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Modi’s Contrarian Foreign Policy GoalsM K Bhadrakumar

The election manifestos of India’s political parties usually do not attract—or merit—attention. But the Bharatiya Janata Party’s [BJP] manifesto, which was released onApril 7, whetted curiosity for two good reasons.

One, the document was unduly delayed and curiosity arose that it likely containedsuch original thinking that the BJP, which is caught up in acute internal wrangles,needed to reconcile the content.

Two, of course, this manifesto carries the imprimatur of the BJP’s prime ministerialcandidate, Narendra Modi. And there is nothing that Modi touches which doesn’t turngold. Frankly, we know nothing about his foreign-policy ‘vision’.

The most striking thing is that the 52-page manifesto devotes just a little over onepage to foreign policy. [pages 39-40] And there is no ‘vision’ as such here.

There are no big ideas of the kind we would associate with a world leader. Themanifesto doesn’t even make the modest pledge that India will take its place as apermanent member of the UN Security Council during Modi’s watch, or that India willstride like a Colossus on the world stage.

It is rather ‘un-Nehruvian’ in idiom too, drafted in bad staccato English—for power-pointprojection, presumably. The good thing is that the accent is unmistakably on India’sneighbourhood policies in pursuit of the objective that “political stability, progress andpeace in the region are essential” for India’s development at this point in time.

Contrary to rumours that Modi can be trusted to pursue a tough policy towards India’sneighbours, the manifesto actually promises to establish “enduring friendly andcooperative relations” with India’s neighbours.

In fact, it regrets that India and its neighbours have “drifted apart” and it bemoans that“India’s relations with traditional allies have turned cold”. The nostalgic referenceseems to apply to good old neighbours like Nepal and Sri Lanka who no longer listen tous as their Big Brother. Having said that, the manifesto also shows the iron fist. Itthreatens to take “strong stand and steps” against India’s neighbours “if required”. Thethreat is left vaguely hanging in the air without any explaining as to what might provokeIndia’s wrath.

Arguably, Pakistan eminently qualifies for “strong stand and steps” by a ModiGovernment (which promises to eliminate terrorism), but then, the reference could also

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apply to little, irksome neighbours like Maldives who give us pinpricks every now andthen.

A South Asian Munroe Doctrine? That may be going too far. Nonetheless, China hadbetter watch out and learn to tread softly, lest it treaded on India’s ’sphere of influence’.

The most intriguing thought in the entire manifesto is its promise to build a “web ofallies to mutually further our interests”. This Spartan thought gets embellished as a“guiding principle” of India’s foreign policy, and eventually gets catapulted as “adoctrine of mutually beneficial and interlocking relationships” based on “pragmatism”.

‘Web of allies’, ‘guiding principle’, ‘doctrine’, ‘pragmatism’, ‘interlocking relationships’—these are heady notions and strongly hint at alignment with the United States and theWestern world, given the array of interest groups (within India and abroad) backingModi’s bid to prime ministership.

It doesn’t take the slightest interest to co-relate the foreign policies with the prevailingtrends in the world order. In fact, it overlooks completely that there is an internationalenvironment and a world order struggling to be born and India lives in a globalisedworld.

On the contrary, the manifesto blithely places trust in India’s “soft power potential” andthe “magnetic power” of its “ancient wisdom and heritage”, which would enable it to play“a major role in world affairs, offering a lot to the world”. It advocates a “ProactiveDiplomacy” riding the wing of soft power that will fetch recognition for India as‘Vishwaguru’. These rapid dream sequences smack of pandering to the Hindutvaaudience.

All in all, a Modi Government probably hopes to continue with the foreign policy underManmohan Singh but is afraid to say so openly—where without the encumbrances ofhigh prin-ciples (or accountability) a ‘pragmatic’ pursuit of “enlightened national interest”was possible.

Curiously, that highly dubious expression “enlightened national interest”, which used tobe a favourite of Manmohan Singh whenever he needed to give a public explanation,duly makes its appearance in the BJP manifesto, too.

But the crucial difference could be that Manmohan Singh never opted for an “inter-locking relationship” for India—not even when Washington was magnanimously offeringIndia the role of a ‘lynchpin’ in the US’ rebalance strategy in Asia.

Put differently, does India truly need “inter-locking relationships”? It’s a shockingcoinage for the highly volatile international environment today. India could at best castits net wide and have extensive ‘networking’. But, ‘interlocking relationships’? There issimply no conceivable justification for such passionate intensity in a multipolar world.

Ambassador M.K. Bhadrakumar was a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service.His assignments included the Soviet Union, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Germany,Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kuwait and Turkey.

In the same sectionIndia Inc’s Massive Bid for Power

Modi’s Colossal Ignorance of History

Hate, Desperation Vitiated OurCampaigning: We Need to Worryabout Our Tomorrows

Narendra Modi and Governance

Modi’s Contrarian Foreign PolicyGoals

Moneyfestos of the Plutocracy

Uniqueness of the 16th Lok SabhaElection

Not Sorrow but Atonement

Demolition of Pluralism

A One-horse Race?

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