nadavara participation in satyagraha, march of patriots ch. 10

7/22/2019 Nadavara Participation in Satyagraha, March of Patriots Ch. 10

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1947

The research in Molecular Biology concluded in 2009 by Harvard University in thirteen

states of India was uncertain of the Aryan Invasion theory of India. The inconclusive

scientific study of Harvard University is a stepping stone in right direction for finding the

facts regarding ancient tribal migrations into India since the dawn of civilization. Initially,

Max Muller, a professor of theology at oxford, gave three lectures in 1861 called Science of

Languages in which he argued that the blackest Indians belonged to the Aryan culture

more than the fairest Scandinavians. The interpretation of the English rulers manipulatively

introduced the racial undertone to the Max Mullers hypothesis. Furthermore, they twisted

Mullers hypothesis to fabricate a new theory, Aryan victory over the Dravidian aborigines

of India. Muller resented the English rulers for misrepresenting his theory on the Vedic

culture in racial terms. Aryan is purely a culture based on Vedas and Upanishads and not a

race. The misinformed Aryan racial propaganda came back to haunt England and the world

during World War II. Hitler embraced the fallacy of Aryan Supremacy and ruthlessly

murdered millions of Jews whom he called non-Aryans.

The Aryan and Dravidian hypothesis is just hundred fifty years old. It was well accepted by

the people in India and majority of them tried to relate their ancestry to the Aryan race and

even linked to the Saxons of Germany, purely out of their intrinsic feelings of lowliness. The

notion of the Aryan and Dravidian segregation was further magnified in India, after theSecond World War. The Brahmins of North India identified themselves as Aryan Brahmins

and disparaged the Dravidian Brahmins of the south. It is quite transparent that the Aryan

migration from the Central Asia was a plot of the British without any relevant historical

evidences or scientific proof. The Turkic slave king, Gazni Mahamud attacked Peshavar in

1001 AD and continued his campaign in India till 1024 AD annexing Sind, Punjab and

Kashmir. He brought 10,000 Turkic and Iranian soldiers who gradually blended with


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Indians. Mughal rule of India (1526- 1764) by and large instituted Turkic cultural concepts

including literature, art, architecture and food in most of the northern India. The popular

Kathak-Mughal dance lately seen in the Indian movies came from Uyghur which was

comprised of central Asia and western China. These are just two of many earliest incidences

of northern influences on India. Since the first century BC, the facts regarding the exodus of

Scythians, Kushans, Gandharas, Huns, Persians, Turks, Mongols, Moguls, Portuguese,

French and British are well documented in the history unlike the sketchy belief of the

migration of Aryans. The Scythians and Kushans are the earliest confirmed invaders from

central Asia who settled in India. The Kushan king Kanishka ruled Persia, Bactria,

Afghanistan and North India that made the Kushan Empire an amalgamation of many

civilizations. He honored Prakrit, Sanskrit, Persian and Bactrian languages on equal

footings. The ethnic interchanges brought in new cultural values from Iran and Bactria to

northern India. Four hundred years prior to Kanishka, Emperor Asoka exported indigenous

religious values of Buddhism to Afghanistan and China. Many recent historians had

assumed that Vedic teachings belonged to the immigrants from Central Asia. Why even theslightest traces of the Vedic divinity other than Buddism cannot be found in Central Asia,

presumed original abode of Aryans?

Approximately four and a half thousand years old Dravidian settlements of Saraswati and

Sindu civilizations were discovered in the early part of the twentieth century at Rupar,

Kalibangan and Lothal in India, and Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan. According to

the recent archeological findings Vedas existed during the Saraswati and Sindhu

civilizations, which dates at least fifteen hundred years prior to the hypothesized Aryan

invasion. India is a melting pot of immigrants and cultures that started blending with thepeople of India since two and a half thousand years ago. The Kharosti calligraphy of the

fifth century BC found in Taxila might be one of the earliest historical evidences of the

western influence over India. Taxila University, which was founded in the sixth century BC

during the reign of the Achaemenid Dynasty, initially taught in the Old Persian language.

The skepticism arises from the absence of relics or historical evidences such as, ancient

architectures, weapons, stamps, coins, and skeletal remains backing the Aryan migration

from the central Asia. In this scientific age, substitutions of the mythical stories of the

Hindu epics to justify the Aryan connections are inadequate. The legend of Aryan invasion

was deliberately fabricated by the British rulers. Even though it was a figment of fantasy,

the Indian skeptics forced themselves to believe in the romantic thought of belonging to the

Indo-European race. They didnt even bother to verify the specifics supporting the

hypothesis. Starting from the invasion of Alexander the great in the fourth century BC,

India was invaded by foreign invaders many times till the independence of India. Indians

didnt believe in their ability to the extent they easily gave into alien invaders. That very

quality made them romanticize of being mythical Aryan invaders.


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The Britishers took advantage of the widespread illiteracy to uphold their tenure in the

Indian Subcontinent. They deliberately divided India into Hindus and Muslims, Aryans

and Dravidians, North and South. They magnified the prejudice among the castes by

officially publishing the list of castes. They even created many new castes, which did not

exist prior to the British Rule. The cataloging of the castes created countless number of

social silos and chauvinistic sectarianism. A community in the western countries means

neighborhood but in India it is strictly a group of people belonging to the same caste.

During the British rule, most of the Indian communities were neither self-sufficient nor

helpful to other communities. The country based on pseudo values such as, religion and

caste became hopelessly heterogeneous. The segregation induced by the British rule was

one of the main reasons for the division of British India into two separate countries, India

and Pakistan. Britishers tactically tried to alienate India from its own culture. The fabricated

flimsy plots to split Hindus and Muslims hoisted doubts among many political leaders of

India including Mahatma Gandhi who was an out spoken opponent of the partition ofIndia.

By the end of the nineteenth century, manipulative methods of the English rule that

controlled the masses of India created a favorable environment for the English language to

gain prominence over the Indian languages. For Indians proficiency in English became the

mark of literacy. The British bureaucracy started employing Indians to the lowly mundane

governmental jobs. With scanty education in English, most Indians eagerly accepted menial

jobs such as record keepers and police constables with great pride. Sitting on a chair behind

a desk became a pretentious accomplishment for them. The Viceroy of India (1869-72), theEarl of Mayo, called it Denationalization of the Governed. In plainness the Viceroy

expressed his premeditated plan of programming the people of India to be submissive to

the alien rulers of England. Nadavaras, because of their inherited a sense of ego filled with

the admiration for self-rule did not endure the British rulers. In the beginning of the

twentieth century, when Gati Sahib (Venkanna H. Naik, Gonnehalli 1879-1929) was

preparing to leave for Cambridge, England in 1907 to pursue his higher education, the

community provisionally outcasted him. In the Hindu caste system, an individual would be

excommunicated from the caste, usually for breaking caste restrictions. Till 1920s, many

Hindus were outcasted for going abroad as it was presumed that they would commit some

ritual offense. However, Nadavaras were not religious enough to exclude a promising

fellow Nadavara man from their caste. Perhaps, Sahib was outcasted on the belief that he

was joining the British.

Sahib was not deterred and went on to complete his MA at Cambridge. In 1911 after

returning to India he was assigned to Agricultural Department of Bombay State. He did not


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have the job satisfaction as limited authority was permitted to take on any meaningful

projects. He demanded for more responsibility but the Governor of Bombay turned down

his request. He explicitly expressed his feelings to the Governor. According to Sahib, the

negation was neither a personal insult nor the fault of the Governor but was a bigger issue

of discrimination confronting Indians. He decided to go back to England to pursue Bar-At-

Low. Unfortunately the World War I broke out in 1914. He waited for the war to end and in

1919 he revisited England with a focused objective of studying the British Law. In 1921, he

was called to the Bar and was awarded Bar-At-Law by the Honorable Society of Lincoln's

Inn which was one of four main courts to which the barristers of England and Wales

belonged. Barrister Mahamad Ali Jinnha (1876- 1948), the former President of Pakistan,

who was a good friend and frequent correspondent of Sahib, was also an alumnus of

Lincolns Inn. Before returning to India, he worked for a brief time with a team of

economists to prepare a plan for the land development in Scotland. He told his friends that

his involvement in the project was an error as he could have gone home three months

earlier. Sahib loved his native land. After returning to India in 1921, Sahib joined thebureaucratic British Rule, but he was planning on starting his own law practice soon after

implementing a few projects that he initiated for the people of Northern Karnataka. In fact

Sahib was also pondering on quitting the coveted rank of a collector that was only assigned

to an Englishman during that time to join the Independence Movement.

Mr. Jinnha was trying to persuade Sahib to join his law practice in Bombay (Mumbai). In

the 1920s, Jinnah was actively involved in the politics of the National Congress Party and

Muslim League. He had tempestuous relations with many leaders of the Congress Party

including Mahatma Gandhi and Vallabhbhai Patel. Was he really trying to partner withSahib to promote his law practice? Or was he trying to get help from Sahib to accomplish

his privileged political ambitions? The year 1920 was a critical time in Jinnahs po litical

career when he opposed the resolutions proposed by Mahatma Gandhi. He strained his

affiliation with the National Congress Party and severed his ties from the members of the

party. As Jinnah was one of the most senior and qualified personalities in the Indian

political arena, he hoped for the emergence of a single-nation state of independent India

and dreamed of becoming the head of the state. In 1922, in an attempt to earn the goodwill

of Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel, Mr. Jinnah successfully defended fund misapplication case filed

by the government against Mr. Patel. Still they continued to remain at odds in the Indian

political beliefs. Jinnah was the President of the Muslim League and the Leagues goal was

to create a separate nation for the Muslims of India. The Leagues goal of a separate nation

did not concur with the Jinnahs dream of one secular nation. In late 1920s, during such a

momentous period in his political career, conceivably, Jinnah wanted support from Sahib to

stabilize the confusing political situation and to improve his relations with the National

Congress Party that was dominated by the Hindus.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barristerhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/England_and_Waleshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/England_and_Waleshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barrister


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The Governor of the Bombay state, Sir Fredrick Sykes learnt about Jinnahs correspondence

with Sahib and also Sahibs communication with other political leaders of the National

Congress Party. He questioned Sahib about his intentions. Sir John E Hotson, the Secretary

of the Bombay Presidency and later in 1932 the Acting Governor of Bombay Presidency,

suggested that Sahib be appointed as an authority to promote the agricultural development

in India. Shortly after the Sir Hotsons proposal in June 1929, Governor Sir Sykes asked

Sahib to be one of his four direct reports. Sir Sykes was especially fond of Sahibs style of

management. Sahib was expected to take on the new responsibility, Divisional

Commissioner of the Central Division, with the administrative office in Poona in January

1930. Unfortunately two months prior to his new assignment, in November 1929, Sahib

prematurely died after a brief illness. Sahib was operated for minor appendicitis conditions

at the Bijapur Civil Hospital. Apparently he was given an overdose of medicine for a

speedy recovery by his family doctor. Overmedication might have triggered an adverse

reaction. It was the era prior to the miracle of penicillin when people undergoing minorsurgical procedures often died due to infection. Sahib was cremated in front of the Anti-

Famine Institute in Bijapur with a stately honor. The Anti-Famine Institute still stands in

the center of Bijapur downtown as Sahibs memorial. The postmortem report prepared by

the British District Surgeon, Dr. Bene confirmed that he died of food poisoning. Mr. Basnur,

the police chief of Bijpur, without delay launched an investigation to find the cause of the

Sahibs death but mysteriously the police investigation was put on hold. Sahibs family and

friends suspected murder. If foul play, who was responsible? Was it a doctors error? Was it

a well planned political conspiracy?

Gati Sahibs career in India was too brief. In Bijapur, Sahib founded the Anti-Famine

Institute to help farmers improve their productivity through agricultural research. In the

early part of the twentieth century the people of India suffered from the protein deficiency.

In order to curb the protein shortage, Sahib implemented a scheme to grow hybrid peanuts

that could be grown in the semi-arid tropics where other crops failed. He imported hybrid

peanut seeds from the US. The improved variety produced more peanuts and fodder for

livestock than did the indigenous peanut crop. The farmers of Northern Karnataka got

enthused and started multiplying the hybrid seeds that eventually spread all over India.

Gati Sahib was a close friend of Alur Venkataraya one of the pioneers of Karnataka

Ekikarana (Unified Karnataka). Being an associate of the bureaucratic British Rule, Sahibs

hands were tied to work on political issues. Alur Venkataraya with great admiration

revealed Gati Sahibs covert letters on Karnataka Ekikarana after his death. Karnataka was

partly split between Bombay and Hyderabad states where Kannada was ignored. Gati

Sahib wanted Kannada to be on equal footings with Marathi and Telugu.


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Gati Sahibs efforts on building a main port on the West Coast of India at Bhatkal, Ut tar

Kannada and a high school and a college under Bombay University at Gokarna were

approved by the British rulers only a short time before his death. After his demise no one

from Uttar Kannada was able to pursue the projects he began. Many years after Sahibs

death, instead of Bhatkal the port development project was shifted to Mangalore, Karnataka

and then it was under Madras Presidency. Sadly the planned educational center of

Northern Karnataka in Gokarna never materialized. Sahibs rare qualities of genius,

intensity and compassion are cherished and personified as the model student at

Vidyavardhaka Sangha, Dharwar. He was a sweetheart of the Nadavara community. For

many years, the friends and relatives frequently discussed the shortfall due to Sahibs

untimely demise. Usually the backward looking what if scenarios are hard to fathom but

undoubtedly the death of Sahib affected the progress of Northern Karnataka.

In the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, because of the Industrial Revolution,

productivity of England soared. The Victorian age (1839-1901), the period of QueenVictorias reign was considered to be the pinnacle of the English prosperity. Great Britain

controlled the largest colonial territory including India, Canada, Australia and South Africa.

England relied greatly on the raw materials such as cotton, indigo, jute and other

agricultural products from India. The raw materials out of India were exported without any

concern for the people of India. Colonial India under Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy of India

(1884-1888), exported high grade sea salt produced in India and imported Cheshire rock salt

from England for the Indian consumption. The population of England doubled from 15

million in1850 to 30 million in 1900. For the maintenance of their lofty standard of living,

the British Parliament opted to raise taxes on the people of India. Rudyard Kiplings,satirical poem of 1897, Recessional likened the destiny of the British Empire to the

pompous empires of the past. The poem was deemed to be the harbinger to the

forthcoming decline of the British Empire. Kipling wrote it after sensing the gradual

worsening of the British hold of India. Dadabhai Naoaroji, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Bal

Gangadhara Tilak were the earliest nationalists to perceive the coming of the end of British

Raj.

Though the British Rule wasnt appreciated by many rural communities all over India, it

greatly helped to integrate India into one large modernized nation. India was adversely

fragmented into numerous small kingdoms prior to the English occupation of the

subcontinent. The consolidated British India with its new railway network and

telecommunication system made the interaction between the well spread out Indian cities

much easier. The wealthy minority mostly living in the cities started imitating the fashions,

customs, education, and sports of the westerners and a fortunate few even sailed across

many seas to England for education. They became elite Indian class that formed


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hierarchically a new buffer caste in between the westerners and rest of India. The

westerners living in India though stayed socially detached from Indians there was limited

social mixing with the elites of India. Exposed to the British management, the westernized

Indian elites thought of actively participating in the British administration. In 1885 with the

help of a Scottish zoologist, Alan Octavian Hume a group of select Indians formed the All

India Congress Party. Its goal was to seek opportunities for the English educated Indians in

the British bureaucratic government. In 1908, Bal Gangadhar Tilak introduced the radical

concept of Swaraj or Independent India in the mandate of the All India Congress Party.

He was credited for the notion of self rule for India through nonviolence even before

Mahatma Gandhi embarked on well recognized Satyagraha.

Mahatma Gandhi in the pursuit of independence of India proposed Satyagraha, the non

cooperation nonviolent movement, as a means for achieving freedom from the British

rulers. The strategy was to pressure the British ruling machine with noncooperation and

disobedience within the restraint of nonviolence. It was a complicated course to practiceand was never carried out successfully in the past. Even Mr. Gandhi thought that the

nonviolence movement would be difficult to pursue in such a large nation with such

diverse ethnicities and opinions. He explained the nonviolence movement as a faith-based

virtue and is superior to political thinking. The experimental movement was planned with

great political acumen to prevent the British rulers from gaining any kind of victory. The

civil disobedience approach was expected to minimize any form of life threatening violent

aggressions by the sovereign power. Mahatma Gandhis oratory fueled by his many caustic

public speeches critical of the alien rulers intrigued Indians from all across the country.

Gandhis uncanny

ability to communicate with the masses mesmerized the people of Indiato the extent that they called him Bapuji, meaning father or conceptually father of the

nation. His suggestion was well accepted by the All India Congress Party and Muslim

League. On February 5, 1922 the movement of Chauri Chaura in Uttara Pradesh got out of

control and quickly turned violent. The agitated protestors set fire on the police station that

killed twenty three policemen on duty. Gandhi requested the demonstrators to cease the

campaign at once. He had difficulty in coming to terms with the failure of his much

believed exemplary Satyagraha. However, the Chauri Chaura incident was an indication of

the upcoming widespread campaign against the British Raj.

The next major passage of drive was the Salt Satyagraha (1930-34). The Taxation was

determined by the British Parliament without any concern for the people of India.

Unwarranted onerous taxation was imposed on food supplies, to generate the much-

needed funds for supporting the declining economy of England. The tax on salt was the

major tax component that contributed 9% to the total revenue. The domestic salt

production by anyone other than the government agencies was a punishable felony. The


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Indian National Congress Party along with the Muslim League, as a symbolic gesture of

opposing the British Rule in India, instigated the Salt Satyagraha or No Tax Movement.

The people all cross India united to protest the salt tax. The anti-government demonstration

was carried out in many pockets of the nation. The Nadavara community was stung by the

excessive land taxation imposed on the landlords. Mahatma Gandhi, the architect of the Salt

Satyagraha and the adversary of the British rule became their ultimate hero. His campaign

for Swaraj or the Independent India against the British rulers thrilled the entire community.

Nadavaras quickly transformed from the long history of martial behavior to nonviolent

Satyagraha, which was an uncharted domain of engagement for them. Faith in Gandhi

made them feel quite sanguine about the might of Satyagraha.The Nadavara involvement

in Salt Satyagraha quickly became national news.

Nadavara struggle to free India from one hundred and fifty years of British rule is well

documented in the History of Satyagraha. The Nadavara endorsement of the non violence

movement led by Mahatma Gandhi was unprecedented given their warrior history of manycenturies. Even though the ideology of Satyagraha was not built into their combative

heredity, it was viewed as a long waited opportunity that presented itself and they seized it

unreservedly. Just like the Patidars of Bardoli, Gujarat, Nadavaras stood as steadfast as ever

before for the liberation of India. However, Bardolis noncooperation movement of 1928

was limited to tax exemption on the draught stricken provincial land whereas in Uttara

Kannada the Nadavara involvement in Satyagraha was not out of necessity but was bound

for a far reaching cause, the freedom of India. The Salt Satyagraha led byMahatma Gandhi

was declared on January 26, 1930 by the All India Congress Party. Mr. Hapi Rama Naik,

Basgod, a local activist requested the leaders such as, D.P Karmarkar, R.R Divakar, K.AVenkataramaih, and V.S Narayanrao to Surve, a village near Ankola, to participate in the

Salt Satyagraha. Ramas enthusiasm was infectious. The campaign orchestrated by him

fascinated many Nadavara men and women. Surve became the local center for the self

assured Satyagraha campaigners.

The movement in Surve began in March 1930. Many fervent men and women from the

surrounding Nadavara villages flocked to Surve for the covert meetings. On April 13, 1930,

they fearlessly marched to Belambar, Uttara Kannada, a fishing village on the seashore, and

produced salt as a token of disobedience to the British rulers. They entered the forest and

cut the branches of the forbidden trees. They boycotted foreign clothes and burned them in

public. The police forces arrested many participants of Satyagraha, while Hapi Ram in the

thick forest of Ankola remained at large. The spirited Satyagaraha in Ankola captivated the

nations curiosity. Rama, the ultimate schemer was the most wanted man. The British knew

that he was the main organizer of the Satyagraha in Ankola. In 1930s when Rama was

hiding in the jungle, his toddler son accidentally died of pneumonia. The police waited at
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahatmahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahatma


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his residence in Basgod, expecting Ramas return from exile for the funeral of his son. Rama

refrained from going back home or even for the cremation, although he was immensely

saddened by his young sons demise. He twice came very close to being caught. Rama

couldnt afford to be detained by police. His leadership was indispensible.

In 1930, over two hundred Nadavara participants, including a few women, were arrested

and jailed in unknown remote prisons. An anonymous press reporter described the women

participants as not very literate, but incredibly active campaigners. A woman of

Hichgad, Laxmi boldly standing on the podium, delivered alarming speech to a group of

people gathered. The next day, same reporter overturned his report to read, Educated

speech of Laxmi was talk of the town. Kani Bommakka of Kanigal, the leader of the

womens demonstration held in front of the collectors office, Karwar, was imprisoned for

waving black flag. Along with her many other women protesters from Hichgad, Kanigal,

Shatgeri, Surve, and Maskeri were jailed. Manudevi of Kanigal was fatally beaten for

obstructing the police from arresting women. Satamma Nayak, Jamagod was secretlycatering food in jungles to the absconding activists. For scheming underground operation,

she was imprisoned for two years. Activities signifying peaceful disobedience were

intentionally carried out by the Nadavara men and women in support of the Satyagraha

until they were arrested. Mr. Dinakar Desai, a famous Kannada poet in his Kannada poetic

flair wrote, The brave Nadavaras, who once fought the wars of Vijayanagara, are now

fighting the war of Satyagraha for the independence of India. They are the authentic

patriots.

The callous handling encountered by the political detainees of Salt Satyagraha was acommon topic of discussion among Nadavara families. Under the umbrella of Salt

Satyagraha, the campaign was further stretched to reject the commodities imported from

England and moreover to oppose the export of locally harvested timber and other crops. In

1932, the scope of the expanded measures of Salt Satyagraha was accentuated with yet

another local brand name, Karabandhi (tax denial), which was perhaps to rejuvenate

vigor among the tired campaigners. The first formal Karabandhi Satyagraha meeting in

Uttara Kannada was held in the courtyard of the Kalasa Temple, Surve in March 1932. The

British government resolutely repudiated the assault accusations made by the imprisoned

freedom fighters. The inevitable predicaments of Satyagraha involving confrontation with

the police forces, followed by imprisonment, losing family properties had already dispirited

many attendants of the meeting. Going back to prison was also perceived by many as an

onerous task that would extend stress on their children. Their resolve was tinted with

resignation. The assembly of freedom fighters was almost on the verge of emotional

capitulation.


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When the whispers of hesitation began to spread across the gathering, Surve Bommayya

Nayaka walked up to the podium and proclaimed, "Most of you are in favor of Indias

independence, yet some are beginning to deprecate Satyagraha. and convincingly

announced I may lose everything and may inconvenience my family, still I will

undividedly dedicate myself to the lofty resolve of Satyagraha and if some of you pull out, I

will try hard to fill the void. The brief brave words resonated throughout the courtyard.

The attendees were provoked by the speech. Nadavara martial spirit was so provoked, even

they were getting drunk on it. The collective conviction of the assembly rose above its fear.

With unwavering determination one by one slowly rose to their feet in absolute silence. The

meeting was concluded with a clamor to continue the protest against British Raj in full

force. At that critical juncture the lesser known Bommayya turned out to be a sensational

motivation speaker. That moment and that pristine scene remained as one of the most

remembered events of the Satyagrahis of Ankola. They frequently spoke nostalgically of

the incident for years to come. After the death of Bommayya in 1952, he was honored with

a heros tribute for revitalizing the freedom movement. The Salt Satyagraha lasted for fouryears. Hundreds of Nadavaras spent time in detention centers. In some villages hardly a

few old men were left to take care of the women and children. The women had to deal with

the financials of their families. Many borrowed money from the moneylenders and many

sold their lands. The children could not attend the remote schools without adult escorts.

Their attendance in schools declined and many dropped out. The community faced severe

hardships during the freedom movement. It was the martial attribute of Nadavara men and

women that carried them through the apprehension caused by Satyagraha.

Mahatama Gandhi personally acknowledged the peoples enthusiasm and dedication withwhich the Satyagraha was carried out in Surve. However, the non-violence movement

drained even a little bit of oxygen that was left in the Nadavara financial situation. Once

again, for the non-payment of taxes on land, many lost most of the little pieces of ancestral

property and some lost even their homes. Many became so destitute that they could not

afford good education for their children. Since the eighteenth century, persistently

declining Nadavaras socioeconomic conditions deteriorated to an extent, that one could

hardly imagine the status of their past as rulers of realms. Even though the financial

hardship was severe, the struggle for independence did not pause. A handful of local

people just by paying the pending or unpaid taxes purchased lands lost by the Nadavaras

for incredibly low prices. In Karnataka, Nadavaras were the major sufferers during the

period of the non-tax movement. However, this earned North Kanara a distinguished place

in the history of the Freedom Movement of India. The British Raj introduced the British

India Act of 1935 that led to the recognition of the Congress Party.


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Misfortunes of various forms, starting from the defeat at the battle of Talikote to losing of

their inherited properties during the Freedom Movement of India, had resolutely stalled the

progress of the Nadavara community for an extended period, but Nadavaras somehow

continued to live with dignity. After returning from prison, it was the time for adjusting to

the normal routine of everyday life. A few years of absence had brought down their

families to standstill and in some cases even worse. Back at home the life wasnt as

expected; it was the time to pay the piper. They were overwhelmed by the harsh reality. In

order to survive they were forced to sell their lands for trivial worth. It was almost like

burning home furniture to stay warm during the nuclear winter. In mid 1930s, many

Nadavaras returning from prison suffered from the emotional stress caused by the Freedom

Movement, which was similar to Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). The western

countries recognize PTSD as one of the ills of wars and treat their soldiers returning from

wars for the disease. Many Nadavara men suffered from nervous tension and occasional

mental breakdowns. Obviously the English rulers were not concerned about the

psychological impairments caused by the non-violence movement. The depressive disorderwas so severe that they existed for no reason or purpose and it even adversely affected their

families. Under the duress, they lost the motivation for livelihood. Nadavaras became so

dysfunctional, without an external stimulus, it became difficult to get them out of the ditch

of depression. The community as a whole was in need of urgent help to relieve its men and

women from the convoluted problems that were caused by the adverse economic and social

environment.

The question How to begin the repair of damaged mind of the community? had to be

answered internally and immediately. One of the earliest educators of Uttar KannadaRamachandra K. Naik, Torke, along with other leaders decided to revive the dormant

Nadavara Sangha (Association), which was founded in 1904. As a symbolic gesture of the

associations existence, the Ramakrishna Mandira (Sangad Mane), a community hall, was

built in 1934 in Torke, Uttar Kannada. The Sanghad Mane was built as the memorial of

Ramakrishna Kawari, Torke who was a Sanskrit scholar, prominent reformer and educator

of the community in the Nineteenth century. The purpose of the Sangad Mane was to

promote the social and political activities to invigorate the Nadavara community. Even

more than losing properties, Nadavaras lost critically valuable time, which was rightly

subverted for an honorable cause. Paucity of funds became the main obstacle for the

childrens education which obviously lagged behind. The sacrifice of the Satyagrahis

(participants of Satyagraha) was immense, but significantly disrupted their family lives.

The after-effects of Satygraha crushingly disturbed the financial equilibrium of households

and needed a new solution to alleviate the unanticipated new dilemma. The Sangad Mane

was an essential foundation of all the organizations needed for the promotion of education.

Many political leaders, writers and poets were invited to preside over the communal


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functions. A few Nadavara scholars, writers and artists wrote, directed, and recited

Yakshagana plays to inspire the people. At their social gatherings, the history of the past

and the hopes of the future converged giving out the sparks of new outlook on the life

ahead.

The implementation of the Sangad Mane concept was barely in time remedy to bring

order to the disorderliness caused by the Freedom Movement of India. True to their

communal attribute, once again Nadavaras were dedicated for a cause. Despite the

unfavorable socioeconomic conditions, collectively they regained aspirations for better

living. The foremost priority was focused on education and they went out on a limb to

educate their children. The enrollment of Nadavara students in the schools grew rapidly. In

1945, at Sangad Mane the Nadavara Sangha celebrated belated silver jubilee, which was

actually 41 years after founding the association, as a mark of its accomplishment. The

Bombay Tenancy and Land Reforms Act of 1956 forced to relinquish much of the land that

they owned to their farmers or tenants. The effect on their living condition was not as seversince the community as a whole had already taken a step forward in diverting their means

of livelihood to education by mass-producing teachers. The Sangad Mane was instrumental

in planting a seedling of education that swelled up into an educated ethnicity based on

worthy traditions. The well thought out petite concept of Sangad Mane to uplift the

depressed Nadavara community was proven to be a brilliant idea. Although the Sangad

Mane played an important role of a catalyst, the communitys self -realization process that

helped the self-promotion was rather intrinsic. Sangad Mane still stands as the legendary

hallmark of the communitys character and integrity.

Winston Churchill hesitated to give the credit that India deserved for the active

participation in WW II. The demeanor of the British Raj in India is well portrayed in the

Madhushree Mukhrjees 2012 book, Churchill's Secret War: The British Empire and the

Ravaging of India during World War II. The Great Famine of Bengal of 1943 -44 according

to Mukherjee was a manmade famine. During the famine the British Raj was still exporting

rice from India. But Britain held back the dispatch of wheat which was expected to feed

specifically the famine struck people of Bengal. The Prime Minister, Winston Churchill

literally hated the people of India. Mukherjee in her book quoted his racist remark, I hate

Indians. They are a beastly people with a beastly religion to his view of Bengalis that they

breed like rabbits. He did everything in his power to stop the wheat shipment reaching the

Indian Shores. Australia wanted to ship wheat to India,but they didnt have enough ships.

Churchill deliberately took no initiative to help Australia for transporting wheat to India.

The merchants in India were hoarding grains to inflate prices. Approximately 3-4 million

people died in Bengal and its neighboring states. The famine was notoriously called, the

WW II Bengali Holocaust for which Churchill was held responsible. Churchills mental


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illness of racism was a fact well known to the Indian leaders. After the WW II, he was tried

in the International Court for war crimes. The British Government quietly erased his

misdeeds against the Bengali peasants. Churchill became the famous war prime minister.

The dark-side of Churchill, devoid of remorse for the lives lost in the Bengal famine was

discounted. After the WW II the British Raj struggled to gain foothold over the Quit India

Movement.

The Quit India Movement which began with the famous speech from Mahatma Gandhi on

August 8, 1942 was well timed when England was weakened by the constant German

bombardment in the thick of WW II. In November 1942 AD, the Nadavara community,

including many women, participated in the Quit India Movement (Non-violence Freedom

Movement) headed by Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru.

Initially the Quit India movement led to riots in some pockets of India. The participants

burnt post offices, railway stations. The British held Mr. Gandhi accountable for the

outburst of violence. Even the Muslim league blamed Gandhi for the violence, but Gandhidenied all charges, ignoring the intimidation of the law enforcement, Nadavaras, to their

credit, sanctimoniously participated in the protest rally. As they marched swiftly on their

way to the prison wearing a Gandhi Topi (cap) and Khadi (Hand spun and hand woven)

shirt, the people standing by the roadside watched them; cheered them; adored them; songs

were sung and stories were told of the heroic deeds of the patriotic Nadavaras. They did

not cross the guidelines of nonviolent protest set by Gandhi. Many Nadavara men were

imprisoned for the rebellion against the British Raj. The Nadavara women also took a keen

interest in the demonstrations. The former, and presently controversial national anthem of

India, Vande Mataram (I salute thee, Mother) became the evening prayer in manyNadavara homes. Their loyal commitment to Satyagraha encapsulates the Kshatriyan

history of Nadavaras and reflects on how they might have fought as soldiers in the past to

protect their regarded territories.

India gained independence at 12 AM on August 15, 1947. Pandit Jawaharalal Nehru was

crowned as the prime minister of India but Mahatma Gandhi did not attend the ceremony

because the independent India was not the same unified secular India that he dreamt all

through his campaign. Jawaharlal Nehru, a young man first met Gandhi at the Indian

National Congress Party meeting held at Lucknow in 1916. Nehru was captivated by the

imposing personality of Gandhi. Gradually strong bonds were woven between them.

Gandhi began to treat Nehru like his own son. Possibly Nehru becoming the prime minister

of India was what Gandhi intended. Nadavaras followed Gandhism without questioning

Gandhis choice of Nehru over Vallabhbhai Patel for the job to lead the nation. Nadavara

homes in villages were widely awake for the celebration of the eagerly awaited historic

event. At midnight on Friday, August 15, 1947 when the Indian flag was hoisted on the


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parapet of the Red Fort in New Delhi, they cheered in sheerecstasy, ran around in joy, and

distributed sugar to their neighbors. Nadavara men and women went in style to help free

the largest secular nation in the world and their sacrifice towards the coveted Independent

India was fully gratifying. At the zenith of the British Empire, a quarter of the world

population was under its control. The empire was spread around the globe in such a way

that the sun was shining at any given time in at least one of its outposts. Once Winston

Churchill said, The sun never sets on the British Empire. However, the illustrious phrase

was originally coined by the Scottish writer, John Wilson. The humbling satire was The

British Empire ended after the independence of India. Mr. Hapi Rama Naik with the help

of his old acquaintance, Mr. Murarji Desai, the former prime minister of India, initiated the

Rama Naik GR also known as the Hillur Scheme in 1950 AD, under which some

destitute political sufferers were partially compensated for their losses.

It was the dream of nave common people that freedom from the British would set them

free from all worries but the freedom wasnt meant to be end-all problems of assorted India.All along the struggle for independence, there were more than two opinions regarding the

territory of Independent India. The Congress Party and the Muslim League

rejected Gandhis plea for one nation. Under the guidance of Lord Mount Batten, the

political leaders of the two parties decided to partition India to create a separate Islamic

country. The ambiguous intricacies concerning partition of India entangled Hindus and

Muslims into social anxiety. Sir Cyril Radcliffe, a respected barrister from England arrived

in New Delhi on July 8, 1947 to establish the border line between India and Pakistan. After a

brief study of Indias demography and geography of religious affiliations, the blueprint of

the Radcliffe Line was completed two weeks prior to the independence of India. Nehru andJinnah actively participated in carving up Pakistan from India. The Indo-Pak border was

publicly announced on August 17, 1947, two days after independence. Radcliffes report

clearly mentioned that because of the time limitations the prominence was given to railway

lines and water supply systems in defining the border. According to BBC, within two

weeks after the exposure of maps of India and Pakistan, 15 million refugees stampeded

across the Indo-Pak border and about a million people lost their lives to communal violence

triggered by the angry mobs. Throughout the entire partitioning process Mahatma Gandhi

was pushed aside by Lord Mount Batten, Jinnah and Nehru. Gandhi felt abandoned and

supposedly went into depression. Gandhi openly expressed his sadness over the partition

of India. After witnessing the communal violence he thought of his lifelong struggle for

nonviolence a total failure. The partition of such an enormous country with diverse

ethnicities was handled insensitively ignoring the social environment and after effects on

masses.


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Partitioning of British India in a hurry under unjustified guidelines was the biggest Indian

political blunder of the twentieth century. Even though Pakistan labeled itself as the land of

Muslims, India with 85% Hindu population was branded as a secular country but was

naturally slanted towards Hinduism. The religion based politics and communal hatred

continued on both sides of Radcliffe Line. Being a believer of Gandhi, the Nadavara Sangha

was vocally against the partition of India. In response to the request from Mahatma Gandhi

within a month after the partition, rioting was brought to a complete halt in India but

murders and rapes of Hindus on the other side of the border did not stop. The outraged

Hindu fundamentalist, Nathuram Godse, with built up vengeance over the killings of

Hindus in Pakistan assassinated Mahatma Ghandhi on January 30, 1948. It is needless to

say that Mahatma Gandhi loved the people of India as strongly as they worshipped him in

return. The entire country was struck by the sudden shocking news. The Nadavara families

were swept by the grief as if the head of the family had died unexpectedly. The loud

mourning wails of the Nadavara villages sounded like a lamenting chorus. The Nadavara

families went through the motions of the traditional Hindu mourning rituals for twelvedays. The Nadavara Sangha requested for the ashes of Mahatma Gandhi, but their request

was not fulfilled. The Congress Party of Ankola built Gandhi Katti in the memory of their

beloved leader. A framed picture of Mahatma Gandhi adorned the walls of many Nadavara

homes. The picture of Gandhi was a poignant memento of his murder. According to

many, Mr. Godse was a polite man but became exceedingly eccentric after the partition led

religious uprising. He was sentenced to be executed by the judiciary of India on November

8, 1949.

The Nadavara pride was rewarded for having earnestly participated in the process asdirected by Satyagraha, the apparatus that expelled the English out of India. It quenched

their long held revenge against English for treating them harshly just because they

belonged to a Kshatriya clan. The Nadavaras became fanatically loyal to the Congress

Party and almost religiously wore Gandhi cap, like the orthodox Jews wearing Yamaka.

Nadavaras did not perceive Mahatma Gandhi as a politician, but as a messiah, who led

them through the struggle for independence and relieved India from the British oppressors.

It can be compared to Prophet Moses coming to the rescue of the Jewish slaves and guiding

the Jewish Exodus out of Egypt to Mount Sinai. Nadavara men, women and children

were idealistically consumed by the political activities of Congress and the virtuous

ideology of Mahatma Gandhi. They celebrated Independence Day of India, Gandhi Jayanti

(birthday) and Gandhi Memorial Day with ceremonial pitch, like any other religious

festival. For the Nadavara Satyagrahis, their community was primarily a part of the All

India Congress Party and secondly belonged to the Hindu religion. Living in a land of

orthodoxy, it was a remarkable outlook of life where the political values were favored over

the religious faith. Time and time again, the secular expression of placing country prior to


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religion was demonstrated in the deeds and actions of Nadavaras, all along their history of

thirteen centuries.

Independent India began its first parliament under the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,

in the midst of communal riots. After Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was the political prodigy

to lead the All India Congress Party, was a naive belief of Indians. As expected, Nehru

became the Congress Lama after Gandhi. Merely to resolve the political dichotomy between

Jinnah and Nehru, British India was split to create a new Islamic country, Pakistan without

a national referendum. It is mind boggling to think that to accommodate the greedy needs

of two individuals, the country with population of four hundred and forty million (India:

355 million, Pakistan: 85 million in 1947) people was split. India inherited 81% of the

population and 75% of the land after partition. Under the mandate of independent India the

Congress Party was chosen to uphold democratic values. Nehru settled for the short end of

the stick as he eagerly wanted to secure the job of Indias prime minister. He was an idealist

without much pragmatic concern for the nations health. Always being under the shadowof Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru did not have the opportunity to expand his own realm of

political thinking until Gandhis demise. He was an admirer of the Gandhian means of

frugal living but being educated in England, obviously he was enticed by the western

lifestyle. Nehru in 1930s discarded the western clothes and wore kurta and dhoti to

conform to Gandhis call for Swadeshi (indigenous) clothes. Nehru after independence

wore a mini collared knee length silk jacket garnished with a red rose stuck in the third

buttonhole. Nehrus well fit chic jacket became a new fashion and was named after him,

Nehru Jacket. He was an elegantly dressed enthusiastic prime minister. The new

constitution of India, which was implemented on January 26, 1950, was based on the Britishand the U.S democratic philosophies. But the Congress Party of India sided with the

communist bloc led by Soviet Union of Russia. Did India discount its democratic

constitution or else was it a self serving motivation of Indias leadership?

Particular wrong choices made during the Nehrus administration preoccupied India for a

long time and their specters are still lingering on like pests to the solidarity of India. Mr.

Valabhbhai Patel authoritatively invited Nehru to change his novice foreign policy. Nehru

was afraid to deal directly with Patel and appointed Rajagopalachari as the intermediary

between himself and Patel. Nehrus diplomacy failed India with its neighboring countries.

The border issues of Kashmir with Pakistan and Arunachal Pradesh, Nepha and Ladakh

with China remain unresolved. The independent decision taken by Valabhbhai Patel to

merge all princely states into the Union of India prevented Hyderabad and Telangana from

merging with Pakistan. Mr. Patel died in December 1950. His successor as the Home

Minister Rajagopalachari in 1951 cautioned Nehru of the looming expansionist plot of

China. He was against Nehrus alliance with the Soviet Block. In October 1951,


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Rajagopalachari was forced to resign from the Nehrus cabinet. Under Nehru, Indias

national security and foreign policy were disjointed. The national safety was threatened and

consequently made it difficult to safeguard Indias borders. Nehrus elitist nonalignment

policy without a discreet agenda discouraged the advanced countries such as, the United

States, United Kingdom and France, and Nehrus government couldnt seek assistance

when India was in dire need of it. Simultaneously India was aligned with the marginally

surviving communist country, the Soviet Union. The India-China war of 1962 was total

disaster for India. China successfully encroached Ladakh and NEFA, the eastern region of

Kashmir bordering Tibet. India did not get any kind of support from the Soviet Union,

during the war while countries such as Taiwan, Japan and Korea were advancing with the

help of the U.S.

The Congress Party in order to boost the indigenous manufacturing, discouraged

operations of foreign establishments in India. The government controlled Five Year Plan

concept was launched for the countrys economic expansion. The concept was a replicationof the five year plans implemented by the Soviet Union. It was an acute error of the

Congress Party, which was caught up in red tapes and corruption. Boycotting the finished

products from England was one of the dictums of Satyagraha and should have ended with

the end of British Raj. India, a deprived country without any foreign aid could not gain

much-needed initial momentum for the industrial development. The industrialization

process of India was languid partially due to scanty infra structure. The country had to

dwell on the poor farmers till the fourth quarter of the twentieth century. The ruling

Congress party selectively curbed freedom of the press which was utterly unconstitutional.

The real voices of common people hardly reached New Delhi, the capital of India. Nehrubecame nearly a dictator. The Congress Partys propaganda machine became awfully

manipulative. Nehru seldom took responsibility for his mistakes. His associates such as C.

Rajagopalachari, V.K. Krishna Menon became scapegoats for bearing the burden of blames.

According to Nadavaras, Nehru couldnt do anything wrong. The mainstream of Nadavara

community mistook the political agenda of Nehrus congress party for the Gandhian

philosophy. Some literate Nadavaras often quoted excerpts from his famous speech, Tryst

with Destiny delivered on the eve of Indias independence. At informal gatherings What

next after Nehru? was a fancied subject of conversation among the politically savvy

Nadavaras. His photographs were hung in Nadavara homes, along with that of Gandhi.

The Nadavara teen agers who were not even eligible to vote went door-to-door begging for

support for the Congress Party during elections. Nadavaras hero-worshipped Nehru.

Gandhis teachings influenced many legendary activists such as Romain Rolland, Martin

Luther King and Nelson Mandela and they effectively used the Gandhian code, nonviolent

protest, the antidote for injustice, to achieve their desired objectives. However in Uttara


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Kannada, after Gandhis demise, the enthusiasm and vigor induced by Gandhism was on

decline. Following the independence of India, even though the Kannada poet and activist

Sapa Gaonkar preached the Gandhian teachings through series of lectures and writings, his

earnest efforts did not reach beyond the local platforms. In 1950s, the mountainous region

of thinly populated Uttara Kannada did not have the political clout to draw any ones

serious interest. Even the Member of the Parliament of Uttara Kannada, Joachim Alva was

imported from Mumbai. Ram Gopal Naik, a 27 year old young man brought Joachim Alva,

a Congress Party member to North Kanara from Mumbai. Rama Gopal cleverly introduced

Jochim to Nadavara community as a Tulu Nadavara man of South Kanara who recently

accepted Christianity. Nadavaras, conditioned by the Congress Party slogans treated the

Congress patty M.P candidate, Joachim like one of their relatives. He frequently visited

Nadvara homes with his wife during the election stretch and relished Nadavara cuisine.

Sadly they went all out to support Jochim against the highly regarded local candidate, Mr.

Dinakar Desai. Joachim was elected in 1952 and was reelected in 1957 and 1962. Intoxicated

by the Congress Party, the thinking of Nadavaras swung away from much neededpragmatism to cope with the changing times.

After the independence of India, the political turf had changed considerably. The moral

compass set by the principles of secular Satyagraha was broken. The discretion of peoples

government was vulnerable to the meandering and deceitful policies practiced by the new

wave of politicians. Gandhis humble request to dissolve the All India Congress Party after

the independence of India was disregarded. The Congress Party continued to exist as the

ruling political party with Mahatma Gandhis highly regarded image, even years after his

death. The Congress party monopolized Indian politics under Jawaharlal Nehru for twodecades after independence. Nehru had groomed his only daughter Indira Gandhi to

inherit the helm of the Congress Party. As planned by Nehru, Mrs. Gandhi became the

prime minister of India in January, 1966. However in 1967, the differences of opinions

within the Congress Party triggered by the power struggle between the Deputy Prime

Minister, Morarji Desai and Indira Gandhi challenged the integrity of the party. Mrs.

Gandhi formed her own political party in 1969 that split the Congress Party in two factions,

Indira Congress and Old Congress. The conservative Nadavaras decided to go along the

Old Congress Party.

The differences in fundamentals with the veteran Congress leaders of Karnataka, forced the

nonconformist politician, Rama Gopal Naik to leave the Congress party in 1966. Mr. Deve

Gauda, former prime minister of India when he was a member of the Legislative Assembly

of Karnataka, was an advisor of Rama Gopal. Deve Gauda began his political career as an

independent candidate in 1962. The farmers of Hassan District, Karnataka, supported him

in the state assembly election. Like Deve Gauda, Rama Gopal embarked on a regional


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political party, Ryota Sangha in 1967 AD but he did not receive support from the Nadavara

Congress leaders who backed the Old Congress Party. Unfortunately, to the conservative

Congress he was an eccentric without a brand. Rama Gopals Ryota Sangha did not

flourish beyond the support of the local farmers and fishermen. In 1981 AD, the

Government of Indias decision to build a naval base in Binaga, Uttara Kannada entailed

land acquisition of farmland from Binaga to Bhavikeri, stretching approximately fourteen

miles along the west coast of India. The project was named Sea Bird. The initial

compensation offered to the farmers was little over Rs. 50,000 per acre. Thousands of

panicked farmers were unable to complain to the government, since the ruling Congress

Party of Karnataka was liable for the land sanction to the Sea Bird project. Rama Gopal

called the naval project a midday robbery. After extended protests of the Ryota Sangha,

the Government of India boosted the compensation; in fact, the payment was quadrupled

from the initial offering. The ramifications due to Sea Bird would have been a disaster to the

farmers of Ankola and Karwar, without timely interference of Ryota Sangha.

Even the experienced savvy politicians were unable to challenge the shrewd dealings of

Mrs. Indira Gandhi. The old Congress Party couldnt run against her popularity and just for

survive merged with other minority parties. Balakrishna Venkanna Naik, known to people

as Balasaheb, a coveted bureaucrat, quit his job in 1970 and joined the Indira Congress

Party. In 1971 he was the elected Member of the Parliament from Uttara Kannada. He was

stunned by the unruly internal affairs of Indian politics. Even though he belonged to Indira

Congress, he wrote a revealing book, Long Long Way to Go, which basically addressed

the dreadful practices of corruption ingrained in his own party. The book disparaged the

virtuous doctrines of Congress, which was constantly rehearsed propaganda since theadministration of Jawaharlal Nehru. At the age of forty-one, Balasaheb was one of the

youngest seated MPs with great ability and qualifications. Undoubtedly he had a promising

future ahead of him to serve the people of India. At the onset, he was well liked by Indira

Gandhi but his impatient tackling of the monstrous problem was premature. Idealism

mixed with egotism was not a good formula for tackling corruption imbedded in the Indian

politics. His honest but obstinate activist thinking annoyed the guarded establishment of

Congress. Soon Balasahebs tenure in Indira Congress came to an end. The blend of liberal

thinking and naivety failed him in the Indian political arena.

Nadavaras participated in the Indian politics since the early 1930s. SaPa Gaonkar became a

deputy minister in the Bombay state cabinet in 1947 and Ramakrishna B. Naik became the

speaker of the Karnataka State Council in 1968 but both of them were not elected by the

popular votes. Over all, the Nadavara accomplishments in the Indian politics were anemic.

Their genetically deep-rooted, dogmatic behavior combined with short temper proved to be

caustic in the political arena of India. The size of ethnic group is a critical factor in the


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Indian politics; usually larger ethnic groups control the policy making process. For a tiny

community such as Nadavara to climb the national stage of politics is a proposal of tall

order.


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Kane Bommakka Kanagil (1898-1989)

Photo: 1987

Hapi Ram Nayaka, Basgod (1894-1974)


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Photo: 1950

Barrister Venkanna H. Naik, Gati Sahib (1879-1929)


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Photo: 1907

Ramachandra K. Naik (1886-1969)

&

Gauri R. Naik (1907-1983)


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Photo: 1930

Sapa Gaonkar (1887-1972)&

Venkamma Sapa Gaonkar (1897- 1983)

Photo : 1970

nadavara participation in satyagraha, march of patriots ch. 10

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