TWO STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

In order to facilitate direct and immediate contact with the stories, they are placed first, in an English translation, with a few references to some key Greek terms; the original text, with detailed notes on the variant readings, is given at the end.

Story I De monacho tentato (About the monk beset by temptations)

[Identification : W. BoussET, Apophthegmata. Studien zur Geschichte des iiltesten Mo11cht11111s, Tiibingen 1923, p. 116, paragr. 207c (in the Bero/. Phillip. 1624) F. NAU, number 582 (cf. J.-Cl. Guv) F. HALKIN, Bibliotheca hagiogmphica graeca, Brussels 1957, cf. 1450w J.-Cl. Guv, Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophtegmata Patrum (Studia Hagiographica 36), Brussels 1962, p. 70 (Nau 582), p. 168 (Collectio Systematica xv 118) Armenian translation (in Latin only): L. LELOIR, Paterica arme11iaca a P. P. Me-chitaristis edita (1855) 111111c latine reddita (CSCO Subsidia 42), Louvain 1974, t. I, pp. 140-142 Greek paraphrase (12th. century with modern Greek translation): Paul of Evergetis, 1:uvayroyfi .. ., Athens 19776 , t. I, pp. 35ff. (= 1,1, 25) French translation: L. REGNAULT, Les Se11te11ces des Peres du Desert No111ea11 recueil, Solesmes 1977, pp. 109-110]

(1.) One of the brethren, who was living at the monasteries, committed frequent sins of impurity (xopvEia) at the devil's instigation. And he forced himself to stay and not to abandon his religious habit; instead; while performing (paA.A.cov) his little office (tKpa A.&ttoupyia), he would implore God with sighs saying, "Lord, you see my need; force me, Lord, and save me whether I want to or not! Like the mud (m1A.6~) that I am, I long for the sinful act, but you, as God almighty, prevent me! If you show your mercy to the just, there is nothing great; if you save the pure, there is nothing wonderful : for they are worthy to receive your mercy. But in my case, Master, let the giving of your graces be a wonder (Psalm 16, 7). Show your loving kindness (qnA.av8pcoxia) in this, for the poor has ellfrusted himself to you (Psalm 9, 35)''. (2.) This was what he used to say each day, whether he had fallen into sin or not. So on one occasion, after he had_ sinned as usual during the night, he got up at once and began his set prayers (Kavcbv}. Then the devil, astonished at his hope and his praiseworthy shamelessness (civaio&ta} before God, appeared to him. visibly and said to him, while he was singing, "How are you not utterly ashamed to stand before God and to utter his name?" (3.) The brother replied to the devil, "This cell of mine is a smithy (xaA.K&iov): here you give the hammer (mpupa) and you receive one. So

Lagus74Sticky NoteMunitiz, J.A., Two Stories from the Monidia, in: C. Laga, J.A. Munitiz and L. van Rompay (eds.), After Chalcedon: Studies in Theology and Church History Offered to Professor Albert Van Roey for His Seventieth Birthday (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 18; Leuven: Peeters, 1985), 233-253.

234 J.A. MUNITIZ

I shall continue to fight you until my death, and where I am on the last day! But I swear to you, in the name of Him who came to save sinners for repentance (Eic; 1m'tvomv), that I shall not cease to come before God every day against you, until you for your part stop making war on me. We shall see who wins, you or God!" (4.) When the devil heard this, he said to him, "In that case I shall certainly make no more war on you; I have no intention of providing you with a victor's crown for your perseverance (unoov~)''. And the devil left him from that day onward. Consider how good a thing is perseverance (unoov~) and not to despair of one's salvation, even if we are frequently beset by wars, sins and temptations! (5.) Once the brother had attained contrition (Katlivu~1c;), he continued to weep for his sins. As he wept, the tempting thought {J .. oymoc;) would come to him, "How beautiful is your lamentation!" He would reply to it saying, "Anathema on that beauty! What need does God have that a man destroy

his l(fe (wux~) (Matth. 16, 25 par.) and sit lamenting for it, or whether he then save it or not save it?"

Story 2 De monacho spe orbato quem Christus solatur (About the monk deprived of hope whom Christ consoled)

[Identification : W. BoussET, I.e. paragr. 208a F. NAU, number 583 (cf. J.-CI. Guv) F. HALKIN, I.e., 1450wb J.-CI. Guv, I.e., p. 70 (Nau 583), p. 168 (Collectio Systematica XV 119) Armenian translation (in Latin only): L. LELOIR, I.e., pp. 142-144 Greek paraphrase (l 2th. century with modern Greek translation): Paul of Evergetis, I.e., pp. 69 ff. ( = I, 3, 3) French translation: L. REGNAULT, I.e., pp. I I0-111)

(1.) Another brother was dwelling on his own in the same Monastery of the Monidia, and his prayer was always the following: "Lord, why is it that I do not have fear of you? But send your thunderbolt, or some other crisis, or an illness, or the devil, and perhaps then my calloused soul will reach a state of fear (

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 235

that are in sorrow, for they shall be con1forted (Matth. 5, 4)?" So one day as he was lying on the ground and making lamentation according to his wont, in his discouragement he fell asleep, and behold Christ was standing by him and saying in a cheerful voice with a smile, "What is the matter with you, man (av0pconE), why are you weeping so?" And he said, "Because I have fallen, Lord." The one appearing to him said to him, "Then get up!" The prostrate brother replied, "I cannot, if you do not give me a hand." Then stretched out His hand, raised him, and and once more said to him cheerfully, "Why are you weeping, man? What ails you?" The brother replied, "Lord, do you not want me to weep and feel sad because of all the sadness I have caused you." (4.) Then the apparition (

236 J.A. MUNITIZ

arose, could the two stories be isolated from the sections of the collec-tions in which they were embedded, and indeed could the sections be properly studied without referring to the character of the collections? And thus, de ft/ en aigui/le, one was tempted to undertake an investiga-tion requiring far more time and resources than were available. A compromise was struck: great care has been taken to establish a stemma for the manuscript tradition of these two stories, given the manuscripts now available 2 . It is hoped that this stemma may serve others in their investigation of these collections. On the other hand, little effort is made to replace the two stories within the wider context of the collections to which they belong : to do so would require a far broader spectrum than is available at present.

BRANCHES OF THE TRADITION

The manuscripts to be considered are listed, with their sigla, before the Greek text (p. 248).

It is important to bear in mind that different collections exist for the Greek "pious stories". Thus the mere fact that a story is to be found in one or more of the collections may reveal much as to the probable changes made to its text when it was included in such and such a collection. Alternatively, when one of these two stories is found without the other (the case of Story l in two Paris manuscripts, D and E, and a London manuscript, Q, and of Story 2 in two other Paris manuscripts, F and G), one has to ask if it has not been torn from its original context. However the collections in which both stories are to be found are the following : (i) The Novus paradisus, a collection preserved in two outstanding manuscripts (one in London, A, and the other at the Escorial 3 , S), the first written in 1111 A.D. and thus providing a terminus ante quem for the formation of this collection. There is no proof that this collec-tion antedates the early 12th century. A later copy of this collection may be the Andros manuscript 4, P.

2 It is obvious that many more copies must exist in the numerous Paterika. 3 The conscientious compiler of the catalogue description of this manuscript has

given a full analysis of the stories to be found in the Nol'lls paradisus: cf G. DE ANDRES, Cattilogo de los COdices Griegos de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, t. III, Madrid 1967, pp. 192-194.

4 Dr. Philip Pattenden (Peterhouse, Cambridge), kindly pointed out to me the ex-istence of this manuscript (JTS 32, 1981, p. 518), and supplied me with copies of the portion available to him (unfortunately an incomplete copy).

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 237

(ii) Still later than the preceding is the well known Evergetinos collec-tion (referred to in the identification notes to each story) : Paul separated the two stories, and allowed himself so much liberty in copying them that his numerous alternative readings have had to be excluded from the apparatus criticus 5 . (iii) With the Alphabetical-Anonymous collection (so called because the apophthegmata it contains are arranged either under the name of the fathers who uttered them, or collected anonymously at the end) contact is established with one of the great branches of the tradition. However as Father Guy has shown 6 , within this branch the anonymous portion has sections that lack consistency, and in particular the 7th Section, where the two stories are to be found, is "une compilation assez mediocre, et qui risque d'etre relativement tardive (quoiqu'il soit encore impossible de lui attribuer une date precise)" (p. 86). Some four manuscripts belong to this group : the Berlin manuscript analyzed by Bousset, B, and three Coislin manuscripts studied by Guy (C, K, N), ranging from the lOth to the 12th centuries. But clearly this is a collection with roots going back at least to the first minuscule manu-scripts of the 9th century (the confusion over beta and mu to be found in Story I, paragr. I, note 5 is a trace of this). (iv) The Systematic collection is the other major branch of the tradition, even if here also similar remarks are required as for the Anonymous collection : the different sections vary in worth, and the two Monidia stories clearly belong to a section, the XVth, that is particularly un-reliable 7 The Milan manuscript, H, certainly belongs to this type 8 , and perhaps also two others 9 not included in the Recherches of Father Guy, 0 and V.

5 He has made a mistake over the name of the monastery in his version of Story I (Movlilipia), but not in Story 2; in the latter Christ places his hand E7ti ti]v KE

238 J.A. MUNITIZ

(v) To a special category belong a number of manuscripts that have in common the relative smallness and idiosyncrasy of their collec-tions. The most important of these is undoubtedly the 9th century uncial manuscript W, made famous by R. Draguet when he de-monstrated that its version of two apophthegmata of John Kolobos was at the source of the version included in the Alphabetical collec-tion 10 A full description of this manuscript is still lacking, but it will suffice here to note that according to Draguet it intersperses between sections of the Alphabetical collection small collections of pious stories ( ... "le Karakallou 251 entrelarde de pieces ascetiques d'un autre genre litteraire ses sections d'apophtegmes", I.e., p. 54). One such collection contains the text of the two Monidia stories (ff. 9v_l l). In principle one would have expected stories such as these to have appeared first in small collections and then to have found their way into the broader and more important branches of the tradition. An-other example of the process may be M, where the stories appear in a small collection with the title pi)crw; ayirov yEp6vtrov Ka8E1;oevrov Eic; to KA.ucra (f. l 49v). However the topographical reference Klysma 11 is also found in an introductory phrase to another collection of apophthegmata, viz. Nau 592, 1-64, in N 12 that does not contain the two Monidia stories. Thus not too much significance can be attached to the title of this collection, however important this particular manu-script may prove to be. The type of conundrum raised by M is also to be found with another Paris manuscript, J. One would be tempted to classify the small collection here which contains the two Monidia stories as an extract 13 from the Anonymous collection, Section 7, but it is possible that it represents a collection in its original state, prior to its inclusion (and perhaps adaptation) within the other.

10 R. DRAGUET, A la source de deux apophthegmata grecs (PG 65, Jean Co/ohos 24 et 32), Byzantion, 32, 1962, pp. 53-61. I owe my knowledge of this manuscript to the kindness of M. Bernard Flusin (of the lnstitut de Recherche et d'Histoire de Textes, Paris), who presented a communication on other extracts from it at the 1983 Patristic Congress, Oxford. Unfortunately I have not been able to study the full manuscript, but only the folios containing the Monidia stories.

11 Near the modern Qa 'at el-Qulzum, Suez: cf. A. CALDERIN!, Dizio11ario di 110111i geogrt!fici e lopogrqfici dell'Egillo greco-ro111a110, III (2), Milan (Cisalpina-Goliardica) 1980, p. 127.

12 Cf. J.-CI. Guv, I.e., p. 70. Incidentally, a word of warning may be helpful about M. This manuscript contains not only the small collection just mentioned (and described by Guv at p. 85), but also the Systematic collection (described by Guy at pp. 120-1, and 126-88).

13 J does in fact contain two versions of the Systematic collection, cf. J.-CI. Guv, I.e., pp. 188-90.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 239

Thus at a preliminary glance the 18 manuscripts that contain the two stories divide into a number of broad categories, characterized by the type of collection of apophthegmata. But so far the chrono-logical conclusions to be drawn from their context lack stability and precision. They do not belong to the earliest nucleus of either the Alphabetical or the Systematic collections. At the most, their genesis must antedate the 9th century.

THE ARMENIAN TRANSLATIONS

The existence of a number of Armenian translations of both stories helps to establish an earlier date. The publication of Dom Louis Leloir's latin translation of the Paterica armeniaca a P. P. Mechitaristis edita has rendered an invaluable service in this particular case. The first story is found in two translations, one (ArmA) belonging to the older collection, which although first put together in the 12th century was based on manuscripts going back to the 8th, and the other (Arm8) drawn from a new series of translations collected in the 14th century. For the second story, there are two of the older translations (one of them a shortened periphrastic version) and one of the later 14 The older set of translations shows in this case a considerable fidelity, and quite frequently provides decisive evidence in favour of a reading. Without the translations, the stemma would have been much more difficult, if not impossible, to construct. However examples will be found of adaptation in the Armenian, and these translations cannot be used mechanically.

THE STEMMA

With two such short texts it seemed unlikely that the variant readings would permit the construction of a satisfactory stemma. But although a number of problems remain, it was found that the manu-scripts-quite irrespective of the type of collection that they contained -fell into a number of well defined groups. Only afterwards was it clear that the family y (ASP) coincided with the Novus paradisus, that

14 L. LELOIR, I.e. (in the identification note to each story). In his Introduction Dom Leloir explains briefly the history of the translations, and summarizes as follows : "La premiere traduction est de meilleure qualite litteraire que la deuxieme. Elle est, d'autre part, moins systematique ... Toutes deux sont aussi paraphrastiques, d'ordinaire legerement, parfois copieusement'' (pp. VI-VII).

240 J.A. MUNITIZ

family z contained all the manuscripts representative of the Alphabeti-cal-Anonymous collection, and that both tended to coincide against a third group, family x, within which MOV, family d, formed a distinc-tive sub-group.

Stemma

600 ARCHETYPE

700

ArmA x

800 (z?)

d I I

900 I I (z?) w I ~ y I 1000 N ArmB

v c K

1100 M A

H B 1200

J 0 s (E')

1300 (Q')

1400 (G2)

(D') p (F2) 1500

Brackets ( ) indicate manuscripts containing only one of the stories, and in each case the appropriate number is added as an exponent.

However the inadequacy of the original rough grouping of the manuscripts also became clear : thus family d overrides the original divisions.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 241

More important, it soon became clear that the older of the Armenian translations regularly supported family x, whereas the later translation had more readings in common with y and z. The superiority of the x tradition was firmly established, and also the interdependence of y and z, even if the exact position of z in the stemma had to be left un-decided.

For Story 1 the decisive passages are the following: Paragr. 1, note 5 : dA.A.ov instead of ~aA.A.rov : as already mentioned, the confusion probably arose through a scribe's misreading of an early minuscule beta; the Armenian word translated by "incipiens" captures the move-ment of the liturgical act of prostration, whereas "faciebat iugiter" is the type of paraphrase that aA.A.ov would have inspired. Paragr. 1, note 8: a good example of omission due to homoioteleuton; x and the older Armenian translation help to fill the gap. Paragr. 3, notes 15, 16: the weight of the manuscript evidence is in favour of crrocrm fiaptroA.ouc;, but the following eic; etavotav reads so strangely that y and one representative of z have changed crrocrm to KaA.f:crm, and the later Armenian has followed them (thus intro-ducing a quotation from Luke 5, 32). Paragr. 5, note 7: EKA.mev has been omitted not only by y and z, but also by representatives of x (scil. WDJ); however, further evidence is lacking that the Armenian reflects a tradition restricted to d.

For Story 2, the following examples are significant: Paragr. 2, note 7: the awkward repetition of 1toA.A.a (already present before -fiaptov) caused y and z to omit it (along with the pleonastic Kai KaKa), but x and the Armenian prove that the whole phrase was in the original version. Paragr. 2, note 8 : Kliv tKpov epoc;, once more a phrase that lends it-self to omission ( WH with y and z), has been faithfully preserved in x and the Armenian (the isolated support of G is probably fortuitous). Paragr. 4, notes 3, 4 : the most curious of the variant readings, and one which cannot be explained on purely palaeographical grounds : E1ti ti)v Kapoiav autou (WdG changed the last word to avoid confusion with Christ) must have shocked more rational readers, and Christ's hand was then said to have been placed on the monk's head, which Christ "stroked", rather than his heart. But the weight of the x tradition and of the older Armenian translation is overwhelming. In addition, the reference to the heart is picked up in the next paragraph.

242 J.A. MUNITIZ

Once the credentials of the x family have been established, there can be no hesitation about choosing its readings in a number of places where the Armenian is of no help: e.g. in Story I, paragr. 2, notes 13, 14, and in Story 2, paragr. 1, note 12; paragr. 3, notes 8, 17. There are also examples of excessive liberties in the Armenian, leading to the suppression of the name "Monidia" in both stories (in the older of the translations), and to other changes 15 The same is also true of the family d : although representative of the best tradi-tion, it has faults (cf. Story 1, paragr. 1, note 18) and deliberate changes (Story 1, paragr. 1, notes 14, 21; paragr. 5, note 1; Story 2, paragr. 3, notes 10, 14, 36; paragr. 4, notes 4, 12; paragr. 5, note 5).

Of particular interest are a number of distinctive readings in the most venerable of the Greek manuscripts, W: here also a considerable number of faults are to be found 16 , but by using once more the earlier Armenian translation as a deciding factor, four important readings of W have been accepted (Story 1, paragr. 1, note 2; paragr. 2, note 12; Story 2, paragr. 1, note 7; paragr. 4, note 10), the first restoring the anonymous "monasteries" in place of the name "Monidia'', which was probably substituted later as the stories wandered further from their source. A very curious error in W is the accent placed over the name in Story 2, suggesting that it derives from the feminine plural ovtoim. This is intrinsically unlikely, given that the suffix -iotov (suggesting either a diminutive or frequency) is so wide-spread, whereas no form ovioia. (ovrioia.) is known to me, and there is external evidence in favour of ovioia. from John Moschus (to be discussed in the next section).

Within the main families (and the distinctive character of y is evident from almost any paragraph of either of the two stories 17), it is more difficult to distinguish sub-families: however WDH have a number of distinguishing faults (Story I, paragr. 1, note 20; paragr. 4, note 5) 18

15 Cf. Story 1, paragr. J, note 19, and perhaps paragr. 1, note 14; Story 2, paragr. J, note 21, and paragr. 4, note 14.

16 Cf. Story I, paragr. 1, notes Ja, 17, 20, 26; paragr. 2, notes 4a, 9, JO, 17; paragr. J, notes 12, 18, 20; paragr. 4, notes Ja, 8, 16; Story 2, paragr. 1, note 4; paragr. 2, notes 5, 8, 9, 20; paragr. J, notes 2, II, IJa, 16, 21, 29; paragr. 4, notes 9, )J, 14.

17 Particular striking examples of y readings are to be found in Story I, paragr. J, notes 15, 17; paragr. 4, note 2; and in Story 2 (even if here P was not always available and y is frequently reduced to AS), paragr. I, note I; paragr. 2, notes 12, 14; paragr. J, notes 9, 21, 28; paragr. 4, notes 7, 9, 11, 15; and paragr. 5, note 2.

18 The same trend is continued in Story 2 for Wand H (D being no longer available): cf. paragr. I, note 1; paragr. 4, note J.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 243

and occasionally DH have the same changes as do y and z (paragr. l, notes 3 [despite minor differences], 10; paragr. 2, note 12; paragr. 3, note 20); J has at least 3 important faults in common with d (Story l, paragr. 2, note 12; Story 2, paragr. l, note 7; paragr. 3, note 25); in y, AS seem to differ from P at some places (Story I, paragr. 2, note 5; paragr. 3, notes 5, 6); F and G, which give only Story 2, probably draw two unusual faults from a common ancestor (paragr. 3, note 3; paragr. 4, note 2).

Further study of other stories will be needed before one can extra-polate the results reached so far to other sections of the collections. But at least as a working hypothesis one may suggest that the tradition of the Paradisus novus will be found to be a readaptation of the tradition better preserved in the Alphabetical-Anonymous tradition; there are no signs in these two stories that the compiler returned to the original sources. Again it may be significant that the two Monidia stories were less adapted when included in the Systematic collection than they were when taken over for the Anonymous sections of the Alphabetical collection. However the small collections remain of key importance for stories like these relatively isolated texts, and where possible consultation and cross-checking with the early translations will always be necessary.

EGYPTIAN TRAITS

A link between the stories and Egypt is not difficult to find, yet is more important than may appear at first sight. The name of the lavra given at the beginning of Story 2 seems to occur in only one other literary source, but one of major importance : John Moschus (probably in the first half of the 7th century) mentions it in three chapters of his Pratum spirituale, cc. 151, 152 and 178, the forms used being Movi8ta and Movioicov (cf. PG 87 3, 30160, 3017A, 3048B) 19 Unfortunately, apart from the fact that the monastery was located in Egypt, nothing more is certain. The location proposed among the monasteries of Scetis seems to be an unfounded guess, as in his study of these

19 Dr. Pattenden, who is preparing the critical edition of the Pralllm, kindly informs me (letter 19/XII/'83) that he has found no examples of the form Mov101rov although there are variants affecting the two iotas, and one manuscript gives tci ovaoia at one point.

244 J.A. MUNITIZ

monasteries, H.G. Evelyn WHITE omits all mention of the Monidia 20, and none of the other recent archeological surveys refers to it 21 .

A more remote Egyptian geographical reference may be given by the name "Klysma" referred to in the title of the small collection in M, and certainly the stories occur in collections that refer to other Egyptian ascetics.

Philological traits are more difficult to localize with any certainty given the widespread changes in classical and koine Greek : perhaps the

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 245

npoc; Etavomv Ecruocrav ol npovT)oveu0nE

246 J.A. MUNITIZ

and Story 2 for his third subject, i:i:avma), and thus were judged by him to contain material proper to the first stages of the spiritual life. And in many ways the stories are typical of "novice" spirituality : in both there is a "marvel", in the form of a vision; in both. the fundamental virtues of trust and humility are inculcated; in both, good and evil are presented in sharp contrast, with little room for nuance.

However the stories also have a richness, coupled to an exemplary brevity and conciseness, that surpass those of all the later adaptations. Here the first story had the greater success, perhaps because of its vivid dramatisation of the devil. Already in the Novus paradisus this character has begun to grow in colour : he addresses the monk as "Father!" (paragr. 2, note 12, and paragr. 4, note 2), the appa being changed by Paul of Evergetis into c'i0A.1i: on the first occasion and omitted on the second. In another version translated from the Armenian by Dom Louis Leloir, the final paragraph has been omitted and the dialogue between the monk and the devil expanded and decorated with mutual insults 25 . The Pseudo-Amphilochius has gone much further; the dialogue is longer, and is not now directly between the monk and the devil, but between the devil and an icon of Christ; at the end God intervenes as a third character, praising the monk and condemning the devil, before permitting the monk to die, while still repentant, and throwing a thunderbolt after the devil 26 Here again the final paragraph is obviously omitted.

It is not surprising that the final paragraph of Story 1 should have caused some embarrasment. It could suggest, if wrongly interpreted 27 , an indifference on the part of God to the fate of individual souls which is difficult to reconcile with the concept of God's universal salvific will so strongly marked elsewhere. It is as if the novice-master had been too zealous in his role of moralist - wishing to balance the triumph over the evil one with a salutary dose of humility -, but at least he was striving for a complex message expressed in a single formula.

25 "Abominabilis immunde" is the devil's mode of address for the monk, who replies with "maledicte canis": this version is to be found in the second volume of the Paterica Arme11iaca (CSCO 361, Subsidia 43), Louvain 1975, p. 32. Another change in this version is that the sin is committed outside the monk's cell, even if the nature of the "opera inania" is left to the reader's imagination.

26 Theog11osti Thesaurus, I.e. (note I), XV2 134-137 (p. 112). 27 The true point of the monk's soliloquy is that God does not need elaborate

self-sacrifice from someone in order to save him.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 247

The "corrections" made to Story 2, changing an authentic experience of the spiritual order into a banal vision story, serve to highlight its original value.

CONCLUSION

It is not possible to give a precise date for these two stories. They are clearly a later insertion into the two great collections formed presumably in the 6th century. However the small collections, in which they probably first began to circulate, have the characteristics of the source material from which the others were formed. The Armenian translations, the Egyptian links, the authenticity of both the place name, Monidia (vouched for by John Moschus), and of the teaching they contain, point to their birth some time in the late 6th or early 7th centuries, about the time of the great monastic storytellers, John Moschus, Sophronius and Anastasius of Sinai. They are two small fragments in the great post-Chalcedonian puzzle which has intrigued and inspired the research of Professor Albert Van Roey, and they are offered to him now in the hope that they will please him both in mind and heart 28

CRITICAL EDITION OF THE STORIES

The following conventions have been adopted : i) An attempt has been made to respect the punctuation given by

the manuscripts (thus no comma before a vocative). ii) The variant readings are given in the form of notes. iii) Small letters, indicating families or sub-families of manuscripts,

are used when a reading is not restricted to individual witnesses, but the manuscripts are specified because representatives of a family may vary.

iv) The majuscule readings of W are printed in minuscule. v) Differences due to confusion of o and co, of E and at, and of

t, ri, Et, ot, u are not usually noted, nor are differences affecting final -v, breathings and type of accent.

28 An earlier draft of this study was kindly read and commented upon by three friends at Louvain, Fram;:oise Petit, Constant De Vocht and Basilios Markesinis; I am most grateful for their help, and also that of Paul Edwards with the proofs.

248 J.A. MUNITIZ

LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS CONSULTED

A London British Library Add. 28270 (1111 A.D.) f. 4y-v (Story 1) ff. 46-47 (Story 2)

B Berlin Phillipp. 1624 (12th cent.) ff. 207v-208 (Story 1) f. 208-v (Story 2)

C Coislin 232 {l lth cent.) f. 252-v (Story 1) f. 253r-v (Story 2)

D Paris Fonds grec 2500 (15th cent.), f. 415 (Story 1) E Paris Fonds grec 873 (13th cent.), f. 193r-v (Story 1) F Paris Fonds grec 929 (15th cent.), ff. 210v-213 (Story 2) G Paris Fonds grec 1093 (14/15th cent.), ff. 14SV-146v (Story 2) H Ambrosianus C 30 lnf. (12th cent.)

f. l l 7r-v (Story I) ff. l 17v-118 (Story 2) J .Paris Fonds grec 2474 (13th cent.)

ff. 168V-169V (Story 1) ff. 169V-171 (Story 2) K Coislin 283 (11 cent.)

ff. 151v-152v (Story 1) ff. 152v-153 (Story 2) M Coislin 282 (l l/12th cent.)

f. 151'-v (Story 1) ff. 151v-152 (Story 2) N Coislin 126 (10/1 lth cent.)

f. 298ra-vb (Story 1) ff. 298vb_299va (Story 2) 0 Ochrid (Naroden Muze) 33 (13th cent.)

pp. 312-313 (Story I) pp. 313-315 (Story 2) P Andros Mon. Hagias 65 (15th cent.)

ff. 1-2 (Story 1, but om. lines 1-3) f. 2 (Story 2, only lines 1-10) Q London British Library Add. 36669 (13/14th cent.)

ff .. 145v-146 (Story 1) S Escorial Q III 14 (1285 A.D.)

ff. 152vb_ 153rb (Story 1) f. 153rb-vb (Story 2) V Marcianus gr. 346 (11 th cent.)

f. 19lr-v (Story 1) ff. 19lv-192 (Story 2) W Mt. Athos, Karakallou 251 (9/lOth cent.)

ff. 9v_10v (Story 1) ff. 10v-11 (Story 2)

Story I De monacho tentato

(1.) 'A3EA

STORIES '"FROM :rHE MONIDIA 249

d>c; 14 0e6c;, KffiA.uer6v e 15 d>c; ouva6c;. 'Eav 16 yap 'tOV OiKatOV eA.efieruc; 17 ' ouoev .eya Ec; Cl> A.oytercp,

35 'Ava0ea Cl> KaA.ip 'tOU'to

250 J.A. MUNITIZ

N) y(AS}z(BKNQ) (faciebat iugiter Ar111B), i/leg. P - 6 A.&ttoupyiuv autoii) WHJ, A.. &uutoii d(MOV), autoii A.. y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ), &uutoii A.. D (officium suum Ar111A, ordinem orationum suarum Arm 8 ), add. 1ro16iv K - 7 A.tyrov] Kai i:A.&yE WJ -8 opqc; - Kupu:] 0111. y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (vides tribulationem [ + s] meam. Coge me, Domine, An11A, Domine[ter), omnipotens es Ar111B) - 9 f3iucmi E) f3oi(0T]er6v 01 D - IO Kui]x(IYJMOV) (et Arm"). 0111. DHy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (0111. ArmB) - II on Eyro] om. H, acid. Ev y(ASP) - 12 ti]v uaptiav roe; xriA.oc; D - 13 uA.M eru] uA.M V, eru lit y(ASP) - 14 roe; - lluvm6c;) WHJ (sicut Deus et sicut potens cohibe me ArmA), roe; lluvatoc; i.ov 0r.oc; KroA.uer6v E d(MOV), roe; 0Eoc; erroerov E roe; lluvatoc; D, roe; 0&6c; lluvatoc; KciJA.uer6v r. y(ASP)z(CBKNQ), roe; lluvatoc; 0Eoc; KciJA.uer6v E E (sicut omnipotens, cohibe me ArmB) - 15 E) 01 Q - 16 'Euv] iiv H - 17 EA&i(eruc;l EAEi(erEtc; WDHSEC, add. ~16vov WH - 18 f.Uv) praem. Kai y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ), acid. yap J, om. (scil. &uv - 0uuaert6v) d(MOV) - 19 ercilerEtc; WDHJPEK - 20 0uuaer-t6v] 0aiia WDH - 21 ii~t0c; ... EcrtlV d(MOV) - 22 yap - Eicriv] yap Eicrtv toii EAET]0i'jvm DHC, yup Eiertv ti'jc; eri'jc; uya06tl]tOc; J - 23 llfoxota] om. E - 24 tOV

uvu~1ov] om. Jy(ASP)CN - 25 Ps. 16, 7- 26 EV routcp] x(DHJMOV), Eic; f.f; (ex li11ea 9?) W, Kai Eic; tOiito y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) - 27 ti'j E6c;] add. ou H.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 251

(4.) Kai] 0111. y(ASP) (0111. Ar111A8) - 2 ovrroc;] add. uj3j3a y(ASP) - 3 OUKETI] ouJV- Ja m: ltoA&ro W- 4 IJTEl;i:1] x(WDMOV) (postea vel non ArmA), 11 ou Jy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (vel non Ar1118).

Story 2 De monacho spe orbato quem Christus solatur

(1.) w A/,J.or, aoeA.cpor, I EKa0rrro Kata 6var, 2 EV tiJ autiJ 3 ovu tc'I>v Movtoicov4, Kai aUtTJ s ftv Ti euxiJ aut0u 6 7tUVtOte Kupte, ti Ott 7 OU cpopouat cre; 'AA.A.a 7tE'ljfOV 8 ot Kepauv6v, ii UAATJV 9 7tepi-O'taO'lV, ii lO &.cr0evetav, ii oaiova, taxa 11 KUV OUtCO crou 21 ofo7tota, &.A.A.a tiJ cptA.av0pco7ti~ crou 22

15 (3.) Outco

252 J.A. MUNITIZ

eq>iO"tatat 17 a\mp 6 Xptcrt6c; 18 , Kai A.tyet 19 atmp i/1.ap~ 20 tij cpcovij Kai tlj'> 7tpocimq:r Ti exeic; liv9pco7te, ti o(hcoc; KA.aietc; ; /\yet Kai aut6c; 2 1. ~On e7tecra 22 K6pte 23. Ayet 24 autcp 6 cpaveic; autlj) 25 Kai eyeipou 26. 'A7teKpi9TJ 6 Keievoc; 27 Ou C>6vam, Mv i]

25 Brocruc; ot 28 xei.pa.)) Kai EKteivac; tl']v xeipa au'tOU 29, avfotT)crev aut6v 30, Kai miA.tv A.tyet autlj) 31 iA.aproc; 32 Ti KA.aietc; liv9pco7te, ti AU7tfjcrat 33 ; 'A7teKpi9TJ 34 6 aBeA.cpoc; K6pte 35 , OU 9A.etc; 1'.va KA.a6crco Kai A.U7tTJ9iO 36 , on 37 tocrauta cre A.67tTJO"a;

(4.) Tote EKte{vac; tftV xeipa au'tOU 6 q>aveic; I' 9T)Ke tl']v 7ta-30 A.aT)V QU'tOU 2 E7ti tl']v 1mpBiav 3 aO'tOU 4, Kai ilA.etcpev auti]v 5 ' Kai

eA.eyev aOtq'> 6 Mi] 9A.tPijc;, l'j 9A.tPijc; 7 , PoTJ9ei 6 E>e6c; 8 Aomov 9 on O"U tA.um19TJc;, tycb OtJKEtl lO AU7toum Kata crou C>ta crf: yap 11 to aia ou C>BcoKa 12, 7t6crcp 13 aA.A.ov BiBco 14 Kai tl'jv cptA.av9pco7tiav ou EKUO"tlJ etaVOOUO"lJ wuxij 1 5 ; ))

35 (5.) Kai tA.9cbv de; {;autov 6 aBeA.cpoc; 1 EK tfic; cmtacriac;, eOpe tl'jv KapBiav a-Utou 7tUcrf.Jc; xapac; 7te7tA.11pcoVTJV, Kai 2 E7tATJpOcpopiJ9TJ 3 ' on E7toi11crev 6 E>eoc; 4 et' autou 5 eA.eoc; 6 Kai eetve 7 Bta 8 7tavtoc; 9 EV 7tOA.A.ij ta1tetvocppocr6vu I 0 euxaptcrtrov tlj) 11 E>eq'>.

Notes (1.) 1 "AA.Aoc;; UliEA.cpoc;;] J (Alius frater Ar111A1), "AllEA.cpoc;; l.iA.A.oc;; d(MOJI), "AllEA.cpoc;;

WHz(CBKNFG), "AA.A.oc;; nc;; dllEA.cpoc;; y(ASP) (Fater quidam Ar111A28), titu/11111 prne111. IlEpi toii ovaxoii toii a!touaivou tro 9Ero (toii 9Eoii P) dxoA.af3Eiv &vtaii9a y(ASP) -2 Kata6vac;; WNFG (fors. recte) - 3 tij autij] tij totaimt J, autij tij F, tij N - 4 ovt-lltrov W, ovT]llirov Hy(ASP)KG (Monidisay ArmA2, Monidisoy Ar111B, 0111. Ar111A 1) - s aiitT] - Kai (line 6)] 0111. G - 6 autoii EUXTt B - 7 ti Ott]W (eo quod Ar111AI). on H, oillac;; ott Jd(MOJI), 0111. y(ASP)z(CBKNF) (0111. ArmA28). - 8 "AA.Ad m':IJlovJ aA.A.a Ii 1tEljfOV J, llOc;; B-. UAATJV] add. tlVCt y(ASP) - lO lil add. UAAT]V c - 11 taxaJ x(WHJMOV), Iva y(ASP)z(CBKNF) - 12 EPXEtat] x(WHJMOV), ilA.9T] y(ASP)z (CBKNF) - 13 1tE1troprotvT]] ta!tEtviJ d(MOJI) (perditae Ar111A 1, om. Ar111A2.B) -14 'lfUXfJ ou K, '1 vuxiJ ou i'] 1tE7tOprotvT] J.

(2.) 1 Taiita] tmitTJV F - 2 tKtEvroc;;] x(WHJMOV, sed post 0Eov transp. H) (vehementer Ar111AI). 0111. y(ASP)z(CBKNFG) - 3 Oflla] illro (sic) P, K(6pt)E prae111. B, add. W - 4 crunropi)crEtc;; WSPG - 5 ot] E W, E llfoxota G - 6 Elc;; to ovoa crou] x(WHJMOJI), Eic;; crt y(ASP)z(CBKNF), tVO!tOIOV croii G (coram te A1'111AI) -

7 xoA.A.d Kai KaKllE llfo1tota] llfo1tota rollE WHJ, ro (om. P) llfo1tota &vtaii9a y(ASP) - 13 1tatllE6crEtc;; PKG - 14 toiito] add. fotiv y(ASP) -15 tpoc;;] add. ti (sic) y(ASP) - 16 Ko6cp(tcr6v) des. in plrototypicis meis P - 17 E] ot ACKNG, post tpoc;; (line 11) transp. Ko6cptcr6v 01/E y(AS) - 18 tpoc;;] Irie WJy (AS)CKN(et ArmAl). post tKpov transp. d(MOJI) (Ar1118 ), 0111. HBFG - 19 l.ip~at]

l.ip~ou K(6pt)E y(AS), l.ip~oat M - 20 1tatllE6Etv] praem. toii WOV, xatllEiicrai WH -

21 Ps. 37 2 - 22 aA.A.d tij cptA.av9proxi~ crou] x(WHJOJI) (sed benignitate ArmAl). 0111. My(AS)z(CBKNFG) (om. Al'llrA2.B).

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA 253

(3.) I ETti] 0111. G - 2 oA.ov] 6AOKAl]pOV G, 0111. w - J c'maUO"tOOc;] 0111. FG -4 cruvrpiou Kapoiac;] x(WHJMOV) (consumptus corde Ar111A 1), llaKpl>rov y(AS)z (CBKNFG) (et lacrimis ... et contrito corde Am;B) - s Vl]crn:ifl] Vl]O'T&imc; H -6 Kai noHij] noV.i] Kai G - 7 ev noA.A.fi rnn&1voocr&t Kai ev Vl]crtEia F - 8 A.oy1cr-6v ecrxev] x(WHJMOV)G(sed tuvei [lege ttva?] post A.oy1crov add. G) (mente agi-tando Ar111A 1, et cogitabat in mente Arm8 ), A.oytcrrov y(AS)z(CBKN), 0111. F - 9 EV foutcp Myrov] Myrov ev foutro F, eA.&y&v ev foutro y(AS) - 10 ti] WHJz(CKNFG), ic; d(MOV)y(AS)B- II MaKCiptot] praem. Ott WJFG - 12 Matth. 5, 4 - 12 ouv] add. trov fieprov W - 13 Ka91]tvro aiJtro ... 9pl]VOUVtl J - 14 autoii post 9pl]VOUVtoc; transp. d(MOV)G - is Kata cruvi]9emv 9pvl]oiivrnc; y(AS) - 16 evucrrn~&v Wy(AS)G -

17 f:qiicrrnTm] x(WHJMOV), napicrrntm y(AS)z(CBKNFG) - 18 6 Xptcrtoc; post Kai Mye1 autcp trcmsp. H - 19 Kai A.ty&t] x(WHJMOV) (et dicit Ar111A), Myrov y(AS) z(CBKNFG) (dicit Arm8 ) - 20 IA.api'j HOB - 21 /\tyr.1 Kai aut6c;] x(JMOV), A.tyet autro W 111 l'id" My&1 autro 6 aor.A.qi6c; H, A.ty&1 autro z(CBKNF), Kai AEYEI autro G, 6 OE anoKpt9⁣ Myf:1 y(AS), (Et ille dicit ad Dominum ArmA, dicit frater ArmB) -22 em:cra] WHJ y(AS)BKG, &n&crov d(MO V)CNF - 23 Kup1e] KUpl] (lege KUpt ?) H -24 /\tyet] Kai A.ty&t H - 2 s autcp] 0111. JMOVFG - 26 EyEipou] ey&tp& (sic) H, add. m'.tA.tv y(AS) - 27 6 KEievoc;] EKEivoc; H - 28 ooocruc; 01] Broe; ot J, ot ooocretc; y(AS) - 29 aurnii] 0111. WJ - 30 avfotl]O'EV aut6v] Kai EOOOKEV aiJTro F - 31 Kai m'.t},1v Myet autcp] x(WHJMOV) (et iterum dicit ad ilium Ar111A 1), Kai My&t autro naA.tv y(AS)z(BKNF), Myrov autro naA.tv C, Kai Myet autro G - 32 IA.aproc;] 0111. G -33 A.uni'j BF, A.unei G- 34 an&Kpi91]] add. ouv H, add. Kai J- 35 Kupt&] x(WHJMOV) (ArmA.0 ), Kl>pt N,post ou 9tA.&tc; transp. y(AS)z(CKNFG), 0111. B- 36 KA.airo Kai A.unou-m J, A.un1]9ro Kai KA.aucrro d(MOJI)- 37 ott] ot& K.

(4.) q>avEic;J q>av⁣ autro H - 2 ti]v naA.al]v autoii] auti]v FG - 3 ETti ti]v Kapoiav] d(MOV) (super cor suum Ar111A 1), ⁣ ti]v Kapoiav JG, ev Tij Kapoia WH, ⁣ ti]v KEq>aA.i]v y(AS)z(CBKNF) (caput Arm8) - 4 autoii] HJy(AS)z(CBKNF) (illius ArmAl.B), TOU aOEAq>OU Wd(MOJl)G - s Kai ~Af.tq>EV auti]v] 0111. K - 6 Kai EA&y&v autcp] x(WJMOV) (et dicebat ArmA1), Myrov HG, Kai A.ty&1 autro y(AS)z(CBKNF) (et dicit Arm8) - 7 Mi] 9A.1J3ijc;, i] 9A.tJ3fjc;] x(WHJMOV), i] 9A.tf3i'jc; z(CBKNFG), l]ll&v A.un1]9⁣ (lege A.ux1]0ijc;?), aoeA.qit': y(AS) (noli turbari An11A 1, noli contristari valde Arm8 ) - 8 er. Ps 53, 6 - 9 /\omov Ott] Kai yap Ott y(AS), EX&i yap w (et eo quod Arm8 ) - 10 eyro ouKttt] Wd(MOV) (ego non amplius ArmA), ouKttt &yro HJy(AS)z(CBKNFG) - 11 ota cr& yap] WJ, e! yap 01a cr& y(AS), ota yap crt Hd (MOV)z(CKNFG), llta crf; G - 12 otoroKa] WJy(AS)FG (dedi ArmAl.2), eoroKa HCBK,

&~txw d(MOV) (effudi Ar1118) - 13 x6mp] add. ouv W - 14 oillro] x(JMOV), ooocrro Wy(AS)z(BNFG) (dabo ArmA.2, do ArmB), post ou transp. NFG, 0111. HCK (for the form oioro, cf. F. T. GIGNAC, A Gra111111ar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, Vol. II (Testi e documenti per lo studio dell'antichita LY 2), Milan 1981, p. 382, examples from the lst century A.D.) - is wuxfi ernvool>crl] y(AS).

(S.) 6 ao&A.q>oc;] EKEivoc; S, 0111. A - 2 Kai] add. EV tOUTO (sic) y(AS)- 3 EXAl]poq>opt01] H - 4 6 0eoc;] 0111. C - s &A.&0c; &t' autoii d(MO V) (misericordiam super ilium ArmB), autro 6 0eoc; (to add. W) &A.&0c; WJ- 6 Luc. 10, 37 - 7 e&tv&] e&v& WCKN - 8 om-navt6c; JVN - 9 navtroc; (sic acc.) H - 10 tan&tvoqipocruvuJ add. eKtot& y(AS) -11 tcp] add. q>tA.av9pooxro y(AS).

Heythrop College University of London

Joseph A. M UNITIZ