doubt, his pitiful recuperative beliefs bywhich he aspires upward toward the sunlight. Butthis is only the theme.

Mr. Dreiser's book being a novel, it was to beexpected that he would represent the drama of hishero's life in some detail, physical and psychological,in front of a living background of American fields,streets, studios, offices, houses. Human knowledgebeing limited, and human energy more limited still,it was inevitable that some part of this huge storyshould be passed over lightly, suggested rather thandescribed. But Mr. Dreiser was not content to dothat. Nothing would satisfy his pride but he musttell it all, from beginning to end, not neglecting asingle economic fact nor a single scrap of back-ground, nor a single incident, nor a single thoughtof any of his characters which would serve to illum-inate his theme or contribute to its solid reality. Inthis he had the precedent of Tolstoi and of Zola, to besure. But Tolstoi did not try to put in everything;and Zola never had much of a story to hamper him inthe amassing of materials. But Mr. Dreiser tried toput in everything and make it part and parcel of agigantic and moving story, which should break theheart with pity and terror. It was a task requiringsuperhuman energy and superhuman taste. A beingwho possessed the powers of Dostoievsky, Defoe andAeschylus might have accomplished it. Mr. Dreiserundertook the task.

The result shows that Mr. Dreiser possesses super-human energy, if not superhuman taste. He haswritten a great and splendid book which containsmany dull pages. He has given such a picture ofAmerican life as no American writer besides the lateFrank Norris ever tried to give. He has writtenwith sympathetic insight a convincing account ofone of the most complex and unpleasant charactersthat fiction has ever dealt with. He has staged adozen powerful dramas with beauty, sincerity andtragic force. He has exposed the depths of thehuman soul with a kind of relentless awe.

He has done all this in spite of a carelessness in theexecution of details of which anyone else would 1>̂ashamed. In the end, one forgets those inuperfec-tions. In the shadow of these gigantic pillgKij one for-

THE "GENIUS" AND MR. DREISER 363

gets the flaws of workmanship in the masonry. ButGod, and certain God-like critics remember them,and pour forth the vials of their wrath.

As for me, I have another quarrel with the book.I do not mind the sentences, which serve after all toconvey a tremendous story. I do not even mind Mr.Dreiser's lack of a certain intellectual sophistication;what though Mr. Dreiser thinks, like his hero, thatBougereau was a great painter, or, knowing better,fails to tip you the wink when his hero stands inopen-mouthed awe before the Bather with her pol-ished toe-nails? Or what though Mr. Dreiser ap-pears to take seriously the jejune philosophisings ofhis hero? It is the privilege of novelists to be mis-taken or inept about things which do not, after all,matter to the art of fiction. Nor do I care greatlythat Mr. Dreiser neglects to mention through threefourths of his book the sufficiently obvious fact thathis hero is a cad, a vulgarian and a coward, as"geniuses" are only too likely to be. The thing thatreally concerns me, and the only serious flaw that Ifind in this story, is the author's apparent uncon-sciousness of the fact that his hero is an ass.

It is, I am well aware, no part of Mr. Dreiser's in-tention to pass judgment on his character. The tre-mendous impressiveness of some of his stories is dueto just this, that he tells them without moralisticcomment. It is an attitude that has been calledOlympian; but if it were Olympian, that is, remoteand aloof, it would be offensive. However, it is notthat Mr. Dreiser is too far away from his story tocare about its moral values, it is rather that he istoo immersed in it to know. His faithful attentionto exterior detail leaves an erroneous impression attimes of his real preoccupation, which is preciselywith the souls of his characters. And the soul, thatunderground world where in darkness are generatedthe events which afterward appear in the world ofaction, is one in which there is no such thing asgood or evil—there are only conflicting impulses,mysterious desires. To attempt to judge these im-pulses by moral standards is like trying to cut anatom with a knife; for, as someone has said: "Inthe world of knives there are no atoms, and in theworld of atoms there are no knives." In the worldof action there is good and evil; but not in the hiddenworld of impulse. Over the entrance to that obscureworld, as over the gate of Dante's hell, might be aninscription: "Abandon judgment, ye who enterhere."

But when all is said, and the high credit given thatis Mr. Dreiser's due as an explorer of these shadowyrealms, it remains true that half of his story takesplace, not in the world of impulse but in the cleardaylight of the world of action, where it is difficultif not impossible to abstain from judgment. Mr.Dreiser abstains, considering it none of his business.

Mr. Dreiser tells all the facts about his hero. He

suppresses nothing. But the case needs more thancandor; it needs as heightened a sensibility on thepart of Mr. Dreiser to comic fact as he has to tragicfact. Mr. Dresier lacks that sensibility. WhenMr. Dreiser was born, fairies came with many gifts,but among those conspicously absent was the fairywith the gift of humor. Now humor is a thing thata great poet may get along without, but a greatnovelist needs it badly. It is only after we have beenallowed to laugh at what is ridiculous in his char-acters that we can begin to like them. The hero ofMr. Dreiser's book is not so utterly different from ushis readers that we might not like him a little andbe sorry for him a great deal if we were first per-mitted to laugh at him. To laugh is to forgive. Butwe do not forgive Mr. Dreiser's hero, we detest him.

For example: Eugene Witla, the "genius," whilestudying art in Chicago, becomes engaged to Angela,a country girl who lives in Wisconsin. He really be-lieves, however, that she is his "inferior," and post-pones the marriage while he conducts a series of love-affairs ; reluctantly marrying her at last, he proceedsto conduct more love-affairs in a spirit partly of self-righteous revenge against her for marrying him. Aseeker after beauty, he descends to the most sordidintrigue, justifying himself in whatever he does, inthe manner of "geniuses" and common people. Nowif one had known this Eugene Witla personally, onewould not necessarily have despised him; his wob-blings and straddlings and subterfuges and hypo-crisies and above all his solemn self-justifications,would have seemed both comic and pitiful, and whenthe thunderbolt came that ripped his life to piecesand left him shattered, one would have been reallysorry for him. But, with entire gravity, Mr. Dreiserrecords the gyratious of this Charlie Chaplin of theemotions, until the suspicion that Mr. Dreiser actu-ally thinks him an admirable personage comes nearto wrecking the effect of the story. Happily, there isonly one genius in the book, and the women withwhom Eugene's life is implicated are such that thegrave and tender portraiture of Mr. Dreiser doesjustice to their docile charm and their passionategenerosity.

These women are of all sorts and various ages,though Eugene preferred sugared sixteen; they areso different, and so admirably drawn in their differ-ences, one wonders that they should have all pos-sessed the same weakness, the weakness for Eugene.This, in spite of Mr. Dreiser's explanation, remains amystery.

One knows, however, that the love of women be-stows itself most bounteously, in life as in this book,upon those men who are perhaps of all mankind themost certain to abuse the gift. And it is as an ac-count of how that gift is given by women and treatedby a "genius" that Mr. Dreiser's book is most tragicand most true.

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The BandboxBy Felix Grendon

THE second bill at the Bandbox is so much better

than the first that the two can hardly bementioned in the same breath. Everybody

knows how much the initial bill owed to Helena'sHusband. But for this brilliant little play of PhilipMoeller's, what would have saved the opening set ofthe season from being ripped untimely from theboards? It was a saving miracle, and all goodfriends of the Players realized as much with atremor. For miracles have a regular habit of notrepeating themselves—at least, not oftener thanonce in a blue moon.

Luckily, no miracle is needed to keep the new setof plays from going lustily on all fours. Easily thebest of the lot is Overtones, the work of Alice Ger-etenberg, an American. A good second is Schnitz-ler's Literature, Bracco's Honorable Lover is an en-tertaining third, and de Musset's Whims is a poorbut honest fourth. One question naturally presseson this summary. It is, to adapt a Florodora refrain:Are there any more at home like Alice Gerstenberg ?If so, why not give up the attempt to galvanize intolife the mummy of a European reputation, particu-larly an estimable reputation like de Musset's thatdeserves to rest in peace? The profit is naught, theretribution swift and fearful. For when the Mum-my feels the brisk air of the twentieth century, itcrumbles into nothingness as unpreventably as didthe Captain of the Phantom ship when he was car-ried ashore.

Literature is in the vein of delicate and subtleirony that Schnitzler commands with such high com-petence. It is a skit on the sort of people who make"love for love's sake," want "to live their own lives,"and mean "to do something big!" The background isone of kid-gloved Bohemianism, the sham emotionsof the effervescent trifler passing for the realenthusiasms of the creative artist. From this back-ground emerge three characters: Margaret, whohides her past love affair from her present lover, butdoes not extend this merciful reticence to anybodyelse; Clement, a humdrum prosaic person, whoshows a deplorable want of sympathy with the high-er psychoses of Margaret's artistic soul; and Gilbert,the ex-lover, who puts a crimp in Margaret's plan ofexploiting the passion-tipped love letters of their ex-pired liaison, by exploiting them first.

There are obvious difficulties in the performanceof a comedy mirroring an artificial stratum of soci-ety where life is one round of romantic intrigue orerotic intoxication, and where men and women, in-capable of a genuine moment of deep feeling, clearthinking, or wilful effort, fill huge gaps in charactersometimes with pictorial attitudes and sometimes

with esthetic pretensions on a very tall scale. ThePlayers not only made the most of this artificial at-mosphere, but extracted from it all the ironic subt-leties with which the plot is interlaced. The honorsof the playing go to Miss Helen Westley who en-riches Margaret's artificiality with an undertow ofemotion without which the bare part would hardlyseem like flesh and blood. This talented young wo-man may surely look forward to a very successfulstage career, if her patience and industry equal halfher natural endowments. Mr. Conroy is a creditableGilbert both in voice and in action, while Mr. Strangeas Clement is almost too true to be good.

The charm and vitality of Miss Florence Enrightas Manina reconciled me to the very medieval Braccoplay. But nothing could reconcile me to Whims.This was not owing to any lack of enterprise on thepart of the producing staff. If all the arts of illusionminus the dramatic art could make a play, deMusset's trifle would be a glorious success. As itwas, my head went up at the delicate draping of thescene, my pulse quickened at Mr. Herts' furniture,my imagination was touched when the gracefulComte and the alluring Mme. de Lery appeared, andmy heart went pit-a-pat as the artless Lydia prattled.But where the stuff that the comedy of life is madeof! I never found out. Perhaps it was surfeited todeath by the complete estheticism of the production.

Author, players, designer, and producer joinedin a pre-vorticist Brotherhood to make Overtones thetriumph of the evening. In this play, two women areconventionally exhibit to the world, but by theirsubliminal selves which follow the masks about likeastral shadows. The dramatic issue centers aroundthe bitter rivalry between the two women, one havingmarried the man whom the other is madly infatu-ated with. But all the novelty springs from the in-genious device of four voices, two for the ladies ami-cably chatting over their cups of tea, and two for thereal women contradicting, suspecting, and hatingeach other.

Unique is the only word for the whole effect. Fromthe scene designed by Lee Simonson, to the acting ofMiss Griswold and Miss Meyer, let alone the ideaitself, each contribution was knitted structurally intoa symphony of fine art. Mr. Goodman, the producer,had a difficult problem on his hands, and solved itably. The blending of the four voices is affectedwith such contrapuntal skill that the sense of twoclashing personalities (and no more) is always dom-inant.

Why does Miss Gerstenberg picture the overtonesonly smiling and the real tones only stabbing? Toreflect life truly, the contrast should not be absolute.I have met very mean people with charming sub-liminal point and very charming people with meamones. Is not the good in our souls as much of aJack-in-the-box as the evil?

CURRENT AFFAIRS 365

Current AffairsBy L. B. Boudin

Let Us Take Ourselves Seriously!

ONE of the most needful things in the Socialistmovement of this country is that Socialists,and particularly the members of the Social-

ist Party, take themselves and their party seriously.The failure to take ourselves seriously is not only oneof the crying evils of our movement, but amounts toa positive scandal and is liable to have the mostdisastrous results.

The question of preparedness has made the situa-tion acute, and it is therefore our duty to attend tothis matter without much further delay.

In our last issue I called attention to the fact thatwhile the National Constitution of the SocialistParty contains a very drastic and unconditional pro-hibition against the granting by Socialists of anymilitary supplies at any time and under any circum-stances, very important official party organs aremaintaining an attitude and preaching doctrineswhich might easily land us in the Preparedness camp.And I asked the question: Where does the SocialistParty stand on the question of Preparedness? Togome the question may have seemed utterly unwar-ranted. Our party policy is not decided by this orthat leader, nor by this or that party newspaper, butby the vote of the party membership; and the partymembership has spoken on the subject recently anddecisively. But those who are familiar with ourparty life knew that the question was fully war-ranted and quite in order. The painful, but undeni-able truth is, that resolutions, particularly thoseadopted by the membership on referenda, are nottaken seriously by anybody, least of all by the partymembers themselves. The question of militarismand of voting funds for military supplies is an excel-lent illustration in point, and I shall therefore men-tion some more examples of the utter contempt withwhich the party resolution on the subject is treated,notwithstanding the overwhelming majority bywhich it was carried on referendum.

On November 22nd last the Call published an edi-torial article headed "Under Any Circumstances,"in which the writer attempts to show that the partydeclaration against voting for military or naval ex-penditures "under any circumstances" does not real-ly mean what it says, and that it is therefore mean-ingless. And a few days earlier the N. Y. Volks-zeitung, used editorially the following argument infavor of the holding of a national convention of theparty next spring:

"Only a national convention, representing the best

brains in our movement, can state the exact positionof our party to the question of 'preparedness' in thiscountry. Only the declaration of such a conventionwould have the necessary authoritativeness to doaway with the diversity of opinion which prevails inour party on this subject . . The next presiden-tial campaign will be fought on this issue of Pre-paredness. We must therefore be well prepared tomeet that issue. Not—as is the situation to-day-^-with a declaration couched in such general terms asto make it ring untrue and even ridiculous, but witha thoroughly considered program, based upon reali-ties and clear of purpose."

And when we bear in mind that the Volkszeitungis the best Socialist newspaper in this country, andvery strong on anti-war and anti-preparedness, thecontempt implied in these utterances for the judg-ment of our party membership as expressed in theresolution which is now a part of our "supreme law"becomes appaling. And we must seriously ask our-selves the question: whence this contempt?

The answer to this question is not far to seek:our decisions are but seldom thoroughly considered.And they are not thoroughly considered because wedo not take ourselves seriously. We have not as yetacquired the habit of thinking that by our decisionswe may be really deciding something of great im-portance to the world, and we have therefore nofeeling of responsibility when passing judgment. Acombination of unfortunate circumstances—manyyears of opportunistic leadership, and an impossibil-ist phrase-mongering opposition—have preventedthe average party member from acquiring the psy-chological pre-requisite to the serious considerationof any problem—the feeling that upon his decisionsgreat events may depend.

It is only natural that our opportunistic leadersand leaderlets, who want a free hand when the timecomes for decisions, so that they decide upon import-ant questions as they may see fit, should be anxiousto continue the present conditions of affairs indefin-itely. The more thoughtless the average member inhis decisions, the more important the leader. Themore impossibilistic the party's decisions, the great-er tiie impunity with which they may be set asidewithout any fear of serious consequences to thetransgressors of the party will. And once the partyresolution is set aside, the leader becomes a law untohimself and is free of all constraint. That is whyour opportunisms leaders, who now treat the partydeclaration on armaments with utter contempt,never uttered a word against it while it was bringvoted on by the membership.

If we want to preserve democracy in our party; ifwe want to shape our own policy, and not be the preyof every opportunistic politician who rises to tem-porary leadership in the movement, we must consid-er well before we decide, and we must adopt decis-

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ions which may serve as rules of conduct in actualand important emergencies. We must take our-selves seriously,

Preparedness and Japanese Exclusion

IN its article on the "under any circumstances" of

our present anti-military-supplies resolutionwhich I have already mentioned, the Call says:

"There are some among us, no doubt, who will atthis moment say that no nation ought to use armedforce, even to resist invasion or conquest by a des-potic and reactionary power. They are pretty sure-ly in the minority; and—excepting a few who gostill further and hold the Tolstoyan doctrine of non-resistance pure and simple—we may doubt whethertheir conviction would stand such a test as, for ex-ample, the present war has put upon the Socialistsof France."

All of which is undoubtedly true, and we there-fore fully agree with the Call and the Volkszeitungthat the "under any circumstances" of our presentresolution is utterly absurd, and due—as I have al-ready explained—to the fact that the party did nottake itself seriously when it voted upon it.

But if not "under any circumstances," the ques-tion arises: Under what circumstances? What arethe circumstances under which Socialists may andunder which they may not vote for military expend-itures? In other words, what is the Socialist policyon the subject which is now uppermost in the mindsof all people here as well as abroad: the great sub-ject of war, armaments, national defence, etc.?

The Call refuses to enter upon a discussion of thissubject upon the plea that for us, here in the UnitedStates, the matter is of purely "academic" interest.For, whatever our differences of opinion on thebroad subject generally, we may all agree that nowand here, in the United States of America under thepresent circumstances, Preparedness is unnecessary."No one," says the Call, "is going to try to conquerthe United States. No one is going to try to invadeour continental territory, unless as an accidentalstrategic move in a war otherwise begun and wagedfor other ends."

As our readers know, I am opposed to Prepared-ness. Nevertheless, I must protest against the posi-tion assumed by the Call, and demand that the partyadopt a full program on the subject; a programwhich would include not only a resolution to do thisor that in a given instance, or with reference to agiven measure, but a clearly stated set of principles,and a well-defined policy towards many questionswhich may be embraced in the circumstances uponwhich our attitude towards armaments may have todepend. For the phrase "present circumstances" or"present conditions" is, in its way, just as meaning-less as the phrase "under any circumstances." Toour Imperialists, "present conditions" means our

growing commercial expansion, our "nationalneeds," our increased "foreign investments," etc.,etc. It is evident that to them "present circum-stances" means something else than to us, and thatthey must, of necessity, regard the question of pre-paredness from an entirely different angle than theworking class, or even the old-fashioned middleclass.

And, unfortunately, these differences of point ofview cannot all be summed up in the antithesis ofImperialist and anti-Imperialist. There are manyquestions of national policy on which the labormovement and even the Socialist movement are di-vided which are directly involved in the question ofPreparedness—and which must be decided right be-fore the question of Preparedness can be so decided.Japanese Exclusion is one of them. The organizedlabor movement of this country has for many yearsadvocated a narrow immigration policy, whichfound its culmination point in the demand for theentire exclusion of Asiatics, including the Japanese.In 1907 the National Committee of the SocialistParty, led by our present National Chairman, fellfor this reactionary policy, and submitted to theStuttgart International Socialist Congress the fa-mous "American Resolution" embodying this un-socialistic policy. In the eight years that havepassed since, the A. F. of L. has not changed its at-titude on the subject. Nor have, evidently, someSocialists;—notwithstanding the overwhelming andignominious defeat of the "American Resolution" atthe Stuttgart Congress. To judge from the Immi-gration Resolution adopted at the San FranciscoConvention of the A. F. of L., and from the factthat the Socialist delegates to that convention swal-lowed it without a protest, we have not made muchprogress since 1907. Some of us, at least, evidentlyare for Japanese Exclusion.

But Japanese Exclusion may lead to war withJapan. And in the course of such a war San Fran-cisco might be bombarded, or some portion of theUnited States even invaded, "as an incidental stra-tegic move," etc. What ought the Socialists of thiscountry do in case of such a war? And ought we notperhaps prepare for such an emergency?

Evidently the question of Preparedness evenunder "present conditions" depends largely upon theposition we take on many national and internationalproblems. We canot have a clear view of the Pre-paredness question until we know just what is ourposition on these questions. Our position towardsall of them must therefore be defined as part of ourPreparedness Program. But, first and foremost,what of Japanese Exclusion?

BOOK REVIEWS 367

Book ReviewsMetaphysics of World Power

TO me the orthodox formula whichdescribes modern war as ascramble for the markets of the

world has always been a narrow and in-flexible statement of a very complexfact. For the purpose of Socialistpropaganda I admit that the phrase hasits use. Markets and shipping profitsgive an added touch of ignobility to thesordid business of war which phraseslike national aspirations, patriotism, andworld prestige tend to exalt. But afterall, these psychological factors do enterinto the struggle of nations, whetherthe clash originates in the South Paci-fic or on the frontiers of Alsace-Lor-raine. And especially the war of to-day with its upflare of elemental hat-reds, historic passions and age-old rival-ries, seemed to fit with difficulty into theframework of the old formula aboutworld-markets. Sentiments and pas-sions, if you will, which have beenbrought to the surface by the profes-sional breeders of hatred, but whichnevertheless do show the existence of apotential appetite for war to whichworld-markets and colonies are only oneof many conceivable stimuli.

Consequently is was a pleasure,though not altogether a surprise, to pickup a book1 dealing with the problemsof the great war which sets outwith the apparent purpose of doingfull justice to that complex offorces and emotions which may roughlybe described as patriotism and whichthe world-market formula chooses toneglect. It was not altogether a surprisebecause one has learned to expect ofMr. Lippmann an individual point ofview. With his usual admirable clarityof phrase Mr. Lippmann analyzes whatyou may call the natural and psycho-logic basis of patriotism—the influenceof geography, the play of the grega-rious instinct and above all that clutchof the native soil and the native en-vironment upon our senses which inter-nationalism, as it seems to me, hadwaived aside as a myth previous to July81, 1914. Of course we are at liberty toinsist that the thing is still a delusionand that the nations of Europe are thevictim of a sinister hypnotism. But ourwriter chooses to recognize nationalsentiment as a fact. Not as the solefact in the case to be sure—he examinesin detail how business exploits patriot-ism—but as a fundamental neverthe-less. To this argument he devotes one-third of his book.

1) The Stake* of Diplomacy, by Walter Lipp-mann. New York: Henry Holt & Co., $1.25 net.

Having thus laid the foundation for anindependent interpretation of the greatwar, Mr. Lippmann immediately kicksthe stool from under him and throwshis arms around the neck of the goodold formula about world-markets. Histhesis may be summed up in a fewwords. War between the nations iscaused by a struggle for the control ofthe backward regions and peoples.The way out it to force the backwardpeoples under the authority of inter-national commissions or conferencesarmed with legislative and executiveauthority. To this specific remedy Ishall return. For the present I am con-cerned with his interpretation of thecauses of war, which, as I have indi-cated, sets out to be psychological andbecomes purely mechanic. "The weakspots of the world are the arenas offriction . . . The attempt to explain theworld war in terms of Alsace-Lorraine,Poland, Italia Irredenta, and so forth,break down utterly in the face of thereal issues which have dominated thearmed peace since 1871 . . I do not thinkEurope is fighting about any particularprivilege in the Balkans or in Africa.I think she is fighting because Europehas been divided into two groups whichclashed again and again over the or-ganization of the backward parts of theword." It is true that in the middle ofhis argument Mr. Lippmann recallsthat in his analysis of patriotism he hasdwelt much on the factor of nationalprestige. So he explains that compe-tition in prestige is entirely called forthby the rivalry over colonies and mar-kets.

On this point there is plenty of roomfor difference of opinion. It is quitetrue that up to 1914 the cause of warsor of the crises that again and againthreatened war would be found in theSudan, in the Transvaal, in Manchuria,in Morocco and Tripoli. But it is alsotrue that these wars and almost-warsshrink to a pin point when comparedwith the catastrophe of to-day inEurope. Consequently if the origins ofthis greatest of all wars would be foundto lie in Europe, Mr. Lippmann's gene-ralization for war as a whole will nothold. He makes the cause somewhateasier for himself by including theBalkans among the backward regions.Conceding him that much, it is still aquestion whether the present war hasnot been brought about by the fears andambitions of the nations in the heartof Europe.

To me, for instance, the colonial ad-

ventures of the French, have alwaysbeen an unreality, a diversion, a balmfor national pride sorely wounded by theposition of France on the Continent.France swapped her rights in Egyptfor Morocco, not because she cared agreat deal for Morocco but becauseshe wanted England's aid in Europe.And Germany, in turn, used Morroccoas a pawn in the European game. Thecrisis produced by the Kaiser's journeyto Tangier was not settled by any ar-rangement about Morocco; war wasaverted by the dismissal of Delcasse,joint- architect of the scheme for "en-circling" Germany. The issue foughtout on the duelling ground of Algeciraswas primarily & test of the solidityof the Anglo-French understanding. Icannot help thinking that the fear ofGermany's presence in Antwerp hasbeen fully as acute to England as herfear of the Bagdad railway.

This question whether the nationshate and fear each other more in Eur-ope than they do abroad is in itself un-important; as I shall try to show. Yetit bears directly on the solution whichMr. Lippmann proposes. Since, theareas of international friction, as hefinds, are the backward regions of theearth, he suggests that the nations vir-tually enter into a self-denying ordi-nance by which they shall agree not toquarrel about these outlying interests.The trouble has hitherto been that Mo-rocco and the Congo, have been discus-sed by international conferences whichhave found some sort of formula andhave promptly adjourned leaving it tothe colonial functionaries of the na-tions to violate the agreement by mes-sing up spheres of control, poachingon each other's commercial preserves,and general bedevilment. Let theseconferences be made permanent, withlegislative and executive power, andacting in harmony with representativesof the local population. Let Europeancapitalists be told, then, that they gointo the backward regions at their ownrisk, that they are under the authorityof the commissions, and that they can-not run to their home governments forprotection. We now have the Hague, tobe sure, but the Hague is an impotenttribunal, at best concerned with con-flicts when they have already becomequarrels and national animosities areaflame. The permanent commissionswould squelch the trouble-maker beforehe had time to throw the world intoturmoil.

Frankly I cannot see that nationalrivalries and animosities will fail tomake themselves less heard in the per-manent commissions that under thepresent system. I cannot see that half adozen diplomats sitting as a conference•will be immune against the jealousies

368NEW REVIEW

which beset half a dozen administratorsworking in adjacent spheres of interest,under the present system. What Mr.Lippmann proposes is joint-control ofthe backward nations. And the only in-stances of such a system I can thinkof at this moment, are the Dual controlin Schleswig-Holstein which Prussiaused as a means of forcing war uponAustria in 1866, the Dual Control inEgypt which ended in England's for-cing out France, and the Dual Control

of Russia and Austria in the Balkansunder the Miirzsteg programme of 1903which drenched Macedonia in blood.Also I wonder if England would con-sent to put India under an internationalcommission and whether China wouldconsent to go.

That is why I think of Mr. Lipp-mann's analysis of the cause of war andhis remedy as mechanistic. It is as if aninn-keeper put two strangers into onebed and made them agree not to fight if

only one their legs got into each other'*way; if they clashed in the vicinity ofthe pillow or the middle of the bed itwas different. I fail to see how thenations with their heads and torsos inEurope could be induced to neutralizetheir legs in Morocco or Asia. Especi-ally if the nations of Europe are not atall concerned with the welfare of theirheads and bodies, but only with theirlegs, as Mr. Lippmann maintains.

SIMEON STRUNSKY.

A Socialist DigestDissension in the Socialist Party Concerning

Preparedness

CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL

has come out in favor of pre-paredness in the United States

—even if it means his getting out ofthe Socialist Party, according to a re-port in the New York Call. Russellissued a call for Americans to armthemselves and prepare for a deathgrapple with Germany at the close ofthe present war in Europe in an ad-dress before the Socialist Literary So-ciety.

Russell drew a vivid word picture ofGermany reaching out to dominate theworld, "an empire animated by a tre-mendous ambition for world power,bound by no treaties, keeping no faith,no morals except the moral of con-guest," clashing with the UnitedStates over the Monroe Doctrine inSouth America, with the inevitable re-sult—war:

"And I don't care who makes theArmaments. No man has written moreor talked more about armament kings,graft in the manufacture of munitionsor denounced frauds and the trusts. Idon't care if Charles Schwab or AndyCarnegie or anybody else makes theprofit. I say to you, you have got tohave the tools. You have got to haveguns, ships, fortresses. Let the gov-ernment make them. Let it make allit can. But get it, get it, get it!"

Russell's argument was based on twopropositions—that Germany is winningthe war and that the United Statesrefused to abolish the cause of war.He said the cause was the competitivesystem and that in not voting for So-cialism or -the Co-operative Common-wealth the people in effect voted forwar. Since we are determined to main-tain the cause of war, we must arm orface the consequences of being con-quered by other powers that do. Night(does not follow day more certainly than

that war follows the competitive sys-tem, he said:

"The way events are now trendingthe United States stands to be involvedin war. The American people will notsuffer invasion without rising in theirmight, and they will not stand manymore insults. They will demand thetools of battle, and if they do not getthem, they will fight with bare hands,and their slaughter will be upon theheads of the pacifists.

"The Swiss military system has giventhem more democracy than there is inthe United States. We need not feara military autocracy. The Americanpeople will not consent to be ruled thatway. As long as our country rests onits present constitutional basis there isno reason for fear."

"Germany is already preparing forthe commercial conquest of SouthAmerica. The United States is con-ducting a similar campaign. This isthe identical cause of the present war,the attempt of nations to get rid oftheir unconsumed surplus. There isalso the Monroe Doctrine. Whetheryou believe in it or not, it will be afruitful source of trouble. You cantmake the American people abandon it.When Germany goes there the UnitedStates will demand that it be observed,and that is tantamount to a declarationof war.

"Will you say 'Welcome' to Japan,'Come in and take our Pacific Coast?'Do you wish to become a province ofGermany? I do not, for I have beento those lands and have seen them.The alternative is to have an arma-ment better than the best.

"If you imagine the American peo-ple will disarm, you do not know theAmerican people. The instant a hostilearmy lands, the people will demand ab-solutely that they be permitted to fight.

And you will, too. You who applaudedwill be rushing to the front as theFrench Socialists. Have you forgottenIlerve, who spent eleven months in.jail because he was an anti-militarist?

"If you say to me that the dangersof militarism are great, I will answerthat the dangers of unpreparedness to-day are greater. Either prepare orface destruction. You may call me ascaremonger, but I am perfectly will-ing to be a scaremonger if I can pre-vent damage at hand.

"There is no security in bulk, no se-curity in anything except guns. Yousay that this is a backward doctrine. Ididn't make it. I didn't make thedreams about human progress false.The truth is the truth. You say thatafter the war we will disarm. Howcan you fix treaties in which you willhave the slightest faith and confidencein face of the violation of Luxembourgand Belgium?"

In answer to a question as to whetherhe thought he was talking Socialismwhen he advocated preparedness, Rus-sell said he was, and if it was neces-sary, in order to stand for it, he wouldget out of the party.

Meyer London, the Socialist Con-gressman, who claims to be againstpreparedness, in an interview seeks tosoften Russell's offense:

"My friend Russell, I suppose, iitwenty years older than I am in his be-liefs. For my part, I think most peopleare unreasonably afraid of Germany.I believe the New York police forcecould keep off any army of Germainthat could reach these shores.

"We all respect Mr. Russell, eventhough we may disagree with him, andthis frank expression of his opinion onsuch a matter, while it will get littlesupport anywhere, will not cost himany popularity. The Socialist move-ment realizes that it must allow a groatdeal of latitude on such a question aspreparedness, in view of the state ofaffairs in the world. The war hasbrought up so many problems that a

BRITISH WORKERS AND THE MUNITIONS ACT 369

man must have his own opinion onthem. Such problems can not be re-duced to a matter of dogma."

The New York Call has an indirectreference to Russell's speech, in an edi-torial article "Getting Back to Funda-mentals." This article paves the wayfor advocacy of preparedness:

"There is nothing easier than to pourthe vials of scorn and satire upon 'pre-paredness.' Nothing easier than todemonstrate up to the hilt that the warfinanciers, the munition manufacturersand other patriots of the same type aremaking immense fortunes out of thissame 'preparedness.'

"And it is quite as easy to say that'preparedness' provokes war, but notquite so easy to prove it; for to prove itinvolves the assumption of the contrary—that 'unpreparedness' promotespeace. And that is simply untrue, butno more or no less untrue than the op-posite statement.

"Of course, it is easy to mentally as-sume the 'if' that postulates all nationsas 'unprepared.' Just as easy as it isto assume the thing that is not so, andreason as if it were a fact.

"The hard, disagreeable truth, how-ever, is that the world is not constitutedon this plan, and cannot be so constitut-ed. Capitalism stands in the way. TheSocialists themselves say so, and havealways insisted upon it; proved it, too.If capitalism generates war, it is mere-ly a waste of breath to bring in 'pre-paredness' and 'unpreparedness.' Theydon't apply, and the Socialist who triesto apply them must forget his Social-ism; forget that the economic systeminexorably and unconditionally breedswar, and that it does not take thesethings into account.

"The militarist has none the worse ofthe argument with the pacifist. It is astandoff. And if the Socialist uses thecommon pacifist arguments, he, too, canbe as easily held to a draw. And noamount of scorn or ridicule or pointingout the hypocritical character of thewar financiers and munition makerswill have the least effect, even if it isall true.

"This can be readily seen in the factthat military preparations are goingon in this country just as if the pacifistnever existed; and they take equallylittle heed of the existence of the So-cialist, either.

"Our opposition to war must be basedon our opposition to capitalism. Anyother opposition is in reality baselessand a mere stultification of ourselves.We must get back to fundamentals."

The N. Y. Volkszeitung attacks Rus-sell and London's covert defense ofRussell:

"Now that Charles Edward Russell

has confirmed in a lecture to the Social-ist Literary Society of Philadelphia, theposition ascribed to him in an interviewby the San Francisco Bulletin, thereis only one thing left for him to do ifhe is as honest and honorable as wehave taken him to be: immediately re-sign from the Socialist. Party which hehas irrevocably compromised by hisJingoism. A man who claims in allseriousness that the nation must havea larger fleet and a larger army thanany other nation; a man who takes thestand that this country must arm forwar without delay so that if we aregoing to have war the sooner the bet-ter; a man who in the same breath inwhich he places the burden of blame forthe entire war upon the majority in theGerman Reichstag, and then himselfagitates for war in the most unjustifi-able manner;—a man like that mayproperly belong to the "National Se-curity League" or a similar organiza-tion, but he has lost the right to callhimself a Socialist."

The Volkszeitung goes on in its nextissue to say that although the presentwar has developed currents and crosscurrents in both Socialist and bourgeoisparties not alone in Europe but to anextraordinary degree in the nation inspite of our remoteness to the field ofaction, the really important point at thepresent time is that the Socialists atleast should take a definite, clear,united stand in this all-important mat-ter. Therefore, as the question of hold-ing a general party convention was al-ready being considered and was still indoubt, the Volkszeitung recommendsthat this convention should by allmeans take place arid specifically forthe purpose of arriving at an adequatesolution of the Socialist position to-wards Militarism and Preparedness inthis country at the present time.

British Workers and theMunitions Act

THERE is much discontent andlatent revolt among the workersof Great Britain against the

Munitions Act. As a London labor or-ganizer points out, the "patriotic" em-ployers are using the Act to furtheroppress the workers:

"Some employers are taking full ad-vantage of this Act to reduce theirworkmen to slaves, and for all mannerof offences are hauling them to theMunition Tribunals, where the word ofthe employers is accepted in almost allcases as beyond all question. Employ-ers may discharge workmen when andhow they like, but refuse to give aclearance when they* have obviouslymade up their minds to dispense with

men, but keep them walking about fora number of weeks, and then at thecourt agree to let the men go. It seemsimpossible to assure these tribunalsthat the employer is unreasonably with-holding consent, for nothing seems un-reasonable, from paying below TradeUnion conditions to suspension for amonth for some offence committed,which means a fine of about £20,whereas the Act imposes only a fine of£3. These men, it is claimed, are em-ployed upon important Governmentwork, and in view of the great outcrythat men must hardly stop to sleep ifon munition work, the action of theseemployers, for compelling men to be idlefor weeks, should be made an offence,and render them liable to be severelydealt with. There is a growing andjustifiable dissatisfaction throughoutthe division against the action of em-ployers using the Act to impose work-ing conditions upon men which in othertimes would be strongly resented."

The New Statesman, while support-ing the war, bitterly attacks the Muni-tions Act:

"What the Act does is to make it apenal offence for the wage-earner toleave his employer's service without theemployer's consent, even at the expira-tion of his contract of service, and withdue notice. It makes it a penal offencefor the men in any workshop to refuseto undertake a new job, however lowmay be the wage or piecework pricethat that foreman offers. The Muni-tions Court habitually refuses to listento the workman's plea that the rate ofwages that he was offered was not theproper rate, or was inconsistent witheither the contract or service, or withthe Munitions Department's undertak-ing. The Court declines to discusswages or hours of labor, or conditionsof employment—its jurisdiction, it says,extends only to enforcing the employ-er's will! Thus it has been held to bean offence for any^ workman, after hehas worked the full contract day, to re-fuse to work overtime, including night-work and Sundays, whether or notanything extra is paid for such over-time. A workman may not, even afterdue notice, change his employment—noteven from one munition-making firmto another—in order to get higherwages—however low may be the wageshe is getting.

"But it is the lack of mutuality aboutthe proceedings under the Act that theworkmen most strongly resent. The em-ployer is allowed to make what arbit-rary rules he likes, and to change themfrom tune to time, without the work-men's consent—not merey the modelrules drawn up by the Munitions De-partment (in an unnecessarily harshand peremptory phrasing, to which the

370NEW REVIEW

workmen are not accustomed) but alsoany rules that the individual employermay choose to make and to enforce byfine (one man was suspended for fourweeks, and thus fined £20, yet not al-lowed to leave the employment). It hasactually been held in many cases that,although a workman may not, withouthis employer's consent, go off to anothersituation, the employer is not bound togive him. work or wages. Cases areconstantly occurring in which workmenare told to stand by because materialsare not ready, or because there are, forthe moment, no more jobs. They thenlose hours, sometimes whole days,

occasionally even several weeks, earn-ing nothing (although knowing thatother firms badly want their services,and would pay high wages) ; but theemployer will not give them the dis-charge certificate, without which noother employer dare engage them.Every day in the week the MunitionsCourts are hearing several dozen casesin which the employer has refused aleaving certificate, and in about halfthe cases the court holds him to havebeen wrong. But even if he wins thecase the workman has no redress forthe injury he has suffered in havingbeen refused his discharge."

IN an article in

London Justice, a writer givesan interesting summary of con-

ditions in Germany as interpreted bythe Berlin Vorwarts:

"A perusal of Vorwarts from Sep-tember 10 to 21 would probably sur-prise the average English reader ofthe daily papers. Perhaps the firstthing that would strike him would bethe amount of news in it. We have sooften heard of the poor deluded Ger-man, who is only told what the Kaiserthinks he ought to know, that it comesas a shock to find the French, Russianand English communiques published inGerman papers without, to all appear-ance, having suffered any excision bythe Censor. What seems strange tous, after the pages of comment adnauseam on the daily news in our ownpapers, however, is the entire absenceof comment on the military situation,and indeed on any of the news, exceptby way of spaced type to emphasizewhat the editor thinks most important.

"Perhaps leading articles on the mil-itary and political situation are for-bidden by the German Press Bureau.With the sole exception of the questionof the rise in prices, to which the Vor-warts leader writer returns again andagain, there is nothing approachingcriticism of the Government or indeedof questions of immediate practicalpolities. Such leaders as do not treatot this burning question treat entirelyof comparatively academic questions,as, for instance, the adoption of abso-lute Free Trade in Germany, with theexception of a long and interesting ar-ticle on the Russian political crisiswhich led to the dissolution of theDuma.

"In the view of the German Social-Democratic writer the failure of thecomposite Parliamentary Group, whichdemanded a Minister relying on popu-lar confidence and support, and thedownfall of the bureaucracy, arosefrom the fact that the Group was too

A Peep Into Germanya recent issue of moderate in its demands. Acording to

his idea, if they had demanded a fullydemocratic Government, they wouldhave secured the support of the Social-Democratic and Labor Groups and themajority of the nation. As it was,their fear of the democracy appearedto be as great as, if not greater than,their fear of the bureaucracy, and thelatter, after making use of them in theDuma, felt that the Parliamentary ma-jority had so little real popular enthu-siasm behind it that the Chambermight be dissolved and a practical dic-tatorship set up. The writer's opin-ions are then strengthened by a longarticle from a 'comrade' at Copen-hagen, who brings up all the old Rus-sian Social-Democratic threats of gen-eral revolution arid dreams of a work-ei-s' peace.

"Apparently it is not only with usthat coalowners and others excuse ris-ing prices by allegations of increasedwages and the slackness of output.Taking up the cudgels on behalf of theGerman miners against the BerlinerTageblatt, which had sought to makesuch excuses, Vorwarts, by a long ar-ray of statistics, shows first, that thewages of the German miners have, gen-erally speaking, not risen, and second-ly, that the output of coal per man hasincreased, and bitterly attacks the 'coal-usurers.'

"In another article on the rise in foodprices some interesting facts come tolight, which show that German organ-ization is not altogether as perfect assome would have us believe, and thatwaste is not unknown. It will be re-membered that some time back, in or-der to save the consumption of pota-toes, the German Government or-dered the sticking of six million pigs,nearly 25 per cent, of the total num-ber in Germany. Of this enormousnumber a large proportion was to havebeen made into sausages and othercomestibles that would keep. Accord-ing to Vorwarts there was such a lack

of skilled workers, and the whole busi-ness was so hurriedly undertaken, thatat least 30 per cent, were utterly spoiledand had to be taken in wagon loads andconverted into cart grease.

"'Protection and War Tariffs' isthe heading of a leader advocating theentire abolition of protective tariffs inGermany. It is particularly surpris-ing to the Englishman in its, to him,absolute topsy-turveydom. The argu-ments are all very old friends, but theapplication so entirely new. The ideaof the 'wicked foreigner manipulatinghis tariffs for the utter economic de-struction of Germany' seems laughableto us, but is evidently seriously putforward and believed over there. Vor-warts, amongst other reasons, does notbelieve in it because 'England, in orderto carry on an economic war with Ger-many would have to abandon FreeTrade, which would be synonymougwith the ruin of her most important in-dustries and the renunciation of herposition in the world-market. We haveno need to reckon with such a fantas-tic notion.' This article also containsthe interesting information that 'thenourishment of the [German] popula-tion cannot during the war be assur-ed by the products of the country.'Germany cannot produce enough cat-tle to provide the proper amount of ani-mal food for her population. Vorwarts,whilst admitting that the Germans canhold out for "a long time, contends thatthis result can only be obtained at tneexpense of undermining the strengthof the peop e by insufficient nourisn-ment, and the reduction of the stock ofcattle to such an extent that it willneed several years to bring it up againto a proper level. We are also in-formed that the production per acre inEngland of corn and other cereals androot crops is not less than in Germany.The greater amount of foodstuffs im-ported per head into this country isexplained away by the fact that thereare more persons to the square mile inEngland than in Germany, and thatthe average income of the Englishmanis higher than that of the German.

"The world's trade during the firstyear of war is discussed on September11, or, to be precise, that of the greatPowers, other than Germany. Aftera consideration of the figures of Eng-lish trade it is remarked 'from this itis clearly visible that English industry,in spite of all unfavorable circum-stances, is beginning to reconquer theworld-market.' Turning later to Ger-many we find: 'As is known, no state-ment of German trade is published. Itis, however, by no means so small as i»usually assumed,' and that is all in anarticle of a column and a half."

FRENCH SOCIALIST CONGRESS 371

French Socialist Congress

U NDER the title, "A Resolutionof Solidarity with the Social-ists of the Allies", L'Human-

ite reports that at the Congress of theNational Socialist Party on November1 a debate took place on the war, inwhich the foremost militants of theParty took part. A resolution wascarried which, while insisting on theresponsibility of international Capit-alism for the present war, states thatin this tragic struggle two points standout. If Austro-German Imperialismtriumphed, the cause of Socialismwould receive a severe set-back, whileif it were beaten, Socialism would makeenormous progress, particularly in Ger-many and Austria. As regards peace,the Congress declared its belief that itis necessary to wait for circumstancesfavorable to the cause of the workersand humanity, as a premature peacewould be against the interests of pro-gress and civilization. The Congressdecided to communicate this resolutionof solidarity to the Socialists of the al-lied countries.

No mention is made in L'Humanite ofthe opposition to this resolution, saysLa Justica, Social. An amendment byManuel Vigil was defeated by 20 votesagainst 9, and another oppositionamendment moved by Verdes Monten-epro by 25 votes against 10. Speakingfor his amendment, Vigil stated that,whichever side triumphed, at the finishof this tremendous conflagration theCapitalist classes of all countries wouldsettle down to exploit the workers asruthlessly as before. In his opinion theprimary interest of Socialists was toendeavor to put an immediate end tothe war, in which the workers were butthe tools of the rival Capitalist groups.What mattered was peace, which So-cialists should seek more intensely thanthe triumph of one or the other groupsof belligerents.

Verdes Montenegro, in opposing theresolution, said the war of the workersagainst Capitalism was his war. Thewar of Capitalist groups against otherCapitalist groups did not interest him:

"You say Germany was the aggres-sor. That is difficult to determine now,

and perhaps always will be. You saythe Germans built up a formidablearmy, but forget that the British builtup a formidable navy, superior to thetwo next largest naval Powers. Youspeak of fighting 'militarism.' Whenkings were the supreme chiefs, thearmies fell upon a country, subjugatedit, and divided the booty between theking and the army. That was Militar-ism. Nowadays Capitalism secures thespoils. This is not Militarism, but Cap-italism.

"Formerly we maintained that Cap-italism was the same in all countries.To-day we make distinctions betweenthe Capitalism of various nations. OnMay 11, before the war, I remember wewere told that the workers had no coun-try. The condition of the world as re-gards oppression does not depend uponwho obtains victory. The industrialhegemony only will be changed, and Irepeat that whoever wins the resultwill be better ultimate conditions forthe proletariat."

For some months past the Federationof the Seine has manifested its dis-approval of the participation of thethree Socialist Ministers in the FrenchCabinet, stating that such participationhas not resulted in any advantage what-ever (indeed, many disadvantages)to Socialism. The Federation hasjust discussed a resoulution drafted bythe Socialist author, Paul Louis, thedeputy of the Seine Bon, Gaston Levy,permanent delegate to the Party andother well-known men in the movement.The resolution reads:

"The Federation begs the SocialistParliamentary group to indicate to theSocialist minister that they must ac-cord their votes with the wishes of theParty, and that they should resign fromthe ministry before October 15 if thecensure of political matter and publishin the official journal the relations be-tween the contractors and the Stateintermediaries.

The Socialist deputies of the Seineare instructed to support the foregoingresolution in the Pariamentary group.The resolution was defeated by 5,000votes against 3,500 votes."

Swiss Workers' Demands

THE Swiss Trades Union Federa-tion and the Swiss IndustrialSociety have jointly petitioned

(he Federal Council in regard to meas-ures to be taken against the distresswhich prevails among the workingclass. The following are the proposals:

1. Uniform regulation in regard to

contracts, reductions of wages in gen-eral.

2. Contributions towards the expen-ses of the trade-unions (masters' andworkers' organizations) in connectionwith unemployment relief.

The abuses in matters relating tocontracts are held responsible for a

great deal. The first measure, pro-posed towards abolishing the same, isthe appointment of a special commis-sion by the Federal Council which com-mission is to consist of representativesof the Industrial Department of theSwiss Trades Union Federation and theSwiss Industrial Society and is to drafta model bill which is later on to be re-placed by a legislative measure.

Further, the procuring of work andthe contributing towards unemploy-ment and other relief is demanded fromthe confederacy. At present more than10 per cent of the workers, employed inthe Swiss industries, are entirely, andfar above 30 per cent, partly unem-ployed. These figures principally referto indigenous workers. In additionthere are a number of small craftsmenbut also larger employers withoutwork; others have to put up with great-ly reduced earnings and frequentlywith a considerably diminished numberof customers.

Accordingly, the confederacy, thecantons and the municipality are toprocure work and the confederacy is,if possible, to grant the means neces-sary for the purpose. In order to or-ganize the procuring of work systemat-ically, the Federal Council is shortlyto convene a conference of the repre-sentatives of the confederacy, the can-tons and the larger municipalities, aswell as of the Trades Union Federa-tion and the Industrial Society. Furth-er, the activity of the labor agencies isto be centralized and the fees to be re-duced.

In order to explain this harmony be-tween the organized workers and theemployers the "GewerkschaftlicheRunschau," the central organ of theSwiss trade unions, remarks:

"We should like to point out to suchreaders who may wonder that theTrades Union Federation and the In-dustrial Society which, as a rule, havenot much in common, should so readilycome to an understanding in regard tothe various and, at least, partly weightyquestions, that 'when the devil is sickthe devil a saint would be', no matterwhether he is called Trades Union Fed-eration or Industrial Society and thatthis saying contains the key to all thatappears puzzling in this action of na-tional truce. No doubt, the FederalCouncil will have to believe in the dis-tress, prevailing in trade and industry,if he carefully examines the joint peti-tion

372NEW REVIEW.

The Third Anniversary of theNew Review

On December 18th, the New Review celebrates itsthird anniversary with a dinner and sociable,—thesubject for discussion very appropriately being "TheRe-Birth of the International".

Three years! In retrospect, it seems impossiblethat the New Review should have survived thestruggles of that period.

It was a daring undertaking, this founding of theNew Review. Business sense was against the pro-ject: a weekly paper required a capital of at least$50,000; a thorough organization along businesslines. The New Review started with less than$8,000; and in four months was compelled to turnitself into a monthly, in 14 months compelled vir-tually to suspend publication. It was at this time,April 1914, that the New Review was re-organized.

When the New Review re-organized there was nota cent in the bank, and the business income was lessthan $150 a month, the deficit each month over $400.Since that time the business income has doubled, thedeficit reduced more than half.

Considering our poor resources, the war, etc., thisis a magnificent showing. But we have accomplishedmore than that:

The New Review has been a fearless independentmagazine, openminded, alive to new influences andnew ideas.

The New Review is the only magazine in thiscountry which has kept its readers fully informedabout events in the European Socialist movement,where the future of Socialism is being decided.

The New Review has stanchly upheld, is stanchlyupholding the principle of internationalism.

The New Review is publishing books in an effortto develop an original American Socialist literature.

TheNew Review is not paying a penny for articlesor editorial work, yet look at the contributors itmusters:

Prof. Charles A. Beard; L. B. Boudin; Eugene V.Debs; Floyd Dell; Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois; Prof. MackEastman; Dr. A. A. Goldenweiser; Felix Grendon;Isaac A. Hourwich; Austin Lewis, Paul Louis; Prof.Jacques Loeb; Dr. Robert H. Lowie; Moses Oppen-heimer; Mary W. Ovington; Anton Pannekoek; ElsieClews Parsons; Theodore Rothstein; I. M. Rubinow;A. M. Simons; Simeon Strunsky; John Spargo; Wm.English Walling, and many others.

It is a magnificent showing, indeed!Now, more than ever, is the New Review needed.

At a period when many Socialists are cowardly

deserting their principles, the fearlessness of theNew Review is a tonic; at a period when confusionof thought is rampant, and free, fearless discussionabsolutely indispensable, an independent forum ofindependent Socialist thought such as the NewReview is equally indispensable.

Looking back upon the last 21 months of stuggle,we find that our efforts have been greatly hamperedby lack of funds. The struggle to raise funds to payoff deficits has crippled the efforts to increase cir-culation.

Are you with us to change this? Are you willingto help—not to assure the future of the New Review,that is assured—provide us with the necessarymoney to build up our circulation, increase ourscope and power? If you are—and you should be—sign any of the three blanks below.

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Suggestions for Xmas giftsFiction

The Research Magnificent, by H. G.Wells. The story of a man whofeels that he is born to be a lead-er, one of those enlightened sup-ermen who are to lead humanityout of the mire of present condi-tions, struggles magnificentlyagainst those conditions- It is atonce a wird life-story and pro-found study of the contemporaryworld struggle. "Might almostbe called an epitome of humanexistence." (M.) $1.50, postpaid.

The "Genius", by Theodore Dreiser.A powerful, gripping story ofmodern life in New York. Frankand realistic. Mr. Dreiser is oneof the great writers of the world,a man who is quietly revolutioniz-ing American fiction. (L.) $1.50,postpaid-

Children of the Dead End, by Pat-rick MacGill. The autobiogra-phy of an Irish Navvy. MacGillhimself comes from the depths,and his rise marks the rise of anew social class in literature.(DU) $1.35, postpaid.

The Story of Jacob Stahl, by J. D.Beresford. In three volumes:The Early History of JacoDStahl; A Candidate for Truth;The Invisible Event. Floyd Dellplaces this trilogy among the sixbest novels- Perhaps the finestwork of contemporary Englishfiction. (D) Each $1.35. Theset, $2.75, postpaid.

The Works of Turgeniev, complete,in seven volumes (two volumesin one). An excellent edition inevery respect, good paper andtypography, bound in neat cloth.Formerly sold at $15.00. Pricefor the set (no volume sold sep-arately), $7.50, postpaid.

Jean-Christoph*, by Remain Holland. Thenovel of an ace, the epic of an epoch. Itig the history or the struggle of the indi-vidual for self-expression, for a new moral-ity, for the sanctity of the individual; afrank portrayal of the life of a man from theday of his birth to the day of his death; acriticism of contemporary culture, destruc-tive and constructive. The characters aredrawn by the hand of a master, the styleis strong in its simplicity and symphonic Inits sweep Critics agree that it is the greav-es t novel of the XXth century, one of thegreatest novels of all time. (H) In threevolumes, each $1.50, postpaid.

Sanine, by Michael Artsibashev. A powerfulnovel which created a sensation in Russia. Th*story of an individualist who scorns all so-cial ties and moral law. (H) J1.35, post-paid.

The Red and the Black, by Stendhal. We re-fuse to describe this superb novel. If younever read a work of fiction again, read this.(DD) $1.35, postpaid.

Socialism

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study of the Feminist movement by means often most representative feminists. Clever,original, these studies relate the Feministmovement to our changing life as a whole.GOc, postage 6c extra.

Fear and Conventionality, by Elsie Clews Par-sons. The theme is the outgrowth of conven-tionality from every human being's fear ofevery other human being. The ceremonialismof our intercourse with other people is toprotect ourselves. The final chapter is a de-lightful description of the society of thefuture, where we won't be afraid of eachother, and fear and conventionality willvanish. (P) $1.50, postage lOc extra.

W»man under Socialism. By August Bebel.Translated from the original German of the83rd edition, by Daniel De Leon. This is on*of the greatest Socialist books ever written.It is a powerful exposure of the shams ofcapitalist morality. This is the book fromwhich garbled extracts are taken to showthat Socialists advocate "free love." (LN)$1.00, postpaid.

The Old-Fashioned Woman, by Elsie Clews Par-sons. A stimulating scientific discussion. Un-usual in treatment and eonchrion*. (P) $1.M,postage 10* extra.

Essays on the Materialistic Con-ception of History, by AntonioFabriola, Professor in the Uni-versity of Rome. An elaborationand synthesis of the Socialisttheory of Historical Materialism.$1.00, postpaid.

The Theoretical System of KarlMarx, by Louis B. Boudin,author of "Socialism and War".This is an answer to critics ofMarx, and to some Socialists whocaricature the Marxian doctrines.It is an excellent synthesis of theSocialist ideas of the world, his-tory, society, etc- $1.00, postpaid.

Socialism as it is, by Wm. EnglishWalling. A masterly study of thecurrents of thought and action inthe Socialist movement beforethe war. A really world-widesurvey of the international move-ment of the working class. (M.)50c, postage 5c extra-

The Cry fer Justice. An Anthology of revoltEdited by Upton Sinclair, with a preface byJack London. Illustrated with reproduction*of social protest in art. The "Cry for Justice"has been culled from the recorded literatureof all ages and compacted into this on*epoch-making volume. This is the first effortthat has made to cover the whole field of th*literature of social protest, both in pros* andpoetry, and from all languages and times.Since a number of prominent authorities as-sisted tile editor this volume is the productof a number of minds; and th* collection re-present* not it* editor, but a whole movement,made and sustained by the master—spirit* ofall ages. 8BS pages, vellum cloth, stamped isgold on side and back. $2.00, postpaid

The Larger Aspects of Socialism,by Wm. English falling. An in-cisive, inspiring book showingthe Sgciaiist trend in modernscien*e an<j culture, and modernthought generally. (M.) $1.50,Postpaid.

THIRD ANNIVERSARY

New Reviewto be celebrated by a

Sociable and Dinner

SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION:

"Rebirth of the International"

Some extracts from lettersto the Dinner Committee willshow the lively interestaroused.

Arturo Giovannitti: "Ishall be very glad to attendand speak at the Annivers-ary Dinner of the NEW RE-VIEW. The subject for dis-cussion is a particularly fineand alluring one and you areto be congratulated for hav-ing selected it."

/. M. Rubinow: "I need notsay how much I shall appre-ciate being with the many il-lustrious ladies and gentle-men whom you mention inyour letter."

Mary W. Ovington: "Ishall be very happy to bepresent at the NEW REVIEWDinner and to speak. Thesubject ought to bring us in-spiration."

SPEAKERS:Arturo GiovannittiW. E. B. DuBoisMeyer LondonL. B- BoudinLouis C. FrainaI. M. RubinowMary W. OvingtonEose Pastor StokesM. Oppenheimer, Chairman

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An Ideal Christmas PresentEUGENE SUE'S:

The Silver Cross

or

The Carpenterof Nazareth

A Tale of Jerusalem

The plain but thrilling story, told in a masterly manner by the greatFrench author gets hold of the reader as soon as he starts to read it.Stripped of the Church garb, Jesus appears before us the type of theearnest, honest, radical leader of the people—a figure which history hasreproduced, with slight variations, in every crucial period in the progressof mankind, when the older order of things had reached its climax andwas about to give way to the new.

The high-priests of to-day the Caiaphases, are more readily under-stood after reading Sue's brlliant narrative. And as then so now do wefind them lined up with the bankers and other interests of the rulingclass, in common league against the working class.

Aside from being a story of most absorbing interest, with dramaticincidents second to none, the book gives the noble character to the teach-ings of the Carpenter of Nazareth which most of our generation—whether Christian, Jew or Freethinker—have failed to perceive throughthe mass of Church legend which attaches to the story of Jesus.

As a picture of society and the social classes of that epoch, with theclass struggle raging within it, this story will throw a strong light on ourconditions of to-day.

PRICE, 75 CENTS

New York Labor News Company45 Rose Street, New York City

N. B. Send for booklet describing Sue's work "The Mysteries of thePeople, or History of a Proletarian Family Across the Ages."

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A NEW VOLUME by ARTHUR M. LEWIS

The Struggle Between Scienceand Superstition

A most entertaining and illuminating book on the age-long conflict between scientists searching fornew truth and priests striving to chain the human mind with the authority of church or ancient book.It holds the attention of the thinking reader as no adventure in fiction could do, since it carries us overthe blood-stained trail of the pioneers of human liberty. The high lights in the book are the burningof Giordano Bruno and the official record of the recantation extorted by threat of torture from theaged Galileo in which he abjures the terrible heresy of asserting that the earth moves 'round the sun-Cloth, 50 cents.

This is the FIFTIETH VOLUME in our fifty-cent LIBRARY OF SOCIALIST CLASSICS, con-taining most of the important Socialist books to be had in the English language, with the exception ofsome larger volumes necessarily sold at higher prices. The remaining forty-nine volumnes are:

Anarchism and Socialism, Plechanoff.Art of Lecturing, Lewis.Class Struggle, Kautsky.Class Struggles in America, Simons.Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels.Doing Us Good and Plenty, Russell.Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx.End of the World, Meyer.Ethics and the Materialist Conception of History,

Kautsky.Evolution of Banking, Howe.Evolution of Man, Boelsche.Evolution of Property, Lafargue.Evolution, Social and Organic, Lewis.Feuerbach, Engels.Germs of Mind in Plants, France.God's Children, Altaian.High Cost of Living, Kautsky.Human, All Too Human, Nietzsche.Law of Biogenesis, Moore.Life and Death, Teichmann.Making of the World, Meyer.Marx He Knew, The, Spargo.Memoirs of Marx, Liebknecht.Marx vs. Tolstoy, Darrow and Lewis.

Militant Proletariat, Austin Lewis.Origin of the Family, Engels.Out of the Dump, Marcy.Positive School of Criminology, Ferri.Puritanism, Meily.Rebel at Large, Beals.Revolution and Counter-Revolution, Marx.Right to Be Lazy, Lafargue.Russian Bastile, Pollock.Sabotage, Pouget.Science and Revolution, Untermann.Social and Philosophical Studies, Lafargue.Social Revolution, The, Kautsky.Socialism for Students, Cohen.Socialism, Morris and Bax.Socialism, Positive and Negative, LaMonte.Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, Engels.Stories of the Struggle, Winchevsky.Story of Wendell Phillips, Russell.Ten Blind Leaders, Lewis.Triumph of Life, Boelsche.Value, Price and Profit, Marx .Vital Problems, Lewis.What's So and What Isn't, Work.World's Revolutions, Untermann.

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$10.00 for the purpose of publishing the International Socialist Review and the greatest possiblenumber of the best revolutionary books. Nine hundred more of the $10.00 shares are still for sale.Each stockholder has the privilege of buying all our books and some other books for sale. Each stock-holder has the privliege of buying all our books and some other books at cost. If we can sell these 900shares within the next few weeks, it will enable us to double our output of Socialist literature. Thatis why we offer this 50-volume library NOW for LESS THAN COST with a share of stock.

Send $15.00 and we will send the fifty books by express and a fully-paid certificate for a shareof stock. The expressage to any railroad station in the United States or Canada will not cost youover $2.00,—from that down to 31 cents, according to distance. If you wish us to send by mail, add$2.00 for Canada, any foreign country or United States east of Denver; $3.00 for Alaska, Panama,United States island possessions and Pacific coast points.

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Socialism and 'WarBy LOuis B. BOUDIN

Author of "The Theoretical System of Karl Marx."

A brilliant and adequate Socialist interpretation of the Great War by the foremost Marxianscholar in America.

This book develops a theory of the economic basis of Imperialism that is at once original andsatisfactory.

The general problems involved in the Socialist attitude to ALL wars are brilliantly discussed.

CHAPTERS.I. CLEARING THE GROUND. Disposes of the superficial "causes" of the war as advanced by many non-

Socialists and some Socialists.

II. THE ECONOMIC CAUSES OF THE WAR. A brilliant and inspiring application of the Materialist Con-ception of History to contemporary events. Analyzes the relation of Capitalism to war, and the eco-nomic basis of Imperialism. Shows why Capitalism at one stage of its development is peaceful, at an-other stage warlike.

III. THE IDEOLOGIC CAUSES OF THE WAR. How material interests develop an ideology. Shows how theeconomic interests of "iron and steel" Capitalism develop the ideology of the newer nationalism andtheories of "race upremacy."

IV. THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR AND THE STAKES INVOLVED. The production of ironand steel as the basis of Capitalist Imperialism; Germany's lead as a producer of iron and steel the causeof her aggression in the present war. The economic reasons for the invasion of Belgium and Servia. Therelation of the Bagdad railway to the present war.

V. THE WAR AND THE SOCIALISTS,assigns the responsibility.

Traces the cause for the breakdown of International Socialism, and

VI. SOCIALIST VS. BOURGEOIS THEORIES. What is the Socialist conception of "race" and "nation"? TheSocialist conception of Internationalism? The Socialist attitude to war? Can Socialists be neutral? Thischapter is a finely constructive piece of work, and applies the class struggle theory to the problems ofnationality.

THE ANALYSIS IS STRICTLY SCIENTIFIC, THE STYLE AND PRESENTATION SIMPLEAND DIRECT.

Price, $1.00 Postpaid

Forthcoming Books

"SOCIALISM" OF NEW ZEA-LAND. By Robert H.Hutchinson.ME. HPTCHINSON studied con-

ditions at first hand in NewZealand. His book is a masterlyanalysis and criticism of StateSocialism in New Zealand. Itscauses and results are described.A chapter on the influence ofthe Great War on State Social-ism lends an added value to thebook.

SOCIALISM AFTER THE WAR.By Louis C. Fraina.THIS is a study of the future

of Socialism in the light of thechanges wrought by the GreatWar. It discusses fully therevolutionary Socialist attitudetoward the more important so-cial problems arising after thewar.

STUDIES IN SOCIALISM. ByIsaac A. Hourwich.THIS is a remarkably sugges-

tive series of studies in socialand economic development.Among the chapters are: "TheTrust and Socialism," "Social-Economic Classes in the UnitedStates," "Industrial Arbitra-tion," etc.

New Review Publishing Ass'll, 256 Broadway, New York City

fcy Tm LAKOTAQB Pimmnr,M4-MS V.Mr**, H«* T«ffc, H. T.