mpi paper published jor (1)

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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wjor20 Download by: [Swinburne University of Technology] Date: 21 December 2015, At: 14:04 Journal of Offender Rehabilitation ISSN: 1050-9674 (Print) 1540-8558 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjor20 Maori and Pacific Islander overrepresentation in the Australian criminal justice system—what are the determinants? Stephane M. Shepherd & Tavale Ilalio To cite this article: Stephane M. Shepherd & Tavale Ilalio (2015): Maori and Pacific Islander overrepresentation in the Australian criminal justice system—what are the determinants?, Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, DOI: 10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959 Published online: 21 Dec 2015. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data

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Page 1: MPI paper published JOR (1)

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttp://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wjor20

Download by: [Swinburne University of Technology] Date: 21 December 2015, At: 14:04

Journal of Offender Rehabilitation

ISSN: 1050-9674 (Print) 1540-8558 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjor20

Maori and Pacific Islander overrepresentation inthe Australian criminal justice system—what arethe determinants?

Stephane M. Shepherd & Tavale Ilalio

To cite this article: Stephane M. Shepherd & Tavale Ilalio (2015): Maori and Pacific Islanderoverrepresentation in the Australian criminal justice system—what are the determinants?,Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, DOI: 10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959

Published online: 21 Dec 2015.

Submit your article to this journal

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Page 2: MPI paper published JOR (1)

JOURNAL OF OFFENDER REHABILITATIONhttp://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959

Maori and Pacific Islander overrepresentation in theAustralian criminal justice system—what are thedeterminants?Stephane M. Shepherda and Tavale Ilaliob

aCentre for Forensic Behavioural Science, Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne, Australia;bBridging Worx, Melbourne, Australia

ABSTRACTMaori and Pacific Islanders are heavily overrepresented in theAustralian criminal justice system. Despite these circumstances,little is known about the risk factors uniquely underpinningtheir involvement in criminal behavior. A review of the literaturediscovered that acculturation stressors, widespread educationaldisengagement, family and cultural disintegration, job insecur-ity, economic disadvantage, and social service inaccessibilitywere prevalent issues among both young Maori and PacificIslander offenders and their communities. The findings signalthe need for culturally tailored interventions that divert youngMaori and Pacific Islanders from law-breaking behaviors whilereconnecting them with family, culture, education, employ-ment, and prosocial activities. Local efforts to address thissignificant gap in service delivery have been made and arediscussed within.

KEYWORDSCrime prevention; juvenileoffenders; offenderrehabilitation; principles ofeffective intervention;reintegration; risk factors

It is estimated that somewhere between 125,000 and 160,000 people living inAustralia have Maori ancestry (Hamer, 2012; Kukutai & Pawar, 2013).Another 160,000 people with Pacific Island ancestry reside in Australia(Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2014). Though signifi-cantly less than 1% of the Australian population combined, the number ofMaori and Pacific Islander people living in Australia has increased over thepast 10 years and many have come to Australia via New Zealand (Departmentof Immigration and Border Protection, 2014). In neighboring New Zealand,the Indigenous Maori comprise 15% of the general population while PacificIslanders who originate from the nearby regions of Melanesia, Micronesia,and Polynesia are 7% of New Zealand’s population (Statistics New Zealand,2014). The bulk of Australia’s Pacific Islander population are of Polynesiandescent, the majority originating from Samoa and Fiji (Department of Immi-gration and Border Protection, 2014). Though heterogeneous, Maori andPacific Islander cultures possess several parallels. At the heart of both cultureslies a collectivist philosophy underpinned by strong family interdependence,

CONTACT Stephane Shepherd [email protected] Centre for Forensic Behavioural Science, SwinburneUniversity of Technology, 505 Hoddle St., Clifton Hill VIC 3068, Australia.© 2016 Taylor & Francis

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holism, and spiritual connectivity (Francis, 1995; Manley, Seymour, &McDonald, 2004; South East Local Learning and Employment Network[SELLEN], 2012; The South Pacific Foundation of Victoria Inc. [SPFV],2007; Va’a, 2001; White, Perrone, Guerra, & Lampugnani, 1999). Themaintenance of a cultural identity through traditional customs, practices,and kinship structures is understood to be vital to the preservation ofwellbeing (Durie, 1994, 2004; Ministry of Health, 2008; Seiuli, 2012). Thesecustomary facets are often in conceptual contrast to Western worldviews ofindividualism and the notion of the nuclear family. For Maori and PacificIslander (MPI) cultures, the extended family network is the locus where one’sidentity, role, spirituality, social principles, and responsibilities are cultivatedand supported over the life course.

Despite contrasting cultural perspectives, the majority of MPI people are avaluable part of the growing multicultural fabric of Australian society. In fact,historical data point to Maori presence in prefederation Australia and a smallpopulation of approximately 4,000 in the 1960s (Hamer, 2008). Most MPIpeople living in Australia have arrived over the past 25 years seeking econ-omic opportunity and integrating successfully into society. For instance,MPI people generally have commensurate rates of workforce participationin Australia compared to non-MPI people (Department of Social Services,2014; Kukutai & Pawar, 2013). However, many MPI residents encounterunique environmental, socioeconomic, and postmigratory challenges thatimpact their ability to make meaningful and law-abiding contributions tosociety. These enduring adversities are exemplified by the overrepresentationof MPI people in the criminal justice system. The disproportionate number ofMaori incarcerated in New Zealand is well documented (Department of Cor-rections and Statistics New Zealand [DCSNZ], 2013). Similarly, Pacific Islan-ders are overrepresented in the New Zealand prison system although to alesser extent (DCSNZ, 2013). Moreover, inquiries into youth violence inNew Zealand found that young Pacific Islander offenders were more likelyto have violent histories and commit more violent offenses than young Maoriand European offenders (Ioane, Lambie, & Percival, 2013, 2014). In Australia,accurate data on the ethnic background of people processed through the Aus-tralian criminal justice system are scarce. However, the available evidence sug-gests that MPI people are also disproportionately represented in theAustralian criminal justice system. In 2014, Samoan-born prisoners had thesecond highest imprisonment rate in Australia (Australian Bureau of Stat-istics, 2014). In 2013, both Samoan- and Fijian-born prisoners had two ofthe highest Australian imprisonment rates (Australian Bureau of Statistics,2013). A recent Victorian study investigating the intersection of ethnicityand crime in various Victorian localities discovered that communities withhigher numbers of Oceania-born residents had higher rates of crime (Francis,Armstrong, & Totikidis, 2006).

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In Australia, youth justice policies and practices vary by state and territory.Young people who are charged with an offense may be subject to community-based options or detainment in a secure detention facility. The southeasternstate of Victoria possesses youth justice legislation that supports the diversionof young people away from the criminal justice system. With approximately150 young people in custody on any given day (Australian GovernmentNational Health and Medical Research Council, 2014), Victoria has the lowestrate of youth imprisonment in the Australia. As such, young people who findthemselves in custody in Victoria are often perpetrators of chronic and/orsevere criminal activity. Of concern is the growing number of MPI individualsin custody in Victoria. Despite comprising less than 0.2 percent of the Victor-ian general population, MPI youth are estimated to be 16 times more likely tobe in custody (Amato, 2012). In 2011, male MPI youth comprised almost10% of Victorian young people in custody and over 5% of youth servingcommunity orders (Amato, 2012). A 2012 study investigating the level of viol-ence risk among young Victorian offenders in custody discovered a margin-ally higher proportion (11.6%) of MPI male and female young offenders in arepresentative sample (see Table 1, Ogloff & Shepherd, 2012). In this study,the MPI category comprised youth who self-identified as Samoan (n¼ 11),Maori (n¼ 8), Cook Islander (n¼ 3), Fijian (n¼ 2), and Tongan (n¼ 1). Afurther two participants in this study had Pacific Islander ancestry but choseto identify with an alternative ethnic group in which they also shared ancestry.This representation is in line with recent data indicating that of youth sen-tenced to detention in Victoria in 2013–2014, 12% were from Maori andPacific Islander backgrounds (Youth Parole Board and Youth ResidentialBoard Victoria, 2014).

The evidence clearly signals MPI overrepresentation in both adult andyouth prisons across Australian states (Corbin, 2012; Department of Justice,2011). Furthermore, such figures may underrepresent the true number ofMPI offenders in Australian prisons as available statistical databases oftendo not disentangle ethnicity among both Australian- and New Zealand-bornoffenders. Moreover, Australian law enforcement data rarely record offenderethnicity precluding the extent of MPI arrest rates. In any case, the availabledata indicate that MPI people in Australia are at a greater risk of being

Table 1. Young people in custody in victoria by ethnicity in 2012 (ages 10–21).Ethnic group Frequency %

Maori/Pacific Islander 25 11.6CALD (non-MPI) 40 18.6Indigenous 40 18.6ESB 110 51.2Total 215 100.0

Note. Adapted from Youth Violence Study, by J. R. P. Ogloff and S. M. Sheperd, 2012. CALD¼ culturallyand linguistically diverse; MPI¼Maori and Pacific Islander; ESB¼ English-speaking background(White European); Indigenous¼Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.

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processed through the Australian criminal justice system. As such, an inquiryinto the contextual precursors underpinning these findings is warranted.There is almost no research on the criminal patterns of culturally and linguis-tically diverse people who reside in Australia, let alone people of MPI origin.Shepherd (2015) conducted a review of several risk and protective factors thatbroadly affect minority groups in Australia and may increase their likelihoodof engaging in criminal activity. However, to the authors’ knowledge, no pub-lished review has a specific focus on the unique influences that promptinvolvement in criminal behavior for MPI people in Australia. This articleaims to address this critical gap in the literature by way of a rigorous parsingof extant regional health, forensic, and sociodemographic research on MPIpeople. First, unique criminogenic markers impacting MPI people will beidentified. Second, we will discuss culturally tailored solutions aimed at com-bating the issue of MPI criminal overrepresentation and how such initiativesare best implemented.

Risk factors for offending

Several decades of research from the disciplines of psychology and crimi-nology have identified a regular concert of risk items that have been statisti-cally shown, if present, to increase the likelihood of an individual committingfuture violence or other problem behaviors (Andrews & Bonta, 2006; Douglas& Reeves, 2010). Key risk items include static historical factors (past historiesof violence, child maltreatment, early exposure to crime, criminal caregivers),dynamic environmental factors (antisocial peers, education/employmentdisengagement, community disorganization), and personal behaviors and atti-tudes (anger problems, views favorable towards crime, impulsivity, remorse-lessness, substance use; Borum, 2000). Intuitively, this nonexhaustive suite ofprecursors to crime would appear to extend to myriad populations around theworld. Research, in part, supports this claim if a population tends to resemblea conventional Western environment with minimal cultural diversity. Socie-ties, subgroups, or individuals who culturally depart from Western conven-tion do not enjoy the same empirical support on this matter (Singh, Grann,& Fazel, 2011). This does not imply that years of robust risk factor researchdoes not apply to non-Caucasian groups, but the existence of distinctive fac-tors and stressors associated with an individual’s culture or ethnicity mayrequire identification. Moreover, particular at-risk minority individuals maypossess several orthodox risk factors acknowledged in the Western literature,however the presentation of these items may manifest differently as per cul-tural nuance. The cross-cultural recognition of criminal antecedents is neces-sary to accurately identify targets for treatment with the intention of reducingrisk (Shepherd, 2014). But before this is realized, we must first ascertain whatunique factors are broadly responsible for increasing MPI overrepresentation

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in custody. The following group of factors represents unique issues and chal-lenges that may unduly impact the likelihood of offending for MPI people inAustralia.

Acculturation stressors

Many MPI people in Australia have endured postmigratory challenges includ-ing recurrent displacement, family and lifestyle disruption, instability, iso-lation, cultural disconnection, fragmentation of extended support networks,and cultural shock (Ahmed, 2014; Kukutai & Pawar, 2013; Manley et al.,2004; Queensland Health, 2010a; Rodriguez, 2007; SELLEN, 2012; SPFV,2007; Springvale Monash Legal Service Inc. [SMLS], 2007; White et al.,1999). For some Pacific Islander families, relocating to Australia is oftenthe second wave of migration in the space of one or two generations, havingpreviously migrated to New Zealand from their country of origin. The processof adapting to a new culture as the original culture simultaneously undergoesmodification or weakens can be a source of considerable distress (Berry,1997). The impact of acculturation is particularly profound when there aremarked cultural dissimilarities between the former and adopted countries.Both Maori and Pacific Islander traditional cultures are of a collective naturewhere social support structures, and cultural expectations and obligations areshaped and preserved in close-knit smaller-scale communities and family net-works. Social edification and cultural identity are reinforced through commu-nal guidance and religious adherence ensuring connectedness and themaintenance of wellbeing. The dislocation caused by migration often seversthese cultural bonds through the disintegration of family networks. Conse-quences include the loss of a sense of security, loneliness and seclusion, dis-connection from culture, and a subsequent comprised cultural identity(Maynard, Coebergh, Anstiss, Bakker, & Huriwai, 1999; Office of Multicul-tural Interests [OMI], 2009; Queensland Health, 2010a; United Voice ofPacific Island Communities, 2012; White et al., 1999). These drawbacks canaffect both older and younger MPI migrants in different ways as they adjustto the dominant culture. For example, older MPI migrants may attempt touphold cultural customs while younger MPI migrants may favor mainstreamvalues and attitudes (Francis, 1995; OMI, 2009; SELLEN, 2012; SMLS, 2007;SPFV, 2007; United Voice of Pacific Island Communities, 2012). The resultingintergenerational cultural tension can destabilize the family environmentalready bereft of the broader social support that was traditionally experiencedpremigration. As such, other common postmigratory stressors such as obtain-ing suitable housing, financial difficulties, and accessing social services arepotentially exacerbated when combined with the unavailability of extendedfamily support. Moreover, traditional methods of monitoring and discipliningchildren and adolescents may wane or become distorted as MPI parents

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themselves deal with the stressors of resettlement and acclimatizing to themajority culture (SMLS, 2007; SPFV, 2007). For young MPI individuals,acculturation strains on the family and a confounded cultural identity maygenerate feelings of insecurity and abandonment. It has been perceived byMPI community members that a disconnect from culture and the searchfor an identity are reasons for MPI youth engaging in law-breaking activities(Amato, 2012; SPFV, 2007; Te Puni Kokiri & Owen, 2001). Research fromNew Zealand has found that a compromised Maori identity is associated withan increased risk for crime (Marie, Fergusson, & Boden, 2009). Withtraditional support systems fractured, the potential for maladaptive behaviors,poor coping mechanisms, susceptibility to negative peer influence, and par-ticipation in antisocial activities significantly increases.

Education

The educational outcomes of MPI young people are significantly poorer com-pared to the general Australian population. Several reports point to low highschool completion rates among MPI residents (Amato, 2012; AustralianBureau of Statistics, 2011; Chenoweth, 2014; Kukutai & Pawar, 2013; UnitedVoice of Pacific Island Communities, 2012). For example, less than half ofMaori migrants have finished Year 12 (Kukutai & Pawar, 2013). The lackof schooling naturally affects opportunities for tertiary education and skilledemployment. Maori and Pacific Islander residents are disproportionatelyrepresented in low-skilled laboring and manufacturing roles (Andersson,Latta, Leonard, & Stock, 2012; Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008; Kukutai& Pawar, 2013; SELLEN, 2012; SPFV, 2007; White et al., 1999). Incidentally,postgraduate education rates for Maori in Australia have been estimated to beas low as 3% (Queensland Health, 2010b), which is 15% lower than theAustralian general population. Samoans in Australia are also much less likelyto attain a nonschool qualification compared to the Australian population(Queensland Health, 2010a). Early disengagement from schooling has longbeen a key risk factor for criminal activity in the literature and is a commonlyobserved life event befalling adult offenders in custody (Borum, 2000; Indig etal., 2010). Several reasons have been advanced to explain inadequate MPI par-ticipation in schooling. Despite evidence that MPI parents value education,there is often a diminished capacity to actively supervise and support childrenin their educational pursuits because of the high numbers of MPI adults inlow-paid sessional employment. Reports indicate that in many cases, youngMPI students are not just without the relevant materials (textbooks) and tech-nology (i.e., laptops) required to participate meaningfully, but are psychologi-cally and emotionally ill prepared for the demands and rigors of independentlearning (Chenoweth, 2014; SELLEN, 2012). With many MPI householdsfinancially disadvantaged and family members working irregular hours,

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MPI children are in danger of falling behind in class and become regularlytruant. As such, many perceive joining the unskilled workforce as an immedi-ate fiscally attractive option as opposed to remaining in school (Andersson etal., 2012; SELLEN, 2012). With so few MPI members of the communityattaining postschooling qualifications, there is also a dearth of educated rolemodels for young MPI individuals to emulate (Kearney & Donaghy, 2010).In many cases MPI parents have little understanding of the education system,having not completed school themselves, and so there is a limited focus oneducation within the family (SELLEN, 2012). Without household encourage-ment and financial support, MPI children lack the urgency and motivation toexcel at school, choosing to drop out. These issues are exacerbated by contem-porary legislation precluding New Zealand migrants without permanent visasfrom accessing a variety of social services including higher education studentloans (Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2013). This onlyserves to enlarge the barriers to further education for many MPI young peoplewhose families cannot afford to pay upfront tertiary fees (Andersson et al.,2012; Betz, 2013). The effects of this policy are likely to impact numerousMPI people residing in Australia given that large proportions were born inNew Zealand.

Family breakdown

The resettlement process can bring about undue stress on the family dynamic.The disintegration of extended social networks, cultural tension between par-ents and children, and ongoing financial difficulties often combine to erodefamily cohesion and precipitate problematic levels of dysfunction. Recurrentreports of domestic violence and child maltreatment in both Australian andNew Zealand MPI communities are emblematic of these circumstances(Amato, 2012; Morris & Reilly, 2003; Queensland Health, 2010a, 2010b,2011a). While the use of physical punishment in disciplining children is com-monplace in MPI communities, this has traditionally occurred in cultural-oriented communal settings where traditional discipline is contextually man-aged. However, such practices may be inappropriately and/or excessivelyadministered in culturally isolated and disadvantaged family environments(SMLS, 2007; SPFV, 2007). Australian focus group research with troubledMPI young people describe family situations characterized by frequent epi-sodes of violence, conflict, regular substance use, overcrowding, poor parentalsupervision, child maltreatment, and generational disunity (Amato, 2012;White et al., 1999). In many of these cases, MPI young people have discon-nected from their families, choosing to socialize with equally disaffected peerssimilarly estranged from their families, communities, and culture. Group par-ticipation in law-breaking behavior is a common by-product, and often areaction to the frustrations and pressures of familial disorder.

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Access to services

Research illustrates the unfamiliarity and inaccessibility of Australian healthand legal services for culturally and linguistically diverse migrants (seeShepherd, 2015). For MPI communities, the limited awareness of communityservices combined with cultural attitudes toward help-seeking behavior ren-ders unaddressed social concerns potentially criminogenic. Reports indicatethat MPI people in both Australia and New Zealand face barriers to accessinghealth services and underutilize healthcare compared to the generalpopulation (Ministry of Health, 2008, 2013; Queensland Health, 2010a,2010b, 2011a, 2011b; Rodriguez, 2007; Southwick, Kenealy, & Ryan, 2012;SPFV, 2007). Similarly, basic knowledge of the legal system and its processesfrom interacting with police to accessing legal representation is often inad-equate (SMLS, 2007; SPFV, 2007). It has been estimated that over half ofyoung MPI clients attending court are without appropriate representation(SMLS, 2007). These circumstances are sometimes aggravated because of ageneral disinclination to seek help beyond the familial and pastoral sphere.Victorian justice officials note that young MPI offenders often lack familysupport when being processed through the system (Amato, 2012; SMLS,2007; SPFV, 2007). It has been perceived that problems are preferably handled“in house” with notions of stigma and shame impeding outside assistance.Many MPI residents in Australia also hold restricted visas precluding fullaccess to social entitlements. As previously discussed, these exclusions canimpact educational and employment prospects and in some instances protractfamily hardship (Andersson et al., 2012; SELLEN, 2012). Despite the necessityfor services tailored to meet the specific needs of MPI communities in Aus-tralia, there remain significant gaps in delivery. To work effectively withMPI peoples, there is a need for community health services that accommodateMPI worldviews on health, spirituality, and family participation (Amato,2012; Manley et al., 2004; Ministry of Health, 2008; Southwick et al., 2012;Tiatia, 2008). This is of particular importance given concerning MPI levelsof health service utilization. Furthermore, organizations must practice culturalsafety to ensure that the cultural needs and expectations of MPI clients are notdiscounted.

Disadvantage

The attraction of improved wages and better living standards are key motivesfor MPI migration to Australia (Department of Labour, 2012; Kukutai &Pawar, 2013; SPFV, 2007; Te Puni Kokiri, 2007). However, the realizationof these ideals does not materialize for many MPI families who find them-selves entrenched in cycles of disadvantage. MPI people are predominantlybased in low socioeconomic jurisdictions with many households on low

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incomes (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008, 2011; Chenoweth, 2014;SELLEN, 2012). Home ownership rates are substantially lower for PasifikaAustralians compared to the general population (Australian Bureau ofStatistics, 2011) and many reside in localities with higher rates of crime anddisadvantage (Francis, Armstrong, & Totikidis, 2006). Low socioeconomicstatus is a longstanding precursor to poor life outcomes including criminalinvolvement and intimate partner violence (Fergusson, Swain-Campbell, &Horwood, 2004; World Health Organization, 2004). For example researchfrom New Zealand discovered that socioeconomic status explained a sizableproportion of the relationship between Maori identity and crime (Marie,Fergusson, & Boden, 2009).

Pasifika communities in Australia often suffer from ongoing financial hard-ship. Recent data indicate that the median income for New Zealand-bornMaori in Australia is significantly less than New Zealand-born non-Maori(Kukutai & Pawar, 2013). Explanations for ongoing financial difficultiesinclude disproportionate numbers of MPI people working sessional low-skilled jobs and the equally high rates of school disengagement, which con-signs many MPI people to such forms of employment. The 2001 trans-Tas-man migration agreement between Australia and New Zealand precludingNew Zealand citizens migrating to Australia from accessing specific socialsupports and educational loans continues to present an ongoing hurdle forskill development and postschooling aspirations (Andersson et al., 2012; Betz,2013; SELLEN, 2012). This legislative arrangement potentially consolidatesthe cycles of disadvantage within many MPI communities and runs the riskof creating a permanent underclass. Moreover, MPI communities areregular financial contributors to their local churches and often sendremittances to family members overseas (Amato, 2012; Brown, Leeves, &Prayaga, 2012; Department of Labour, 2012; SELLEN, 2012; SPFV, 2007).These monetary obligations faithfully transpire despite the level of familyincome and may particularly impact households in precarious financial posi-tions. It is clear that for many MPI families, economic pressure and disadvan-tage minimize the prospect for positive life outcomes and meaningfulcommunity influence.

The aforementioned risk factors are by no means exhaustive and areundoubtedly interconnected. However, for many MPI peoples in Australia,and especially those who offend, these are the salient issues regularly ident-ified in the research and community surveys. It is clear that acculturationstrain and concomitant environmental stressors are influential factors thatincrease the likelihood of MPI people engaging in law-breaking behaviorand violence. Preventative measures must address these social issues uniquelyaffecting this population. The following section considers a culturallygrounded system designed to negate MPI community disengagement andcustodial overrepresentation.

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Best practice

A growing body of literature emphasizes the need for culturally competent ser-vices in order to work effectively with culturally and linguistically diverse clients(Australian Government National Health and Medical Research Council, 2005;Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989; Durie, 2001; Grote, 2008; Papps & Rams-den, 1996; Shepherd, Adams, McEntyre, & Walker, 2014; Walker & Sonn, 2010).This means that health and corrections workers need to gain and uphold therequired skills to work cross-culturally. One of these skills is the ability to self-reflect on any cognitive biases that pervade one’s working practices with multicul-tural clients. Another is the development of culturally appropriate interventionsthat accommodate the worldviews of clients from different ethnic backgrounds.Failure to incorporate cultural priorities and norms into intervention schemesmay overlook the unique histories and circumstances of minority groups, there-fore limiting efficacy. Calls for health and forensic services intended for minoritygroups to be cultivated and delivered by members with similar ethnic back-grounds are increasing. The rationale is that programs maintain a level of culturalcredibility and integrity when they are conveyed by those with the relevant cul-tural knowledge and understanding. Given the distinctive problems facing MPIpeoples discussed earlier in the article, interventions designed for at-risk MPIindividuals should ideally embrace MPI values and notions of holism, family,community, empowerment, and cultural identity (Cherrington, 2009; Depart-ment of Corrections, 2014; Samu & Suaalii-Sauni, 2009; Te Puni Kokiri, 2011;Te Puni Kokiri & Owen, 2001; Tiatia, 2008; Workman, 2013). Regrettably, pro-grams and services that address the unique needs of at-risk MPI people in Aus-tralia have been largely unavailable exposing a serious gap in service delivery. Thedearth of cultural support and rehabilitation services has meant that the capacityto both divert young MPI people from the criminal justice system and successfullyreintegrate those who already have had contact with the justice system is severelyrestricted. This has direct repercussions for MPI communities already strugglingwith acculturation stressors and socioeconomic difficulties and overrepresenta-tion in the criminal justice system. In addition, this underscores broader concernsaround accessible and equitable forensic health care and service provision.

Bridging worx

In response to the lack of specialized services supporting both MPI communi-ties and the mainstream services that work with them, efforts have been madelocally to develop both holistic services and interventions for MPI people inAustralia. Bridging Worx is a not-for-profit organization that delivers offenderdiversion/reintegration and education/cultural mentoring programs for bothyouth and adult offenders of Pacific heritage in the Victorian youth justice sys-tem. The organization was cultivated after a collective need for alternative

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diversionary models was recognized (by both police and children’s courts) toaddress the disproportionately high rates of young MPI people subject to thecriminal justice system. A key ethos of Bridging Worx is “For the Pacificpeople, by Pacific people,” with all operational staff of Pacific of Maori descent.Through Bridging Worx’s youth diversionary program Emerge (in partnershipwith White Lion, a national not-for-profit organization working with at-riskyouth), the contributing factors of MPI offending (identity, education, employ-ment, cultural disengagement) are addressed as well as ensuring that the familyand young person are accountable for the offending including the impact onthe victim and community. The Emerge program is unique to Victoria andAustralia allowing families and young people who have been culturally isolatedto move through the justice system efficiently and reconnect with education,culture, employment, and prosocial activities. Particular services include pre-court referrals, court diversionary options, and reintegration from custodialorders. However the nucleus of the program is the “family conference,” aunique opportunity to utilize the young person’s offending to bring togethertheir family and support system to develop a collaborative plan to addressthe offending behaviors and contributing factors. The program also has touchpoints with education, employment, social engagement, and cultural identity,allowing various systems the opportunity to engage with the program and itsparticipants. Culturally this is vital in supporting program participants to re-engage into their communities in a sustainable manner. It is equally importantthat programs such as Bridging Worx undergo rigorous evaluation to ensurethat appropriate indicators of program effectiveness (i.e., reduction in clientrecidivism, community engagement, vocational/educational participation, cul-tural attachment) are determined and realized. The ongoing collection of pro-gram delivery data has occurred since the service’s initiation in 2014 to assistforthcoming evaluative inquiry.

Bridging Worx services are underpinned by Maori (Te Whare Tapa Wha;Durie, 1985) and Pacific Island (Fonofale; Pulotu-Endemann, 2001) modelsof health. Te Whare Tapa Wha is a model of Maori health and wellbeing widelyendorsed and utilized across New Zealand health services. The Fonofale PacificIsland model of health has similarly been employed in New Zealand for morethan two decades. Despite marginal differences in appearance, both systems aretheoretically similar and are metaphorically represented as pillars supporting atraditional village house. The importance of cultural identity and family arevital components of both systems that also necessitate strong mental and physi-cal wellbeing, spirituality connectivity, and socioeconomic security. Com-munity-led organizations like Bridging Worx play key roles in providingservices for clients whose unique needs are not being addressed. They also pro-vide practical alternatives and respite to government-resourced justice servicesutilized by MPI offenders. The further expansion of specialized communityservices for MPI peoples and other diverse groups ultimately benefits society

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by connecting disengaged individuals and their families with their communi-ties and simultaneously addresses overrepresentation in the justice system.

Conclusion

In light of the growing number of MPI people in the Australian criminal justicesystem, a review of the factors underlying this concerning trend was overdue. Ananalysis of the extant literature based on MPI residents in Australia discoveredwidespread disadvantage, fragmented families, a loss of cultural identity, lowlevels of education, unsteady employment, ongoing financial stressors, and pooraccessibility to social services. The disproportionate numbers of young MPIpeople in contact with the criminal justice system can be traced back to multimi-gratory disruption and disconnection from traditional family networks. Resettle-ment stressors become amplified as fragmented families grapple with culturalalienation and generational divide. With limited prior educational opportunities,MPI parents often work irregular hours at low-skilled occupations resulting inongoing financial strain and varying levels of child supervision. In turn, youngMPI people lack the necessary support and maturity to engage meaningfully atschool, often withdrawing prematurely. Young MPI people additionally undergoidentity issues as they encounter discrimination as well as juggling mainstreamvalues with the principles of their parents’ culture. The absence of both extendedfamily members who may be still living overseas and culturally responsive localservices further reduces available modes of support leaving disaffected MPI youthvulnerable to negative peer influence and criminal activity.

There is a pressing need to cultivate multisystemic interventions to addressthe criminogenic pathway previously described. Existing “one size fits all”programs have unsurprisingly struggled to equally and effectively accommo-date minority populations, despite the obvious need for services targetingthe unique and complex needs of at-risk individuals like numerous MPI youth.However, emerging community organizations run by MPI community leadersand mentors are now providing specialized holistic interventions for MPIoffenders and their families in a culturally safe and supportive environment.Such programs also provide justice systems with culturally appropriate diver-sionary options. This article has provided theoretical groundwork for under-standing MPI offending and additional quantitative research is warranted toascertain which unique markers have the strongest relationship with offending.

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