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Muhammad Zia-ul-HaqFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Not to be confused with Ziaur Rahman, also known as Zia, president of Bangladesh from 1977to 1981

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haqمحمد ضیاءالحق

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq at a military parade, 1977President of Pakistan

In office 5 July 1977 – 17 August 1988

Prime Minister Muhammad Khan JunejoPreceded by Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry

Succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq KhanPersonal details

Born12 August 1924

Jalandhar, Punjab, British India (now in Punjab, India)

Died 17 August 1988 (aged 64) Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan

Spouse(s) Begum Shafiqa Jahan (1950-1988 his death)[1]

Children

Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq Anwar-ul-Haq

Zain Zia Rubina Saleem

Quratulain Zia

Alma mater St. Stephen's College, Delhi United States Army Command and General Staff College

Religion IslamMilitary service

Nickname(s) Mard-i-Momin

Allegiance British India

Pakistan

Service/branch British Indian Army

Pakistan ArmyYears of service 1943–1988

Rank GeneralUnit Guides Cavalry, Army Armoured Corps (PA – 1810)

Commands2nd Independent Armoured Brigade

1st Armoured Division II Strike Corps

Chief of Army Staff

Battles/warsWorld War II

Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 Black September in Jordan Soviet war in Afghanistan

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (Punjabi, Urdu: 12 ; محمد ضیاء الحق August 1924 – 17 August 1988), wasthe sixth President of Pakistan from 1978 until his death in 1988, having declared martial lawfor the third time in the country's history in 1977. He was Pakistan's longest-serving head ofstate, ruling eleven years. He is most noted for his efforts to bring religion into mainstreamsociety within Pakistan, and in foreign policy, for his close relationship with the United States

and support for the mujahideen resistance against the Soviets in Afghanistan.[2][3][4]

After graduating from the Delhi University with aBA degree in economics, Zia saw action inWorld War II as a British Indian Army officer, before opting for Pakistan in 1947 and fighting inthewar against India in 1965. In 1970, he led the Pakistani training mission in Jordan, proving

instrumental[5] to putting down the Black September insurgency against King Hussein. Inrecognition, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhuttoapproved Zia's appointment to four-star tier,

asChief of Army Staff in 1976, over several senior officers.[6] Following increasing civil

disorder, Zia deposed Bhutto and declared martial law over the country in 1977.[7] Bhutto wascontroversially tried and executed by the Supreme Court less than two years later, for

authorising the murder of a political opponent.[8]

Assuming the presidency in 1978, Zia played a major role in the Soviet war inneighboringAfghanistan while playing an ambiguous role, infavor of Iran, during the Iran–IraqWar . Aided by the United States and Saudi Arabia, Zia systematically coordinated the Afghanmujahideen against the Soviet occupationthroughout the 1980s. This culminated in theSovietUnion's defeat and withdrawal in 1989, but also led to the proliferation of millions ofrefugees,with heroin and weaponry into Pakistan's frontier province. On the foreign front, Zia alsobolstered ties with China, theEuropean Union, the United States, and emphasised Pakistan'srole in the Islamic world, while relations with India worsened amid theSiachen conflict andaccusations that Pakistan was aiding the Khalistan movement. Domestically, Zia passedbroad-ranging legislation as part of Pakistan's Islamization, acts criticised for fomenting

religious intolerance. He also escalated Pakistan's atomic bomb project, and institutedindustrialisation and deregulation, helping Pakistan's economy become among the fastest-

growing in South Asia.[9] Averaged over Zia's rule, GDP growth was the highest in history.[10]

After lifting martial law and holding non-partisan elections in 1985, Zia appointed MuhammadJunejo as the Prime Minister but accumulated even more presidential powers via the Eighth

Amendment to the Constitution.[11] After Junejo signed the Geneva Accords in 1988 againstZia's wishes, and called for an inquiry into theOjhri Camp disaster, Zia dismissed Junejo'sgovernment and announced fresh elections in November 1988. But he was killed along withseveral of his top military officials and two American diplomats in a mysterious plane crashnear Bahawalpur on 17 August 1988. To this day, Zia remains a polarizing figure in Pakistan'shistory, credited by some for preventing wider Soviet incursions into the region as well aseconomic prosperity, but decried for weakening democratic institutions and passing laws

encouraging religious intolerance.[12]With the passing of Eighteenth Amendment to theConstitution of Pakistan, General Zia's name was permanently deleted from the Constitution ofPakistan.

Contents

[hide]

1 Early life2 Military service3 Planning of coup

3.1 Civil disorders against Bhutto3.2 1977 Parliamentary elections3.3 Coup d'état3.4 United States sponsorship3.5 Postponement of elections and call for accountability

4 Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator4.1 The Doctrine of Necessity4.2 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial4.3 Appointment of Martial Law Administrators

4.3.1 Martial law judges4.3.2 Martial law governors

5 Reign as President of Pakistan5.1 Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan5.2 Political structural changes

5.2.1 Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora

5.2.2 Referendum of 19845.2.3 1985 elections and constitutional amendments5.2.4 Economic policy

5.3 Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives5.3.1 Soviet invasion and Soviet-Afghan War5.3.2 Consolidation of atomic bomb programme5.3.3 Nuclear diplomacy5.3.4 Nuclear proliferation5.3.5 Expansion5.3.6 International standing enhancement and resumption of aid5.3.7 Fighting the war by proxy5.3.8 The war legacy

5.4 'Sharization' of Pakistan5.4.1 Hudood Ordinance5.4.2 Other sharia laws5.4.3 Blasphemy ordinances5.4.4 Madrassa Expansions5.4.5 Cultural policies

5.5 Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections5.6 Political Purge

6 Death7 Legacy

7.1 Funeral and aftermath7.2 Public image7.3 Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan

8 Honours9 Books about Haq's time period10 Portrayals in popular culture11 See also12 References13 External links

Early life[edit]

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was born in a Punjabi Muslim Arain[13][14] family in Jalandhar, Punjab

state of the British India,[15] on 12 August 1924 as the second child of Muhammad Akbar, whoworked as a staff clerk in the Army GHQ of India Command of British Armed Forces in

Delhiand Simla, prior to the After the independence of Pakistan from British colonial rule in

1947.[16]

He completed his initial education in Simla and then attended St. Stephen's College oftheUniversity of Delhi in for his B.A. degree in Economics, which he graduated with highest

marks in the college in 1943.[16] Prior to his graduation, Zia joined the British Indian Army in

1943.[17]During his collegiate years, he was noted as an extraordinary talent.[16]

He married Shafiq Jahan in 1950.[18]

Begum Shafiq Zia died on 6 January 1996.[19] Zia is survived by his sons, Muhammad Ijaz-ul-

Haq,[20] (born 1953), who went into politics and became a cabinet minister in the government

of Nawaz Sharif, and Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1950)[21][22][23] and his daughters, Zain[24][25][26]

(born 1972),[27] a special needs child, Rubina Saleem, who is married to a Pakistani banker

and has been living in the United States since 1980,[28] and Quratulain Zia who currently lives

in London, and is married to Pakistani doctor, Adnan Majid.[29]

Military service[edit]

General Zia-ul-Haq (center-left, second row) marching with Chairman Joint ChiefsGeneralMuhammad Shariff at PMA, 1977.Zia was commissioned in the British Indian Armyin a cavalry regiment on 12 May 1943 andfought against Japanese forces in Burma in World War II. After Pakistan gained itsindependence in 1947, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Armyas a Major. His regimentwas now the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He was trained in the United States in1962–1964 at the US Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.After that, he returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College,

Quetta.[30] During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia was a tank commander.[31] However,

Zia is also said to have been the Assistant Quarter Master of the 101st Infantry Division.[32]

Zia was stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in the training ofJordanian soldiers, as well as leading the training mission into battle during the BlackSeptember operations as commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial

to King Hussein's remaining in power. By 1973, then Major General Zia was commanding the

1st Armoured Division at Multan.[30]

He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II StrikeCorps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time that Zia invited Prime Minister Zulfikar AliBhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armoured Corps at Multan, using his tailor to stitch theBlue Patrols of his size. The next day, Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage atarget, where the target was quite obviously hit. After the function, Zia met Bhutto and

expressed his loyalty to him .[6]

On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved then-3 star general Lieutenant-

General Zia as Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to 4 star rank.[33] This promotion was

ahead of a number of more senior officers.[34] This promotion was highly controversial but hadpolitical motives for Bhutto, who saw Zia as firmly religious and an apolitical military figure who

had distaste of politics.[5] This was the same motives and move made by future Prime ministerNawaz Sharif who promoted Pervez Musharraf based on his political ambitious, as Chief of

Army Staff, but met the same fate as Bhutto in 1999 (although he was not executed).[5]

At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing Chief of Army Staff General TikkaKhan, the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were, Muhammad Shariff, MuhammedAkbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed Khan, Azmat Baksh Awan, Agha Ibrahim Akram, Abdul MajeedMalik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most junior,

superseding seven more senior lieutenant-generals.[35] However, the senior most at that time,Lieutenant-General Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to General, was made theChairmanof the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post akin to President Fazal Ilahi

Chaudhry.[36] Zia never called Bhutto as "Mr. Prime Minister", but relied on the term Sirwhile

referring to Bhutto.[34]

Planning of coup[edit]

Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as histerm progressed, the democratic socialists alliance who had previously allied with Bhutto

began to diminish as time progresses.[8] Initially targeting leader of the opposition ValiKhanand his opposition National Awami Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite theideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the NationalAssemblybecame increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal governments decision to oust

the NAP provincial government in Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist activities[37]

and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the deathof a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier townofPeshawar.

Civil disorders against Bhutto[edit]

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of aleading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility asBhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as GhulamMustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. Thepolitical crisis in the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civilliberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused

of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.[38]

1977 Parliamentary elections[edit]

On 8 January 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form thePakistan

National Alliance[38] (PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated fully in thoseelections. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splitson opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results,alleging that the election was rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections.Despite this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincialelections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the

newly elected Bhutto government as illegitimate.[citation needed]

Coup d'état[edit]

General Zia had been long planning to impose the Martial law and end of Bhutto's government

since 1976, soon when he became chief of army staff.[39] On multiple occasions, Ziadeliberately concealed intelligence information and misguided Bhutto on various political

matters.[39] Soon, all the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.[8]Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more unrest.[40] Bhutto imposed martiallawin major cities including Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad. However, a compromise

agreement between Bhutto and opposition was ultimately reported.[34] This compromisetheory was however probably a later day addition as a major PPP armed rally was in the

offing.[34] Zia planned the Coup d'état carefully, as he knew Bhutto had integral intelligence inthe Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal ZulfiqarAli Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd Mountain Division, Major-GeneralNaseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military Intelligence (DGMO)

and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.[34] Meanwhile, intelligenceunit and army formations were placed in Prime minister secretariat who kept an eye on

Bhutto's movement, tapping phone calls and keeping a record of invitees to the Prime

Minister's secretariat.[34] General Zia's closest ally, General K.M. Arif, had tried to meet with

Bhutto in various attempts, but such actions were thwarted by Zia.[34] Finally, on 5 April 1977,Arif succeeded in secretly meeting with Bhutto, revealing the plot against him. Bhuttoremained unconvinced and disbelieving, reportedly asking how his protege General Zia could

do such things to him. Bhutto dismissed General Arif later.[39]

“Zia's planning was excellent and well-rehearsed from every inch of the situation... Zia wanted tobecame an undisputed leader... Bhutto was tied up and had given no single chance to protecthimself from Zia's planning and his motives....

”

—Fakhruddin Ebrahim, [34]

To remove this intelligence, Zia secretly contracted with active duty British SAS army officersto maintain a staff course for the Army personnel, while Chief of Naval StaffAdmiralMohammad Shariff quietly removed naval personnel loyal to Bhutto and his government from

the Navy's active duty.[34] Zia ordered Bhutto's loyal officers to attend a staff and command

course and none of the officers were allowed to leave the course until midnight.[34]Meanwhile,Zia with his close officers, including Admiral Mohammad Shariff, then-Chairman of the Joint

Chiefs of Staff Committee, arranged the coup in the evening.[34] On 5 July 1977, before theannouncement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops

of Military Police under the order of Zia in the evening.[38]Bhutto tried to call Zia but alltelephone lines were disconnected. An army officer appeared in the Prime minister secretariat

to arrest Bhutto.[39] After realizing General Arif's warnings were no hoax and the coup hadindeed taken place, the weeping officer reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry but has been

forced to perform such "an unpleasant task".[39]

General Zia and his military government portrayed the coup as a "spontaneous response to adifficult situation", but his response was a complete contradiction. Soon after the coup,General Zia told the British journalist Edward Behr of Newsweek:

I (Zia) am the only man who took this decision [Fair Play] .... And I did so on1700Hrs on 4[th] July after hearing the press statements that talks andnegotiation between Mr. Bhutto and the opposition had broken down. Had anagreement been reached between them, I certainly would never had done it....—General Zia-ul-Haq, statement given to Newsweek, [5]

However, General Zia's Chief of Army Staff General Khalid Mahmud Arif contradicted Zia'sstatement when Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior leadership

of Pakistan Armed Forces had solid information.[5] Therefore, Arif met with Bhutto on

emergency basis, stressing and urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations with the opposition".[5] By

General Arif and independent expert's accounts, the talks had not broken down even thoughthe coup was very much in the offing. General Zia further argued that Fair Play against Bhuttohad been necessitated by the prospect of a civil war that Bhutto had been planning, by

distributing weapons to his supporters.[5] However, General Arif strongly rejected Zia'sremarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence that weapons were found or recovered at any ofthe party's election offices, the military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of

planning civil war.[5]

Immediately, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff announced his and the

navy's strong support for General Zia-ul-Haq and his military government.[5] But, the Chief ofAir Staff General Zulfikar Ali Khan remains unsupported while the Chairman of the Joint Chiefsof Staff Committee General Muhammad Shariff remains neutral, while he silently expressd his

support to Prime minister Zulfikar Bhutto.[5] In 1978, Zia pressured President Fazal IlahiChaudhry to appoint General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff; and Admiral Caramatt

Nazias Chief of Naval Staff in 1979.[41] On Zia's recommendation, President Illahi appointedAdmiral Mohammad Shariff as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, hence making theAdmiral the highest ranking officer and principal military adviser overlooking all of the inter-

services, including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces.[41] In 1979, the Chiefs of Army,Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff validated the coupas constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances, pledging their support to General

Zia-ul-Haq as well.[5]

United States sponsorship[edit]

President Ronald Reagan and Bill Clarkmeeting with President Zia-ul-Haq, 1982.The United States, notably the Reagan'sAdministration, was an ardent supporter of Zia'smilitary regime and a close ally of Pakistan'sconservative-leaning ruling military establishment.[42] The Reagan administration declared Zia's regime as the "front line" ally of the United

States in the fight against theCommunism.[42][43] American legislators and senior officialsmost notable were Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, Charlie Wilson,Joanne Herring, andthe civilian intelligence officers Michael Pillsbury and Gust Avrakotos, and senior U.S. militaryofficials General John William Vessey, and General Herbert M. Wassom, had been long

associated with the Zia military regime where they had made frequent trips to Pakistan

advising on expanding the idea of establishment in the political circle of Pakistan.[42]

Nominally, the American conservatism of Ronald Reagan's Republican Party influencedGeneral Zia-ul-Haq to adopt his idea of Islamic conservatism as the primary line of his military

government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic and other religious practices in the country.[42]

The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and as well asbrought a clinging bell tolls alarm to the United States who feared the loss of Pakistan as an

ally in the cold war.[5] Many of Pakistan's political scientists and historians widely suspectedthat the riots and coup against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was orchestrated with help of theU.S.Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States Government because UnitedStates growing fear of Bhutto's socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic towards theSoviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to involved in Pakistan, and hadaccess through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to

gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.[42][44] Former U.S. AttorneyGeneralRamsey Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing down theBhutto's government, and publicly accused the United States' Government after attending the

trial.[44]On the other hand, the United States refused any involvement in Bhutto's fall, and

argued that it was Bhutto who had alienated himself over the five years.[5] While witnessingthe dramatic fall of Bhutto, one U.S. diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotionalhold on the poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s generalelections. At the same time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The socialisteconomics and nationalization of major private industries during his first twoyears on office had badly upsets the Business circles... An ill-considereddecision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners andtraders. Both leftists — socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, andtrade unionists— felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservativeeconomics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords,Pakistan's traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto's aggressiveauthoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with politicalrivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....

—U.S. Embassy, Pakistan, U.S. commenting of Bhutto's fate, [5]

Postponement of elections and call for accountability[edit]

After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on nationaltelevision, PTV promising to hold new and neutral parliamentary elections within the next 90

days[5]

My sole aim is to organise free and fair elections which would be held in Octoberthis year. Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the electedrepresentatives of the people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate

from this schedule.[45]

He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated, but temporarily

suspended.[5] Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators to ensure the country's

integrity and sovereignty[5] therefore, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the

electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for the politicians.[46] Ontelevision, Zia strongly defended his decision for postponing the elections and demanded that

"scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past".[46] Thus, the

PNAadopted its policy of "retribution first, elections later".[46] Zia's policy severely tainted hiscredibility as many, both domestically and internationally, saw the broken promise as

malicious.[34] Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power the size

ofPPP rallies swell and a better performance in elections was possible.[5] This led to requestfor postponement of elections by the right-wing Islamists as well as left-wing socialists,

formerly allied with Bhutto, which displaced Bhutto in the first place.[5] Zia dispatched anintelligence unit, known as ISI's Political Wing, sending Brigadier-General Taffazul HussainSiddiqiui, to Bhutto's native Province, Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial

law.[5] ThePolitical Wing also contacted the several right-wing Islamists and conservatives,

promising an election, with PNA power-sharing the government with Zia.[5] Zia successfullydivided and separated the secular forces from right-wing Islamists and conservatives, and

later purged each member of secular front.[5]

A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been Members ofParliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any

level for the next seven years.[46] A white paper document was issued, incriminating the

deposed Bhutto government on several counts.[46]

It is reported by senior officers that when Gen. Zia met federal secretaries for the first time asleader of the country after martial law, he said that "He does not possess the charisma of

Bhutto, personality of Gen. Ayub Khan or the legitimacy of Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying

how can he be marketed.[5]

Reign as Chief Martial Law Administrator[edit]

After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia-ul-Haq declared martial law, andappointed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until becomingpresident on 16 September 1978.

The Doctrine of Necessity[edit]

Main article: Zia-ul-Haq's IslamizationNusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against Zia's military regime,challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, inwhat would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the1954Doctrine of necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time,Zia's overthrowing of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. Thejudgement tightened the general's hold on the government. When Bhutto appeared personallyto argue his appeal in the supreme court, he almost affirmed his concurrence with the judgespresent for not letting off a judgement without imposing some conditions on ruling militarygovernment.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Trial[edit]

Former elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but releasedshortly afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds ofPPP supporters. On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by the Army on charges ofauthorising the murder of a political opponent in March 1974. The trial proceedings began 24October 1977 and lasted five months. On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was not declared guilty ofmurder but was sentenced to death.In the words of Aftab Kazie and Roedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used inappropriate

language and insults to describe Bhutto and his colleagues.[47][48][49] The Supreme Courtruled four to three in favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence oncharges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician.[50]Despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's

death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence.[50] On 4 April1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as passed by

the Lahore High Court.[50]

The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military was condemned by the international

community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan.[50] Bhutto's trial was highly

controversial.[50][50]

Bhutto's last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long

defence of his conduct; he also made some matters clear.[34] He mentioned the words of

"heir" for his son "Mir Murtaza Bhutto".[34] He made some remark which indicated that he hasviews similar to a Sunni, though he was Shia albeit a non-practicing one. He also effectivelycast doubt on the reliability of star witnesses against him i.e. Masood Mahmood who was aUK-trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly

Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony.[34] He repeatedly brought

the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell.[34] Bhutto made it abundantly clear, eventhough indirectly that he wanted either freedom or death, not some thing in between, and

appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar.[34]

Bhutto's other lawyer Abdul Hafiz Pirzada filed a petition for the release of Bhutto's

colleagueMubashir Hassan and Bhutto itself.[34] The Supreme Court concluded that Bhutto'sexecution can be reversed by the President, and Hassan's case is being dealt with by MilitaryJustice Court led by Zia; therefore, the civilian courts have no jurisdiction over that hearing.[34]Pirzada submitted the request to Chief of Army Staff Directorate, but Zia claimed that the

request application had been gone missing.[34] Therefore, Zia upheld the sentence and Bhuttowas executed. Shattered and disturbed Pirzada left to United Kingdom and did not return to

Pakistan until democracy was restored in 1988.[34] It was not until 2000, when thePakistanmedia published its report that the application was found in the record section (Directorate-

General for the Military History) at the Generals Combatant Headquarter (GHQ).[34] Theapplication was made public domain when General Pervez Musharrafdeclassified much of the1970s records.

Appointment of Martial Law Administrators[edit]

Martial law judges[edit]

Main article: Supreme Court of PakistanThe Ad hoc appointments of senior justices at the Supreme Court of Pakistan was one of theearliest and major steps were taken out by the military government under General Zia-ul-Haq.[51] Zia had recognized the fact that since, Bhutto had good equations with the governments ofthe Soviet Union, China, and all the important western countries, excluding the United States.[51] Still, it was a formidable array of sovereigns, presidents and prime ministers and the PPP

can be forgiven for making a massive political miscalculations.[51]

After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Illahi to appoint Justice Sheikh

Anwarul Haq to Chief Justice of Pakistan on September 23, 1977.[51] Immediately, chiefjusticeYaqub Ali was forcefully removed from the office after the latter agreed to re-hear thepetition filed at the supreme court by the peoples party's chairwoman Nusrat Bhutto on 20

September 1977.[51] After Justice Yaqub Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of thenew Chief Justice, Sheikh Anwar-ul-Haq, as a chief justice of the Bench on the grounds thatby accepting the office of acting president during the absence of Zia-ul-Haq from the country,

he had compromised his impartial status.[51] Bhutto also stated that the Chief Justice in his

public statements had been critical of his government in the recent past.[51]

The objection was overruled by the Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and the case of Bhutto wasagain heard by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq as the bench's lead judge, and presided the

whole case of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law throughout Pakistan.[51] Shortly,after Zia's return, another judge Mushtak Ahmad also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's supportand elevated as the ad hoc Chief Justice of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the benchwho retained the death sentence of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared

guilty of the murder of the political opponent.[51] In 1979, when Zia departed for Saudi Arabia,

Justice Haq served as interim president of Pakistan.[51]

Martial law governors[edit]

Main article: Martial Law Administrator of Balochistan

Zia presenting the Hilal-i-Imtiazto Shamim Alam Khan.The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to carte blancheprovincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade and foul-mouthLieutenant-General Fazhle Haque was appointed Martial Law Administrator ofKhyber-

Pakhtunkhwa Province.[52] Lieutenant-General Fazle Haque was considered a strong vocalGeneral and a strong man. General Haque was the commander of theXI Corps, and

commanding-general officer of the Army elements responsible for fighting a secret war against

Soviet Union.[52]

The second appointment was of Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi who was appointed Martial

Law Administrator ofSindh Province; his tenure too saw civil disorder amid student riots.[52] Bycontrast, third martial law administrator appointment of Lieutenant-General Ghulam Jilani

Khan to the Punjab Province made much headway in beautifying Lahore[52] extending

infrastructure, and muting political opposition.[52] The ascent of Navaz Sharif to Chief Minister

of Punjab was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship.[53] Perhaps most crucially, final andfourth martial law administrator appointment was then-Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan.[52] Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to the post of Martial LawAdministrator of Balochistan Province saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, thecontainment of Afghan Mujahideen, as well as the construction of nuclear test sites in

theChagai District.[52]

Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin,[52] sophisticated weaponry, and countless refugees in

from neighboring Afghanistan.[52] Law and order deterioration was worse after he appointed

Mr. Junejo as Prime minister in 1985.[52] The government did not locate evidence of Zia

having a relationship in the heroin trade, but has been considered.[54]

Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously hadworked with the military governments of former president Yahya Khan and Ayub Khan in the

1960s.[41] One of the notable officers that had worked with him were General Khalid

Arief,Chief of Army Staff, and Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Chairman Joint Chiefs.[41] Bothwere noted by Western governments as highly capable and had wide experience from the

military government of the East-Pakistan and remained General Zia' confidential members.[41]

[55]Both Admiral Sharif and General Arif handled the matters efficiently if the matters were out ofcontrol by Zia. In 1979, Zia influenced the Navy's Promotion Board several times after hesucceeded first in the appointment of Admiral Caramatt Nazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979,

and Admiral Tarik Kamal Khan, also chief of naval staff, in 1983.[41] On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved the appointment of General Anwar Shamim as Chief of AirStaff and following President's resignation, Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial

Law Administrator.[41] In the matters of serious national security, General Zia had take thechief of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after he discussed the matters with the

respected chiefs of Staff.[41] Zia's appointment in inter-services were highly crucial for hismilitary government and pre-emptive measure to ensure the continuous loyalty of Navy and

Air Force to himself and his new military government.[41]

The Military Government of General Zia-ul-HaqPresidential cabinet Officer holder Term

President General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq 1978–1988Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo 1985–1988

Foreign Affairs Agha Shahi Lt.General Yaqub Khan

1977-1982 1982-1992

Treasury Ghulam Ishaq Khan Dr. Mahbub-ul-Haq

1977-1985 1985-1988

Law, Justice Sharifuddin Pirzada 1977–1988

Interior

Air Mshl Inamul Haq Khan Mahmoud Haroon

Lt.General Farooq Lodhi Aslam Khan

Wasim Sajjad

1977-1978 1978-1984 1984-1985 1985-1987 1987-1988

Defence Lt.General Ghulam Jilani Khan Maj.General Rahim Khan

1977-1980 1980-1988

Science advisor Lt.General Zahid Ali Akbar Munir Ahmad Khan

1977-1983 1983-1988

Health Lt.General Vajid Ali Khan 1977–1988Media broadcasting Brig.General Siddique Salik 1977–1988Internal Security Roedad Khan 1977–1988Public Service Adm Mohammad Sharif 1980–1988Communications Adm Tariq Kamal Khan 1986–1988Economic Adm Caramatt Nazi 1983–1988Intelligence Maj.General Rao Farman Ali 1983–1988

Reign as President of Pakistan[edit]

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan[edit]

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was

persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead.[56] After completing his term, and despiteZia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took theoffice of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978. Thus his position was cemented as theundisputed ruler of the country. Over the next six years, Zia issued several decrees whichamended the constitution and greatly expanded his power. Most significantly, the Revival ofConstitution of 1973 Order granted Zia the power to dissolve the National Assembly virtually atwill.

Political structuralchanges[edit]

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora[edit]

Main articles: Parliament ofPakistan, Technocracy andBureaucracyAlthough ostensibly onlyholding office until freeelections could be held,General Zia, like theprevious militarygovernments, disproved ofthe lack of discipline andorderliness that oftenaccompanies multiparty"parliamentary democracy."He preferred a "presidential"

form of government[57] and asystem of decision making by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first replacement for theparliament or National Assembly was a Majlis-e-Shoora, or "consultative council." Afterbanning all political parties in 1979 he disbanded Parliament and at the end of 1981 set up the

majlis, which was to act as a sort of board of advisors to the President and assist with the

process of Islamization.[58] The 350 members of the Shoorawere to be nominated by the

President and possessed only the power to consult with him,[57]and in reality served only to

endorse decisions already taken by the government.[59][57] Most members of the Shoora wereintellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields.[citation needed]

Zia's parliament and his military government reflect the idea of "military-bureaucratictechnocracy" (MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile military officers wereinitially part of his military government. His antipathy for the politicians led the promotion ofbureaucratic-technocracy which was seen a strong weapon of countering the politicians and

their political strongholds.[citation needed] Senior statesman and technocrats were includedphysicist-turned diplomat Agha Shahi, jurist Schariefuddin Perzada, corporate leader NavazScharif, economist Mahbub ul Haq, and senior statesman Aftab Kazie, Roedad Khan, andchemist-turned diplomat Ghulam Ishaq Khan were a few of the leading technocratic figures inhis military government.

Referendum of 1984[edit]

After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both internationally andwithin Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected representatives, Zia-ul-Haqattempted to secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on 19 December1984 with the option being to elect or reject the General as the future President, the wording of

the referendum making a vote against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.[57] According toofficial figures 95% of votes were cast in favour of Zia, however only 10% of the electorateparticipated in the referendum.

1985 elections and constitutional amendments[edit]

Main articles: Eighth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan and Pakistani generalelection, 1985After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gavepermission to election commission to hold national wide general elections but without political

parties in February 1985.[11] Most of the major opposing political parties decided to boycotttheelections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other.Critics complained that ethnic and sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political

parties (or making elections "non-partisan"), to the detriment of national integration.[60]

The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve theNational Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed forces. His prime

minister Muhammad Khan Junejo was known as unassuming and soft spoken but was a

Sindhi.[11]

Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law, Zia got thenew legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his

coup of 1977.[citation needed] He also managed to get several amendments passed, mostnotably the Eighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve

the Parliament.[11] However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously

granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper.[11] The text of the amendmentpermitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government had been toppled by a vote ofno confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or the government

could not function in a constitutional manner.[11]

Economic policy[edit]

Main article: Market Corporatization in PakistanSee also: Fifth Five-Year Plans of PakistanIn general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside fromIslamization) and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam Ishaq Khan,

Aftab Qazi and Vaseem Jaffrey. [61] However, between 1977 and 1986, the countryexperienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%—the highest in the world at thattime—thanks in large part to remittances from the overseas workers, rather than government

policy.[61] The first year of Zia's government coincided with a dramatic rise in remittances,which totaled $3.2 billion/year for most of the 1980s, accounted for 10 percent of Pakistans'sGDP; 45 percent of its current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange

earnings.[62][63]

By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto, theeconomic cycle process of nationalization program was completed. The socialist orientationand nationalisation program was slowly reversed; the idea of corporatization was heavilyfavored by President Zia-ul-Haq to direct the authoritarianism in the nationalized industries.One of his well-known and earliest initiatives were aimed to Islamized the nationaleconomywhich featured the Interest-free economic cycle. No actions towards privatizing theindustries were ordered by President Zia; only three steel mill industries were returned to itsprevious owners.By the end of 1987, the Finance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging thegradual privatisation and economic liberalization.

Soviet-Afghan War and Strategic initiatives[edit]

Soviet invasion and Soviet-Afghan War[edit]

Main article: Soviet war in AfghanistanFurther information: Establishment (Pakistan)

On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union (U.S.S.R.) intervened in Afghanistan.[64] Followingthis invasion, Zia chaired a meeting and was asked by several cabinet members to refrain

from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the U.S.S.R.[64] Zia,however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouringcountry, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan,in search of warm waters, and made no secret about his intentions of monetarily and militarilyaiding the Afghan resistance (the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States.[64]

During this meeting, Director-General of the ISI then-Lieutenant-General Akhtar AbdurRahman advocated for the idea of covert operation in Afghanistan by arming the Islamic

extremist.[64] During this meeting, General Rahman was heard saying: "Kabul must burn!

Kabul must burn!",[64] and mastered the idea of proxy war in Afghanistan.[64] After thismeeting, Zia authorised this operation under General Rahman, and it was later merged

withOperation Cyclone, a programme funded by the United States and the CIA.[64]

In November 1982, General Zia travelled to the Soviet Union to attend the funeral of Leonid

Brezhnev, then-General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[34]SovietPresident Andrei Gromyko and the new Secretary-General Yuri Andropov met with Zia where

a brief meeting took place at the Kremlin.[34] The Soviet Union and the new Secretary GeneralYuri Andropov were angry at Pakistan's covert involvement in the support of Afghan resistanceagainst the Soviet Union and her satellite state, Afghanistan, and expressed his indignation to

the General.[34] Then General Zia took his hand and told him that, "Mr. Secretary General...

Believe me, Pakistan wants nothing but good and healthy relations with the Soviet Union".[34]

According to Andrei Gromyko, Zia's sincerity had caught off guards and in the meeting,

everyone believed him but sadly found out that his words were not followed by his actions.[34]

While there, Indira Gandhi compared the personality of Zia to Bhutto's while she summed up

that Bhutto was intelligent, caring, and global experience that would reflect in his face.[34] But

with Zia, the tyranny could easily been seen on his face.[34]

Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing stronger links with

the United States, Japan, and the Western world.[65] Zia broken off relations with the Socialiststate and State capitalism became his major economic policy. Charlie Wilson claims that Ziadirectly dealt with the Israelis, working to build covert relations with them, allowing the countryto actively participate in Soviet war in Afghanistan. Helped by ISI, the Mossad channeled

Soviet reversed engineered weapons to Afghanistan.[65] In Wilson's own word, Zia reported to

have remarked to Israeli intelligence service: "Just don't put any stars of David on the boxes".[65]

Consolidation of atomic bomb programme[edit]

One of the earliest initiative taken by General Zia in 1977, was to militarise the integrated

atomic energy programme which was founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1972.[66] During thefirst stages, the programme was under the control of Bhutto and the Directorate for Science,under Science Advisor Dr. Mubashir Hassan,who was heading the civilian committee that

supervised the construction of the facilities and laboratories.[66] This atomic bomb project hadno boundaries with Munir Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately andreported to Bhutto and his science adviser Dr. Mubashir Hassan who had little interest in the

atomic bomb project.[66] Major-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineering officer, had little role inthe atomic project; General Zia responded by taking over the programme under the militarycontrol and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest of Dr. Mubashir

Hassan.[66] This whole giant nuclear energy project was transferred into the completeadministrative hands of Major-General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-General andEngineer-in-Chief of Corps of Engineers to deal with the authorities whose cooperation was

required.[66] General Akbar consolidated the entire project by placing the scientific research

under military control, setting boundaries and goals.[66] General Akbar proved to be anextremely capable officer in the matters of science and technology when he aggressively ledthe development of nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khanin a

matter of five years.[66]

By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional and 90% of

the work on atom bomb project was completed.[66] Both the Pakistan Atomic EnergyCommission (PAEC) and the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had ingeniously built the

extensive research infrastructure initiated by Bhutto.[66] General Akbar's office was shifted toArmy Combatant General Headquarters (GHQ) and General Akbar guided General Zia on keymatters of nuclear science and the atomic bomb production. He became the first engineeringofficer to have acknowledge General Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully

matured programme.[66] On the recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment ofMunir Ahmad Khan as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was convincedby Akbar that civilian scientists under Munir Khan's directorship were at their best to counter

the international pressure.[66]

This was proved when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device, codenameKirana-I on 11 March 1983 at the Weapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the leadership of

weapon-testing laboratory's director Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad.[66] Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar

went to GHQ and notified General Zia about the success of this test.[66] The PAEC respondedby conducting several cold-tests throughout the 1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir

Bhutto in the 1990s.[66] According to the reference in the book, "Eating Grass", Zia was deeplyconvinced that infiltration of Western and American moles and spies in gaining access to theproject; that he extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme "paranoia", both

in his personal life and in professional life.[67] He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated fromeach other and made critical administrative decision rather putting scientists in charge of the

aspects of the atomic programmes.[67] His actions spurred the innovation in the atomic bomb

project and an intense secrecy and security culture permeated in PAEC and KRL.[67]

Nuclear diplomacy[edit]

Unlike Bhutto who faced rogue criticism and faced a heated diplomatic war with the UnitedStates throughout the 1970s, General Zia took different diplomatic approaches to counter the

international pressure.[66] From 1979 to 1983, the country was made a subject of attack byinternational organisation for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); GeneralZia deftly neutralised international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons

programme to the nuclear designs of neighbouring Indian nuclear programme.[66] General Zia,with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Agha Shahi, Foreign Minister, drew a five-pointproposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to sign the NPT; the points

including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons.[68]

“ (sic)...Either General Zia did not know the facts about country'satomic bomb project... OrGeneral Zia was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever met...." ”

—Vernon Walters, 1981, [69]

Following the success of Operation Opera— Where anIsraeli Air Force strike took place tosabotage the Iraqi nuclear programme in 1981— suspicion grew in Pakistan that Indian Air

Force had similar plans for Pakistan.[70] In a private meeting with General Anvär Schamiem,then-Chief of Air Staff, General Zia had notified General Schamiem that Indian Air Force had

plans to infiltrate in Pakistan's nuclear energy project, citing the solid evidences.[70] Due toweak Air Force, General Shamim felt that the air force was unable to divert such attacks,therefore, General Shamim advised General Zia to use diplomacy through Munir Ahmad Khan

to divert the attacks.[70] At Vienna, Munir Ahmad Khan met with Raja Ramanna notified his

counterpart that such an attack would provoke a nuclear war between two countries.[71] Inmeantime, General Shamim decided to start the program to acquire the advanced F-16

Falcons and A-5 Fanton jets for Pakistan Air Force.[70] General Shamim launchedtheOperation Sentinel- a counter operation that thwarted the Israeli Air Force attempt tosabotage Pakistan's nuclear energy project— forced Indian Premier Indira Gandhi to held

talks with Pakistan on nuclear issues and directed a high delegation to Pakistan where both

countries pledged not to assist or attack each others facilities.[70] In 1985, following theinduction of F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fantons, General Shamim commissioned the Air Force

Strategic Command to protect and battle the weapons of mass destruction.[70]

In 1977, Zia ultimately adopted the policy of "Nuclear opacity" to deliberately denied the

sensitive atomic bomb programmes.[69] This policy of nuclear ambiguity was adopted afterwitnessing the success of Israel's nuclear program and on multiple occasions Zia's break his

words and promises concerning the nature of country's atomic bomb project.[69] On nuclearpolicy issues, Zia deliberately misguided the United States and concealed classified

information from the outside world.[69] The United States trusted Zia's sincerity and hispromises made by him to United States; Zia gave his words and assurances to the UnitedStates not to produced weapon-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU) above a

5% level.[69] However, the Deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency Vernon Walterconfronted Zia on his secret trip to Pakistan in October 1981. Confronted with the evidences,General Zia acknowledged that the information "must be true," but then denied everything,leading Walters to conclude that: "either Zia "did not know the facts" or was the "most superb

and patriotic liar I have ever met...".[69]

Nuclear proliferation[edit]

Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret to the

outside world.[66] Part of his strategy was to promotion of nuclear proliferation in anti-westernstates (such as North Korea, Iran, and communist China) to aid in their own nuclear ambition,

in order to divert the international attention which was difficult.[66] In 1981, General Ziacontracted with China when he sent the sensitive weapon-grade uranium to China and alsobuilt the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly enhanced the Chinese nuclear programme.[66] This act encouraged dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan who allegedly tried to aidinLibyan nuclear

program but because the ties were strained, Khan was warned of serious consequences.[66]

This policy was envisaged that this would deflect international pressure on these countries

and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.[72]

After General Zia's death, his successor General Mirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff,encouraged Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded nations suchasNorth Korea, Iran and Libya which also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for avariety of reasons. In 2004, Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weaponsprogramme was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistan Armed Forces and political

establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and President General Pervez Musharraf.[73]

Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had deep impact on the world, especially anti-western states,

most nominally North Korea and Iran. In the 2000s (decade), North Koreasoon would followedthe same suit after it was targeted by international community for its on-going nuclearprogram. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid in Syrian andIranian nuclear

program in the 1990s.[66] The North Korean connection to Syrian nuclear program wasexposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic operation, Orchard, which resulted insabotaging the Syrian nuclear program as well as death of 10 senior North-Korean scientistswho were aiding to build the nuclear program.

Expansion[edit]

Even though General Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project,

General Zia did not completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons.[66] After theretirement of General Akbar, General Zia transferred the control of the nuclear weaponsprogram to Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan, Chairman of Pakistan Atomic Energy

Commission.[66] Soon, General Zia promoted Khan as the technical director of the entireprogramme as well as returned to post of Science Adviser by appointing Munir Ahmad Khan

as his adviser.[66] With the support of handpicked civilian Prime minister Muhammad Juneijo,General Zia sanctioned the launch of the 50MW heavy water plutonium production reactor,

known as Khushab-I, at Khushab in 1985.[66] General Zia also took initiatives to launched the

space projects as spin-off to nuclear project.[66] Zia appointed nuclear engineer Salim

Mehmud as the Administrator of the Space Research Commission.[74] Zia also launched the

work on country's first satellite, Badr-1, a military satellite.[74] In 1987, General Zia launchedthe clandestine aerospace project, Integrated Missile Research Programme General Anwar

Shamim in 1985 and later under Lieutenant-General Talat Masood in 1987.[75]

International standing enhancement and resumption of aid[edit]

Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Sovietinvaders.Pakistan – United States relations took a much more positive turn. U.S. PresidentJimmy Carter and his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, cut off U.S. aid to Pakistan on thegrounds that Pakistan had not made sufficient progress on the nuclear issue. Then, on 25December 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, and Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in

aid over three years. Zia rejected this as "peanuts."[76] Carter also signed the finding in 1980that allowed less than $50 million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan cameto office, defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed, due to PresidentReagan's new priorities and the unlikely and remarkably effective effort byCongressmanCharles Wilson (D-TX), aided by Joanne Herring, and CIA Afghan Desk ChiefGust Avrakotosto increase the funding for Operation Cyclone. Aid to the Afghan resistance,

and to Pakistan, increased substantially, finally reaching $1 billion. The United States, facedwith a rival superpower looking as if it were to create another Communist bloc, now engagedZia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in Afghanistan against the Soviets.

Fighting the war by proxy[edit]

Zia now found himself in a position to demand billions of dollars in aid for the Mujahideen fromthe Western states, famously dismissing a United States proposed $325 million aid packageas "peanuts". Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and Special Service Group now becameactively involved in the conflict, and in cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency andthe United States Army Special Forces supported the armed struggle against the Soviets.In 1981, Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter as President of the United States. Reaganwas completely against the Soviet Union and its Communist satellites, dubbing it "the evilempire". Reagan now increased financial aid heading for Pakistan. In 1981, the ReaganAdministration sent the first of 40 F-16 jet fighters to the Pakistanis. But the Soviets keptcontrol of the Afghan skies until the Mujahideen received Stinger missiles in 1986. From thatmoment on, the Mujahideen's strategic position steadily improved.The Soviets declared a policy of national reconciliation. In January they announced that aSoviet withdrawal was no longer linked to the makeup of the Afghan government remainingbehind. Pakistan, with the massive extra-governmental and covert backing from the largestoperation ever mounted by the CIA and financial support of Saudi Arabia, therefore, played alarge part in the eventual withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1988.

The war legacy[edit]

The war left deep scars to the Pakistan's society with the menace of Kalashnikov (AK-

47assault rifle) culture spreading all over the country.[77] It is estimated that there are currently20 million firearms in Pakistan, which has a population of about 175 million (as of July 2010)

i.e., almost every ninth person has a firearm, most likely an automatic one.[78] The rise of theillicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increasedtremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off afterthe Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elementsin the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned

by their American sponsors such as the CIA.[79]

Two Afghan Mujahideen groups later morphed into Jihadist outfits in the shape of TalibanandAl-Qaeda in the early 1990s. For its turn in Pakistan, the war in West Pakistan, hamperedthePakistan's economy, dismantle the civil society, and as well as resulted 3,000 deaths forPakistan's Armed Forces. General Zia's morphed Jihadist furthered shocked country's pillars,

and faced a wave of suicide bombings from the period 2007 to 2011, resulting in more than30,000 civilian deaths in Pakistan.

'Sharization' of Pakistan[edit]

Main article: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization

The "primary" policy,[5] or "centerpiece" of Zia's government was "Sharization" or

"Islamization".[80]

In 1977, prior to the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with nightclubs,and horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto in an effort to stem the tide of street

Islamization.[81][82] Zia went much further, committing himself to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa("Rule of the prophet" or Islamic System, i.e. establishing an Islamic state and sharia

law[82]), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantly secular law, inherited from the British.In his first televised speech to the country as head of state Zia declared that

Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if itsticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as

an essential prerequisite for the country.[83]

In the past he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."[84][85]

Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each High Court (later the Federal Sharia Court)[86][85] tojudge legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna, and to bring Pakistan's

legal statutes into alignment with Islamic doctrine.[87] Zia bolstered the influence of the

ulama(Islamic clergy) and the Islamic parties.[87] 10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islamiparty were appointed to government posts to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his

passing.[80][87][82] Conservative ulama (Islamic scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic

Ideology.[86]

Islamisation was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale captured in the

slogan, "Food, clothing, and shelter".[5] In Zia's view, socialist economics and a secular-

socialist orientation served only to upset Pakistan's natural order and weaken its moral fiber.[5]

General Zia defended his policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist IanStephens:

The basis of Pakistan was Islam. ... Muslims of the subcontinent are a separateculture. It was on the Two-Nation Theory that this part was carved out of theSubcontinent as Pakistan.... Mr. Bhutto's way of flourishing in this Society was

by eroding its moral fiber. ... by pitching students against teachers, childrenagainst their parents, landlord against tenants, workers against mill owners.[Pakistan has economic difficulties] because Pakistanis have been made tobelieve that one can earn without working. ... We are going back to Islam not bychoice but by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that isimposing Islam. It was what 99 percent of people wanted; the street violenceagainst Bhutto reflected the people's desire ...

—General Zia-ul-Haq, [5]

How much of Zia's motivation came from piety and how much from political calculation isdisputed. One author points out that Zia was conspicuously silent on the dispute between the

heterodox Zikri and the 'Ulama in Balochistan where he needed stability.[88] Secular and leftist

forces accused Zia of manipulating Islam for political ends.[85] According to Nusrat Bhutto,former First Lady of Pakistan:

The ... horrors of 1971 war ... are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and theminds of people of [Pakistan]...Therefore, General Zia insanely ... used Islam ...to ensure the survival of his own regime....

—Nusrat Bhutto, [85]

How much success Zia had using state-sponsored Islamisation to strengthen national

cohesion is also disputed. Religious riots broke out in 1983 and 1984.[89] Sectarian divisionsbetween Sunnis and Shia worsened over the issue of the 1979 Zakat ordinance, butdifferences in fiqh jurisprudence also arose in marriage and divorce, inheritance and wills and

imposition of hadd punishments.[90][91]

Among Sunni Muslims, Deobandis and Barelvis also had disputes.[89] Zia favored Deobandidoctrine and the Sufi pirs of Sindh (who were Barelvi) joined the anti-Zia Movement for the

Restoration of Democracy.[89]

Hudood Ordinance[edit]

Main article: Hudood OrdinanceIn one of his first and most controversial measures to Islamize Pakistani society was thereplacement of parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979 "Hudood Ordinance."[92] (Hudood meaning limits or restrictions, as in limits of acceptable behavior in Islamic law.)

The Ordinance added new criminal offenses of adultery and fornication to Pakistani law, and

new punishments of whipping, amputation, and stoning to death.[93]

For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment or fine, or both, were replaced byamputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation of the right hand and left

foot for robbery.[81] For Zina (extramarital sex) the provisions relating to adultery werereplaced by the Ordinance with punishments of flogged 100 lashes for those unmarried

offenders, and stoning to death for married offenders.[81]

All these punishments were dependent on proof required for hadd being met. In practice theHudd requirement -- four Muslim men of good repute testifying as witness to the crime -- wasseldom met. As of 2014, no one offenders have been stoned or had limbs amputated by thePakistani judicial system. To be found guilty of theft, zina, or drinking alcohol by less stricttazirstandards -- where the punishment was flogging and/or imprisonment -- was common, andthere have been many floggings.More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers and politicians was

the incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges of zina.[81] The onus of providing

proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself.[81] Uncorroborated testimony by women

was inadmissible in hudood crimes.[94] If the victim/accuser was unable to prove herallegation, bringing the case to court was considered equivalent to a confession of sexual

intercourse outside of lawful marriage.[81] Despite this the ordinance remained in force until

the Women's Protection Bill was passed in 2006.[95]

Although the Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of evidence,

and prosecution system remained un-Islamic Anglo-Saxon.[81]

The hybridisation of Pakistan penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of the

difference in the underlying logic of the two legal systems.[81] PPC was kingly law, Haddood isa religious and community-based law.

Other sharia laws[edit]

Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented in publicschools, colleges and state television. Women's participation in sports and the performing artswas severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's legal testimony was given half theweight of a man's, according to critics. Unlike men, women entering into legal contracts were

required to have their signature witness by another person.[94]

In 1980 the "Zakat and Ushr Ordinance, 1980" was implemented.[96] The measure called for a2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day of Ramadan, with Zia

stating that the revenues would be used for poverty relief.[97] Zakat committees were

established to oversee distribution of the funds.[87]

In 1981 interest payments were replaced by "profit and loss" accounts (though profit was

thought to be simply interest by another name).[97] Textbooks were overhauled to remove un-

Islamic material, and un-Islamic books were removed from libraries.[97] Eating and drinkingduring Ramadan was outlawed, attempts were made to enforce praying of salat five times a

day.[87]

Blasphemy ordinances[edit]

To outlaw blasphemy, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code(CrPC) were amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986. The 1980 law prohibitedderogatory remarks against Islamic personages, and carried a three year prison sentence.[98]In 1982 the small Ahmadiyya religious minority were prohibited from saying or implyingthey were Muslims. In 1986 declaring anything implying disrespect to the IslamicprophetMuhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of Muhammad), Sahabah (companions ofMuhammad) or Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols) was made a cognisable offence, punishable

with imprisonment or fine, or both.[99]

Madrassa Expansions[edit]

Traditional religious madrassass in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the first time,

under the General Zia-ul-Haq's administration,[100] Their number grew from 893 to 2,801.

Most were Deobandi in doctrinal orientation, while one quarter of them were Barelvi.[101] Theyreceived funding from Zakat councils and provided free religious training, room and board to

impoverished Pakistanis.[102] The schools, which banned televisions and radios, have beencriticized by authors for stoking sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-

Muslims.[100][101][102]

Cultural policies[edit]

Main article: New wave of rock music in Pakistan (1980-1989)In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried the Western culture and music in the country.Soon afterwards, PTV, the national television network ceased playing music videos and only

patriotic songs were broadcast.[103] New taxes were levied on the film industry and most of

the cinemas in Lahore were shut down.[104] New tax rates were introduced, further decreasing

cinema attendances.[104]

This was despite strong support from the largest Western country, the United States, and

warm meetings between Zia and President Ronald Reagan.[52] It was under Zia and theeconomic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and lower-middle-classes

expanded and Western 1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread in popularity, and rock music

bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural critic Nadeem F. Paracha.[105]

Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections[edit]

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginningof 1988, rumours about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo andZia were rife.It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and Junejo'sinsistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next government ofAfghanistan before Soviet withdrawal. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleysbefore that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamization drive and rather weakened it. His eraled to serious disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into the secular control ofMQM from the clutches of Sunnis Jamaat-e-Islami.Ojhri Camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia versus Junejo. Junejo with western supportcould not strike Zia. Zia struck first.On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister underarticle 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime MinisterJunejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of Zia, and his opendeclarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at amunitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier inthe year, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal.Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said thathe would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter BenazirBhutto had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would becontesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease ininternational aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasinglydifficult political situation.

Political Purge[edit]

Main article: Human Rights in Pakistan under General Zia-ul-HaqGeneral Zia as Chief Martial Law Administrator and later President, consolidated near-absolute power in the 1970s and 1980s. The Purge that occurred in 1977 to 1979 and re-started in 1983, as a reaction to Zia's policies, the populist Movement for the Restoration ofDemocracy was born and soon gained popularity in Pakistan's smaller, poorer provinces,especially in Bhutto's home province, Sindh. General Zia responded by violently dealing withhis political opponents and journalists as well as minorities. Indira Gandhi, Indian PM raised

concerns over this brutality and violation of human rights at the hands of Pakistan's military

dictatorship (Dawn 14 August 1983).[22]

Many senior military officers such as Air Chief Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-GeneralTajammul Hussain Malik were convicted for treason, followed a small-scale purging ofPakistan Army officers sympathetic to Bhutto. Zia curbed the Communist Party by illegallyabducting Jam Saqi and Nazeer Abbasi for a secret trial. Both Abbasi and Saqi were torturedand killed while interrogating process into the hands of Brigadier-General Imtiaz Ahmad. Thepublic lynching and flagellation became common for senior journalists and politicians whosuffered at the hands of General Zia. This absolute act further radicalised the society whereintolerance for other people was reached to maximum. Zia's torture and purge forcedminorities to fled the country such as Major-General Eric Hall, director of Pakistan's spaceweapons program. The senior leadership of People's National Party took the refuge inneighbouring Afghanistan and India, while many political workers went missing and eitherkilled. One of the notable case was the hijacking of Pakistan International Airlines's Boeing720 in 1981. ISI quickly founded that the Al-Zulfikar was behind this plot which resulted inkilling of one military pilot. The leaders of this ring Salamullah Tipu was murdered in KabulPrison; others were abducted by the ISI. The head of the KHAD, Mohammad Najibullah wasalso involved in this plot, but soon paid the price at the hands of the Taliban in 1996 when hewas brutally beaten and publicly hanged in the roads of Kabul.Soon after this incident, Zia also began to hunt down the Al-Zulfiqar— a leftist organisationfounded by Bhutto's children. The brutal poisoning and death of Shahnawaz Bhutto, Bhutto'syoungest son, is widely suspected to done under Zia's orders, though there are no evidencesfor this claim. Zia's persecution of Bhutto's family, forced Benazir, Sanam and MurtazaBhuttoto hide in Arab world, notably Syria who provided the government-sanctioned houses tothe Bhutto family.

Death[edit]

Main article: Death of Muhammad Zia-ul-HaqZia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a U.S. M1 Abrams tankdemonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the small town in the Punjab province by C-130BHercules aircraft. The aircraft departed from Bahawalpur Airport and was expected to

reachIslamabad International Airport.[106] Shortly after a smooth takeoff, the control tower lostcontact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterward claim it was flyingerratically, then nosedived and exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 31 others died in theplane crash, including Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar AbdurRahman, close associate of Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the American Ambassador toPakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the U.S. Military

aid mission to Pakistan.[107][108]Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate Chairman announced Zia'sdeath on radio and TV. Conditions surrounding his death have given rise to many conspiracy

theories.[109] There is speculation that the United States, India, the Soviet Union (in retaliationfor Pakistani support of the mujahideen in Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal

groups within Zia's military were behind the incident.[110][111]

A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most probable causeof the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft'. It also suggested thatpoisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would

explain why no Mayday signal was given.[112] There were also speculation into other factsinvolving the details of the investigation. A black box was not located after the crash and

previous C-130 airplanes did have them installed.[113]

Maj Gen (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani claimed later that reports of Israeli and Indian involvementin Zia ul Haq’s plane crash were only speculations and he rejected the statement that wasgiven by former president Ghulam Ishaq Khan that the presidential plane was blown up in the

air. Durrani stated that Zia's plane was destroyed while landing.[114]

Legacy[edit]

Zia's Tomb

Funeral and aftermath[edit]

“ Well, he was a great loss...He is a martyr, and was a great man. ”—George P. Shultz, 1988, Cited source[115]

Grave stone of Zia's grave

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 inIslamabad.[115] As a 21-gun salute of light artilleryresounded off the lush Margalla Hills, nearly 1 million mourners joined in chants of "Zia ul-Haq,

you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above."[115] His body was laid to rest in a 4-by-10-foot dirt grave in front of the huge, modern mosque that Zia had built as a symbol of his

nation's commitment to Islam.[115] Also in attendance was his successor President GhulamIshaq Khanchiefs of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs and other high civic-military

officials.[115] Former US Secretary of State George P. Shultz also laid a floral wreath at Zia's

grave.[115]

Public image[edit]

Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarizing and widely discussed figure in

the country's intellectual and political circles.[116] Out of the country's short history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and tamper-proof legacy, according to the

editorial written in Dawn.[116] Historians and political scientists widely discussed and studied

his policy making skills, some authors noting him as "The Ringmaster"[39] and "Master

Tactician".[117] However, his most remembered and enduring legacy was his indirectinvolvement and military strategies, by proxy supporting the Mujahideen, against the

USSR'swar in Afghanistan.[118] His reign also helped the conservatives to rise at the national

politics against Benazir Bhutto.[118] He is also noted being one of the successful general in

making the armed forces as central planner in country's affairs.[119] During his regime, western

styles in hair, clothing, and music flooded the country.[105] The 1980s gave birth to Pakistani

rockmusic, which expressed Pakistani nationalism in the country.[105]

Removal of name from the Constitution of Pakistan[edit]

With the passing of Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, General Zia's

name was permanently deleted from the Constitution of Pakistan.[120][121]

Honours[edit]

Knight of the Order of the Rajamitrabhorn (Thailand).

Books about Haq's time period[edit]

The Leopard and the Fox by Tariq Ali (2007)

Breaking the Curfew by Emma Duncan (1989) ISBN 0-7181-2989-XWorking with Zia by General Khalid Mahmud ArifKhaki Shadows by General Khalid Mahmud ArifDesperately Seeking Paradise by Ziauddin SardarWaiting for Allah by Christina LambAyub, Bhutto, and Zia by Hassan IftikharJourney to Disillusionment by Sherbaz Khan MazariGhost Wars by Steven CollGeneral Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Shaheed: A Compilation by various authorsCharlie Wilson's War by George Crile IIIThe Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story by Mohammed Yousaf, Mark Adkin(1992)ISBN 0-85052-267-6A Case of Exploding Mangoes by Mohammed HanifPakistan's Politics The Zia Years by Mushahid Hussain SyedPakistan Under Martial Law 1977-1985 by Muhammad WaseemSongs of Blood and Sword by Fatima BhuttoAyub, Muhammad (2005). An army, Its Role and Rule: A History of the Pakistan Armyfrom Independence to Kargil, 1947–1999. RoseDog Books. ISBN 9780805995947.

Portrayals in popular culture[edit]

Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:

In the comic Shattered Visage, it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by thesame intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner.Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War.Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satiricalnovel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his

death.[122]

Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame(1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (hereknown as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and "put todeath".

Ayub, Muhammad (2005). An Army, its Role and Rule: A History of the Pakistan Army fromIndependence to Kargil 1947–1999. Pittsburgh: RoseDog Books. ISBN 0-8059-9594-3.

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's takeover of Pakistan and circumstances of his death werereferenced in the Star Trek novel The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, Volume

One. In a prelude to the fictional Eugenics Wars, it is implied that genetically

engineered"superman" Khan Noonien Singh arranged the crash.[123]

The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto wasreferenced in the book "Songs of Blood and Sword", a non-fiction memoir by MurtazaBhutto's daughter Fatima Bhutto with chilling intensity.

See also[edit]

Pakistan portal

Biography portal

Politics portal

List of Pakistani heads of state or governmentPolitics of PakistanLine of succession to the President of PakistanMilitary dictatorshipOppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-HaqCorporate capitalisation

References[edit]

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2. Jump up^ Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press. p. 245."Pakistan during the period 1977-1988 ... aspired to be an ideological state... the goal ofan Islamic state was deemed to be its main basis."

3. Jump up^ Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan. Facts on File. p. 216."In hist first speech to the natin, Zia pledged the government would work to create a trueIslamic society."

4. Jump up^ Haqqānī, Husain (2005). Pakistan: between mosque and military.Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. p. 131. ISBN 0-87003-214-3.Retrieved 23 May 2010. "Zia ul-Haq is often identified as the person most responsible forturning Pakistan into a global center for political Islam. Undoubtedly, Zia went farthest indefining Pakistan as an Islamic state, and he nurtured the jihadist ideology ..."

5. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Haqqani, Hussain (2005).Pakistan:Between Mosque and Military; §From Islamic Republic to Islamic State. UnitedStates: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (July 2005). pp. 395 pages.ISBN 978-0-87003-214-1.

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19. Jump up^ "Gone but not forgotten". The News. Retrieved 13 November 2011.20. Jump up^ "Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq". Nndb.com. Retrieved 13 November 2011.

21. Jump up^ Over 80 killed in Lahore attacks F.P. Lahore Office[dead link]

22. Jump up^ Book: President of Pakistan, General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq: January–December 1985

23. Jump up^ "Funeral of Zia ul Haq". Storyofpakistan.com. 1 June 2003. Retrieved 13November 2011.

24. Jump up^ "Zia's daughter is here". The Tribune (Chandigarh). Retrieved 13 November2011.

25. Jump up^ "Shatrughan reminisces ties with Zia". The Tribune (Chandigarh). 21 March2006. Retrieved 13 November 2011.

26. Jump up^ "Umeed-e-Noor's efforts for special children lauded". Paktribune.com.Retrieved13 November 2011.

27. Jump up^ "In Mumbai, she sends out a prayer for peace". Cities.expressindia.com.Retrieved13 November 2011.

28. Jump up^ "Zia through a daughter’s eyes". Khalidhasan.net. 28 March 2004. Retrieved13 November2011.

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30. ^ Jump up to:a b A.H. Amin. "Interview with Brig (retd) Shamim Yasin Manto" DefenceJournal, February 2002

31. Jump up^ The Consequences of Nuclear Proliferation: Lessons from South Asia ByDevin T. Hagerty Published by MIT Press, 1998, ISBN 0-262-58161-2, pp 114

32. Jump up^ http://books.google.com/books?id=3mE04D9PMpAC&pg=PA1756&dq=zia+ul+haq+commander+of+indo+pakistani+war&hl=en&sa=X&ei=DDadUOW9CMuQ0QGn4YC4DA&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=zia%20ul%20haq%20commander%20of%20indo%20pakistani%20war&f=false

33. Jump up^ In the summer of 1976, General Zia, who had superseded seven seniorsenior lieutenant-generals, told Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: "Sir, I am so grateful toyou for appointing me Chief of Army Staff. Not only myself, but may future generationswill be eternally grateful to you for singling me out for such a great honor, and this is afavour which I can never forget." The Herald, July 1992

34. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Anthony Hyman,Muhammed Ghayur, Naresh Kaushik (1989). Pakistan, Zia and after§Zia TheRingmaster. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. p. 130. ISBN 81-7017-253-5.

35. Jump up^ Ardeshir Cowasjee, "The general's generals" Daily Dawn, 29 June 199536. Jump up^ A.H. Amin "Remembering Our Warriors: Maj Gen (Retd) Tajammal Hussain

Malik"Defence Journal, September 200137. Jump up^ Militarism and the State Pakistan: Military Intervention by Eqbal Ahmed (Le

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40. Jump up^ Mazari, Sherbaz(2000) A Journey into disillusionment

41. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses (1980). Strategicanalysis: The Naval dictatorship. University of California: Institute for Defense Studiesand Analyses., 1980.

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43. Jump up^ Wawro, Geoffrey (2010). "The Carter Doctrine". Quick Sand (google book).New York, United States: The Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1-101-19768-4. Retrieved 9 July2012.

44. ^ Jump up to:a b Panhwar, Member of Sindh Provincial Assembly., Sani (5 April 1979)."CIA Sent Bhutto to the Gallows". The New York Time (article published in 1979) andSani H. Panhwar, member of Sindh Provincial Assembly and Party representative ofPakistan Peoples Party. Retrieved23 August 2011. ""I [Ramsey Clark] do not believe inconspiracy theories in general, but the similarities in the staging of riots in Chile (wherethe CIA allegedly helped overthrow PresidentSalvador Allende) and in Pakistan are justtoo close, Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on 5 July, after the usualparty on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more, byGeneral Zia-ul-Haq. Bhutto was falsely accused and subjected to brutality for monthsduring proceedings that corrupted the Judiciary of Pakistanbefore being murdered, thenhanged. As Americans, we must ask ourselves this: Is it possible that a rational militaryleader under the circumstances in Pakistan could have overthrown a constitutionalgovernment, without at least the tacit approval of the United States?"."

45. Jump up^ Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press. p. 256.

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47. Jump up^ Khan, Roedad. "Pakistan- A Dream Gone Sour". Colonel Athar HussainAnsari, PAF. Roedad Khan. Retrieved 16 November 2011. ""What is a constitution? It isa booklet with twelve or ten pages. I can tear them away and say that tomorrow we shalllive under a different system. Today, the people will follow wherever I lead. All thepoliticians including the once mighty Mr. Bhutto and his [Scumbag] friends will follow mewith tails wagging...." General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977"

48. Jump up^ "Zia describing Bhutto.". Saudi Press Agency. Saudi Press Agency.Retrieved16 November 2011. ""I hate anybody projecting as a leader ... if you want toserve the Islamic Ummah and Humanity, do it as a humble person. Amongst Muslims weare all Muslim brothers ... not leaders..."

49. Jump up^ Khan, Roedad. "Zia's attitude towards Bhutto and his friends". ""It is either hisneck or mine! ... I have not convicted him or his friend [Mubashir Hassan], and if theyhold him guilty, my God, I am not going to let him off!"

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52. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k Arif, PA, General (retired) Khalid Mahmood (1995).Working with Zia: Pakistan's power politics, 1977–1988. United Kingdom: OxfordUniversity Press, 1995. pp. 435 pages. ISBN 978-0-19-577570-9.

53. Jump up^ Nawaz Sharif Profile on WikiMir source of original citation54. Jump up^ Booth, Martin (1999). "Soldiers and Secrets". Opium : a history (google

books) (1st St. Martin's Griffin ed. ed.). New York: St. Martin's Griffin. pp. 290–292.ISBN 0-312-20667-4.

55. Jump up^ Shahid Javed Burki. "Pakistan: Fifty Years of Nationhood (WestviewPublishers, 1999)"

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57. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin'sPress. pp. 260–1.

58. Jump up^ Many Islamists have pointed out that while the Quran makes no mention ofelections, parliaments, etc., the Quran did urge Muhammad -- the first ruler of Muslims,and the one who Muslim should emulate -- to consult his companions. (see The Need forConsultation (mushāwara)|by Muhammad Haq | January 3, 2013)

59. Jump up^ Al-Mushir 24, n.2 (1982), p.8560. Jump up^ Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press.

pp. 284–5. "Partyless elections encouraged sectarian and ethnic mobilisation to thedetriment of national integration. C. Rakisits points out that `.... Ethnic identification hasincreasingly replaced the Pakistan `nation` as a symbol of emotional loyalty.`"

61. ^ Jump up to:a b Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan, a Modern History. NY: St.Martin's Press.pp. 246, 7. "... the period of rapid economic growth during the 1980s also dampenedthreats to Zia's power, although it was based more on the bounty of remittances fromoverseas' workers than on economic policies. ... per capita income [increased] by 34%but the economy also benefited in this period from overseas remittances of $25 billion."

62. Jump up^ Mohiuddin, Yasmeen Niaz (2007). Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook.ABC-CLIO. p. 110. Retrieved 4 December 2014. "The dramatic rise in remittancescoincided with the first year of the Zia government and is considered the most significant

economic development during his era. These remittances totaling $3.2 billion per year formost of the 1980s, were substantial, particular in relation to the size of the economy.They accounted for 10 percent of GDP; 45 percent of current account receipts, and 40percent of total foreign exchange earnings"

63. Jump up^ Hussain, Ishrat (1999). Pakistan: The Economy of an Elitist State. Karachi:Oxford University Press.

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(help)68. Jump up^ Mia, Zia. South Asian cultures of the bomb: atomic publics and the state in

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70. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Shamim, Anwar (2010). Cutting Edge PAF: A Former Air Chief'sReminiscences of a Developing Air Force§ Critical Years: Intelligence and Deception.Islamabad, Islamabad Capital Territory: Vanguard Books. pp. 320–351. ISBN 978-969-402-540-7.

71. Jump up^ Schbir, Usmann. "Munir Ahmad Khan: Pakistan's nuclear supremo". PakistanMilitary Consortium.

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73. Jump up^ The Man Who Sold the Bomb, Time.com Sunday, 6 Feb 2005

74. ^ Jump up to:a b Mehmud, PhD (Nuclear Engineering), Salim. "Pakistan and EarthObservational System (EOS)". Dr. Salim Mehmud, former administrator of SpaceResearch Commission. Salim Mehmud (Nuclear engineer, PhD).

75. Jump up^ Lodi, Lieutenant General Safdar F.S. (May 1998). "Pakistan's MissileTechnology". Head of Integrated Missile Research and Development Programme(IMRDP). Defence Journal of Pakistan.

76. Jump up^ The Bear Trap, Brig. Muhammad Yousuf77. Jump up^ Pakistan's Kalashnikov Culture and the CIA-ISI-Saudi Axis, By Alex

Constantine78. Jump up^ Guns in Pakistan79. Jump up^ The Afghanistan Drug Trade, Forbes.com by Richard McGill Murphy 16

October 1997

80. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones, Owen Bennett (2002). Pakistan : eye of the storm. New Havenand London: Yale University Press. pp. 16–7. "... Zia rewarded the only political party tooffer him consistent support, Jamaat-e-Islami. Tens of thousands of Jamaat activists andsympathisers were given jobs in the judiciary, the civil service and other state institutions.These appointments meant Zia's Islamic agenda lived on long after he died."

81. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h Michael Heng Siam-Heng, Ten Chin Liew (2010). State andSecularism: Perspectives from Asia§General Zia-ul-Haq and Patronage of Islamism.Singapore: World Scientific. p. 360. ISBN 9789814282383.

82. ^ Jump up to:a b c Kepel, Gilles (2002). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam (2006 ed.).I.B.Tauris. pp. 100–101. Retrieved 5 December 2014.

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Hijra

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covered by a ... façade of strict conservatism and ... moralistic pretence,... Ironically, it ...also propelled the gradual expansion of the country’s urban middle and lower-middle-classes. And it is the youth cultures that emerged from these classes that launched thefirst shots of the kind of pop culture, scene and music we now call modern Pakistanipop."

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circle, a light is shone on leader's death". The Times (London). p. 40.111. Jump up^ Hamilton, Dwight. "Terror Threat: International and Homegrown terrorists and

their threat to Canada", 2007112. Jump up^ The History and Culture of Pakistan by Nigel Kelly. ISBN 1-901458-67-9113. Jump up^ http://news.google.com/newspapers?

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123. Jump up^ Greg Cox (July 2001). The Rise and Fall of Khan Noonien Singh, VolumeOne. Pocket Books. ISBN 0-671-02127-3.

External links[edit]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

Biography video 'Shaheed e IslamThe State Funeral of Zia Ul Haq on Pakistan TelevisionAnnotated Bibliography for Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq from the Alsos Digital Library forNuclear Issues"Who Killed Zia?" by Edward Jay Epstein for Vanity Fair, September 1989Official profile at Pakistan Army websiteThe Constitution of the Islamic Republic of PakistanGeneral Zia-ul-Haq’s plane crash due to mechanical problem (Times of London)Obituary by Pakistan Television 'Soldier of Islam'