nazism in chile
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Nazism in Chile: A Particular Type of Fascism in South AmericaSTOR ®
Jaime Antonio Etchepare; Hamish I. Stewart
Journal o f Contemporary History, Vol. 30, No.4. (Oct., 1995), pp. 577-605.
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Jaime Antonio Etchepare and Hamish I. Stewart
Nazism in Chile: A Particular Type of Fascismin South America
Due to the special conditions and characteristics that have always
existed in Chile, its political development has usually differed
from that of its neighbours. An interesting example of this is the
development of nazism in Chile.
After the successful congressional revolution of 1891 and the
suicide of President Jose Manuel Balmaceda, a parliamentary
government, Parlamentarismo a LaChilena,Iwas established with
attributes very different from that of Britain, with which it has
often been compared. This system proved to be incapable of
solving the serious socio-economic problems that emerged during
its existence (1891-1924).2 During the 1920s, therefore, there was
an eager search for modernization through the establishment ofnew institutions, a process in which the armed forces played an
active role. After Arturo Alessandri Palma's' failed attempt to
introduce reforms, the Chilean political system collapsed due
to the revolutionary military movements of 1924 and 1925.4
Under rather unorthodox legal conditions,' a presidential system
of government was established with the promulgation of the con-
stitution of 1924. Even though the president was given greatly
increased powers, an attempt was made to achieve a balancebetween the different powers of the state and also to guarantee
effective protection of human rights. However, its debut was not
very promising and the new system only managed to establish
itself after 1932.
The first president elected under this constitution was Emiliano
Figueroa. He was forced to resigns because of disagreements with
the 'strong man' of his government, Colonel Carlos Ibanez del
Campo,' who, in 1927, was elected president. His opponents could
find no one willing to run against him in the elections." Ibanez
Journal of Contemporary History (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New
Delhi), Vol. 30 (1995), 577--605.
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578 Journal of Contemporary History
established a personalized authoritarian government without any
particular doctrinaire orientation, in which the only link amonghis followers was their unconditional support of their leader." His
opponents considered that he ruled in a 'dictatorial' way and after
his fall accused him of having no respect for civic liberties and of
having ignored the constitutional guarantees.
Chile was hard hit by the economic crisis of 1929, which affected
the production system, incomes and public finances and therefore
produced high unemployment. This immediate crisis and the later
depression sparked a political crisis that resulted, in 1931, in the
resignation of Ibanez. His resignation led to a period of political
effervescence that produced inordinate constitutional instability.
The fall of President Ibanez, the crisis of authority after the
disappearance of the 'dictator's iron hand', the terrible economic
situation and the mushrooming of extremist ideologies produced
what has been called the 'second anarchy' (26 July 1931-30 Octo-
ber 1932).10
This threw the traditional parties into a state of crisis," and
their decay reflected a general crisis in the country's democratic
system. Furthermore, during this period, liberalism was subjected
to severe criticism while the benefits of liberal democracy as a
system of government were questioned not only in Chile, but
worldwide. Certainly, the difficult circumstances in Chile can be
clearly linked with the European situation, where the conditions
present after the Great War had led to the spread of ultra-national-
ist political movements, usually referred to under the generic name
of fascism.
This European example spread throughout Spanish America
between 1930 and 1940, during which time numerous movements
and parties of fascist inspiration appeared. These groups all
showed the programmatic characteristics so well summarized by
Professor Sergio Miranda Carrington:
The social demands made by the Hispano-American nationalist movements
coincide basically with those of the European fascist movements. In all of them
there existed the same exaltation of the state; the cult of the Spanish tradition
(in Spanish America it was impossible to think of a nationalism that did not
affirm its Spanish roots); respect for the common religion; the desire for an
international unity that would save them from the comical role of international
satellites; the principle of the leader and anti-communism. In all of them, youth
groups added their quota of fearlessness and audacity.'>
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Etchepare and Stewart:Nazism in Chile 579
Therefore, their ideological principles were:
- Hispanidad, emphasis placed on the cultural inheritance andtraditions derived from Spain.
- Rejection of liberal democracy, a search for strong
governments.
- Anti-communism, which they rejected because of its material-
ism, atheism and foreign ideas.
- State control of the economy.
- Anti-imperialism, based on a third position as regards inter-
national affairs.- Catholicism, more as an historical inheritance than as a
religion; more as a source of a rich tradition than as a religious
dogma.
- Support for the idea of Latin American unity.
During 1932, many of the conditions that had made the birth
and later success of other fascist movements possible existed in
Chile. There were strong fears about the expansion of communism,
especially because of its involvement in revolutionary activities."This instability produced great anxiety about the country's future.
People wanted to see the re-establishment of traditional good
government and assurances of public peace so that they could
carryon with their normal private activities. They were afraid of
the rebirth of Ibanez's militarism, so they looked for a civilian
force that would be able to set the state functioning again.
In this wider context and given these expectations, and under
what was undoubtedly European influence, the National Socialist
Movement of Chile, the MNSCH or 'el nacismo', as it was most
commonly called, was founded on 5 April 1932. Its originator was
Jorge Gonzalez von Marees, a lawyer who was almost unknown,
both publicly and professionally=
From 1931, Jorge Gonzalez von Marees had been trying to organ-
ize this movement, but it was not until April 1932 that he suc-
ceeded in doing so. The other founders were Carlos Keller Rueff,Juan de Dios Valenzuela and Gustavo Vargas Molinare.
The MNSCH's organizational structure took the form of a pyra-
mid based on discipline and hierarchy. At the top of it we find the
leader or Jete, the movement's maximum authority who possessed
absolute power. There were several auxiliary organisms which
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580 Journal of Contemporary History
advised the leader." The leader had the power to nominate the
Provincial Commissioners and the right to dissolve at any timethe Provincial, Departmental or Communal Councils. At the
executive level, below him was the movement's Secretary-General
on whom the leader relied. Finally, there were Provincial, Depart-
mental and Communal Commissioners."
The MNSCH's advisory organs were the National Council, the
Provincial Councils and the Departmental Councils. The National
Council, established at the beginning of 1933, was made up of
a delegate from each of the provincial groups. Initially it only
had advisory powers, but afterwards it was given the power toboth nominate and remove the leader'? and to reorganize the
movement.
Below these were the so-called agrupaciones (groups). All of
these were in direct contact with the community, so were intended
to be the 'bases' of 'el nacismo'. The territorial groupings were
divided into provincial, departmental and communal, followed by
the professional nuclei, the guilds and the cells.IS The professional
nuclei were divided into the following areas: public administration,agriculture, handicrafts, banking, trade, construction, education,
industry, mining, transport and the intellectual professions."
Responsibility for discipline and security affairs lay with the
storm troops (TNA) and disciplinary committees. The TNA, led
by a commander, had as its main goals the protection of party
meetings and fighting the party's enemies in the streets. The disci-
plinary committees maintained discipline inside the movement.
Finally, parallel to this organizational system, were the Nazi Youth
with its own leader; the University Nazi Group, GNU; the Work
Service Camps" and the Human Solidarity Service."
As regards the method by which the leader was to be nominated,
the requisites to hold that position and the method by which he
could be removed, there existed the following rules and pro-
cedures. The leader's nomination would be made by the National
Council. In order to become the leader, the candidate must have
previously held this position or that of a Provincial Commissioner.
The leader was designated for an indefinite period, but could bereplaced if three-quarters of the members of the National Council
agreed. The procedure did not end there, however, as the leader
had further powers."Anyone who joined the MNSCH would automatically belong
to the departmental grouping that corresponded to his place of
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Etchepare and Stewart:Nazism in Chile 581
residence. Inside the departmental grouping, the new member had
to join the appropriate professional nucleus, in accordance with
his normal activity." Finally, the new member would join a cell
within his place of work.
As regards its social and economic composition, employees
formed the largest part of the membership of Chilean nazism -
individuals from the minor professions: tailors, mechanics, elec-
tricians, and so on; students and persons who were economically
independent - manufacturers, farmers and, above all, shop-
keepers. The participation of people belonging to the two extremes
of the economic and social structure, the liberal professions andindustrial workers, was minimal. The membership of the MNSCH
was drawn principally from the lower bourgeoisie.
From an ideological point of view, the basic inspiration of Chi-
lean nazism was no different from that which inspired other fascist
movements - the irrational conception of man, the concept of
life, military values, the idea of the will, the emphasis on action,
the role of select minorities, the elitism, discipline, hierarchy and
sense of predestination. Man was conceived of as a bad and selfishbeing by nature, even though it was possible to improve him by
means of moral and spiritual salvation. This was undoubtedly
inspired by social catholicism with its idea of 'integral humanism'.
In racial matters, unlike nazism, the MNSCH did not assume a
militant stand, as this was not a matter of importance in Chile and
it was felt that it was not in accordance with the national tradition.
Also, it was afraid of causing dissension in the future society it
wished to create."
When we analyse the doctrines of 'el nacismo', it is important
to make clear that even though national socialism formed its
central nucleus, there were other influences, especially those
coming from socialist and traditionalist tendencies. Besides, a clear
dichotomy between the leader and the movement's intellectuals
can be perceived. For the Jete, what was important was verbal
violence and acts of revolutionary violence - 'actions before
programmes'.
In concrete terms, it is clear that the Chilean National SocialistMovement's doctrinaire tendencies were totalitarian. For it, all
activities, as well as the individual, must be under state tuition.
The movement's objective was a revolutionary and profound
transformation of the economic, social and political order which
would be replaced by a 'functional and organic' democracy based
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582 Journal of Contemporary History
on work and discipline.This new systemwas intended to produce a
political organization supposedly free from the defects of universal
suffrage and its consequences - bribery and the inefficient system
of assemblies.
Imbued with a profound nationalism, the MNSCH wanted the
best for Chile in the concert of nations. Chilean nationalism was
inserted within the Chilean nationalist tradition, falling within the
current represented by the ideas of Francisco Antonio Encina and
Nicolas Palacios. The MNSCH's conception of the state was a
spiritual supreme and absolute one, which was very close to the
concept of the state maintained by the Italian fascists.This concept
was the result of the movement's attempt to emphasize its spiritual
position in contrast with the materialistic tendencies of the left
and the right. The individual must be at the service of the nation,
forming part of a higher organism, and would consequently put
aside his own particular interest for the benefit of the national
community. Consequently, society was seen, in opposition to the
view held by fascism, as a determinant of the state; an anarchic
society could only create a fragile and disorganized state. Thisdetermined the importance of the society; for this reason, first and
foremost it was necessary to organize it.
In the outline given above, the nazi concept of the state is
implicit. For the MNSCH, the state was the product of a society
whose principal aim was self-preservation. In addition to this, the
state must be totalitarian and indivisible," as can be seen clearly
in its programme. Once the unity of the state had been reached,
it would be possible to unify the national will and as a result allindividuals would act in accordance with a common plan. The
state would have complete tuition over all national activities -
the citizens would be mere servants of it:
The state is to be no longer a battlefield in which people fight for their selfish
material interests. The state will take charge of serving the community as a
whole, as an organic harmonious whole .... The state does not recognize the
interests of circles, gangs and classes, rather it will concern itself with society as
a whole."
In this concept of the state, popular sovereignty was not import-
ant, because it also was to be claimed by the state. Sovereignty
was now to belong to the state; the attributions and faculties
which this gave only involved the state. In virtue of its sovereign
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Etchepare and Stewart: Nazism in Chile 583
authority, the state would be the supreme authority in society,
individuals and groups were to be stripped of their rights and that
portion of sovereignty which belonged to them. They were to have
no possibility of influencing the direction and orientation which
would be imposed on life in society, neither would they be able
to choose or change their government authorities.
Citizens were to participate through the corporative organi-
zation of the state. They proposed what they called 'unified syndi-
calism', that is to say, the organization of all national activities,
those of both the employers as well as the employees in state
organisms. There would be independent employers' unions andemployees' unions, which would later be unified in Corporations.
Finally, the Corporation would produce a Chamber, which was to
be in charge of legislation.
In the economic field, the MNSCH wanted to establish the
primacy of politics over economics. The latter must not be allowed
to impose its will on the state, but rather must be subordinated to
the state's aims. Economic management occupied a central place.
The state would not be a mere guardian; rather it would regulate
private interests and activities, within the limits of what was con-
venient for the nation. Private property must be transformed into
a social function of first importance. All of this was aimed at
avoiding Marxist collectivism and the excesses of liberal capi-
talism.
In synthesis, it was intended that society should be an organic
unit in which there were to be no opposing interests and where
conflict and disagreements were considered to be artificial.
Because of this, the political parties received the strongest attacks,because they were regarded as agents that existed to divide society,
as they represented paltry interests and were artificial organiza-
tions of an unnatural nature. Right from the beginning the
MNSCH declared emphatically that it was not a political party,"
As regards its rejection of or attack on political conceptions or
positions, the MNSCH emphasized its anti-liberalism, anti-Marx-
ism, anti-conservatism, anti-oligarchism and anti-imperialism.
The MNSCH declared itself to be anti-liberal in economicsand anti-democratic in politics. It claimed that both liberalism and
Marxism were international and anti-patriotic. In addition, it
rejected liberal democracy as being based on an inorganic uni-
versal suffrage, which permitted the tyranny of the unconscious
masses. For the Jete,
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584 Journal of Contemporary History
... it is not a democracy, the regime which confuses the will of the nation with
that of the agents of the plutocratic groups, that exploits it and gets rich from
it, nor is a government which unconditionally submits its sovereign authority to
the will of the great potentates of universal capitalism."
Finally, elections were catalogued as a vulgar farce, where the
winner was the one who paid the most for votes.
In contrast with the democratic system, an 'elite' system was
proposed, in which government would be exercised by those who
were the most capable, under the supervision of a leader and in
a state where discipline and service would predominate. In thisway,the political professional and the demagoguery characteristics
of the liberal democracies would be eliminated.
Marxism was accused of being materialistic and a doctrine that
went against the basis of Western civilization. On 27 August 1933,
a proclamation was issued in which the movement's position was
clearly stated." For it, in Chile, Marxism was only justified due to
the absence of any other movement that looked after the people's
interests. Furthermore, it said it admired the Marxists for their
methods, their discipline and for having the intention of carrying
out ideals as revolutionary as its own.
As regards the conservative parties, the Chilean nazis criticized
them for their alliance with international capitalism, to the detri-
ment of the people and the nation. They accused them of using
religion for their party interests and for being defenders of class,
plutocratic and landowner interests. In the beginning, the con-
servative sectors assisted 'el nacismo' and tried to win it over to
their side. They applauded only those aspects of national socialistdoctrine that might benefit their interests. Nevertheless, they soon
realized that the MNSCH was not interested in political support
but rather wanted total adhesion to its principles.
A central point in their political analysis was anti-oligarchism.
From their point of view, Chilean politics were dominated by an
anti-patriotic oligarchy which had turned liberal democracy to its
benefit. Itwas a group integrated by exploiters of the people and
international speculators. For them, a typical representative ofthis sector was Arturo Alessandri's Minister of Finance and later
presidential candidate in the 1938 elections, Gustavo Ross Santa
Maria.
The anti-imperialism of the MNSCH concentrated principally
on the economic field and its central objective was the United
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 585
States. This tendency was demonstrated in parliament when the
nazi deputies presented a bill designed to establish a progressive
tax on exports of copper. At the same time, accusations were
made as regards the manner in which the copper mines were being
managed; in the words of the nazi leader, the north of Chile was
'a factory that belonged to foreign imperialists'.
Religion and the role of the Church were seen by the MNSCH
as elements which brought society together and not as a reaction-
ary force, as they conceived conservatism to be. On the other hand,
the Church not only tolerated this situation but also consciously
favoured it, transforming it into a tendency absolutely contrary to
the true national interests, 'to such an extreme that the people
have convinced themselves that religion exists to favour the
interests of landowners, capitalism and economic imperialism'J?
Therefore, with its ultramontanism neutralized, the Church would
retain its unquestioned position in the religious field, but it
would not be allowed to intervene in the political arena."
As regards the methods of political action advocated by the
MNSCH, and especially its leader, violence was important as ameans to lead to the founding of the proposed new society.With
this objective in mind, no one could be opposed to violence. In
the words of the Jete:
We admit that violence is a necessity in the revolutionary movements that
sometimes shake nations .... Therefore, in order to liquidate the venal govern-
ment that oppresses us today, we will use all types of weapons and if it is
necessary to let blood run in torrents through the streets, I assure you that this
will not be a barrier that will be able to stop our advance."
For one of the party's ideologists: 'The problems of state are not
intellectual problems, but rather problems which are decided by
force.'>
This tendency towards the use of violent methods became ever
more frequent until it ended in the revolutionary attempt of 5
September 1938. Previously, the movement had already given
demonstrations of its violent methods, both in the Chamber ofDeputies and in street battles against other political groupings,
especially the communists and the socialists, in which people had
even been killed.
These nazi methods were debated in the Chamber of Deputies,
where fierce attacks were made against the MNSCH by the radical
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586 Journal of Contemporary History
deputy and future President of the Republic, Gabriel Gonzalez
Videla. For him,
... 'el nacismo' had transformed itself from a doctrine 'into an organization of
force in which the national socialists take to the streets with weapons in their
hands and try to provoke public disorders; after which they immediately launch
public proclamations in which, energetically, and up to a certain point - it must
be admitted - with audacity and bravery, they defy the political parties and
threaten to do away with Parliament."
The political activities of the nazis fall between two landmarks:
the anarchy of the years 1931-2 and the triumph of the PopularFront in 1938. Before presenting the historical evolution of the
MNSCH, it is necessary to define certain ideas. Since Chilean
nazism did not attain power, many situations cannot be analysed
that would have become clear if it had. Also, the doctrinaire ideals
of the MNSCH underwent certain transformations due to changes
brought about by new circumstances or because of the sole fact
of coming into contact with reality. In this sense, the increasing
anti-rightist tendencies that it assumed as time passed are funda-mental. Moreover, Chilean national socialism always emphasized
its intermediate position between liberalism and Marxism,present-
ing itself as an alternative to both. In spite of this, and due to its
leader, it gradually assumed a more leftist tone. In the MNSCH,
this socialist progression became fully evident during the second
nazi period, after 1938, when the nationalist postulates disap-
peared, to be replaced by a strong doctrinaire socialismthat recog-
nized the class struggle. It is also important to note that between
1932 and 1938 the MNSCH was the only political movement of a
nationalist nature that was capable of developing an organization
that covered the entire nation, and which had its own electoral
strength. Finally,it is important to understand that even if the nazi
movement presented itself as the only existing alternative, there
were other groups (with similar or different characteristics) that
had similar points of view, particularly the incipient Falange
Nacional (later to become the Christian Democrat Party).
Let us now return to the subject under discussion. A few daysafter the MNSCH's first appearance in public, it was invited to
co-operate with the Carlos Davila government (17 June to 13
September 1932). It refused, arguing that it did not intend to
become just another political party. Also, Jorge Gonzalez said that
the movement must not be contaminated by association with a
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 587
government that had emerged from a movement not of nazi
origins.
In the same year, it had to face parliamentary elections which
had been called in order to replace the Congress dissolved by the
'Socialist Republic' during the second anarchy. This produced
the first serious internal conflict within the movement, between
two different currents of thought, one supporting and the other
opposing the idea of presenting candidates for deputies. Finally,
the party ended up presenting a list of candidates for deputies
for the Santiago First Electoral District, in which the name of the
Jete did not appear, which obtained the grand total of 961 votes.The MNSCH's performance was much better during the 1935
municipal elections in which it received 6,000votes (1.8 per cent)
and elected two regidores (town councillors).
Thus a precedent was established in the development of 'el
nacismo', as it had always emphasized the dishonesty that existed
in political life and had bitterly attacked the political manipulation
it felt was characteristic of it. For this reason, in order to partici-
pate in the many elections that took place, the nazis made a pointof making very clear that the movement's candidates were honest
citizens who were conscious of their duties and were not subject
to political manipulation.
All this occurred during the initial stages of the movement.
However, the party reached its point of greatest influence during
the second government of Arturo Alessandri Palma (1932-8). It
is fair to say that during this period the entire existence of 'el
nacismo' was marked by a continuous struggle with the president.
In order to explain this, it isnecessary to remember that Alessandri
was trying to rebuild the constitutional system together with the
democratic regime. For this reason, any attempt to disturb public
order was repressed. Therefore, if we take into account the move-
ment's violent character - it was always on the offensive - it is
easy to see why very soon it was in trouble with the government."
In addition, in 1937 the movement allied itselfwith Carlos Ibanez,
Arturo Alessandri's greatest public enemy. Apart from the con-
tinuous struggle mentioned above, there was also open confron-tation with the communists and socialists. However, the most
important events in its evolution occurred during the years 1937and 1938.
In 1937, parliamentary elections took place, prompting the
movement to decide to sponsor candidates. These elections had a
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588 Journal of Contemporary History
special meaning for the nazis, as this was the first time they would
be able to test their strength and find out how deeply their ideas
had taken root among the people. They managed to elect three
deputies: Jorge Gonzalez von Marees for the First Electoral Dis-
trict of Santiago, Fernando Guarello Fitz-Henry for Valparaiso and
Quillota and Gustavo Vargas Molinare for Cautin. They received
14,235votes, 14 times more than in 1932.36
While preparations for the next national elections were under
way, the municipal elections of 1938 took place, in which the
MNSCH elected 14 regidores and received 22,500votes (4.63 per
cent of the total). In this election they reached the peak of theirsuccess as a political party.
The movement's next major activity revolved around the 1938
presidential election. The initial candidates were Pedro Aguirre
Cerda, representing the leftist Popular Front, and Gustavo Ross
Santa Maria, representing the forces of the right. In order to
surpass its previous voting record, the MNSCH decided to support
the candidature of General Carlos Ibanez del Campo, resulting
in the creation in June 1938 of the Alianza Popular Libertadora(APL). Together with the nazis, the Union Socialists," indepen-
dent sectors and the many Ibanez groups made up this electoral
alliance. The officialproclamation took place on 4 September 1936
during what was later called the 'Victory March'. None of these
preparations led anyone to expect the savage events that were to
take place the next day.
Before we refer to the events that took place on 5 September
1938, it is important to emphasize that the National Socialist
Movement had never promised to respect the electoral process if
it were administered by the Alessandri government. Even more, it
had demanded that the president resign, and that a new national
government be established, not linked with the political parties,
which it claimed would be the only wayan atmosphere of confi-
dence and tranquillity could be created.
Given these conditions, on 5 September the country was shaken
by a violent nazi attempt to seize power. A few minutes after
midday, two groups of young nazis went into action; one groupoccupied the main building of the University of Chile and the
other attacked the building of the Workers' Obligatory Insurance
Fund, located in front of the presidential palace, during which a
policeman stationed in the area was murdered. Once they had
consolidated their occupation, they barricaded themselves on the
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 589
seventh floor and opened fire, waiting for the military assistance
that the Jete had promised them.
The first reaction of the public was to think that General Ibanez
was carrying out a revolution. The government believed the same,
which was why, fearing possible military support for the revol-
utionaries, it acted rapidly and drastically. With military help,
artillery was used to blow open the main door of the University
of Chile building and capture it, with total casualties of 7 nazis
dead and 37 wounded. The prisoners were then marched to the
Workers' Insurance building to persuade their comrades there to
surrender. To this day, the details of what happened next are still
uncertain. What is clear is that, once the surrender had taken place,
all the prisoners were taken inside the building and executed. By
4.30p.m, the putsch had been defeated with 63 nazis and 1 police-
man dead.
The principal consequences of this event were the withdrawal
of Ibanez from the electoral race and the triumph of the Popular
Front candidate, Pedro Aguirre Cerda, to whom all the nazi and
APL electoral support was given."The election took place on 25 October 1938with the following
results: Pedro Aguirre Cerda, 222,720;Gustavo Ross Santa Maria,
218,609 votes. Aguirre Cerda won by a narrow margin of 4,111
votes and it is estimated that approximately 30,000 of the votes
that gave him victory had come from the nazi movement.
The motives for the nazi actions are today still not very well
understood. One hypothesis is that they intended to put Ibanez
in power, thus avoiding the electoral process, which they feltoffered them few guarantees. However, Jorge Gonzalez said later
that the only objective of the revolutionary movement had been
to install a government that would give ample guarantees that the
elections had been carried out correctly.
One conclusion that can be drawn is that if 'el nacismo', unlike
its inspirers in Europe, did not achieve power or manage to trans-
form itself into a more powerful group, it was for very concrete
reasons.InChile, unlike in Europe, there was no support fromthe triad comprising the conservative parties, the army and the
government. The conservative parties supported Alessandri, who
offered them sufficientguarantees; the army had lost suchprestige,
lacking the moral force either to engage in revolutionary adven-
tures or to support a group intending to do so, and, finally, the
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590 Journal of Contemporary History
government was capable of solving by itself the problems with
which it was faced.
The movement's lack of originality, in addition to its dictatorial
and violent tendencies, sapped its support and caused it to fail.
Additionally, in Chile the conditions did not exist that had made
German nazism into an all-powerful movement. Chile as a country
had not been territorially divided nor had it been economically
suffocated; it did not have serious frontier problems, nor did the
population harbour imperialistic sentiments of an expansionist
nature.
Mr Rafael Luis Gamucio (an outstanding conservative leader)has said that in Chile 'what was lacking was the man' to enable
nazism to triumph. However, that man did exist; what was lacking
were the external conditions to transform him into a real Fuhrer;
that is, a sufficiently chaotic situation, such as that in Italy and
Germany, to make the people support his ideas and accept his
totalitarian methods. Chile has never proved to be fertile ground
for exacerbated and aggressive nationalism.
After its irrational performance in September 1938, 'el nacismo'disappeared as a valid force on the Chilean political scene. With
its transformation into the Vanguardia Popular Socialista (VPS),
'el nacismo' lost many of its supporters as well as, more signifi-
cantly, its initial 'mysticism' and 'spirit'. Rather, it became a politi-
cal hybrid which nobody took seriously."
When Pedro Aguirre Cerda was elected and began to draw up
his new government, Gonzalez von Marees decided to ask for two
ministries for the VPS, the post of director of the Agricultural
Credit Bank and of the School of Fine Arts and other sinecures
in the public administration as a reward for nazi support of his
candidature. The refusal of the Popular Front government to give
any ministerial responsibilities to the VPS, and the quarrels
between 'vanguardistas' and radicals and socialists, meant that by
1940 they had moved into open opposition to the government.
After its transformation into the VPS, 'el nacismo' tried to
elaborate a political doctrine with democratic tendencies that
included a great deal of the leftist phraseology, an aspect that hadbeen clearly evident since 1937. In accordance with its new ideals,
it now recognized the class struggle, declared itself to be a protec-
tor of the 'exploited' against capitalism and every other manifes-
tation of totalitarian imperialism, and, finally,rejected all theories
of racial superiority. All of this was in marked contrast to the
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 591
political positions and ideas that had been sustained by the
National Socialist Movement of Chile."Many nazis did not accept this change of course and later joined
other groups of a nationalist character, such as the Movimiento
Nacionalista de Chile, Frente Chileno, and so on, all non-party
groups which acted outside parliament.
Electorally, the transformation of 'el nacismo' into the VPS had
its logical consequences. In the parliamentary elections of March1941, the Vanguardia ran in an alliance with the liberal and con-
servative parties in open contradiction not only of its new political
platform but also of what it had proclaimed before 1938. In theseelections it obtained 11,175 votes (2.4 per cent), electing two
deputies, Jorge Gonzalez von Marees for the First Electoral Dis-
trict of Santiago and Gustavo Vargas Molinare for Cautin, and
losing the seat in Valparaiso and Quillota which had been held by
Guarello Fitz-Henry.
A month later, on 5 April, regidores were elected for the 235
municipalities of the country. In these elections the MNSCH-VPSonly managed to elect one regidor, Mauricio Mena, for the First
District of Santiago, a situation which reflects the low receptivity
that the 'new position' of the VPS version of nazism had achieved
in Chile. As a result of a serious incident between radicals and
vanguardistas (May 1941), the Minister of the Interior, Arturo
Olavarria Bravo, declared the VPS to be a public danger and
maintained that its leader was mentally ill."
After the failure of Ibanez's candidature, the dispersed and
diminished nationalist groups united during 1943 in the Union
Nacionalista. This new organization did not attract great support
and was torn by strong internal disagreements." The decline of
the Axis internationally and the party's own incompetence were
chiefly responsible for its decline and eventual extinction. Accord-
ing to one of its most outstanding leaders:
The Uni6n Nacionalista was just another party, it was a cold nationalism and it
did not have the acceptance that we expected. The Union did not possess the
characteristics of the two previous movements: it lacked the warmth that both
the MNSCH and the MNCH had had, whose members had gone out into the
streets to fight in uniform. And each day it got colder."
In 1945, as the Union Nacionalista had not managed to elect
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592 Journal of Contemporary History
anyone either at congressional or municipal level during its brief
existence, Juan G6mez Millas, its leader, decided to dissolve it.
In the 1945 parliamentary elections, the ex-nazis were com-
pletely disunited and campaigned under a number of different
political banners. Thus, the Jete, Jorge Gonzalez, presented himself
as an independent candidate for deputy for the First Electoral
District of Santiago; Fernando Guarello campaigned as a democrat
in Valparaeso, and Gustavo Vargas Molinare presented himself as
a member of a liberal-conservative list for the Lower Chamber
for Cautin. Nothing reflected better the disintegration of the
MNSCH than the divergent attitudes of its three deputies. All ofthem were defeated, with the result that a parliamentary platform
remained well out of reach of the ex-nazis.
Jorge Gonzalez von Marees eventually joined the Liberal Party,
in whose ranks he reached the position of Secretary-General. This
was an inexplicable volte face on the part of the great enemy of
the rightist government of Alessandri and the implacable enemy
of the so-called 'economic right' and of 'materialistic liberalism'.
In the spring of 1945, a new political party was formed. Thiswas the 'Partido Agrario Laborista' (PAL), the result of the fusion
of the Partido Agrario, the remnants of the dissolved Acci6n
Republicana, a number of supporters of Ibanez's Alianza Popular
Libertadora and, probably the greatest number, from the Movimi-
ento Nacionalista de Chile. Numerous ex-nacistas joined the new
party, in which they obtained high positions.
Nevertheless, the PAL did not manage to absorb all the
nationalists and ex-nacistas. For example, in the period 1945-52,
there were numerous failed attempts to form parties along the
lines of the extinguished MNSCH.44
The Partido Agrario Laborista adopted many of the concepts
of 'el nacismo'. For example:
Chile is one of the few nations in the world which has two political chambers
which are elected in the same way. The errors of a political majority in the
Chamber of Deputies are not corrected, but rather, on the contrary, are approved
by the same majority in the Senate .... If the Senate had a functional extraction
in all or in part, it would be possible to manage to correct the laws of an
economic nature which are dictated by the Chamber of Deputies, on a technical
basis and inspired directly by the possibilities of carrying them out .... The
state, as it is conceived by the Partido Agrario Laborista, is above all a living
organism, efficient, constructive, of great probity and with a profound national
sentiment, or rather, the opposite of our present bureaucratic state."
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 593
The PAL grew rapidly. In the municipal elections of 1947 it
managed to elect 66 councillors with 24,755 votes, 4.5 per cent of
the total cast." In March 1949 parliamentary elections took place.
The PAL decided to support the senatorial candidacy for Santiago
of the ex-President of the Republic, Carlos Ibanez del Campo.
This secured for the party an enormous number of voters who
were unconditional supporters of Ibanez. But, at the same time,
it meant that the party lost its ideological uniformity, as these new
members did not completely share its doctrines.
The Ibafiist support and the growing unpopularity of the govern-
ment helped the PAL to expand rapidly. It elected three senators:Jaime Larrain, Carlos Ibanez and Alberto del Pedregal, and 14
deputies, winning 38,742 votes, 8.3 per cent of the votes cast. At
least 3 of the 14 deputies belonging to the PAL were former
members of the MNSCH.47
At the time of the presidential elections of 1952, the supporters
of Jaime Larrain left the Partido Agrario Laborista to support the
candidate of the right. A majority of the party, however, decided
to support Carlos Ibanez, who would be the victorious candidate.As a result, the PAL became the majority party in national politics
after the elections of March 1953, in which it won seats for 3
senators and 26 deputies - 117,185 votes, 15.43 per cent of the
total cast."
In addition to these party manifestations associated with unar-
ticulated Chilean nazism, there were certain publications which
followed the same ideological tendencies as the former MNSCH,
of which the most important was La Nueva Edad, edited byMiguel
Serrano, who publicly supported German nazism."
The management of the PAL was strongly influenced by
elements that had previously belonged to the MNSCH. Among
these were figures such as the Deputies Javier Lira Merino, Sergio
Recabarren Valenzuela, Jose Foncea Aedo and Alfredo Leo-Plaza
Saenz and the party officials Carlos Montero S.,Orlando Latorre
G. and Pedro Foncea Aedo, among others. The pro-nazi sector
of the PAL called itself the 'Bandera Negra' (Black Flag) in
remembrance of the MNSCH, and had the intention of bringingup to date the mystical nationalism of the years 1932-8. Neverthe-
less, the party began to lose strength and influence, first gradually
and then more rapidly, the result of the heterogeneity of its compo-
nents. Its excessive appetite for government jobs and the corrosive
action of the personality cult associated with Ibanez would ulti-
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594 Journal of Contemporary History
mately divide the party into antagonistic factions. The campaign
before the 1958 presidential elections sparked the party's crisis, as
party militants participated in the four rival presidential candi-
datures," In a final attempt to keep the party alive, the greater
part of these groups reunited in the Partido Nacional Popular at
the end of 1958.
During the 1960s there occurred the most serious and pictur-
esque attempts to organize a 'nazi' party. In 1964, a language
teacher, Franz Pfeiffer, organized the Partido Nacional Socialista
Obrero de Chile (PNSOCH), of which he proclaimed himself
commander. This party would merely be a servile imitation of theGerman original: symbols, programmes, uniforms and ceremonies
were copied exactly from the German NSDAP. It attracted pub-
licity by its uniforms," drawing graffiti on walls, or by such pictur-
esque actions as the organization of a beauty contest to choose
'Miss Nazi." The extravagance of this group even reached the
extreme of trying to organize a Chilean branch of the Ku Klux
Klan.
The electoral participation of the PNSOCH was limited to themunicipal elections of 1963 and the presidential elections of 1964.
In the former, its candidate for the first district of Santiago in the
list of the Partido Dernocratico Nacional was Renan Valdes Von
Benewitz, ex-nacista, who received few votes. In the presidential
elections, Pfeiffer nominated as his candidate the ex-general Hora-
cio Gamboa Nunez, who accepted." This party was disbanded in
1970, when Franz Pfeiffer resigned as its president, explaining in a
public declaration his motives for doing SO.S4
In the last few years a number of groups have appeared whichhave tried to revive 'el nacismo', especially that represented by
the MNSCH. Having few adherents and carrying little weight
among the different social classes, their actions are limited to
drawing graffiti on walls and nostalgic ceremonies. 55
The most important of these groups is under the influence of the
writer and ex-diplomat Miguel Serrano Fernandez, who describes
himself as the 'mentor' of the Chilean national socialists. The
postulates of Serrano, of 'Hitlerism', as he defines it,56and whichhe terms a 'religion', are a mixture of idealism and philosophical
fantasy. Among his ideas we can identify anti-capitalism, anti-
communism, opposition to liberal democracy, racism, anti-semi-
tism? and a totalitarian conception of society and the state.
As regards the Chilean military government, the nazis criticized
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 595
its management of the country, and even accused it of acting
against their interests. They claimed that it introduced 'confusion'
among possible sympathizers of their movement, since it might
make possible supporters think that the nazis represented the
same ideas as the military government, a situation they maintained
was not true.
The most virulent national socialist criticism was directed
against the economic policy of General Pinochet and the team
which advised him in these matters.58 In the institutional area, the
nazis termed the eighth article of the constitution of 1980,which
outlawed totalitarian doctrines, a 'very bad joke'. According tothem, this could be arbitrarily directed against those who were
considered to be political enemies at any particular moment. For
Serrano, it was difficult to understand that nazism could be
included in the group of political ideologieswhichmade up fascism
and communism, which were excluded from the political system
after they were considered totalitarian." In this sense, the Chilean
nazis declare themselves to be anti-democratic, although they
accept elections when they involve selecting the best from amongthose who make up a 'unitary party'.
Due to the eighth article and as a result of a pamphlet which
falsified the names of supporters and in which 'a reorganization
of the Partido Nacional Socialista Obrero de Chile' was called
for, ex-commander Franz Pfeiffer was placed under preventive
detention in January 1984.
According to the version given by the ex-Jefe, various national
socialist sympathizers who recognized his leadership, during a
congress of the Nazi Youth of Chile in the southern city of Concep-
cion between 26 and 30 December 1983, issued a joint com-
munique, calling for the reorganization of the PNSOCH.60
Pfeiffer's manoeuvre was intended to take advantage of the con-
gress of young nazis and to capitalize on the moment of political
confusion that existed after the first protests against the military
government since its establishment ten years before.
We have presented an outline of the Chilean national socialist
phenomenon as embodied in the Movimiento Nacional Socialista
de Chile. From what has been said, we can draw certain con-
clusions, which will help us to explain the characteristics of this
native-born version of nazism.
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596 Journal of Contemporary History
The Movimiento Nacional Socialista was created in 1932under
the influence of two stimuli: the example of the German model
whichwas at the zenith of its popularity and on the point of taking
power, it also formed part of the civilian reaction of the period.
The MNSCH questioned the weakness of the government of Mon-
tero Rodriguez and the uncontrolled anarchism of the leftists and
those groups which supported individual leaders. Itpostulated, on
the other hand, the creation of an authoritarian state, strong and
integral which would restore to Chile its historical role."
Despite this, both Jorge Gonzalez and certain scholars who are
sympathetic to his actions emphasize the Chilean character of 'elnacismo', denying that it was influenced by the NSDAP. It should
be pointed out that General Francisco Javier Diaz, who had
received advanced military training in Germany, knowing of the
political interests of Jorge Gonzalez, invited himand Carlos Keller
to tea at his house in order to encourage them to create in Chile
a national socialistmovement similar to the German one, based on
the party programme of Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party. Jorge Gonzalez
informed General Diaz that there was already in formation amovement that, although 'it was inspired by the nazi and fascist
currents fashionable at the moment', was intended to be com-
pletely Chilean, with a nationalistic programme based on the con-
cepts of government of Diego Portales.'?
Whenever the topic was mentioned, the 'nacistas' roundly
denied their relationship with fascism and especially with nazism,
even managing to deny the influence that these groups had on
their movement. When organizing the movement, Jorge Gonzalez
had affirmed exactly the opposite, assuming a much more credible
and true position.v' It is evident that fascism and principally
nazism, after it took power, had a strong influence on the MNSCH.
This starts with the name nacismo, identical to the German
'nazism' and its leadership by a Fuhrer - Jete, both words having
the same meaning in their respective languages. Then there were
the uniform of brown shirts with cap, tie, diagonal sash and belt,
the displaying of flags - although in Chile there was not such a
wide variety - emblazoning a red bolt of lightning (a symbolused by the SS); the Roman salute, with the arm held upright at
an angle of 45° and the difficult salute of the Jete with the arm
doubled at an angle and the palm of the hand facing forward
which was copied directly from that of the Fuhrer. Many of the
entities that made up the organization were the same as or similar
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Etchepare and Stewart:Nazism in Chile 597
to those of its homonym: the nacista assault troops, the TNA,
whose role was to protect the Jete, nacista meetings and the sale
of publications, and to spread nacista propaganda. In German
nazism, this organization was known as the SA (Sturmabteilung
= storm troops). The Chilean equivalent eventually even had the
same anthem as Hitler's SA, the Horst Wessel song."
As regards anti-semitism, although Gonzalez von Marees denied
its existence, except in relation to those Jews who supposedly had
plans of racial imperialism, we only need to mention an old poster
of the MNSCH which said 'Nacismo means the liberation of Chile
from the economic yoke of international Judaism'; also, on 23March 1936, Jorge Gonzalez von Marees signed an editorial in the
newspaper Trabajo entitled 'At the mercy of Jewish imperialism'.
Finally, we can define the MNSCH as a particular type of fascism
inserted within this influential movement that was characteristic
of the period between the two world wars, but was influenced
by national realities. As the spokesman of the movement, Jorge
Gonzalez said: 'It is my duty to act in accordance with our previous
activities. We have said many times that we have the fascist spirit.Nevertheless, within the Chilean reality, within the evolution of
the events.'" In effect, for the MNSCH there existed a universal
fascist spirit and the realization of that spirit was something essen-
tially national, which concerned each country where it appeared.
When the constitution of 1925 was reactivated with the so-called
'Civil Restoration' of Arturo Alessandri Palma," the possibilities
of the growth and triumph of nazism weakened; it became a
brawling and isolated political force, whose principal source of
recruits came from the young members of the urban lower-middle
class, without any possibility of reaching power through electoral
means."
The MNSCH, from its beginnings, always displayed a marked
hostility towards the liberal and conservative parties of the right;
in addition, it showed itself to be a strong critic of the aristocratic
and plutocratic groups, which, according to the nazis, controlled
national life and to which it attributed responsibility for the misery
of the lower classes and the decadence of the country. This virulentantagonism towards the conservative forces, together with the lack
of any considerable support in the Catholic church and the army,
would be one of the decisive causes of the failure of Chileannational socialism."
The right-wing sectors felt they had a sufficient guarantee in
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598 Journal of Contemporary History
President Arturo Alessandri, the basis of whose government was
formed by the Liberal and Conservative parties. As a complement
to the 'iron hand' which Alessandri used between 1932 and 1936,
the right also relied on the support of the Milicia Republicana,
whose armed strength and incontestable support of the govern-
ment assured them an efficient response to any attempt to repeat
the instability of the years 1931-2. In this context, 'el nacismo'
appeared as a disturbing element in the institutional model that
these dominant sectors were interested in developing, especially
from 1937 on. This was the date when the MNSCH, under the
absolute control of Jorge Gonzalez von Marees, began to identify
itself with the Chilean left in the lower chamber of the parliament.
Finally, 'el nacismo' would come into conflict again with the right
when it rejected the monopoly of the Conservative Party over the
Catholic vote.
Its evolution towards the left and its later transformation into
the Vanguardia Popular Socialista (VPS) would mark the start
of the decadence and disintegration of nazism. An important
sector, in which was found the ideologist of the party, CarlosKeller Rueff, rejected this transformation and tried to create other
nationalist organizations, which would preserve the essential
characteristics of the movement.
- The VPS did not have the military mysticism or the purely
revolutionary aims of nazism. Rather, it was a political movement
with purely opportunistic aims'" that rapidly lost strength until its
demise in 1942. To a great extent, the final collapse of the VPS
was due to the preposterous and picturesque political conduct of
the Jete, Jorge Gonzalez von Marees."
Despite its extinction as a party, the ideals of the MNSCH were
partially incorporated into the programme of later parties which
suffered different fates. Among these were the Movimiento
Nacionalista de Chile, the Partido Agrario Laborista, the Partido
Nacional Agrario, the Acci6n Nacional and the Partido Nacional,
which later had an influence on the development of home-grown
nationalism.
The leaders and members of the MNSCH dispersed in all direc-tions within national politics. The ex-nazis reached distinguished
positions in the various parties and groups in which they later
participated. We need only mention Jorge Gonzalez von Marees,
Secretary-General of the Liberal Party, afterwards a supporter of
the candidature of Eduardo Frei Montalva in 1958; Jorge Jimenez
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Etchepare and Stewart:Nazism in Chile 599
Pinochet, Minister of Health in the Unidad Popular Government;
Rene Silva Espejo, director of the EI Mercurio newspaper ofSantiago; Luis Undurraga Correa, a liberal, then a national deputy;
Jose Foncea Aedo, a Christian Democrat senator; Javier Lira
Merino, a Christian Democrat ambassador."
Of the MNSCH, no traces remain today. Many attempts in the
decades after 1941 to revive it under different labels all failed.
Today there are only small romantic groups of an esoteric charac-
ter such as that led by the writer and ex-ambassador to India,
Miguel Serrano, whose importance is minimal. It is necessary to
emphasize that these small groups are inspired by Germannational socialism and not by its vanished Chilean version.
Notes
1. For the differences from the classic British systemwhich inspired it, see JaimeEtchepare and Victor Garcia, 'EI parlamentarismo a la chilena', Revista Atenea,
457, 1 (1988), 192-203.
2. For example, the situation of the working classes and the deterioration of the
public finances due to the nitrate crisis after the first world war.
3. Arturo Alessandri's reformist government (1920-5) did not manage to fulfil
the expectations that it had aroused when it came to power. This was due princi-
pally to a lack of discipline in the political parties that made up the Alianza
Liberal, and the nitrate crisis.
4. On 5 September 1924, young army officers in Santiago carried out a coup
d'etat, demanding political reforms. Again, on 23 January 1925, a new militarymovement seized power because of the move to the right of the government that
had emerged from the previous military coup.
5. The results of the plebiscite called by the government to approve its proposed
constitution were the following: registered voters: 303,608 (only literate men, over
21 years old, who were registered in the electoral roll, could vote); in favour:
127,483; against: 5,448; blank votes: 6,690; absentions: 171,687.
6. The Minister of the Interior, Carlos Ibanez del Campo, demanded that the
President of the Supreme Court, Javier Angel Figueroa Larrain, the brother of
the President of the Republic, be dismissed from office.
7. Since 1924, Carlos Ibanez del Campo had become a leader among the youngofficers of the army. He led the so-called Military Committee. He wasAlessandri's
Minister of War and forced him to resign. He had a great influence in politics from
then on until his government fell on 26 July 1931.
8. The results were as follows:Carlos Ibanez del Campo, 223,441 (98.0 per cent);
blank and void, 4,631 (2.9 per cent); voters, 228,372 (100 per cent); abstentions,
73,770 (24.0 per cent); voters registered, 302,142.
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600 Journal of Contemporary History
9. Examples: radicals: Juan Antonio Rios, Pablo Ramirez, Enrique Oyarzun;
conservatives: Arturo Lyon Pefia, Francisco Urrejola Menchaca, Joaquin Ech-
enique; democrats: Humberto Martinez, Fidel Munoz, Fidel Estay, and so on.10. Itwas characterized by instability in its governments-coups d'etat, cuartela-
zos (forcible occupations of military installations), and the appearance of new
political tendencies. This process was similar to that which took place between
1827 and 1829,from which it drew its name.
11. The 'historical parties' are those political movements that emerged during
the nineteenth century: the Liberal, Conservative, National, Radical and Demo-
cratic parties.
12. SergioMiranda Carrington, Homenaje a los veinte anos del Nacismo chileno,
5 de Septiembre 1938,5 de Septiembre de 1958 (Santiago 1958).
13. E.g., the attack on the 'Esmeralda' Regiment in Copiapo, a rebelIiion inVallenar and the mutiny of the fleet which was anchored off Coquimbo.
14. Jorge Gonzalez, leader of el nacismo, was responsible for the course of the
movement, as it was indissolubly linked with his person. He organized it in 1932,
moved it to the left in 1937,was mainly responsible for the failed coup d'etat of 5
September 1938, supported the Popular Front candidate in October of that year,
was responsible for its later transformation into the Vanguardia Popular Socialista,
and was an important cause of its extinction due to his violent, erratic and irrespon-
sible behaviour.
15. They were: (a) the Secretary-General; (b) the Finance and Treasury Section;
(c) the Press and Propaganda Section; (d) the Studies and Research Section; (e)the Social Services; (f) the Electoral Commission.
16. The Provincial Commissioners nominated the Departmental Commissioners
who nominated the Communal Commissioners; they were appointed for an indefi-
nite period, but could be removed from office by the authority which had nomi-
nated them.
17. This authority was very similar to the one that the Fascist Grand Council
finally used to remove the 'Duce '. Its first members were Ramon Valdivieso,
Roberto Vergara, Francisco Infante Casanueva, Eduardo Undurraga Alemparte,
Fernanado Ortuzar Vial and Baeza Gofii,
18. In their respective centres of economic activity, the nazis were grouped incells.
19. The professional nuclei were supposed to: (a) study the problems of regional
and national interest, give conferences and publish papers on them; (b) organize
public meetings to make known the ideals of the movement; (c) maintain libraries
and popular schools, dispensaries, sports centres, and so on; (d) maintain co-
operative and friendly societies.
20. This was made up of nazis who carried out voluntary work and physical
exercises, preparing themselves for the society of the future.
21. This group had a peculiar name: the blood-donors.
22. 'Once the Council had made that decision (three-quarters of the members
of the Council had to vote in favour of it), the Leader could then dismiss the
Council and immediately call for the nomination of new members to it. If the
new Council confirmed his removal, the Leader had to obey and the Council
would then appoint the new Leader.' El Imparcial, 2 November 1932.
23. The Guilds would be determined by the Leader of each Professional Nucleus.
24. 'According to what has been said by the Leader, el nacismo does not accept
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Etchepare and Stewart: Nazism in Chile 601
that racial conflicts should be brought to Chile, as these would cause irreparable
harm to our nationality. Both as a principle as well as for convenience sake, the
access to our territory should be wide open to all foreigners who wish to establish
themselves here, with the only condition that they should be honourable elements,
willingto co-operate honourably and efficiently in the process of national progress.'
Editorial, 'Posicion del Nacismo en materia racial', Trabajo, 27 January 1938.
25. 'The present division of the state into three independent powers is fictitious
and weakens the working of the public authority to the point that it is paralyzed.
The constitutional conflict came from the claim to conciliate the activity of two
different powers both claiming to represent the popular will. The MNSCH will
add the legislative faculty to the president's powers, which he would exercise
through a council representing the different national activities. The judicial power
is also under the control of the President of the Republic, as regards the functionalconduct of its members.'
26. Acci6n Chilena, 11,7 (August 1934), 248.
27. 'Our movement is not a political party. We abominate political parties and
declare their existence to be pernicious ... , we will destroy and eliminate the
political parties which are, in general, groups of petty politicians, industrialists of
the constitution, merchants of liberty and commercial exploiters of the purest and
most noble ideals of the citizenry.'
28. Trabajo, 15 January 1937. Radio broadcast of Jorge Gonzalez von Marees
commenting on the Senate's approval of the proposed Internal State Security Law.
29. 'Annihilate Marxism, which is extending itself harmfully throughout theworking masses now left to their miseries. this is another slogan of ours which we
are determined to carry out without hesitation. Our country will once again feel
flowing through its veins the noble throbbing of its glorious Chilean blood instead
of the tendentious international communist propaganda, which intends to destroy
the primordial bases of our Western culture. It will know how to recognize and
take its place in the army of peace, discipline, work and social solidarity that will
bring about the greatness of Chile.'
30. Carlos Keller, La eterna crisis chilena (Santiago 1931),40.
31. 'What nazism intends is that religion should abandon active politics com-
pletely. The role of the Church is essentially spiritual. a field within which theState should permit it ample liberty.'
32. 'Jorge Gonzalez', Revista Que Pasa, no. 115, 28 June 1973,42.
33. Jose Sanchez, 'Mision del fascismo en Chile', Acci6n Chilena, 29 March
1934.
34. Chamber of Deputies. Boletin de Sesiones Ordinarias, I (1938), 108.
35. 'If they close the legal routes to us, we will not hesitate to use any means
available no matter how hard they may be, so as to obtain the triumph of our
ideals. In that case, we willnot be held responsible for what may happen.' Editorial,
'Advertencia necesaria', Trabajo, 9 January 1937.
36. Contrary to the figure given by Jean Pierre Blancpain in Les allemands auChili 1816--1945,the MNSCH obtained 14,235 votes and not 18,150. Also, its
electoral peak was reached in April 1938 and not in March 1937.The latter was
only its peak in the parliamentary elections.
37. The Union Socialista, whose most important leader was Ricardo Latcham
Alfaro, had withdrawn from the Partido Socialista so as to be able to support the
presidential candidature of General Ibanez.
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602 Journal of Contemporary History
38. Carlos Ibanez withdrew his candidature and informed his supporters that
they were free to act as they saw fit, while the nazi leader, from jail, called on his
followers to support Pedro Aguirre Cerda.
39. In order to obtain a complete picture of the transformation of the MNSCH
into the VPS, see the work of Mario Valdes Urrutia, 'La transformaci6n del
Movimiento Nacional Socialista de Chile en Vanguardia Popular Socialista y su
accionar politico durante el Gobierno del Frente Popular, 1938-1941', a paper
presented at the VII Jornadas de Historia de Chile, Universidad de Talca, Talca,
November 1987.
40. This transformation was made official during the Second General Congress
of the Nascismo, which took place in January 1939.Those who supported the idea
that the old nationalist and anti-Marxist positions should bemaintained confronted
the supporters of the new positions which the Jete now held.41. The Minister of the Interior obtained from the Director of the Medical
Service an arrest order which ordered Jorge Gonzalez to undergo a psychiatric
examination, in accordance with the Public Health Code. After an exchange of
shots, he was taken to the psychiatric hosptial. The Supreme Court later ordered
him to be freed and ruled that the psychiatric examination should not take place.
42. Notable was the controversy about the compatibility or incompatibility of
being a mason and a member of the party. See Anuario Departamento de Historia,
Universidad Metropolitana de Ciencias de la Educaci6n, Santiago, 1986.Interview
with Guillermo Izquierdo Araya.
43. Guillermo Izquierdo Araya, op. cit.44. Uni6n Nacional Revolucionaria Corporativista, UNARCO, directed byHed-
ilberto Bizama Merino. Partido Nacionalista de Chile. Also led by Bizama. Legion
Nacional Funcionalista of Jose Valdes, and so on.
45. Speech by Jaime Larrain, president of the PAL. El Mercurio de Santiago, 10
October 1949,45 and 47.
46. The figures are those of the electoral registry.
47. Javier Lira Merino, Santiago, Ist electoral district; Arnaldo Rodriguez Lazo,
Santiago, 2nd electoral district; Alfred Leo-Plaza Saez, Valdivia.
48. Results provided by the national electoral registry.
49. This journal was published for slightlymore than two years, and containedarticles that were aggressive and mystical-fantastical.
50. A majority of the party, its leaders and parliamentarians supported Eduardo
Frei. A large sector calling itself the 'Partido Agrario Laborista Recuperacionista',
led by Senator Jose Garcia Gonzalez, 9th provincial district, and the deputies
Miranda M. Carlos, O'Higgins, and Hardy Momberg Roa, Cautin, were with
Arturo Alessandri. Supporting Salvador Allende Gossens were the senator for the
6th electoral district, Rafael Tarud, and the deputy, Alfonso David Lab6n. Luis
Bossey Leiva was supported by the deputy for Valparaiso and Quillota, Joaquin
Muraro. The ex-Jete, Jorge Gonzalez, now the Director-General of the Liberal
Party, backed Eduardo Frei.51. At the beginning of the movement, its members marched in uniform, with
swastika armbands, through the streets of the port city of Valparaiso, causing
incidents with counter-demonstrators.
52. The contest was evidently organized for publicity purposes. The winner was
Delia Wahn who posed in a bikini and a swastika for well-known magazines of
the period.
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Etchepare and Stewart: Nazism in Chile 603
53. Horacio Gamboa Nunez had been the martial law commander in Santiago
in April 1957 during the government of Carlos Ibanez when there were demon-
strations in which a number of demonstrators were killed. During the governmentof Eduardo Frei he was arrested as a conspirator, when an attempted coup d'etat
was discovered.
54. In it he indicated: 'During five years I suffered persecution, insults and
misery because I had devoted myself completely to the national socialist ideal. I
was ignored by my comrades in the struggle at the time of our great successes,
and blamed and insulted for our defeats. This ended in tricks and open betrayal
originating in the fatal personal ambitions of individuals suffering from complexes
due to their absolute insignificancein the society of today, and inpolitical adventur-
ism in the case of others .... As there are some persons who intend to make
use of the dissolved organization and my personal ascendancy over innumerablecomrades, I have considered it necessary to make the present declaration, so that
nobody will be drawn into political adventures in which they will suffer easily
foreseeable consequences' (El Mercurio, 20 January 1970, 7).
55. Among their most important public ceremonies we can mention the homage
rendered to Walter Rauff during his funeral and a tribute paid to Rudolf Hess at
the time of his death which took place in the General Cemetery of Santiago. 'In
this demonstration around 150 persons dressed in black uniforms and arm bands
with swastikas gathered around the obelisk which commemorates the young Chi-
lean national socialists who died on 5 September 1938 in the Workers' Insurance
Building. German veterans of the second world war, a few young men and women,effectively gave the nazi salute various times in front of a stage with the imperial
eagle of the Third Reich, and three flags: one with the swastika, another with the
symbol of the German secret police, and another with the Chilean national symbol'
iRevista Andlisis, no. 202,November 1987,32).
56. 'The concept of the world represented by "Hitlerism" can be synthesized as
"national socialism". We are neither international socialists, nor Marxists, nor are
we capitalists.We are neither with the bourgeoisie or with the economic liberalism,
nor are we with international socialism, that is,Marxism' (Revista Analisis, no. 202,
November 1987, 32).
57. The principal enemy of Chile, according to Serrano, continues to be theJews,who control communism and world economic imperialism. Thus he accuses
international Judaism of trying to establish in the Argentine-Chilean Patagonia a
great Jewish state, with its capital at Viedma.
58. 'The true Chilean national socialists cannot support the system of super-
capitalism which has been established in Chile during the last fourteen years.'
59. 'All ideologies, every philosophical system is totalitarian. Is not Catholicism
totalitarian, because it tries to deliver a total and global vision of the world?'
60. .... due to the grave crisis which hangs over the nation, due to the failure
of the economic policy, the increase in terrorism and the demagogy of the oppo-
sition, we have decided to proceed with the unification of national socialism inone great movement'.
61. These ideas were clearly expressed in the page dedicated to nazism of El
Imparcial, 1932.
62. Rodrigo Allende Gonzalez, 'El Jefe' (Santiago 1990),48-9.
63. 'I do not deny it. We consider that fascism, in its fundamental ideas, is not
only an Italian movement but a world one. It represents the spontaneous and
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604 Journal of Contemporary History
natural reaction of the peoples against the political decomposition produced by
the liberal-democratic state. It represents the triumph of the "Great Politics", that
is, of politics directed by the few superior men of each generation over themediocrity,which constitutes the characteristic feature of liberalism. It also signifies
the predominance of the blood and the race over economic materialism and
internationalism. In this sense we are fascists, without this meaning, in any way,
that we intend to copy Italian fascism or German Hitlerism. Our movement is
characterized by its essentially nationalistic tendency.' Cited by Julio Cesar Jobet,
Ensayo Critico del Desarollo Econ6mico-social de Chile (Santiago 1951), 187.
64. Alliende Gonzalez, op.cit., 55"'{).
65. 'EI nacionalsocialismo ante el fascismo universal', Trabajo, 25 November
1938.
66. The second government ofArturo Alessandri Palma (1932-8) re-establishedinstitutional normality, which had been non-existent since the overthrow of the
constitutional government of Juan Esteban Montero (4 June 1932) by the socialist
and other groups supporting individual leaders.
67. The MNSCH never managed to elect representatives in the rural areas. The
only three deputies that it ever had were for the three departments of the country
which elected the largest number of deputies: Valparaiso and Quillota, the First
District of Santiago and Cautin.
68. Italy and Germany provide a clear example of how important the support
of these groups was for the victory of fascist movements.
69. The VPS initially supported the Popular Front government, then it joinedthe right in the parliamentary elections of 1941.
70. Jorge Gonzalez von Marees joined the Liberal Party, eventually becoming
its Secretary-General, and an assiduous mingIer socially with Arturo Alessandri
Palma, the man who was responsible for the executions carried out in the Workers'
Insurance Building.
71. There are few doubts that the greater part of the ex-nazis who were politi-
cally active joined the Christian Democrats. According to certain commentators,
the tactics and methods used by this party were influenced by the nazi-fascist
methods: the spectacularity of its meetings and parades, its youth organization,
and so forth. Conceptually, its ideas of popular promotion, the party hegemony andits monopoly on power when in government and the idea of the 'new era' are all
closely linked with those movements. This was emphasized by Hugo Rosende
Subiare, a Conservative Party candidate for the Senate, during the 1965 elections.
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Etchepareand Stewart:Nazism in Chile 605
Jaime Antonio Etchepare
is a Professor of History at the Universityof Concepcion, Chile. He is the author of
numerous articles and books on Chilean
and European political history.
Hamish I. Stewart
is an Associate Professor at the University
of Playa Ancha, Valparaiso. He has
published widely in the areas of
international history, especially the
period 1919-45, and British and North
American Studies, and Voyages of
Exploration.