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Natural Language Engineering 1 (1): 1–??. Printed in the United Kingdom c 2016 Cambridge University Press 1 Natural Language Processing in Mental Health applications using non-clinical texts RAFAEL A. CALVO 1 DAVID N. MILNE 1 SAZZAD M. HUSSAIN 1,2 and HELEN CHRISTENSEN 3 1 School of Electrical and Information Engineering, The University of Sydney, Australia email: [email protected] 2 Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, CSIRO, Australia 3 Black Dog Institute, University of New South Wales, Australia ( Received 20 March 1995; revised 30 September 1998 ) Abstract Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques can be used to make inferences about peoples’ mental states from what they write on Facebook, Twitter and other social media. These inferences can then be used to create online pathways to direct people to health information and assistance and also to generate personalized interventions. Regrettably, the computational methods used to collect, process and utilise online writing data, as well as the evaluations of these techniques, are still dispersed in the literature. This paper provides a taxonomy of data sources and techniques that have been used for mental health support and intervention. Specifically, we review how social media and other data sources have been used to detect emotions and identify people who may be in need of psychological assistance; the computational techniques used in labeling and diagnosis; and finally, we discuss ways to generate and personalize mental health interventions. The overarching aim of this scoping review is to highlight areas of research where NLP has been applied in the mental health literature and to help develop a common language that draws together the fields of mental health, human-computer interaction and natural language processing. 1 Introduction People write to communicate with others. In addition to describing simple factual information, people also use writing to express their activities, and convey their feelings, mental states, hopes and desires. Recipients then use this written informa- tion from emails and other forms of social media texts to make inferences, such as what someone else is feeling, which in turn influences interpersonal communication. Even when writing is shaped by the way someone wants to be perceived, this text still provides important cues to help friends and family recognise important life events for them to respond to with support and encouragement. When people write digitally (e.g. on email or social media), their texts are pro- cessed automatically. Natural language processing (NLP) techniques make infer- ences about what people say and feel, and these inferences can trigger messages

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Page 1: Natural Language Processing in Mental Health applications ...€¦ · Natural Language Processing in Mental Health applications using non-clinical texts ... within the arti cial intelligence

Natural Language Engineering 1 (1): 1–??. Printed in the United Kingdom

c© 2016 Cambridge University Press

1

Natural Language Processing in Mental Healthapplications using non-clinical texts

R A F A E L A. C A L V O1 D A V I D N. M I L N E1

S A Z Z A D M. H U S S A I N1,2 and H E L E N C H R I S T E N S E N3

1 School of Electrical and Information Engineering, The University of Sydney, Australia

email: [email protected]

2 Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, CSIRO, Australia

3 Black Dog Institute, University of New South Wales, Australia

( Received 20 March 1995; revised 30 September 1998 )

Abstract

Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques can be used to make inferences aboutpeoples’ mental states from what they write on Facebook, Twitter and other social media.These inferences can then be used to create online pathways to direct people to healthinformation and assistance and also to generate personalized interventions. Regrettably,the computational methods used to collect, process and utilise online writing data, aswell as the evaluations of these techniques, are still dispersed in the literature. This paperprovides a taxonomy of data sources and techniques that have been used for mental healthsupport and intervention. Specifically, we review how social media and other data sourceshave been used to detect emotions and identify people who may be in need of psychologicalassistance; the computational techniques used in labeling and diagnosis; and finally, wediscuss ways to generate and personalize mental health interventions. The overarching aimof this scoping review is to highlight areas of research where NLP has been applied in themental health literature and to help develop a common language that draws together thefields of mental health, human-computer interaction and natural language processing.

1 Introduction

People write to communicate with others. In addition to describing simple factual

information, people also use writing to express their activities, and convey their

feelings, mental states, hopes and desires. Recipients then use this written informa-

tion from emails and other forms of social media texts to make inferences, such as

what someone else is feeling, which in turn influences interpersonal communication.

Even when writing is shaped by the way someone wants to be perceived, this text

still provides important cues to help friends and family recognise important life

events for them to respond to with support and encouragement.

When people write digitally (e.g. on email or social media), their texts are pro-

cessed automatically. Natural language processing (NLP) techniques make infer-

ences about what people say and feel, and these inferences can trigger messages

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2 Calvo et al.

or other actions. One of the most common uses of NLP is in the marketing sector

where companies analyse emails and social media to generate targeted advertis-

ing and other forms of ‘interventions’ (generally aimed at changing our behaviour

towards buying something or following a link).

However, potential applications of NLP techniques extend beyond marketing.

For example, NLP techniques have been identified as an important area of growth

within the artificial intelligence in medicine community (Peek, Combi, Marin, and

Bellazzi, 2015). In this paper we discuss the potential for NLP techniques to be

utilised in the mental health sector. Mental health applications are designed to

support mental health and wellbeing in an online environment. These applications

are reliant on interdisciplinary collaboration between researchers and practition-

ers from areas such as computational linguistics, human-computer interaction and

mental health (and mental health service delivery). Interdisciplinary collaborations

benefit from the development of a common language and body of research evidence

(Calvo, Dinakar, Picard, and Maes, 2016). Regrettably, there is a paucity of or-

ganised literature at this intersection between NLP, Human-Computer Interaction

and mental health research. This paper aims to help researchers in these areas en-

vision and work towards new mental health applications. The paper is structured

as follows:

• Section 2 provides a brief explanation of the methodology used to identify

relevant literature, and the inclusion and exclusion procedures applied to this

scoping study.

• Section 3 describes the types of textual data that has been the focus of re-

search to date. In this section the different data sources (ranging from lengthy

diaries to brief tweets), and existing datasets that have been gathered and an-

notated (with moods, suicidal intent, etc.) using NLP are discussed.

• Section 4 describes the techniques that researchers have applied to make in-

ferences or generate diagnoses about the emotional state or mental health of

the authors of these texts. This work draws widely upon text classification

and NLP.

• Section 5 identifies the different types of automated interventions for sup-

porting mental health. These range from simple canned (i.e. the same for

all users) interventions to personalised interventions. Where possible, we de-

scribe the specific studies in order to evaluate the reported efficacy of these

interventions.

We conclude this section with a discussion of the gaps in the literature and future

opportunities in this research domain.

2 Methods and Overview

Systematic reviews such as those published by the Cochrane Collaboration require

an understanding of the existing literature and its gaps and involves a process that

investigates a research question and develops and applies a framework for exploring

a question utilising existing literature (Armstrong, Hall, Doyle, and Waters, 2011).

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NLP in Mental Health applications 3

When an area is complex, very broad, or has not been reviewed before, a scoping

review that maps the key concepts maybe more appropriate. Here, we aim to answer

the following question: What Natural Language Technologies have been used with

user generated data in the area of mental health? The multidisciplinary nature of

this question, and the differences in terminology used across disciplines, means a

systematic review methodology is not practical.

In the period between August 2014 and May 2015, the authors performed multiple

searches using Google Scholar. Relevant research published after this period was

added during the reviewing process. Google Scholar was chosen because it indexes

journals, conferences and patent documents. Conference papers and patents are

particularly important sources because a significant amount of the research in NLP

and computer science is not published in journals, which is the standard in the

mental health domain.

As is common in scoping reviews and when the review covers several research

fields a definite set of search terms was not used. We performed multiple iterations

of widening search terms and then identified and selected important and recurrent

themes. In the first iteration approximately 50 papers were identified. From this

literature, three stages of research reporting emerged: Data, Labeling and Interven-

tion. Inclusion criteria for each of these stages involved:

• In Data, we focus exclusively on textual data (as opposed to physiological

signals, activity, etc.) that has been analyzed for mental health applications.

We also focus on texts that have been written by users (e.g. mostly consumers,

occasionally patients) rather than doctors or researchers. There is a significant

amount of research focused on using NLP to process clinical notes, medical

records, and academic research papers, but they do not contribute to the

focus of this review (user generated texts) - for a review see (Abbe, Grouin,

Zweigenbaum, and Falissard, 2015). Initial search terms included the name

of data sources often used in NLP projects (Twitter, Facebook, etc) AND

Mental Health AND Natural Language Processing (written as facebook +

“mental health” + “natural language processing”). Google Scholar generally

sorts papers by the number of citations so papers with few or no citations

might have been missed. Links were followed and if found appropriate added

to a database. We run searches for (Facebook OR Twitter) AND (Mental

Health) AND (Natural Language Processing) in PubMed, but did not get

any results. The search for Mental Health AND Natural Language Processing

gave 35 results. The references in highly relevant papers were scanned for title

and authors that seemed relevant. This process was followed for each of the

three areas (i.e. stages) by one of the authors. In later iterations all authors

were involved.

• In Automated Labeling, we focus on applications of NLP to the textual data

collected in the previous section. We searched for papers that used the differ-

ent components of a classification system: feature extraction, feature selection

and classification and mental health and NLP. There is an extensive machine

learning literature on document classification techniques that has been re-

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4 Calvo et al.

viewed previously (Kotsiantis, 2007; Sebastiani, 2002). For the purposes of

this review, only those studies that included a mental health application were

considered within the scope of the present discussion.

• In Intervention, we considered studies that showed ways in which NLP could

be used in computer interventions to support mental health. Hypothetical

uses of NLP in psycho-education are discussed but we excluded those psycho-

education interventions where texts or multimedia are presented to clients

without personalization or where they did not utilise NLP. Further, while

we have focused on mental health interventions, because of the scarcity of

literature in this area, we extended the scope of the literature search to include

publications from other health areas that highlight novel uses of NLP that

could also be applied as a mental health intervention.

Some resources, such as conference proceedings and literature reviews were useful

to bootstrap our literature search. These include the First Workshop on Compu-

tational Linguistics and Clinical Psychology (Resnik, Resnik, and Mitchell, 2014)

held within the annual meeting of the American Association on Computational

Linguistics, the leading NLP conference. The papers published in the proceedings

from this conference highlight the breath of current topics being considered: depres-

sion, Alzheimer’s, autism, violence and aphasia. For the purposes of this scoping

paper, we have taken a narrower, and standard definition of mental illness: disorders

that affect cognition, mood and behaviours, including depression, anxiety disorders,

eating disorders and addictive behaviours.

The area of affective computing and its literature on emotion detection from

texts was also useful, particularly research (e.g. Calvo and D’Mello 2010; Strappa-

rava and Mihalcea 2014) discussed in Section 4. These literature reviews focus on

the computational aspects and do not generally consider the differences between

data sources or the interventions. Further, although we found several reviews of

eHealth interventions, we have limited this discussion to include only those with

NLP features, such as the one by Barak and Grohol (2011) in Section 5.

2.1 Overview

Table 1 provides an overview of papers that have mined textual data for insights into

the emotional state and mental health of the writer. The first column describes the

objective of each investigation, and is split by whether they relate to individual texts

(e.g. a blog post or tweet), to individual authors (by aggregating the their posts

and any other profile information), or overall populations (i.e. to measure broad

trends over large communities of authors). The table also describes the source of

data used (typically social media, but there are exceptions). Most of the features

considered by researchers and algorithms are based on linguistic analysis of text,

but this is often supplemented by behavioural data (e.g. login times), social data

(e.g. friends and followers) and demographics (e.g. age, gender, location). There

are many different approaches for obtaining ground truth data to supervise and

evaluate; it can be obtained directly from text authors by explicitly asking them

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NLP in Mental Health applications 5

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6 Calvo et al.

to self-diagnose (e.g. by completing a survey), or indirectly from their behaviour

(e.g. by joining a depression support group). Some researchers rely on arduous

manual annotation, while others don’t use ground truth at all, and instead perform

observational studies.

At the text level, Pestian, Matykiewicz, Linn-Gust, South, Uzuner, Wiebe, Co-

hen, Hurdle, and Brew (2012) host a shared task for mining emotions from suicide

notes. Nguyen, Phung, Dao, Venkatesh, and Berk (2014) separate out LiveJournal

posts that discuss depression and related topics. Homan, Johar, Liu, Lytle, Silen-

zio, and Alm (2014) and O’Dea, Wan, Batterham, Calear, Paris, and Christensen

(2015) detect posts containing suicide ideation and distress, and Li, Huang, Hao,

ODea, Christensen, and Zhu (2015) investigate unhelpful, stigmatizing reactions

to suicide on the Chinese social media platform Weibo. Milne, Pink, Hachey, and

Calvo (2016) host a shared task for identifying and prioritizing concerning content

on ReachOut.com’s peer support forum.

At the author level, Sadilek, Homan, Lasecki, Silenzio, and Kautz (2013) measure

temporal changes in mood valence of Twitter users, while Coviello, Sohn, Kramer,

Marlow, Franceschetti, Christakis, and Fowler (2014) and Kramer, Guillory, and

Hancock (2014) investigate how moods spread across social connections in Face-

book. The various works of De Choudhury et al., and the participants of the shared

task hosted by Coppersmith, Dredze, Harman, Hollingshead, and Mitchell (2015)

all attempt to make clinical diagnoses (for depression, post-traumatic stress and

postpartum depression) from social media data. Homan, Lu, Tuurmcrochesteredu,

Lytle, Lytle, Rochester, Silenzio, and Silenzio (2014b) and Masuda, Kurahashi, and

Onari (2013) aim to identify people who are in current distress or are contemplating

suicide.

Most of the population-level studies use rough sentiment analysis to measure

the mood valence (i.e. positive or negative affect) of Twitter and Facebook, and

analyse text features almost exclusively. Golder and Macy (2011) and Dodds, Har-

ris, Kloumann, Bliss, and Danforth (2011) are purely observational, but the oth-

ers check that geographic and temporal variations correlate well against external

statistics. For example, Schwartz, Eichstaedt, Margaret L. Kern, Dziurzynski, Park,

Lakshmikanth, Jha, Seligman, and Ungar (2013) and Larsen, Boonstra, Batterham,

ODea, Paris, and Christensen (2015) compare against surveys of life satisfaction,

De Choudhury, Counts, and Horvitz (2013b) use depression incidence and prescrip-

tion rates for antidepressants, and Mitchell, Frank, Harris, Dodds, and Danforth

(2013) compare against gun violence, wealth, obesity, and several other indexes.

Table 1 also lists the gold standard for each study. The gold standard is the data

set used to compare against. In some cases it is directly self-reported by the text

author (e.g. via a mood diary) or indirectly self-reported via their behavior (e.g.

joining support group for anxiety). In other cases the researchers must perform

manual annotation, or cross-reference the texts with external statistics such as

prescription rates of anti-depressants.

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NLP in Mental Health applications 7

3 Data

This section describes the data sources that researchers have used for NLP, focusing

on texts from which one might infer the author’s mood, or diagnose a mental

health issue. Considering that Tweets, blog and social media posts differ in many

quantitative facts: length of texts, vocabulary used and other features that must be

considered for processing, this section aims to distinguish the types of media used.

Further, different data sources also differ in their reason people write them.

We start with research on datasets not explicitly focused on mental health; studies

that look for emotions and for subtle cues of mental health in general day-to-day

sources such as Twitter (Section 3.1), Facebook (Section 3.2), blogs (Section 3.3),

and other social media (Section 3.4).

In Section 3.5 we discuss a series of studies that used suicide notes as the data

source and describe how they were collected and used to train algorithms that,

for example, detect real from fake ones. Other studies, such as those described

in Section 3.6 have used texts written by people with mental illness seeking help

and recovery, for example, personal diaries and social sharing of their problems. The

benefits of writing for mental health has been recognised in the literature Chung and

Pennebaker (2007); Pennebaker and Chung (2007); Pennebaker et al. (1988), and

many people struggling with depression or anxiety write about their thoughts and

experiences. Some choose to do so in online support groups and forums (described

Section 3.6), making them available for researchers to analyse.

3.1 Twitter

Twitter—one of the most popular social networking or ‘micro-blogging’ sites—

distinguishes itself as a source of textual data by accessibility and sheer volume.

Almost all activity on Twitter is public by default, and its users simply broadcast

their messages to whoever wants to listen. This openness yields a huge source of

data—some 90 million tweets per day—that researchers have been quick to capi-

talize on.

Each tweet is a short 140 character message posted by an individual. Twitter’s

APIs allow for real-time monitoring, so it is possible to track patterns over time with

very low latency. Only a fraction of tweets (<1%) contain geo-location data, but

it is possible to (roughly) locate tweets using information from the poster’s profile.

The patterns of following, replying to and otherwise engaging with accounts forms a

social network of sorts that can be mined in addition to Twitter’s textual, temporal

and geographical features.

Most studies were limited to Twitter’s free APIs, which deliver either a 1% ran-

dom sample (known as the garden hose) or require specific vocabulary of terms and

accounts to be monitored. Twitter’s terms and conditions prohibit redistribution, so

there are no shared datasets and very little replication or direct comparison between

the studies described below. While it is possible for researchers to share Twitter

data without violating these conditions, there remains the question of whether it

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8 Calvo et al.

would be ethical to do so because of difficulties in anonymizing data Horvitz and

Mulligan (2015).

Many studies of Twitter, such as Signorini et al. (2011) and Paul and Dredze

(2011) focus on physical health and disease, and are thus beyond the scope of the

current discussion. Also out of scope are the many other studies, which investigate

feelings and emotions as they pertain to a specific subject (e.g. a product or a

politician). This section focuses on investigations that address the mental health

and emotional wellbeing of the people who tweet.

One might expect that tweets would provide limited insight given their brevity

and public character. It is perhaps surprising then, that many researchers have

successfully utilised Twitter data as a source of insights into the epidemiology of

emotions (e.g how they propagate) and mental illness. For example, Golder and

Macy (2011) used 509 million publicly available posts written by 2.4M users from

across the globe over a period of about 2 years. They showed that moods are more

positive in the morning and decay during the day. They also found that people are

happier on weekends and that seasonal moods change with day-length. These results

hold few surpriseswe all know how much we love our weekends and crave sunlightbut

they do start to validate Twitter as a reliable signal of affective functioning.

Schwartz, Eichstaedt, Margaret L. Kern, Dziurzynski, Park, Lakshmikanth, Jha,

Seligman, and Ungar (2013) also validated the use of Twitter data in characterising

geographic variations in wellbeing, compared to traditional phone surveys about life

satisfaction (Lawless and Lucas, 2011). In this experiment, about a billion tweets

were gathered and, where possible, mapped onto counties in the United States. The

paper does not describe exactly how many tweets were successfully geo-located, but

the resulting dataset included 1,300 counties for which they found at least 30 twit-

ter users who had each posted at least 1,000 words. The authors then compared

the Twitter data against phone interviews and demographics data for the area

(socioeconomic surveys and Census). Topic models created with the Twitter data

improved the accuracy of life satisfaction predictions based on the demographic

controls (county-by-county scores for age, sex, ethnicity, income, education) which

were in turn more predictive than the prevalence of words from emotion lexicons.

In combination, the three approaches achieved a Pearson correlation of 0.54 with

the scores obtained through random direct surveys of people in a county, while the

controls on their own achieve only 0.44 correlation. We Feel (Larsen, Boonstra,

Batterham, ODea, Paris, and Christensen, 2015) is a system that analyses global

and regional changes in emotional expression. The evaluation consisted of 2.73 109

emotional tweets collected over 12-weeks, and automatically annotated for emotion

(using LIWC), geographic location, and gender. The analysis confirmed regulari-

ties found in emotional expressions in diurnal and weekly cycles and these were

reflected in the results for a PCA: the first component explained 87% of the vari-

ance and provided clear opposite loadings between positive and negative emotions.

This study adds to the evidence that Twitter and possibly other publicly available

social media data can provide insights into emotional wellbeing and illness across

different populations.

De Choudhury, Counts, and Horvitz (2013b) built a classifier for determining

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NLP in Mental Health applications 9

whether a Twitter post indicates depression. For the purposes of the current dis-

cussion, it is sufficient to say that the classifier produced a score that is higher for

tweets that indicate depression than those that did not. The paper also describes a

Social Media Depression Index (SMDI), which scores a group of tweets (e.g. those

by a single author, or those from a city) by the prevalence of high scoring tweets.

One experiment in this paper is similar to the Schwartz et al. (2013) study described

above, but in this case the tweets were geo-located down to state level rather than

county. The SMDI score was calculated for each state, and these scores achieved a

0.51 correlation against ground truth (defined as the data used as the training set)

based on the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) calculations. It is important to note

that this score is obtained entirely through analysis of Twitter; unlike (Schwartz

et al., 2013) it does not make any use of background demographic data. In the

same paper the authors also calculated the SMDI scores for the 20 unhappiest US

cities and achieved a strong positive correlation (0.64) with the prescription rates

for common antidepressants.

Many other studies follow a similar pattern of quantifying topics and emotions

over entire populations using Twitter. For example, Dodds, Harris, Kloumann,

Bliss, and Danforth (2011) introduced the Hedonometer, which cross-referenced

a truly massive dataset of 4.6 billion tweets against their Language assessment by

Mechanical Turk (LabMT) vocabulary of happy and sad terms. Like Golder and

Macy (2011), their analysis of the resulting signal reveals unsurprising but reas-

suring patterns, such as increased happiness during the weekend. Mitchell, Frank,

Harris, Dodds, and Danforth (2013) applied the Hedonometer using only tweets

with exact GPS coordinates. At a state level, they found moderate correlations

with incidences of gun violence (r=-0.66), the American health index (r=0.58), and

the US Peace Index (r=0.52). At a city level, they also found associations amongst

Hedonometer levels and indexes of wealth and obesity.

However, the studies described above consider only the broad picture. Analysis

at this level may be more forgiving, because mistakes can be averaged out as tweets

are aggregated across entire states, counties and cities. For researchers, this poses

the question: are Twitter-derived measurements accurate enough to drill down to

an individual?

One group from Microsoft Research has demonstrated two distinct approaches for

conducting studies with individual Twitter users. In the first experiment, De Choud-

hury, Gamon, Counts, and Horvitz (2013) developed a classifier that estimates the

risk of a Major Depressive Disorder (MDD) before it happens. To gather a gold-

standard dataset they conducted a crowdsourcing task that required 1,583 vol-

unteers to complete diagnostic surveys—specifically the Center for Epidemiologic

Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI)—and

answer questions about their basic demographics and history with depression. The

same task invited (but did not require) participants to provide details of their

twitter accounts. The task yielded two datasets; 305 twitter accounts with no in-

dication of depression, and 171 accounts that scored highly on the CES-D survey

and had also been diagnosed with depression at least twice in the last year (a re-

quirement to qualify for MDD). A total of 2.1M tweets (an average of 4,533 tweets

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10 Calvo et al.

for each account) were captured within the year prior to the crowdsourcing task.

From this data they identified behavioural features about engagement, emotion, lan-

guage styles and medication used. These features were used to train the classifier,

and distinguish between the depressed and non-depressed accounts. To summarize

their findings, the depressed user accounts were:

• less likely to tweet or respond to others’ tweets

• more likely to tweet late at night

• more likely to use first-person pronouns (i.e. tweet about themselves)

• less likely to use third-person pronouns (i.e. tweet about others)

• less likely to follow others or gather followers

In addition to these social and behavioural differences, the study also identified

a lexicon of terms that were more common among the depressed accounts, such

as mentions of medications, depressive symptoms and words related to disclosure.

All of these signals were combined with basic demographic features (age, gender,

income and education level) to develop a classifier that could distinguish between

depressed and non-depressed accounts with a recall of 63% (the fraction of accounts

that are automatically detected) and precision of 74% (the fraction that is labelled

correctly).

In another study the same authors focused on measuring behavioural and emo-

tional changes that could be indicative of postpartum depression (De Choudhury,

Counts, and Horvitz, 2013a). Rather than surveying new mothers directly, they in-

stead monitored Twitter automatically for birth announcements, using newspapers

as a model. This identified 376 mothers after manual verification via crowdsourcing.

The tweets of each mother were gathered for the three months prior to the birth

notice and another three months after. In all, the dataset contained 37k pre-partum

and 40k postpartum tweets. These were analysed as described above (De Choud-

hury et al., 2013). Each mother was characterized with 33 features, and the ground

truth (the training set) was based on a heuristic threshold of changes, rather than a

direct questionnaire of depression. Instead the analysis identified mothers for whom

twitter-derived measures of social engagement, linguistic style, etc.—the same sig-

nals that indicated depression in the previous study—changed dramatically between

the pre- and postpartum periods. It was assumed that these were mothers who were

not adjusting well to parenthood, and were displaying signs of post-partum depres-

sion. A classifier was built that couldfrom the pre-partum data alonepredict the

mothers who would later exhibit these dramatic changes with an accuracy of 71%.

Coppersmith, Dredze, Harman, Hollingshead, and Mitchell (2015) host a shared

task that also attempts to make clinical diagnoses from Twitter data; in this case

for depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. Their work, and that of the task

participants, is described in Section 4.4.

Twitter posts can be combined with geolocation information to produce ap-

proximate models of people’s emotion and context. For example, Sadilek, Homan,

Lasecki, Silenzio, and Kautz (2013) used information from 6,237 users who shared

their GPS location. They used linguistic features (i.e. based on the Linguistic In-

quiry and Word Count LIWC tool), behavioural (such as the number and time of

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NLP in Mental Health applications 11

tweets), social network (i.e. friends) and a summary quantity calculated from LIWC

that categorised users into three states: positive, neutral and negative. Using this

data they found evidence of temporal mood patterns, demonstrated emotional con-

tagion in groups and were able to predict when users were going to be in one of those

three states (positive, neutral, negative) over the next 10 days. Another study using

the same dataset (Homan, Johar, Liu, Lytle, Silenzio, and Alm, 2014) selected 2,000

tweets around suicide risk factors (1,370 from the LIWC sad dimension and 630

with suicide specific terms) and annotated them. The annotations were performed

by a novice and counselling psychologists and then judged by another novice. Each

of the tweets was annotated as happy, no distress, low distress and high distress. The

authors then trained a Support Vector Machine (SVM) to classify the tweets into

the 4 categories and found F1-measures of 0.4-0.6 (the harmonic mean of precision

and recall).

O’Dea, Wan, Batterham, Calear, Paris, and Christensen (2015) aim to separate

out genuinely concerning tweets mentioning suicidal ideation from the large amount

of flippancy and hyperbole that exists on the platform. They gathered a corpus of

2000 tweets containing phrases like kill myself and tired of living and manually

coded them as strongly concerning (14%), possibly concerning (56%) and safe to

ignore (29%). Agreement between annotators ranged between 0.47 and 0.64 kappa,

indicating that the task was strongly subjective. An automated SVM classifier was

able to automatically separate strongly concerning tweets with a precision of 80%

but a recall of only 53%.

3.2 Facebook

Facebook is another huge potential source of data. It is used by an estimated 1.13

billion people each day,1 and has become a major platform for promoting mental

health campaigns and recruiting research participants to mental health studies. This

section focuses on attempts to measure the emotional state of Facebook’s users.

While Twitter users simply broadcast their messages to anyone who will listen,

Facebook users exert more control to form closed audiences of friends and family

members. This increased privacy may increase the user’s openness and honesty.

Therefore, while Facebook data may be better suited to monitoring emotional state,

it is more difficult to obtain by researchers outside Facebook.

Kramer (2010) analysed 400 million status updates from English speaking users

within the United States, and developed a measure of gross national happiness by

scoring each status update against the positive and negative terms within it (as

given by the Affective Norm for English Words (ANEW) vocabulary described in

Section 4.2). The measure was roughly validated in a similar fashion as Golder

and Macy (2011), by visually inspecting the data for expected patterns like peaks

during holiday periods and weekends and troughs during national disasters. A more

rigorous validation was conducted by recruiting 1300 Facebook users to complete

1 Updated statistics are available at http://newsroom.fb.com/company-info

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12 Calvo et al.

a survey about life satisfaction. However, the happiness scores derived from their

status updates achieved only a weak correlation with life satisfaction survey scores

(r=0.17). It is not clear whether this weak association was due to the simplicity of

the algorithm (understandable, given the scale at which it was run), or to insufficient

data (some of the Facebook users involved had as few as three status updates) or

to factors beyond the scope of the study design.

Also relevant to this discussion is the study completed by Coviello, Sohn, Kramer,

Marlow, Franceschetti, Christakis, and Fowler (2014) which explored how negative

emotion spreads as a contagion between Facebook accounts. The experiment in-

vestigated rain as a trigger for changes in valence, which was measured by the

prevalence of known positive and negative terms within status updates (similar to

Kramer 2010). The experiment demonstrated that not only do people post fewer

positive and more negative posts during rainy days, but also that these posts have

a statistically significant effect on the valence of their friend’s posts. Positive posts

promoted positive posts and inhibited negative ones, and vice-versa; even when

these friends were not experiencing the same weather patterns.

Another study of emotional contagion in Facebook showed how small changes

in the filtering algorithm used in the Facebook Newsfeed can have a significant

impact on the moods of users (Kramer, Guillory, and Hancock, 2014). The ex-

periment compared two filtering algorithms; one reducing the number of positive

status updates a user was exposed to, and another suppressing negative updates.

The valence of a post was again identified using a similar approach as in Kramer

(2010). In total, 690k users were randomly selected and exposed to these algo-

rithms. Approximately 155k participants within each condition posted at least one

status update within the week. From these status updates, the authors measured a

small (<0.1%) but statistically significant shift towards positive terms (and away

from negative ones) among those exposed to fewer negative posts. The opposite

held true for the positivity-reduced condition. The study contributed interesting

insights into how emotions propagate on social networks and the impact of design

on people’s emotions, two under-served areas of research. But the study triggered

an understandable flurry of outrage and concern for failing to inform or obtain con-

sent from participants before attempting to manipulate their moods, as reflected

in their Facebook updates (Calvo, Peters, and D’Mello, 2015).

Moreno and Jelenchick (2011) manually evaluated a year’s worth of status up-

dates of 200 college students. Each update was coded against the DSM IV criteria

for depression. The authors reported that 25% of profiles contained at least one de-

pressive post, and 5 profiles had periods of multiple depressive posts each spanning

several months; the authors considered these periods to match DSM criteria for a

major depressive episode. This figure was expected, given 30% of college students

report feeling depressed and unable to function each year (American College Health

Association, 2009).

The underrepresentation of depression terminology in the Facebook posts would

seem to indicate that few people are comfortable sharing their depressive symptoms

explicitly on Facebook. This does not invalidate Facebook data as a means of re-

cruiting information that could be developed into a diagnostic tool, but it does point

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NLP in Mental Health applications 13

out the need to look for subtler cues. To our knowledge, the only published attempt

to do so automatically is by De Choudhury and Counts (2014), who recruited new

mothers willing to share their Facebook data. In total they gathered 28 mothers

who had been diagnosed with post-natal/post-partum depression (PPD) and 137

mothers with no experience of depression (a PHQ-9 Patient Health Questionnaire,

was used to exclude mothers who displayed symptoms of depression but had not

been clinically diagnosed with PPD). Their accounts were mined for activity for 50

weeks prior to and 10 weeks after birth.

From this data, the authors observed that mothers suffering from PPD were:

• less likely to make posts or share media

• less likely to engage with or tag media left by others

• less likely to receive comments or likes from friends

• more irregular in the times that they interacted

• more likely to use first person pronouns (i.e. talked more about themselves)

• more likely to ask questions

Interestingly the researchers did not find a statistically significant difference in

the use of positive or negative emotion terms, as measured by LIWC. This is incon-

sistent with their previous work with Twitter (De Choudhury et al., 2013a), one

explanation would suggest that Facebook posts are less emotionally expressive than

tweets. Unfortunately we cannot make any direct comparisons between Twitter and

Facebook, because the authors did not develop or evaluate a binary classifier in the

same way.

3.3 Blogs and Journals

Blogs are used by many as personal diaries, and as a way to reflect and to share

daily experiences. Increasingly, people can annotate their own posts with metadata

(i.e. labels) about their emotions. Livejournal.com was one of the first to provide

this self-annotation feature to users and it has been used in multiple studies. For

example, Strapparava and Mihalcea (2007) extracted a corpus of 8,671 LiveJournal

posts labelled (by the post authors) with 6 emotions. The study sits slightly outside

of the scope of this review however, because they did not attempt to classify the

blog posts themselves or the emotional state of their authors. Instead the posts were

used as background training data to classify news headlines (from the SemEval 2007

dataset) and the emotion they were intended to provoke in the reader. Nevertheless,

this work is described in more detail in Section 4.4.

Nguyen, Phung, Dao, Venkatesh, and Berk (2014) aim to automatically sepa-

rate out LiveJournal posts that talk about tough times. For ground truth, they

extracted a depression dataset of 38k posts from sub-communities for depres-

sion, self-harm, bereavement etc. and a control set of 230k posts from other, less

dire sub-communities. They experimented with a wide range of features, includ-

ing LIWC (linguistic, social, affective, cognitive, perceptual, biological, relativity,

personal concerns and spoken), affect (also based on LIWC), and topic models gen-

erated by LDA. They were able to automatically determine whether each individual

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14 Calvo et al.

blog post belonged to the depression or control set with an accuracy of 93%, and

the best features were the LDA topics.

3.4 Other social media data

As new social media platforms are created they are used in mental health stud-

ies. For example, the nature of personal disclosure has been studied on Reddit

(De Choudhury and De, 2014), an online media platform similar to discussion fo-

rums but with an optional throwaway account type that improves anonymity. The

results suggest that anonymity promotes disclosure, despite the often caustic nature

of the discussions generated around a post. Although the number of throwaway ac-

counts is proportionally small, the fact that 61% were used only once suggest these

users do not want to leave any trail behind, but as the authors point out, this also

means they cannot receive much social support.

Different countries often have different languages. They also vary on their socioe-

conomic variables, their conceptions of mental health, stigma and therefore support

of those who are ill. Therefore, studying the social networks popular in different

countries is important. Mixi, the most popular social network platform in Japan,

which is the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)

country with the highest suicide rate, was used to study the relationship between

a person’s social network (i.e. relationships) and suicide ideation (Masuda, Kura-

hashi, and Onari, 2013). According to the authors the effect of the age, gender, and

number of friends on suicide ideation was small.

Another interesting perspective is to look into peoples’ attitudes towards suicide

(e.g stigma) as they can inform the type of suicide prevention interventions. A

study using data from Weibo, a Chinese social network platform (Li, Huang, Hao,

ODea, Christensen, and Zhu, 2015) analysed the social attitudes of people publicly

commenting on others who made public their intention to commit suicide and found

stigma was widespread and terms such as deceitful, pathetic, and stupid were often

used.

Those who suffer stigma maybe at risk of mental health issues and their com-

munities might require special attention, for example researchers have studied

TrevorSpace, a social network popular amongst lesbian, gay, transgender and bisex-

ual communities (Homan, Lu, Tuurmcrochesteredu, Lytle, Lytle, Rochester, Silen-

zio, and Silenzio, 2014a). The study did not use the text but only the connections

amongst individuals and showed that some features are predictive of distress or

mental-ill health.

3.5 Suicide Notes

Suicide notes were first studied in the 19th century by Durkheim, a pioneer of

suicide risk research (Durkheim, 1897). Shneidman created the field of suicidology

around 1949 and collected and systematically studied suicide notes (Shneidman

and Farberow, 1957). In 1957, Shneidman and Farberow published a book that ex-

plored the reasons why people kill themselves, and collected genuine suicide notes

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NLP in Mental Health applications 15

paired with fake suicide notes written by a healthy control group that were demo-

graphically matched to the suicidal authors. The aim was to explore the difference

between why people think others suicide, and why individuals actually do.

Pestian, Nasrallah, Matykiewicz, Bennett, and Leenaars (2010) extracted from

this book a corpus of 33 genuine (written by people who completed suicide) and 33

fake notes (written by people simulating a suicide note). They showed how difficult

they are to distinguish manually: in their experiments mental health professionals

achieved an accuracy of 63%, while psychiatry trainees were only 49% accurate

(i.e. worse than random chance). The authors were able to train a classifier that

achieved 74% accuracy. However, the classifier relied somewhat on emotion annota-

tions (e.g. guilt, hopeless, regret) that were made by a panel of three mental health

professionals. The authors did not report the accuracy of the algorithm without

these handcrafted annotations.

Removing this reliance on expert annotation appears to be the focus of Pestian,

Matykiewicz, Linn-Gust, South, Uzuner, Wiebe, Cohen, Hurdle, and Brew (2012),

which presents a shared task for annotating suicide notes. Shared tasks are com-

mon computer science activities where research groups compete to solve the same

problem. The task used a corpus of genuine notes written by people who took their

own life, collected between 1950 and 2011. The notes were manually transcribed,

anonymized and carefully reviewed, before being shared with a panel of 1500 vested

volunteers who were recruited from online communities and Facebook pages created

to support grieving friends and family members. These volunteers were asked to an-

notate the notes for occurrences of negative sentiments (abuse, anger, blame, fear,

guilt, hopelessness, sorrow), positive sentiments (forgiveness, happiness, peaceful-

ness, hopefulness, love, pride, thankfulness) and neutral sentiments (instructions,

information). In total, 900 suicide notes were each annotated separately by three

volunteers.

In this shared task, 106 researchers in 24 teams tried to automatically reconstruct

these manual annotations. They were given a training set of 600 annotated letters

to develop their algorithm, which was evaluated on the remaining 300 letters (these

were not released until algorithms were finalized).

There are two ways of calculating Precision, Recall and their harmonic mean F1 (a

commonly used measure of classification accuracy). Macroaverages of these are the

simple average over classes. Microaverages are obtained pooling per-document (i.e.

post) decisions across classes, and computing P, R or F1 on the pooled contingency

table. All of the top 10 competing teams achieved micro-averaged F1-measures

between 53% and 62%. An ensemble combining several of the systems could the-

oretically achieve an F1-measure of 76%. Section 4.4 describes the approaches of

the top few teams. The F1-measure has its best value at 1 and worst score at 0.

Micro-averaged F1 was used to rank the teams.

This shared task used suicide notes written offline, mostly before the Internet

era. But research on suicide notes written for the Internet have shown consistent

findings with those written offline (Barak and Miron, 2005) and has been used as

evidence for the development of support services (Barak, 2007).

Writing about suicide in the Internet age brings new challenges. Christensen,

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16 Calvo et al.

Batterham, Mackinnon, Griffiths, Hehir, Kenardy, Gosling, and Bennett (2014)

conducted a review of research studies that focused on three particular challenges:

the use of online screening for suicide, the effectiveness of eHealth interventions

aimed to manage suicidal thoughts, and newer studies aimed to proactively inter-

vene when individuals at risk of suicide are identified by their social media postings.

The review highlighted the need for more evidence on the effectiveness of eHealth

interventions for suicide prevention.

3.6 Online forums and support groups

Online peer-to-peer communities and support groups are one of the most promising

ways of reaching out to more people, and allow them to discuss their health issues

(Eysenbach, Powell, Englesakis, Rizo, and Stern, 2004). These forums may be par-

ticularly good for reaching young people (O’Dea and Campbell, 2010). Although

the evidence on their efficacy is not yet strong, this is due in part to the difficulty

of running systematic trials (Eysenbach, Powell, Englesakis, Rizo, and Stern, 2004;

Pistrang, Barker, and Humphreys, 2008). One of the limitations of peer support

style groups is that they need trained moderators who can help manage the com-

munity and can provide informed feedback when needed. When the communities

grow this becomes a challenge.

The CLPsych 2016 shared task (Milne, Pink, Hachey, and Calvo, 2016) aimed to

address such challenges of scale by allowing moderators to focus their efforts where

it is most needed. It collected forum posts from ReachOut.com–a site for young

Australians facing tough times–and asked participants to automatically triage them

as green (no intervention required), amber (a moderator should ideally respond, but

not urgently), red (a moderator should respond as soon as they can), or crisis (the

post indicates someone is at risk of harm).

The task attracted 60 submissions from 15 teams of researchers. Each team was

initially given 947 annotated posts to develop and train their algorithms, and later

given 280 posts–with annotations only seen by the task coordinators–for evalua-

tion. The three best performing teams obtained a macroaveraged f-measure of 0.42,

but used very different approaches to do so. Kim, Wang, Wan, and Paris (2016)

combined relatively few features (unigrams and post embeddings) with an ensemble

of SGD classifiers. Brew (2016) used traditional n-gram features with a well-tuned

SVM classifier, and achieved the best separation of urgent posts (crisis and red vs.

amber and green) with 0.69 f-measure. Malmasi, Zampieri, and Dras (2016) gath-

ered a larger number of features from not only the post itself, but also the preceding

and following ones, and achieved the best separation of flagged posts (crisis, red

and amber vs. green) with 0.87 f-measure. The dataset is available2 for researchers

to continue developing their algorithms.

This triage task was a continuation of Moderator Assistant (Liu, Calvo, Daven-

2 Researchers can apply for access to the ReachOut triage dataset at http://bit.ly/triage-dataset

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NLP in Mental Health applications 17

port, and Hickie, 2013) a system that uses NLP to detect people in distress and

helps moderators prioritise their workload (described in more detail in Section 5.5).

Other papers have analysed patients’ self-narratives and provide further evidence

of the potential of NLP techniques in PTSD diagnosis. For example, He, Veldkamp,

Glas, and de Vries (2015) collected in an online survey in a forum for those seeking

mental health aid and evaluated methods using n-grams and unigrams with Decision

Trees, Nave Bayes, SVM and Product Score Model (PSM). Unigrams with PSM

had the highest accuracy (0.82).

3.7 Summary

• Most popular forms of social media have been used as data sources for mental

health applications.

• Number of users, language (i.e. English) and availability of APIs increase the

chances of a platform being used. Twitter is the most widely used source of

data mainly because the collection of public data is easy. Facebook is also

common, often used by authors who also work for (or in partnership with)

the company.

• We only searched papers in English, and these mostly talked about content

written in English. A few exceptions (e.g. Japanese) are mentioned. It would

seem that NLP in non-English languages is an unexplored area. This may be

related to the lower quality, or absence of Natural Language Processing tools

in languages other than English.

• One of the most studied corpora of user-generated texts is a suicide notes

collection because it was used in a shared task competition. Share tasks allow

researchers from multiple disciplines to collaborate on a particular problem.

4 Automated labeling

We use the term labeling in this section to mean the identification of emotions,

moods and risk profiles that might indicate mental health problems or profiles that

could be used to target interventions. It goes beyond diagnosis, as the term to

refer to DSM V classifications of mental illness, although we do note when studies

attempt to achieve specific psychiatric diagnosis. Labeling is generally done using

document classification techniques that take certain features as input and map them

to a set of labels. The techniques used include tokenization, feature extraction and

selection, parsing and machine learning classification. We provide a summary of

key publications organized according to the tasks required to build an automated

labeling system.

4.1 Gathering training data

Often the first step to build a classifier that can automatically detect emotions and

mental health issues is to gather labeled data. This is a requirement for supervised

machine learning algorithms that use this data for training and evaluation. The

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18 Calvo et al.

challenges of collecting and labeling data, particularly in realistic scenarios (i.e. in

the wild) include time and cost (proportional to the amount of data being labeled),

validity (particularly dependent on how the data was collected) and reliability (of-

ten requiring multiple trained annotators per document). These challenges have

been discussed elsewhere, for example in the literature on Affective Computing

(Riva, Calvo, and Lisetti, 2014). Semi-labeled and unlabeled data can also be used

to train classifiers. For example, using Expectation-Maximization and Nave-Bayes

classifiers (Nigam, McCallum, Thrun, and Mitchell, 2000) contributed a technique

that reduced classification errors by up to 30%.

4.2 Feature extraction

The literature would suggest that a combination of language and other forms of

features is the most promising. This will likely be dependent on the application.

This section describes these in more detail

Demographic features. Textual data can be complemented with socio-

demographic data of individuals. Variables like county-by-county scores for age,

sex, ethnicity, income, education and geolocation have been used in studies show-

ing that these features can improve the accuracy of the classifier (Schwartz et al.,

2013). These results are in line with evidence suggesting that social expressions of

emotion are age and gender dependent, while location influences time and weather,

which in turn, can also influence emotions.

Lexical features. Emotions are often inferred by the percentage of emotional

terms in the posts. These are often computed using Linguistic Inquiry and Word

Count (LIWC) (Pennebaker et al., 2015; Tausczik and Pennebaker., 2010). LIWC is

a software tool that provides psychologically-grounded lists of positive and negative

emotional terms (amongst other categories reflecting writing style). The assump-

tion, which is supported by research evidence (Strapparava and Mihalcea, 2014;

Pennebaker, 2011), is that emotion terms reflect emotion feelings (i.e., if you use

more positive words, it is because you feel more positive). Language and feelings are

indeed related, however, it appears that the relationship is weak. LIWC counts the

number of words in a category (e.g. affective or social). The words are added to a

category by the developers who often provide ‘validity judgments’ the correlations

of judges ratings of the category with the LIWC variable. In particular, the corre-

lation between the specific emotional words in LIWC and the emotional ratings by

human ‘validity judges’ is a modest 0.41 for positive and 0.31 for negative terms;

and these are amongst the lowest in the LIWC dictionaries (Pennebaker, Boyd,

Jordan, and Blackburn, 2015).

Emotion features from LIWC are often taken as good approximations of what

people are feeling, thus, LIWC has been used in several mental health projects. But

since the labeling is not done for clinical purposes the thesaurus does not directly

indicate if, for example, a user wrote the word sad, has a higher probability of illness

as would be measured by PHQ9 score or by the diagnosis of a clinician. Labelling of

this type is generally done for a subset of each corpora or other information for the

ground truth. For example, Kramer et al. (2014)’s study that manipulated Facebook

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NLP in Mental Health applications 19

News Feed filters (described in Section 3.2) used emotion terms from LIWC. Other

emotional thesauri include WordNet (Miller, Beckwith, Fellbaum, Gross, and Miller,

1990), particularly its extension WordNet-affect (Strapparava and Valitutti, 2004)

and normative databases such as the Affective Norm for English Words (ANEW)

(Bradley and Lang, 1999). These thesauri can be used to group words, emotion

words, for example, according to their valence or activation (i.e. arousal) (Calvo

and Kim, 2013).

Behavioral features. When people write they leave a trace of their behaviors.

This metalinguistic information includes the time they wrote, for how long, if the

writing was reply to another post, etc. The study by Sadilek et al. (2013) using

geolocation and twitter data (discussed in Section 3.1) is an example of how this

type of data can be used in the modeling of moods.

Social features. These include the number of relationships (e.g. Facebook

friends) and the topological map (i.e. who is related with who) that have been found

to correlate to emotional and mental health constructs. The study by Sadilek et al.

(2013) used social features to model emotional contagion within groups. Others

have shown how they can be used to improve the prediction of mental health states

(Masuda et al., 2013; Homan et al., 2014).

4.3 Feature selection techniques

Feature selection is required to reduce the number of features (ie. the input space)

used in the classification task. Without feature selection classification algorithms

suffer from overgeneralization and are often less efficient (Witten and Frank, 2005).

There are multiple ways of reducing the dimensionality of the problem including

Principal Component Analysis, regression models, and other statistical approaches.

In text classification Bi-normal separation (BNS) methods outperformed all other

methods in an evaluation of twelve feature selection methods (e.g. Information

Gain) over a benchmark of 229 text classification problems (Forman, 2003). The

same study compared different techniques when only one data set was available

(the most frequent scenario) and showed that generally BNS outperformed other

approaches. The exception was when precision was the goal in which case Informa-

tion Gain yielded the best results.

4.4 Evaluating labeling systems

There are too many machine learning classification techniques to be discussed here,

so we limit our discussion to those that have been used in mental health research.

Complete descriptions of the algorithms can be found in machine learning textbooks

or reviews (Strapparava and Mihalcea, 2014; Sebastiani, 2002).

One of the most comprehensive ways to evaluate and compare classification sys-

tems through shared task competitions between independent research groups. This

approach is used in the computer science and NLP communities to help identify

the most accurate system. To make the process fair and reliable, the training data

for the system is shared with the competing teams, but the test data is only made

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20 Calvo et al.

available to the shared task teams after the evaluation of the algorithms has been

completed.

The suicide notes task described earlier is possibly the best example of shared task

competitive challenges applied to mental health data. However, this approach has

also been applied to related emotion detection tasks. For example, the SemEval-

2007 task Strapparava and Mihalcea (2007), where emotions were detected in a

collection of news stories. Albeit not on mental health and not covered here, the

SemEval-2007 and other similar shared tasks provide important insights for those

working on mental health applications.

Micro and macro averages of precision, recall and F1-measures were calculated

for each team. Micro-averages weigh equally all data points so more common cate-

gories are weighted more heavily. In the suicide notes shared task, a team from the

Open University in the UK had the best results with a micro-averaged F1=0.61,

the least performing team had F1=0.30, showing a large variation in the results

when different techniques are used. The teams used different techniques including

Part Of Speech (POS) taggers, thesaurus like WordNet (Strapparava and Vali-

tutti, 2004), emotional lexicons and LIWC. The winning team’s submission (Yang,

Willis, De Roeck, and Nuseibeh, 2012) is an example of the complexity of NLP sys-

tems. A text processing tool fed the notes to subsystems that identified instances

of emotions, both at the token and the sentence levels. There were components to

detect negations, emotion cues and terms. It also used numerous machine learn-

ing techniques that have shown to be successful in other applications, including

Conditional random Fields (CRF), Support vector Machines (SVM), Nave Bayes

(NB) and Maximum Entropy (ME). The final output was the emotion labels at the

sentence level.

The runner-up (Xu, Wang, Liu, Tu, Sun, Tsujii, and Chang, 2012) also used a

combination of techniques. A key distinguishing factor in this submission was per-

haps the augmentation of the dataset with semantically similar blog posts from

LiveJournal and the SuicideProject (where bloggers can annotate data with emo-

tions). They also used CRF and SVM algorithms in a binary fashion one classifier

for each label.

Since the other teams (Cherry, Mohammad, and De Bruijn, 2012; Luyckx,

Vaassen, Peersman, and Daelemans, 2012; McCart, Finch, Jarman, Hickling, Lind,

Richardson, Berndt, and Luther, 2012; Spasic, Burnap, Greenwood, and Arribas-

Ayllon, 2012) reported details of their algorithms and outcomes, the shared task

also provides insights into the techniques that did not produce satisfactory results.

For example, Yu, Kubler, Herring, Hsu, Israel, and Smiley (2012) reported low ac-

curacy using Wordnet, character n-grams and word n-grams (a contiguous sequence

of n terms). They concluded that character n-grams and dependency pairs provide

good features for emotion detection in suicide notes yet word n-grams and POS

n-grams were less robust.

Another shared task was a 2015 Computational Linguistics and Clinical Psy-

chology (CLPsych) shared task (Coppersmith, Dredze, Harman, Hollingshead,

and Mitchell, 2015). The data used for the task, and a hackathon held at John

Hopkins University, consisted of anonymised Tweets written by 1,746 users who

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NLP in Mental Health applications 21

stated a diagnosis of depression or post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), with

demographically-matched community controls. The shared task consisted of three

binary classification experiments: (1) depression versus control, (2) PTSD versus

control, and (3) depression versus PTSD. The shared task had submissions from

4 research groups: University of Maryland who focused on topic models (Resnik,

Armstrong, Claudino, and Nguyen, 2015), University of Pennsylvania which used a

variety of methods (Preotiuc-Pietro, Sap, Schwartz, and Ungar, 2015), University

of Minnesota who used a rule based approach (Pedersen, 2015) and a submission by

the workshop organisers and Microsoft that used character language models. Due

to length limitations we recommend reading those papers for further details.

A rarer evaluation approach involves studying a classification system while it is

in use. Section 5.5.1 describes a triage system that uses the classifiers in real life.

Their evaluation should in general go beyond the classifier accuracy and explore

aspects such as how users perceived the triage system, and how they evaluate the

possible usage scenarios, etc.

4.5 Summary

• All feature selection and classification algorithms common in the NLP liter-

ature have been tried. Overall, we could not ascertain whether a particular

technique was superior to other techniques.

• LIWC is the most widely used tool for extracting features from text.

• An understudied area is that of triage systems used in real time, with real

users. Most studies are performed offline, where the diagnosis was not used

to respond to actual users.

5 Interventions

The Internet has provided a medium for low cost psychotherapeutic interventions

that psychologists have been incorporating into their practice for over a decade.

In this section we describe examples of how Natural Language Processing and

Generation are used to automatically create interventions.

Barak and Grohol (2011) provided the taxonomy of Internet-based interventions

used in this section: psycho-educational websites, Interactive self-guided interven-

tions, online counselling and psychotherapy, online support groups and blogs and

other types, predicting the increase in Virtual reality, gaming and SMS and texting

therapies.

In a comprehensive review (Barak, Hen, Boniel-Nissim, and Shapira, 2008) the

authors considered 92 internet-based intervention studies (and included 64 in the

meta-analysis) and reported a mean weighted treatment effect size of 0.53. We

reviewed the 92 papers, however only one study (Owen, Klapow, Roth, Shuster,

Bellis, Meredith, and Tucker, 2005) was found to use NLP techniques. Yet, the effect

size was similar to effect sizes reported for traditional face-to-face therapies. The

potential of further improving these results by using state-of-the-art NLP techniques

is momentous.

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22 Calvo et al.

The lack of studies describing text-based analysis techniques represents an area

full of opportunity for the mental health intervention sector. NLP techniques could

augment therapist-based mental health interventions. For example, NLP techniques

could potentially be used to detect links between behaviors and emotions described

by the client, or to help people recognize unhealthy thinking patterns. Since the

number of studies is so small we expanded our scope to include studies from the

physical health literature to demonstrate the potential of this area of research.

5.1 Web-based Psycho-educational Interventions

Psycho-education refers to the educational interventions where patients and their

families can learn about the illness and the techniques and resources available to

help them. Most examples of psycho-education interventions are fixed (i.e. not per-

sonalized) descriptions of symptoms and treatment written for a general audience.

Although these have been excluded from this review we explore here how they

could be made adaptive and personalized using NLP. Exploring new approaches

is important since research shows that web-based psycho-education interventions

have therapeutic value and show positive outcomes (Ritterband, Gonder-Frederick,

Cox, Clifton, West, and Borowitz, 2003). Internet-based interventions (CBT, psy-

choeducation and other) have shown to be effective in treating depression and anx-

iety (Donker, Griffiths, Cuijpers, and Christensen, 2009; Spek, Cuijpers, Nyklıcek,

Riper, Keyzer, and Pop, 2007), eating disorders (Neve, Morgan, Jones, and Collins,

2010), smoking and alcohol consumption (Bewick, Trusler, Barkham, Hill, Cahill,

and Mulhern, 2008; Myung, McDonnell, Kazinets, Seo, and Moskowitz, 2009)

among other conditions.

Other application domains can provide ideas for innovative approaches in mental

health. For example, in the same way that NLP has been used in educational

technologies one could expect them to be used in psycho-education. Regrettably this

has not been the case. A search on Google Scholar for Natural Language Processing

psycho-education, computational linguistics psycho-education did not return any

positive results. NLP is used in education, for example, in automated assessment

tools where users can answer questions and get formative feedback to improve their

understanding. In health this could be done to improve their understanding of an

illness. The content of websites could also be improved by measuring the complexity

of the language used, allowing content editors to adapt the language to different

age and socioeconomic groups.

A common marketing strategy is to personalize information with automatically

generated text, for example using simple templates to generate mailouts. Evalua-

tions have shown that this type of semi-automatic and fully-automatic texts (i.e.

letter, interventions) compare well with those generated by humans on a number of

measures such as tone, rhythm and flow, repetition and terminology (Coch, 1996).

Within health, personalization has been considered critical to patient-centered care

and a number of studies have evaluated Natural language Generation (NLG) tech-

niques in the authoring and personalization of webpages containing patient educa-

tion materials. Unfortunately the personalization of materials has been tried only in

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NLP in Mental Health applications 23

the context of physical health (e.g. surgical procedures, cancer, etc). In the context

of mental health, personalizing information (i.e. interventions) could also be helpful

for family members, moderators of peer-support groups, the general public in social

media, etc. Automated text generation methods could provide the moderators with

information that they can use for quickly customizing and replying. This may even

be useful for mental health clinicians, where information about a specific patient

can be presented in the form of a report.

There are several possible tools used to build NLG systems including SimpleNLG

(Gatt, Portet, Reiter, Hunter, Mahamood, Moncur, and Sripada, 2009), a simple

Java-based generation framework. The design of these tools is generally informed

by the work of Reiter and Dale (2000) who defined a general architecture used

in most of the applications we reviewed. The architecture has three components

connected together into a pipeline: 1) A Document Planer determines the content

and structure of a document. 2) A Microplanner decides how to communicate the

content and structure chosen by the Document Planer. This involves choosing words

and syntactic structures. 3) Surface Realiser maps the abstract representations used

by the Microplanner into an actual text.

One of the few examples of mental health applications is PyschoGen (Dockrey,

2007), an NLG based system that changes its output based on the emotional state

(set by the user). The experimental system followed the standard document plan-

ning → microplanning → realization pipeline. The goal of the project was not to

send the text generated to real users or even generate highly natural output, but

rather explore how emotional data could be generated. This type of approach could

be suitable for mental health interventions that express empathy and compassion

in line with the concept of client-centric health information and resources. Since

there is little research on NLG applications to mental health we describe here some

related to physical health.

Information Therapy (DiMarco, Covvey, Cowan, DiCiccio, Hovy, Lipa, and Mul-

holland, 2007) is a system providing preoperative information, that largely consists

of personalizing resources that are normally distributed via brochures - each dis-

cussing a surgical procedure. The system was designed using a collection of reusable

texts, each annotated with linguistic and formatting information, then the NLG

tools automatically selected, assembled and revised the reader-appropriate pieces

of text. This approach could easily be adapted to psycho-education interventions.

Similarly tailored information systems used in diabetes, migraine or cancer could

be used to help those trying to learn about mental illness (though perhaps not for

the patients themselves). Bental and colleagues (Bental and Cawsey, 2002; Ben-

tal, Cawsey, and Jones, 1999) have described a variety of tailored patient education

systems that may act as examples. For diabetes patients PIGLIT provided personal-

ized information about the disease, their hospital etc. (Binstead, Cawsey, and Jones,

1995). Similar work used hypertext pages for Migraine patients (Buchanan, Moore,

Forsythe, Carenini, Ohlsson, and Banks, 1995), cancer patients (Jones, Pearson,

McGregor, Cawsey, Barrett, Craig, Atkinson, Gilmour, and McEwen, 1999) and to

accompany prescriptions (De Carolis, de Rosis, Grasso, Rossiello, Berry, and Gillie,

1996) have also been described. Tailored patient information systems have shown

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24 Calvo et al.

to be more effective than non-tailored computer system (or leaflets). For example,

a Randomized Control Trial (RCT) of cancer patients (Jones et al., 1999) (N=525)

with three conditions (paper brochures, personalized and general information hy-

pertext) showed that more patients offered the personalised pages felt that they had

learned more (and used it more), that the information was relevant to them, and

even shared the information with others. Not all the results of NLG applications

have been positive. A clinical trial generating personalized smoking cessation letters

(Reiter, Robertson, and Osman, 2003) after participants (N=2553) responded to a

questionnaire indicated that those who received personalized information were no

more likely to stop smoking than those who received a non-tailored letter.

5.2 Interactive, Self-Guided Interventions

While content in tailored information systems is directed one-way - from the system

to the user - similar techniques can be used to produce interactive psychoeducation

interventions. This includes interactive software (websites, mobile apps, SMS) that

offer an individualized step-by-step structure of information and guidance a form of

online self-help activity. The interactive system may provide a form of education as

in the previous category, but may also only provide a structured set of activities for

the user to complete. Back in the 1960s a system called Eliza (Weizenbaum, 1966)

was one of the first Artificial Intelligence systems for this type of intervention. It

emulated a Rogerian psychological perspective and used an early form of Artificial

Intelligence to engage the user in a dialogue of question and answer and asked

empathic questions, based on the previous dialogue move. There has been some

research around this model, where a software agent plays the role of the therapist

(Bohannon, 2015).

Structured interventions such as Computerized Cognitive Behavior Therapy

(CCBT) have received the most attention over the last 20 years. Although we could

not find any CCBT interventions utilizing NLG, positive results from their appli-

cation in related areas (Barak et al., 2008) make them a prime candidate for future

research. For example, the efficacy of Moodgym (Christensen, Griffiths, and Jorm,

2004), one of the pioneering tools for online CBT, showed that it was effective

in reducing depression and dysfunctional thinking and in increasing understand-

ing about CBT techniques. Since then many other CBT-based interventions have

been developed and evaluated for the treatment of different mental health problems

(Barak and Grohol, 2011). Enough evidence for the effectiveness of online CBT has

now been accumulated that in the UK computerized CBT is included in the public

healthcare coverage (Kaltenthaler, Brazier, De Nigris, Tumur, Ferriter, Beverley,

Parry, Rooney, and Sutcliffe, 2006) and the market of commercial applications is

booming (Aguilera and Muench, 2012). NLP techniques could possibly be used to

personalize the activities or to automatically process personal diaries.

A limitation of current CBT interventions that could be addressed with NLG

systems is that they can only help when the user proactively goes to the website

or installs the app. They cannot use any of the information users generate during

their everyday life, such as Facebook posts, tweets, emails etc. The NLP techniques

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NLP in Mental Health applications 25

described in Section 4 can be used to gather some of this information from these

sources, which could be used to make inferences and generate appropriate interven-

tions to be delivered privately through the same social media.

5.2.1 Relational agents

Relational agents (Bickmore and Picard, 2005; Bohannon, 2015) are tools where

patients have conversations with a computer. The term relational aims to highlight

a higher aim than similar conversational agents designed for question-answering

or short dialogue situations (e.g. Apple’s Siri). The research used to design re-

lational agents feeds from psychology, sociolinguistics, communication and other

behavioural sciences and focuses on how to build long-term relationships. The lan-

guage used by the agents can vary in sophistication, going from multiple-choice

questions, pre-recorded texts or spoken language and most often include an NLG

component.

Relational agents, and sometimes virtual reality (VR) environments, can interact

and ‘speak’ to humans, ie. they are Natural Language capable. To do this they must

understand spoken, or sometimes, written language, they must be able to manage a

dialog (e.g. turn taking) and generate the output text/voice. Generally the speech

signal is converted to text using a speech recognition system, and the speech is

generated from text using a text-to-speech system. Although details of this work

is beyond the scope of the present discussion, Kenny, Parsons, Gratch, Leuski, and

Rizzo (2007) provide useful details on the architecture for one of these systems.

Briefly, dialogue systems work by understanding the users’ dialogue move us-

ing the document classification techniques described in Section 4. These dialogue

systems lookup for the closest match to the users’ dialogue move (i.e. turn) and

respond to it. If there is no statement close enough a default statement is used (e.g.

“sorry, I do not understand could you say that again”).

For relational systems to work, they have to engage patients and build a good

therapist-patient relationship (Okun and Kantrowitz, 2014). It is believed that this

relationship, and engagement in general, depend on the quality of the agents lan-

guage, voice, metalinguistic and emotional expressions (e.g. face and body) (Bohan-

non, 2015). Again this is similar to what has been done and evaluated in education.

For example, D’Mello, Lehman, and Graesser (2011) develop affect-aware Intelli-

gent Tutoring Systems, somewhat similar to relational agents, and show that when

the system detects and responds to emotions it is better at promoting learning and

engagement.

Maintaining engagement with any behaviour change tool is challenging, even

more so with agents that are expected to be used for a semester, a year or a whole

life (Bickmore, Schulman, and Yin, 2010; Bickmore and Gruber, 2010). Although

short-term engagement is somewhat easier it is not necessarily a good predictor of

health outcomes (Bickmore et al., 2010). A way to study engagement with inter-

ventions involves using personal relationship research (Bickmore and Picard, 2005)

and medical psychology in general.

Bickmore and Gruber (2010) evaluated a number of systems used in health coun-

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26 Calvo et al.

selling and behaviour change interventions. They found that the agents can be used

in CBT interventions, can be engaging and help in behaviour change, and they can

also reduce cost or facilitate communication when human resources are scarce. The

narrative is considered particularly important to the success of the intervention and

can be designed to be engaging and possibly educational.

Some virtual agents use novel forms of data to personalize the dialogues.

Help4Mood (Martınez-Miranda, Breso, and Garcıa-Gomez, 2012b) is an interactive

virtual agent aiming to help people recover from depression in their own homes. It

uses subjective assessments, standard mood and depression questionnaires and di-

aries to personalize the conversations. An interesting feature of Help4Mood is that

it also tracks aspects of behaviour such as sleep and activity levels that can be used

to shape the conversations. It is designed for use with other forms of counselling

and therapy and the information collected can be provided to therapists.

Factors that influence the quality of relationships with an agent include the User

Interface (Bickmore and Mauer, 2006). For example, a text avatar (Rincon-Nigro

and Deng, 2013), similar to a chatbox, would have different qualities than an embod-

ied avatar. Some form of empathy in the avatar has been recognised as important

and incorporated in several agents (Martınez-Miranda, Breso, and Garcıa-Gomez,

2012a; Bickmore, Gruber, and Picard, 2005).

5.3 Text messaging

High tech options like relational agents and virtual reality environments are not

always the most appropriate due to cost, reach or because they cannot be incorpo-

rated into everyday life. Other media, such as text messaging (SMS) can be used

to send feedback using a mixture of preprogrammed parts and individually tailored

information (Bauer, Percevic, Okon, Meermann, and Kordy, 2003). For example,

automated text messaging was used by Aguilera and Munoz (2011) to support

CBT in an adult, low income population where smart phones and Internet access

are not as common. It was aimed at increasing homework adherence, improving

self-awareness, and helping track patient progress by engaging patients through

questions and simple activities. The small trial showed evidence that automated

text messaging ‘conversations’ could be a low cost approach to helping low income

populations.

Fathom (Dinakar et al., 2014) is a system to help counsellors who provide help

through SMS interventions (Crisis Text Line). Fathom uses topic models, a statis-

tical modelling technique to track the evolution of themes in a conversation, in real

time. The models were being built with 8106 conversations held by 214 counsellors.

The evaluation did not yet include the topic maps with the full data set but con-

sisted of understanding the experiences of seven counsellors using the system: they

all found it most useful and had few feature requests.

A study to help patients with Bulimia Nervosa (Bauer, Percevic, Okon, Meer-

mann, and Kordy, 2003) used canned and personalised messages. In this study pa-

tients would send a weekly message to the system and receive automated feedback

that contained a template and personalised segments. The pilot program provided

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NLP in Mental Health applications 27

evidence that it was well received and could be useful in aftercare treatment of

patients. Regrettably effectiveness was not reported.

Academic evaluations of commercial tools like Buddyapp were not found. Bud-

dyapp involves writing a diary and engaging with a self-help CBT type intervention

by sending text messages, so these are not included here.

5.4 Online Counseling

Technology in this category—often referred as e-therapy—is used to mediate the

interactions between patients and clinicians (e.g. Email, Skype) (Grohol, 2004) and

can replace a face-to-face session. The forms of communication or interaction can

be more flexible for counseling and can be asynchronous (e.g. email, forums, etc.)

or synchronous (e.g. chat, video conference, etc.).

Chatboxes are an interesting form of therapy. As shown by Dowling and Rickwood

(2013) in a systematic review of online counseling via chat they can be effective in

helping patients. For example, clients using the online chat service have shown

positive attitude towards counseling (Finn and Bruce, 2008). We could not find

any recent study using NLP enhanced chatboxes, and regard this as an important

area that requires further evaluation.

5.5 Online Support Groups and Blogs

Online mental health support groups have become increasingly popular since the

late 1990s. They enable people in distress to find others with similar needs and prob-

lems, to share feelings and information, receive support, provide advice, and develop

a sense of community. For example, the feedback received by peer-supporters on

social media can help individuals reflect on their thoughts, which offers a type of

mental health intervention through the feedback loop (Grohol, Anthony, Nagel, and

Goss, 2010; Hoyt and Pasupathi, 2008). Online peer-support groups are effective

in mental health and the degree to which a user engages with the group through

posting new messages or replying to others, has shown to relate to the quality of the

health outcome (Barak, Boneh, and Dolev-Cohen, 2010). The review by Griffiths,

Calear, and Banfield (2009) focused on measuring the effectiveness of online sup-

port groups. They reviewed 31 papers (involving 28 trials) and found that 62.5%

reported a positive effect on depressive symptoms, although only 20% used control

groups. Regrettably the coding did not include any technical features of the studies,

such as use of NLP.

Moderator Assistant (Liu et al., 2013), described earlier, provides trained mod-

erators the ability to identify people at risk and to respond with resources (e.g.

link to mental health related information). These moderators help keep the com-

munity together and raise the value of conversations. Besides the triage system

described in Section 5.5.1, Moderator Assistant can also automatically create draft

interventions that moderators are expected to edit using Natural Language Gener-

ation techniques (Hussain, Calvo, Ellis, Li, Ospina-Pinillos, Davenport, and Hickie,

2015). These drafts can improve the efficiency and quality of the feedback provided.

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28 Calvo et al.

For example, they can use therapeutic language and focus on issues that reflect the

ethos of the organisation. If the organisation wants to focus on certain illnesses or

treatments it can develop specialized content.

5.5.1 Triage systems

Most research has used real data but largely neglected the translation of insights

to real-life application of the diagnostic outcome. An understudied area is that of

real use triage systems, used ‘in the wild’, where individuals considered ‘at risk’ are

identified in order to receive some form of assistance. We have already discussed

studies by Choudhury and others who used Twitter (De Choudhury et al., 2013a)

and Facebook (De Choudhury and Counts, 2014) data and where recent mothers

at risk of depression were identified, yet these studies did not evaluate how those

people could be offered assistance, or whether this would even be acceptable.

For instance, a triage system that used social media data to alert people when

someone in their network was depressed or suicidal was Radar, created by the

Good Samaritans in the UK (Horvitz and Mulligan, 2015). The system quickly

became an example of how difficult it is to use this data, even when it is for a

noble cause, when the appropriate research has not been carried out as to how to

provide feedback. The system used data from Facebook friends in ways they may

not know about and this raised concerns about privacy. It also raised important

issues around disclosure, such as who should find out that a person is not doing

well or depressed. This information can be used by friends or foes, and even when

it is by someone who wants to help, the person might not be the best qualified

or might even get harmed herself - e.g. suicides occasionally happen in clusters of

friends (Haw, Hawton, Niedzwiedz, and Platt, 2013).

Another approach is for this type of technology to be used only by people who

have been trained to help with mental health issues. For example, Moderator Assis-

tant (Liu et al., 2013) is a triage system for moderators at ReachOut.com a mental

health organisation based in Australia. Some ReachOut.com users seek help by

posting in discussion forums that have moderators who read the posts and where

appropriate, respond. Their triage system aimed to help prioritise responses by

identifying posts that needed urgent response together with information on the

topic/issue. For the moderator, this might involve replying to the post, contacting

the post author directly, and sometimes removing posts that do not comply with

ReachOut.com policies. Given that this is often a complex decision, the triage tool

also allows multiple moderators to communicate around a particular post.

5.6 Summary

• Text driven psychological interventions are the possibly the most common

form of Internet intervention.

• Natural Language Processing techniques are rarely used as part of interven-

tions.

• Psycho-educational and self-guided interventions have many similarities to

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NLP in Mental Health applications 29

learning technologies where NLP have been widely used. There is an oppor-

tunity for one area to learn from experiences in the other.

• Relational agents have been increasingly common, often in the form of embod-

ied conversational agents or companions. The increased popularity of chatbots

and automated messaging systems will possibly support growth in this line

of research.

• Text messaging, often considered as a low tech option is very useful, particu-

larly in certain populations.

• Online counselling and peer support groups provide human-to-human com-

munication where the computer mediation can add significant value through

automatic triaging, summarisation and personalization of the interventions.

6 Conclusions

The review was aimed to provide a taxonomy of how NLP has been used in mental

health applications and potential future opportunities for its integration into on-

line mental health tools. This application domain is highly interdisciplinary, with

the technical aspects of building systems and the mental health challenges of help-

ing those who most need it. A common problem is that the research literature

in one area is often not known to researchers in the other which makes collabo-

ration difficult. In fact, often these collaborations can be hindered by differences

in the language, terminology and methodology. We covered three areas in which

multidisciplinary teams could collaborate:

1. data collection

2. processing or diagnosing, and

3. generation of automated mental health interventions

Multidisciplinary teams have used data from Twitter, Facebook, blogs and other

social media services to learn about people’s behavior, emotions, social communica-

tions and more (Section 3). Most of the research has focused on English language,

and more research is needed on other languages, particularly taking into account

how cultural factors such as mental health views and stigma may influence the

outcomes.

What we called ‘labeling ’ (Section 4) encompasses triaging people at risk, the

diagnosis of specific mental health conditions and even automatic labeling of sui-

cide letters. There is probably other ways in which information extraction and text

classification techniques can be used, but we have limited our discussion to those

described in the mental health literature with a focus on depression and suicide.

Although the techniques are similar to those used in other application domains one

has to be aware of the differences. For example, while classification accuracy in mar-

keting is important, a false negative (i.e. erroneously not identifying an individual

as belonging to a group) in marketing only means an opportunity is lost, while in

mental health it could be more serious such as not identifying someone who is in

need of help. The trade-offs between precision and recall will likely be different in

these applications.

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30 Calvo et al.

Although there has been great progress in the data collection and processing,

there has been insufficient research on the uses of NLG in mental health interven-

tions, with the notable exception being the use of relational agents.

6.1 Research Limitations

This review is not an exhaustive compilation of all the work in NLP and men-

tal health. The collaboration between psychologists and computing researchers is

rapidly evolving, and new studies at the intersection of these fields are published

regularly. For example, a recent special issue of Science Magazine dedicated to

progress in artificial intelligence (AI) had several mentions to this area (Bohannon,

2015; Hirschberg and Manning, 2015; Horvitz and Mulligan, 2015).

Because of the character of the data, and the difficulty in maintaining the

anonymity of those who write the texts (Horvitz and Mulligan, 2015) ethical con-

siderations are crucial. In fact, researchers should be aware of difficulty of applying

methods common in computer science such as shared task competitions or data

sharing. We have not covered the ethical implications of being able to identify

people in need. This is an important area that requires a dedicated article. Once

methods are developed to accurately process information data in mental health,

a clear area that requires further research is how this information can be relayed

sensitively and ethically back to participants.

RAC and SH are supported by the Young and Well Cooperative Research Cen-

tre, which is established under the Australian Government’s Cooperative Research

Centres Program. RAC is supported by an Australian Research Council Future

Fellowship FT140100824. RAC and DM is supported by an Australian Research

Council Linkage Project. HC is supported by an NHMRC Fellowship 1056964.

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