miscellaneous · 05.06.2015 · persons in news, new appointments, sports related general...

(Days/ Dates; Anniversaries,

5 June: World Environment Day

ref: The Hindu;

(Indian Heritage and Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society

1 in 6 Indian women marry under 18

Every 6th

woman in India is pushed into child marriage, show data from the latest Census. Laws intended to

curb weddings of girls under the age of 18

prevalent, for both girls and boys, in Rajasthan. Many more girls are married young than boys, data show.

Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million

before they had turned 18, according to the Census data.

Yet, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2001

survey, only 948 cases were registered countrywide against those promoting o

Only 157 individuals were convicted.

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Miscellaneous

Anniversaries, Persons in news, New Appointments, Sports related

5 June: World Environment Day

General Studies-1

Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society

1 in 6 Indian women marry under 18


curb weddings of girls under the age of 18 and boys under 21 have failed, and underage unions are most


Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million

before they had turned 18, according to the Census data.

Yet, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2001-11, the span of the decennial

survey, only 948 cases were registered countrywide against those promoting or performing child marriages.

Only 157 individuals were convicted.

Sports related, etc)

Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society)


and boys under 21 have failed, and underage unions are most


Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million, were married

11, the span of the decennial

r performing child marriages.

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The introduction of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, which increased the punishment from the

earlier three months or fine to up to two years in jail and up to Rs 2 lakh fine, does not seem to have helped.

According to the Census, 37.62 million women stated that they were married for fewer than four years when

they were interviewed. These numbers represent ‘recent marriages’ — 6.5 million of them, or 17.23 per cent,

said they were under 18 at the time of their wedding.

As per the Census, among women married for four years or fewer, the highest concentration of underage

unions was in Rajasthan (31.38 per cent), followed by West Bengal (29.23 per cent), Jharkhand (27.90 per

cent), Bihar (22.99 per cent) and Madhya Pradesh (22.49 per cent).

The total 102.61 million women counted were among the 339.6 million who were ever married. When

surveyed, they had been married for between a day and over 40 years.

A girl has always been perceived as a burden to the family, and her fate has always just been about doing the

household chores and getting married and leaving the family home to live with her in-laws, so it is generally

not thought worth spending money on her education. Or, in cases of large families, she just can become an

extra mouth to feed.

Implementation of the law to prevent child marriages seems to be weak. Almost everyone knows there is a law

against child marriage. However, it still takes place as societal norms and pressure push people into breaking

the law.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/fact-1-in-6-indian-women-marry-under-18/;

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Social Issues: EXPLAINED: Why corpses of a 1982 killing are stirring again

Why is the 33-year-old massacre of 17 Ananda Margis back in focus?

Some recent depositions before the Justice Amitava Lala Judicial Commission — set up by the Mamata

Banerjee government in October 2013 — and the collection of new evidence, have created the possibility of

some important CPM leaders being summoned. On April 30, 1982, when the CPM-led Left Front was in power

in West Bengal, 16 monks and one sanyasin of the Ananda Marga were massacred in broad daylight in the

heart of Kolkata.

Who might be summoned?

According to Commission sources, some documents allegedly show that important CPM leaders of the Kasba-

Jadavpur area met at Colony Bazar in Picnic Garden on February 6, 1982, to discuss the Margis, whose

headquarters was then coming up at what was at the time a difficult-to-access location in Tiljala. Reportedly

present at the meeting were Kanti Ganguly, minister in the last Left Front cabinet; Sachin Sen, former CPM

MLA, now dead; Nirmal Haldar, local CPM leader; Amal Majumdar, former councillor of ward no 108 (Tiljala-

Kasba); and Somnath Chatterjee, then MP from Jadavpur and subsequently Speaker of Lok Sabha.

What did CPM have against the Marga?

Ananda Margis were ideologically opposed to the communists, and the CPM of the early 80s was deeply

suspicious of their activities. The first attack on the Marga was at its Purulia global headquarters in 1967, in

which five Margis were murdered, allegedly by CPM cadres.

Two years later, the Marga’s Coochbehar congregation was attacked. The CPM always believed political

ambitions and agenda lay underneath the spiritual-religious cover of the Marga. Even after the 1982 attack, in

April 1990, five Ananda Margis were murdered in Purulia, allegedly by CPM cadres.

So, who are the Ananda Marg, and what is their ideology?

It is a spiritual-religious sect whose late founder Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar propounded, in 1959, ‘PROUT’ — or the

Progressive Utilization Theory — which was said to be opposed to both communism and capitalism, and to

aim, instead, at a grassroots “socio-economic democracy”. Sarkar called his philosophy “neo-humanism”. Its

spiritual practices were a synthesis of Vedic and Tantrik rituals, including, in the early days, dancing holding

human skulls.

What happened on April 30, 1982?

Ananda Margis from all over the country were headed to an “educational conference” at the Tiljala centre.

The way was through what is now known as Bijon Setu in the Ballygunge area of south Kolkata. Taxis carrying

monks and sanyasins were intercepted at at least three separate locations, doused in petrol and kerosene, and

set on fire. At least 17 Margis were charred to death, several others were severely injured. Local people had

reportedly begun a whisper campaign earlier saying the Margis were kidnapping and trafficking children. The

CPM claimed the killings were masterminded by the Margis themselves to malign the government.

How did the state government respond?

It set up a commission of inquiry that did not proceed beyond its notification, and did not have a single

hearing. No report of action taken, as is mandatory for Judicial Commissions, was placed before the state

assembly. Then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu infamously said, “What can be done? Such things do happen”, and

appeared to issue a veiled threat, wanting to know what consequences might have followed had Sachin Sen,

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the then CPM MLA of Kasba, chosen to raid the Margis’ centre with 10,000 of his cadres. A state CID inquiry

produced no results. No justice was ever done.

Why did Mamata’s government choose to reopen the case?

Since coming to power in May 2011, Mamata has set up at least 10 Judicial Commissions to investigate

heinous crimes committed under the Left regime: the Anand Margi killings, the killings of 13 Youth Congress

workers in July 1993, the Cossipore massacre, the Sain Bari massacre in Burdwan, the alleged forcible land

grab in Rajarhat, etc. The intention is obviously to remind people of those horrors, the black spots of Left rule.

Key Left leaders have been summoned to these Commissions. While this may bring little solace to the Margis

whose leaders have spent a lifetime chasing justice, for Mamata, it is an attempt to reaffirm that she was not

the only one at the receiving end of the brutality of the Left regime.

Justice delayed:

APR 30, 1982: 16 monks and a nun are burnt alive in Kolkata, allegedly by the CPM. Chief Minister Jyoti Basu

subsequently sets up stillborn Justice Samarendra Chandra Deb Commission of Inquiry. A CID inquiry is wound

up, and the state government stonewalls efforts by the NHRC to investigate.

OCT 17, 2011: Ananda Margis appeal to the Mamata Banerjee government for a Judicial Commission of

Inquiry. The Justice Amitava Lala Inquiry begins proceedings in October 2013.

WHAT NOW: 16 witnesses have been examined; the most crucial deposition has been by the then additional

district magistrate of South 24-Parganas, retired IAS officer Sher Singh. The next hearing is on June 10. Trial

may commence in a sessions court if the Commission so recommends.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/why-corpses-of-a-1982-killing-are-stirring-again/;

MEA dismisses U.S. panel hearing on religious freedom

The Ministry of External Affairs has reacted strongly to a U.S. Commission on Human Rights hearing on

“violence against religious minorities in India”, calling the hearing an effort “based on lack of understanding of

India, its Constitution and society.”

It is well known that the Constitution of India guarantees equal religious, social and political rights to all its

citizens, including minorities.

Human Rights Watch, also reportedly referred to the “increased restrictions on non-governmental

organisations (NGOs) in receiving funds from overseas.

The issue of restrictions on Ford Foundation and Greenpeace International was taken up by the U.S.

government again this week. The request was rejected as MHA officials said the groups had been found

“violating Indian financial laws”.

The government has reacted sharply to “religious freedom” proceedings in the U.S. Despite being named at

hearings and in the Tom Lantos annual report in the past as well, the government used to refuse comment,

calling it an “an internal process of the U.S. legislature.”

ref: The Hindu;

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General Studies-2

(Governance, Constitution, Polity, Social Justice and Indian Diaspora)

Health Insurance: The Emergency Code

Till a few years back, OPD (out patient department) expenses, pre-existing diseases and critical illnesses like

cancer and heart ailments, among others, were not covered by health insurance policies. The scenario has

changed.

With increasing competition, owing to a steady rise in number of players in the sector, now even pre- and

post-hospitalisation expenses (including maternity expenses) and overseas treatments have come under the

insurance net. And the scope is only expanding.

As medical inflation, at around 15 %, is far higher than general inflation on account of rising hospital and

medical equipment expenses, it is imperative that everyone must have a comprehensive health insurance

covering all family members against major diseases.

Medical inflation is growing at 15-20 % because of the rising cost and medical advancements and hence

customers should look to revisit their overall cover after every three years as the treatment expenses may

double in four years. While no-claim bonus may provide cover against medical inflation to an extent, a claim

may bring down the overall protection cover and hence a review is needed.

With the number of claim rejections by insurance companies on the rise, it is important to ensure beforehand

that the policy being taken covers against a host of medical issues.

While several insurance firms are currently offering products ranging from covering basic ailments to

international cashless treatment policies, it is needless to say that higher the premium, the more

comprehensive is the cover. Experts, however, point out that individuals must ideally go for a comprehensive

health insurance policy that covers OPD, hospitalisation, pre- and post-hospitalisation expenses for the entire

family.

CHOOSING A POLICY

1. Comprehensive cover

Even if an employer provides health insurance under a group insurance plan, individuals must ideally have

their own health insurance that covers the entire family. Experts say that only if the company gives the option

to transfer the policy after an employee quits the firm, one should consider not having a separate policy. Also,

a comparison of various available policies across companies is a necessity.

2. Critical illness

Most of the comprehensive policies cover critical illnesses and hence it is not required to go for an additional

policy. “It is better to take a comprehensive plan and then top it up with an accidental insurance which costs

very less and these can take care of almost all the issues,” said Surya Bhatia, a Delhi-based financial planner.

Experts say that only if there is a family history of a particular disease, one should go for a critical illness cover

separately.

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3. Family floater

It is better to bank on a plan that provides the benefit of family floater where the bulk of the cover can even be

utilised by one person in the family. In policies without family floater, a Rs 10 lakh policy is split equally among

the family members covered. So, for a family of four, each individual will have a cover of Rs 2.5 lakh. However,

in case of floater the cover is not equally divided among the family members.

4. Restore benefit

This feature allows an individual to reinstate the basic sum insured, in case he has already exhausted the basic

sum insured and multiplier benefit during the policy year. Market experts, however, say that the restore

benefit is not available on the same ailment where the limit was already exhausted.

5. Own TPA

While the third-party administrator (TPA) is supposed to act as a facilitator at the hospital, experts say that

many times they raise unnecessary queries which delay the entire process. It is always better to purchase a

policy of an insurer who has in-house settlement desks rather than doing it through a TPA, as it also expedites

the entire process.

6. No-claim bonus

Generally, if there is a year where the individual has not made any claims against his policy, there is a no-claim

bonus provided by the insurer. Experts say that one should check on the quantum of no-claim bonuses as they

range from 5 % to as high as one-third of a basic cover. A high no-claim bonus may cover you against the

medical inflation on its own.

7. Waiting-period for pre-existing diseases

If you have a pre-existing disease then your insurer will not provide you cover against it at the time of buying

the policy. Depending upon an insurer, the pre-existing disease gets covered at least after two years. While

some allow it after two years, others may take four years to do so.

8. Policy portability

Portability is allowed among health insurance companies and one can move a policy to another insurer if he is

unsatisfied with the services of the current firm. Experts say that consumers should use the facility to their

advantage. “It allows you to carry the benefits (such as no claim bonus) accrued over the period with the

previous insurer to the new insurer. The premiums, however, may vary depending upon the features of the

new policy,” said Vishal Dhawan, founder, Plan Ahead Wealth Advisors. Experts also say that portability should

be planned and be done at least two months before renewal of a policy.

9. Annual free check-up

While several health insurers provide the annual free health check ups, experts say that it comes at a cost and

the price is always embedded. Therefore, only who are keen on getting annual health check-ups should only go

for it. It is also important to see if an insurance policy that is renewed every year covers for one’s entire life

because the longevity is increasing with improving medical technology. While many policies cover you for your

entire life, there are some that only cover till 75-80 years.

10. Day-care & maternity

A number of policies now provide cover against several day-care procedures in hospitals that does not require

overnight stay. One must look at the number of procedures covered that does not require overnight

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hospitalisation. Also, if one is planning a baby, he should ensure that the maternity expenses are covered by

the policy. Experts feel that maternity is not a contingency and if someone is not planning for a baby, he/she

should not look for it as the price gets embedded in the premium.

11. The premium

It is important to start early so that one can save a lot on the premium amount over the term of the policy. For

an individual between 21 and 25 years, a Rs 10 lakh cover comes at an average premium of around Rs 10,000-

12,000 per annum. However, for a 35-year-old, the premium jumps to around Rs 15,000-18,000. While all

these features can make a policy stand out and make one deal with any medical contingencies, it is important

that the cover is adequate. Experts say that to start with, a family should go for a basic cover of around Rs 10

lakh as most medical issues can be treated within that limit.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/business/business-others/health-insurance-the-emergency-code/;

EXPLAINED: Legal status, lack of coordination holding up Aadhaar

and DBT

On January 1, 2013, the Congress-led UPA government launched the Direct Benefits Transfer scheme, centred

around the Aadhaar project begun a few years earlier. Teething troubles and implementation bottlenecks

followed, the interest of the outgoing dispensation waned, and both Aadhaar and DBT were relegated to the

sidelines.

Cut to 2014. With an NDA regime in power, there was speculation over the fate of the schemes, given the

BJP’s past opposition to Aadhaar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, surprised everyone — endorsing

both at a high level meeting in early July. He asked for universal Aadhaar coverage by June 2015, that DBT be

implemented in 300 districts on priority with respect to key schemes including MGNREGA and PDS, and that

Aadhaar be made the basis of several new initiatives.

Modi gave Aadhaar and DBT a fresh lease of life — and yet, a year later, both seem stuck in limbo all over

again. Aadhaar provides a unique 12-digit identity number based on biometrics to every resident of India,

while the DBT scheme aims at eliminating middlemen and ensuring money reaches beneficiaries directly. Why

have these two sound — even revolutionary — initiatives on paper failed to take off despite the backing of two

successive regimes?

Aadhaar’s biggest problem is lack of legal backing. The Unique Identification Authority of India, which is in

charge of the project, functions through an executive order. The National Identification Authority of India Bill

that would give the necessary legal backing has remained in cold storage. The BJP-led government is finding it

difficult to push the Bill, given it was originally a Congress flagship, even opposed by the BJP. And a crucial

issue the government will have to resolve first is whether Aadhaar is for all residents — not just citizens — of

India, given particularly the RSS fear that it will end up handing a legitimate ID to “illegal immigrants”.

The Supreme Court directive that Aadhaar can’t be made mandatory for any service — which the government

can’t oppose until Aadhaar gets legal validity — has complicated the issue. As long as Aadhaar has only an

enabling role without being mandatory, it remains just another ID proof, and not the single most important

way to ensure services reach targeted beneficiaries, eliminating duplication and ghost beneficiaries.

This also means DBT has suffered, given the very basis of the scheme is ensuring that services reach the

beneficiary through an Aadhaar-enabled payment system. While the enrolment of beneficiaries is not a big

concern, seeding of their bank accounts with Aadhaar numbers is. It is not clear whose area of work that is,

and there is confusion over how to identify beneficiaries whose accounts need to be seeded, and then ensure

the needful is done.

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The implementation of DBT has also suffered from the lack of coordination and monitoring. The UIDAI looks

after the Aadhaar aspect, the Department of Financial Services (in the Ministry of Finance) the banking part,

and the final implementation is with individual ministries whose schemes are under DBT. The confusion has

ensured that DBT has remained more of an idea on paper, successful only in bits.

There is also no overarching body monitoring the implementation of DBT and its synergy with Aadhaar.

Following the initial push, it was the PMO that was expected to play that role — which does not seem to have

happened. The last high level meeting was held as far back as in September last year. Prime Minister Modi’s

target of universal Aadhaar coverage by the middle of this year will not be achieved.

The so-called ‘Business Correspondent’ model, under which there must be a sufficient number of facilitators in

each district to ensure the beneficiary is able to access her bank account to withdraw the benefit, is still in a

nascent stage, slowing down DBT.

While the UPA may have conceived Aadhaar and DBT, the job of taking them forward effectively is of the

current government. From PDS to LPG subsidy, scholarships and pensions to social welfare schemes like

MGNREGA, all now rely on these two schemes. It is important to ensure that Aadhaar does not become yet

another glorified ID proof in the wallet, and DBT, yet another well-intentioned idea with no impact.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/legal-status-lack-of-coordination-holding-up-aadhaar-and-dbt/;

How not to make a state

It’s been a year since AP was bifurcated to create Telangana and this week, the two states marked the

anniversary in contrasting ways — with celebrations in Telangana and studied indifference in Andhra. The

parting was painful for AP, which was forced to concede the capital, Hyderabad, to Telangana. Its finances

have taken a beating — budget deficits now run into Rs 6,000 crore plus — while Telangana has a small

surplus. The bitterness generated by the division has lingered on, impacting state-building in both regions.

Both states continue to squabble on how best to divide assets. The transfer of employees has been delayed,

crippling the administration. In retrospect, the AP bifurcation is a lesson in how not to reorganise states.

The reorganisation of states in 1956 and 2000 was marked by extensive consultations by the States

Reorganisation Committee (SRC). Partisan considerations played a part but a larger consensus prevailed. There

were, of course, differences and resentments, for instance, on Bombay’s status, between Maharashtra and

Gujarat. The formation of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand in 2000 was relatively uneventful and

seemed to reflect a maturing polity.

When the demand for a separate state of Telangana was revived in the last decade, the initial response from

the Congress and other parties was to propose a third SRC that could explore the bifurcation of AP and also

look at other demands for statehood. A trifurcation of Uttar Pradesh and the possibility of a Vidarbha state

would also have been on the discussion table, had the UPA government followed that route. Instead, the

Congress gave in to the tug and pull of short-term political compulsions in the state. The Telangana demand

was underpinned by a yearning for development and an assertion of sub-regional identity. But competing

political interests and the Centre’s ad hoc approach turned the movement into an impassioned mobilisation.

The political whirl reduced the Justice Srikrishna panel, set up by the Centre in 2010 to work on the statehood

claim, to a mere academic exercise as the two regions rapidly moved apart.

Demands for new states will continue to be made. The main lesson to be drawn from the AP experience is that

while forging a political consensus is difficult, it is essential for redrawing maps.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/how-not-to-make-a-state/;

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FURORE OVER LEAD, MSG More brands come under the scanner of

State govts across the country

Law unclear if celebrities endorsing food products can be prosecuted:

The Maggi controversy has opened a Pandora’s box on the legal liability of celebrities who endorse food

products even as it exposes ambiguities in the Food Safety and Standards Act (FSSA), 2006, making the current

debate an opportunity to interpret judicially the role and liability of brand ambassadors.

There is no specific word in the Act about the extent, or lack, of liability or duty of care of the brand

ambassador, who signs on to promote the brand as its ‘face’ and takes on the role of a marketing

representative. Sections 24 and 53 in the 2006 Act deal specifically with advertisements.

Section 24(1) says in general terms that “no advertisement shall be made of any food which is misleading or

deceiving or contravenes the provisions of this Act, the rules and regulations made there under.” Here, it does

not explain whether the term “made” is only confined to commissioning the advertisement or its actual

making. In the latter case, a brand ambassador does play a part.

One of the primary statutory objectives of the FSSA is to “ensure availability of safe and wholesome food for

human consumption” and it makes the promoter, manufacturer, packer, wholesaler, distributor, seller and

even the ‘manager’ of a food business outlet liable for violations, including ‘unfair trade practice’ in several

instances.

Food Safety Act does not specify liability of celebrities:

One of the primary statutory objectives of the 2006 Food Safety and Standards Act (FSSA) is to “ensure

availability of safe and wholesome food for human consumption” and it makes the promoter, manufacturer,

packer, wholesaler, distributor, seller and even the ‘manager’ of a food business outlet liable for violations

including ‘unfair trade practice’ in several instances.

But there is no specific word in the Act about the extent or lack of liability or duty of care of the brand

ambassador, who signs on to promote the brand as its ‘face’ and takes on the role of a marketing

representative.

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Wide definition:

The Act affords a comprehensive definition of the term ‘advertisement’ in Section 3 (1) (b) to mean “any audio

or visual publicity, representation or pronouncement made by means of any light, sound, smoke, gas, print,

electronic media, internet or website and includes through any notice, circular, label, wrapper, invoice or other

documents.”

Two sections — Section 24 and Section 53 — in the 2006 Act deal

specifically with advertisements. Section 24 (1) says in general terms

that “no advertisement shall be made of any food which is

misleading or deceiving or contravenes the provisions of this Act, the

rules and regulations made there under.” Here, it does not explain

whether the term “made” is only confined to commissioning the

advertisement or the actual making of it.

In the latter case, a brand ambassador does play a part. Sub-section

(2) of the same section says “no person shall engage himself in any

unfair trade practice for purpose of promoting the sale…” This clause

does not specify who the “person” mentioned in it is, thus, making

the ambit of the provision pliable.

Clauses (a) (b) and (c) of Sub-section (2) holds this “person” legally responsible for falsely representing the

standard and quality of the food product, its need and usefulness and also for giving the public “any guarantee

of the efficacy that is not based on an adequate or scientific justification.”

Defence:

If any defence of such guarantee is raised in a court of law, the burden of proof lies on the person doing so. If

the definition of the term ‘person’ used in this provision includes a brand ambassador, he has to provide the

scientific justification in his defence. Besides, it is reasonably assumed that a person must have applied his

mind about the quality and standard of a brand before agreeing to promote it.

Whether this means brand ambassadors will be held responsible for every single thing that goes into the

making of the product they endorse is not spelt out but it is this very ambiguity that has left actors Amitabh

Bachchan, Madhuri Dixit and Preity Zinta in the dock.

Consumers’ claim:

Brand ambassadors have a duty of care. They are paid in crores to use their persona or voice to make the

public purchase a brand. Consumers enjoy a tortious claim against them for using their highly commercially

exploitative rights to mislead the public.

ref: The Hindu;

No short cuts to safety

The rapid response of the Centre and the States to concerns about the safety of mass-marketed branded

noodles is a welcome departure from the culture of governmental indifference to matters of public safety.

Several States have initiated testing of samples of Nestle’s ‘Maggi’ noodles to assess levels of lead,

monosodium glutamate (MSG) and other chemicals.

The first tests commissioned by UP last year, which were repeated in Kolkata for confirmation, indicated that

the levels of lead in the snack were much higher than legally permissible; MSG, a flavouring salt normally

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added to preserved foods, was also found, although on the label there was no indication of its presence. This is

plainly unacceptable. Food safety, particularly in the case of aggressively promoted packaged snacks aimed at

children, is critically important.

The Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, which requires the States to deploy an effective enforcement

mechanism, seeks to achieve that with a regime of stiff penalties ranging from fines to a life term in prison.

Data show that over 10,200 prosecutions were launched under the law in 2013-14, but they resulted in only

913 convictions; in some States and UTs, none was secured.

In the ‘Maggi’ noodles case, a fuller picture will emerge when the results of tests ordered by the Food Safety

and Standards Authority of India are known. It is important to trace the origin of the problem, and its possible

linkages to other food articles. This requires State govts to maintain vigilance and undertake sincere,

transparent efforts to identify unsafe foods.

For its part, the food industry, which deploys enormous resources for lobbying and advertising, would help its

own cause by cooperating with the investigation. What stands out as overreach in the entire episode,

however, is the targeting of celebrities for their endorsement of ‘Maggi’ products in the past. Celebrities must

choose with great care the products and causes they endorse, but there is little doubt that their support has

advanced many campaigns for public health, women and child rights, and so on.

It is also relevant to point out here that food safety cannot exist in a vacuum, where the government neglects

social determinants of health such as clean water, pollution control, elimination of adulteration, access to

energy and freedom from corruption. In contrast to big corporations that have easy access to resources,

India’s food business also has small, informal-sector participants who depend on it for livelihood. Without a

supportive state, even well-meaning food laws cannot be comprehensively enforced.

ref: The Hindu;

An inappropriate appointment

National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is the premier body that investigates abuses and violations of

human rights in India. Set up in 1993, the NHRC has wide-ranging powers to investigate, recommend

prosecutions, and award compensations for human rights violations. High-profile cases investigated by the

Commission include encounter killings by the police and other acts of violence by the state.

In 2002, the Commission under former Chief Justice J.S. Verma, was the first official body to visit Gujarat after

the riots; it moved the Supreme Court to transfer cases outside the State to secure a fair trial.

The NHRC, set up under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993, consists of 9 members.

a) Four are ex-office appointments — serving Chairpersons of the National Commissions for Minorities,

Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women.

b) Two are persons who have done work in the area of human rights.

c) And three are from the judiciary: a sitting or retired judge of the Supreme Court; a Chief Justice of a

High Court; and,

d) a former Chief Justice of India (CJI) who heads the Commission.

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Needing an icon of independence :

That the head has to be a former CJI is for good reason. Commonly, human rights violations are committed by,

or with the connivance of, or allowed to be perpetrated by high-level political leaders, the police or other

officers. The public needs to have unquestionable confidence that these cases will be investigated without a

tinge of favour, by the most independent persons available.

The Commission’s public face and guiding force is the Chairperson. Hence, the insistence on a former CJI as the

Chairperson of the Commission. Even a puisne judge of the Supreme Court is not to be considered for the post;

nothing less than a person who has occupied the highest rank in the judiciary will do. If there is an icon of

independence in the country who has received no favour from the government and is fearless about tackling

the powers that be, surely it is the CJI. So proceeds the Act.

Justice P. Sathasivam:

Justice P. Sathasivam held the office of the CJI from July 2013 to April 2014. Shortly thereafter, the government

offered him the position of Governor of Kerala. He accepted, setting off a chorus of criticism.

Lawyers and retired judges pointed out that the office of the CJI was being devalued. Accepting Governorship

meant going to an office not only several rungs lower, but more crucially one which was given entirely as

patronage and largesse by the executive. It was also feared that once a precedent was set, and by no less than

a CJI, it would not be long before judges on the verge of retirement would have the vision of a comfortable

gubernatorial position hazing their eyes while deciding sensitive cases against the government.

Justice Sathasivam argued that he was accepting just another constitutional post, an untenable argument

when the Constitution enumerates many posts barely comparable to the eminence of the CJI.

It needs to be remembered that judges, especially of the Supreme Court, will inevitably handle cases of

controversy involving the government and political personages. Accepting appointment from governments of

which such petitioners are a part will invite scrutiny of these cases and give rise to questions. This post facto

scrutiny and linkage is one of the main reasons why judges have stayed away from accepting appointments

that are decided purely by politicians.

Even the eminent Justice M.C. Chagla received strong condemnation from leaders of the Bar for accepting the

posts of Union Minister and Ambassador. Over the years, Raj Bhavans have, with distinguished exceptions,

become havens for politicians being eased out, or rewarding civil servants for services rendered. That a just-

retired CJI broke precedence and judicial ranks to join this less than august group was an action that was

widely seen as diminishing the image of the head of the judiciary, with no countervailing public interest.

An inappropriate appointment:

The concern that arises now is that Governor Sathasivam is in the running for appointment as Chairperson of

the NHRC. This would be an inappropriate appointment, going against the grain of the primary qualification for

heading the body, namely, independence from the government and the perceived ability to take hard actions

against those in power.

This is an institutional qualification; it is no defence to say that a person who enjoys a sinecure from the

government will revert to absolute independence when appointed to head the NHRC. It is true that the

statutory qualification for Chairperson does not specify that the candidate should not have held previous office

at the hands of the government, but the framers of the Act would not have envisaged that there would be a

case of a Chief Justice becoming a Governor and then looking to become Chairperson of the NHRC.

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Viewed from another angle, it is the proximal position that matters — he ought not to be treated as a former

CJI, but as a Governor of a State, and hence not qualified to be Chairperson of the NHRC. It appears that a

petition was filed in the Supreme Court raising these grounds, but it was withdrawn on the ground that the

objection was being placed before the government. Perhaps judicial determination will have to follow if

executive consideration is inadequate.

The position of the head of the NHRC is a crucial one for protecting human and democratic rights. These rights

and the Commission are primordial for all citizens, especially for those who fall foul of the powerful in

government. The appointment to this office must not be tainted in any way..

ref: The Hindu;

General Studies-3

(Technology, Economic Development, Bio-diversity, Environment, Security & Disaster Management)

National Pension System: Move over intermediaries, here comes

the portal

For those who wish to open a retirement savings account with the National Pension System but don’t know

how to go about it, the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority is set to launch an online portal

soon.

The portal, which is likely to be launched in a month’s time, would require the Aadhaar number of the

applicant for enrolment. Once registered with the NPS, the subscriber would be able to make contributions

online through the portal using net banking and electronic payment facilities.

It is a portal through which subscribers can directly join the NPS without having to go through intermediaries;

the portal would be open to all subscribers and not only those of a particular scheme.

The move is expected to give a big boost to the NPS for private citizens for which enrolments are currently

done through nearly 72 intermediaries or points of presence that include a number of state-run as well as

private sector banks. However, 6 years since its launch in May 2009, the scheme continues to face stiff

competition from mutual funds and private pension plans.

http://images.indianexpress.com/2015/06/capture.jpg

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As part of its enrolment drive, the PFRDA is also considering a proposal to permit pension fund managers

(PFMs) to sell the NPS. The proposal was part of the recommendations of the expert group led by former Sebi

chairman GN Bajpai that submitted its report to the PFRDA last month. With the PFRDA now having statutory

powers, it can easily look into any grievances such as concerns of mis-selling. The Bajpai committee has also

suggested that PFMs should market the NPS.

There are seven pension fund managers for the NPS for private citizens and corporate sector. These include LIC

Pension Funds, SBI Pension Funds, UTI Retirement Solutions, ICICI Prudential Pension Funds Management

Company, Kotak Mahindra Pension Fund, Reliance Capital Pension Fund and HDFC Pension Fund Management

Company.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/business/business-others/national-pension-system-move-over-intermediaries-here-comes-the-portal/;

Face the spectre

The spectre of a second consecutive drought year — which is what the Met Department’s latest downgrade of

its monsoon forecast, from “below normal” to “deficient”, portends — isn’t good news for Indian agriculture

and the broader economy.

But unlike in past drought years, where farmers had little advance information and were often caught on the

wrong foot after having already undertaken sowing, there is scope for better planning and for making cropping

decisions that incorporate the high probability of moisture stress this time.

Thanks to the weatherman’s sufficiently early warning and faster dissemination of such information today —

including through the government’s own recently launched DD Kisan channel — farmers are likely to be more

aware than before of the need for conserving soil moisture and planting less water-intensive crops.

This is where the government’s minimum support price (MSP) mechanism can make a difference. When the

country is already sitting on surplus rice stocks and farmers, too, know they ought to go in for less water-

guzzling crops this time, a freeze on the MSP of paddy makes eminent sense.

Last year, the paddy MSP was raised by a marginal Rs 50/ quintal and if the withdrawal of bonuses granted by

some states in earlier years was also factored in, farmers effectively received lower procurement prices. If,

despite that, government agencies have still bought more paddy than in the 2013-14 season, it only shows the

current MSP is reasonable. A freeze will, if anything, induce some diversion of paddy area to other crops,

which isn’t a bad thing. Farmers, on the other hand, need to be encouraged to grow more pulses and

indigenous oilseeds.

The country’s combined import bill on edible oils and pulses amounted to $12.5 billion in 2014-15. And with

their prices firming up considerably in the past few months, exacerbated by monsoon fears, there is an

obvious case to substantially increase their MSPs. Raising the MSPs for tur or urad, for instance to Rs 5,000/

quintal from the existing Rs 4,350 levels isn’t going to be inflationary when consumers are already paying Rs

100-plus per kg for these dals. Higher MSPs, by promoting more plantings, will actually help in price stability by

augmenting domestic production — more so in pulses as they aren’t easily importable.

But merely announcing MSP increases isn’t enough. The govt should commit to procure at these rates, as it is

doing for paddy and wheat. Procuring 3-4 million tonnes (mt) of pulses is preferable any day to buying 28-30

mt each of rice and wheat, grown mainly by farmers having assured irrigation facilities. The time has come for

the government to show it cares equally for less well-off farmers who are cultivating crops that require less

water as well as urea.

ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/face-the-spectre/99/;

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Achievements of the Ministry of Water Resources, River Development

and Ganga Rejuvenation

India is endowed with a rich and vast diversity of natural resources, water being one of them. Integrated

Water management is vital for poverty reduction, environmental sustenance and sustainable economic

development. The Ministry is working for sustainable development, maintenance of quality and efficient use of

water resources to match with the growing demands on this precious natural resource of the country.

WATER RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

The Ministry has identified Inter-Linking of Rivers (ILRs) as a priority. National Perspective Plan envisaging

inter-basin transfer of water from surplus basins to deficit basins is being actively pursued.

• Implementation of Ken-Betwa project on fast track.

• Detailed Project Report (DPR) of Damanganga –Pinjal completed. DPR of Par-Tapi-Narmada link project being

finalised.

• Mahanadi-Godavari flood moderation project being pursued.

• Intra-State link Projects: DPR of Burhi Gandak - Noor - Baya - Ganga link Project (Bihar) and Kosi - Mechi Link

Project (Bihar) completed. Special Committee on Interlinking of Rivers set up - for time bound implementation

of ILR projects. High level task force constituted for addressing the technical issues in interlinking of rivers.

• Agreement with Nepal for speedy implementation of Pancheshwar Multi-purpose project proposal on river

Sarda. Pancheshwar Development Authority set up for expeditious implementation of the project.

• Polavaram project being implemented asa National Projection river Godavari, to create an annual irrigation

potential of 4.36 lakh hect. in East Godavari, Vishakhapatnam, West Godavari and Krishna districts in Andhra

Pradesh.

• Work initiated on 9600 MW Middle Siang Project for flood moderation in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.

• Dam safety Project taken up with World Bank assistance at an estimated cost of Rs. 2100 crore, 233 dams in

four States identified for rehabilitation.

• Brahmaputra Board being restructured for focussed attention on North-Western Region of Ganga Basin.

• Flood protection - Flood forecasting network strengthened - 4772 flood/inflow forecast were issued during the

flood season 2014.

• Regional office of Ganga Flood Control Commission opened at Lucknow in March, 2015, for greater focus on

North Western Region of the Ganga Basin.

• New flood forecasting website launched as part of the E-governance initiative, for timely dissemination of

flood warnings.

• During 2014-15 a total of 47 (20 major and 27 medium) projects under general monitoring and 143 (77 major,

49 Medium and 17 ERM) on-going projects under Accelerated Irrigation Benefits Programme (AIBP) were

taken up for monitoring.

WATER CONSERVATION

PER DROP MORE CROP

• "Hamara Jal – Hamara Jeevan" organised in 485 districts to engage scientists, engineers, water communities,

Panchayati Raj Institutions, NGO's and other stake holders to address issues of water resources planning at

village level to generate awareness for water conservation.

• National Aquifer Management project undertaken for optimal utilisation of groundwater with community

participation. 5.89 lakh sq. km area mapped - partly through innovative heliborne surveys.

• Web based application system for issuing NOC for ground water extraction launched.

• Master Plan on Water harvesting and conservation prepared and circulated to all States.

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Simplification of guidelines for centrally sponsored schemes, viz. AIBP and Flood Management Programme

(FMP) on the basis of consultations in 'Jal Manthan' - resulting in faster release of funds – from Rs. 800 crore.

in the first six months of the year to Rs. 4800 crore in the next six months.

National Hydrology Project launched at a cost of Rs. 3600 crore. This project will establish and upgrade Hydro-

met network in all the river basins and bring the entire hydro-meteorological data on a standardized central

database for easy storage, validation and dissemination for development of Decision Support Systems for flood

forecasting, reservoir operations, water resources planning and management, conjunctive use, etc. following a

river basin approach. The project will also enhance the capacity of the States in these issues.

WATER POLLUTION ABATEMENT

Namami Gange

• "Namami Gange" - Integrated Ganga Conservation Programme approved at the cost of Rs. 20000 crore to be

implemented by year 2020.

• Two meetings of National Ganga River Basin Authority (NGRBA) held - one under the chairmanship of Hon'ble

Prime Minister.

• 76 Projects approved at the cost of Rs. 4974.79 crore for creating treatment capacity of 678.23 MLD and Sewer

network of 2546 KMs.

• Clean Ganga Fund established - contribution of around Rs. 51 crore received.

• Programme to conserve aqua life and bio-diversity in collaboration with Forest Research Institute, Dehradun.

Moving Forward with New Initiatives

• Special Purpose Vehicle to be set up for implementation of priority ILR projects.

• Strengthening of Participatory Irrigation Management and involving public participation in Ground Water

management and rain water harvesting

• Rejuvenation of Yamuna River.

• Expeditious implementation of Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project and middle Siang project.

• Launching of 'JAL KRANTI ABHIYAAN'

• National Bureau of Water Use Efficiency is proposed to be set up to control and regulate efficient use of water.

• All efforts for timely completion of Polavaram Project

• Efforts are underway to upgrade all the three Research Stations namely Central Soil and Material Research

Station, Central Water and Power Research Station and National Institute of Hydrology into “Centers of

Excellence”.

• National Water Informatics Center to be set up for institutionalizing India Water Resources Information

System.

• Modernization and expansion of Flood Forecasting Network of Central Water Commission.

• Development of inundation based flood forecast system.

• Installation of telemetry system for dissemination of hydro-meteorological data on real time basis.

• Setting up of North East Brahmaputra River Rejuvenation Authority by restructuring Brahmaputra Board.

ref: http://pib.nic.in;

Half of mammals face habitat loss: ZSI

ZSI has published a book containing a consolidated documentation and listing of all the scheduled or protected

species of mammals found in India.

India is home to 428 species of mammals out of which more than 60 % — about 251 species — are under

protected or Scheduled categories of the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. 428 species of mammals in

http://pib.nic.in/

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India contribute to about 8 % of the total mammal species found in the World. About 50 % of mammalian

fauna of India have shrunk in their distributional range due to various anthropogenic pressures.

Already four mammal species — Cheetah, Banteng, Sumatran Rhinoceros and Javan Rhinoceros — are extinct

in India.

Around 78 species of mammals are included in Schedule I of Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, implying

that highest priority is placed on the conservation of these animals in the country. While the Schedule I

mammals constitute well known species like tiger, elephant and Indian rhinoceros, “lesser known” species

such as clouded leopard, snow leopard, gaur, desert cat, Niligiri tahr, swamp deer, sloth bear and Tibetan, sand

fox are also included in the list.

The book also lists the mammals that fall in the “Critically Endangered” category of the IUCN. These animals

are: pygmy hog, Malabar civet, large rock rat and kondana rat. As per the IUCN status 29 mammals (such as,

Chinese Pangolin, fishing cat, Gangetic dolphin, golden langur, hispid hare etc.) in the country come under the

“endangered” category.

ref: The Hindu;

New demand by States could hit GST rollout

In a setback to the government’s plan of rolling out

the Goods and Services Tax (GST) by April 1, 2016,

the States demanded that the Centre compensate

them fully for any loss of revenue during the first

five years of transition to the new tax regime.

In the Constitution Amendment Bill for the

introduction of the GST, pending before a Select

Committee of the Rajya Sabha, the Centre proposes

to compensate the States fully for the first three

years, followed by three-fourths of the losses in the

fourth year and half during the fifth. The States are

worried about revenue loss.

Kerala Finance Minister K.M. Mani chairman of the empowered committee, said the States would present five

broad concerns before the Select Committee. They wanted power to levy additional sales tax over and above

the GST on tobacco and tobacco products. Some States wanted that the purchase tax be not subsumed in the

GST. However, if it were to be merged, then they should be awarded compensation for 15 years.

The States raised concerns over the proposed provision of an additional 1 % tax over and above the GST, which

the Centre offered as an assurance against apprehensions of loss of revenue.

ref: The Hindu;

TN inks $400-m loan pact with World Bank

The World Bank and the government of Tamil Nadu signed a loan and project agreement that would enable

the international bank to provide $400 million to the government for its Sustainable Urban Development

Project.

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The project aims at improving urban services in participating Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in a financially

sustainable manner and piloting improved urban management practices in selected cities. As such, the project

consists of three parts — investment in urban services including water, sewerage, municipal solid waste, urban

transportation and storm water drainage; results-based grants for urban governance; and urban sector

technical assistance to strengthen the capacity of ULBs and urban sector officials.

ref: The Hindu;

Evolving a defence bottom line

The Indian Armed Forces Long-Term Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP) 2012-2027 (which is not in the public

domain) is the main document to be considered for meeting objectives against the reality of limited resources

and uncertainty. It focuses on bridging gaps and building force levels that are considered essential for the

services to meet their operational directives. It also lists the inductions planned by the three services.

It is no doubt that the Indian military will confront a very diverse and demanding array of strategic challenges

in the coming decades, emanating either from state actors along the troubled peripheries with neighbouring

countries or from non-state groups. Determining what sort of wars India may have to wage against these two

challenges in the immediate and distant future, and deciding the fundamental determinants of the country’s

defence will be the crucial to filling the gap between perception and reality.

The task of defending the country’s borders needs to take into account the nuclearisation of the sub-continent

and the employment of other instruments of power. Defining the notion and shape of victory, given the

nuclear overhang, is a first step towards building capability. It also needs to be seen whether, should the

conventional and infrastructural asymmetry continue, a stalemate would serve a similar purpose. Only when

these issues are jointly ironed out and articulated will a solution for the right capabilities and their

development in time and within available resources emerge.

Joint solution:

The LTIPP, therefore, cannot simply be an aggregate or arithmetic sum of desired capabilities but an integrated

and balanced acquisition programme for the three services that uses strategy, sets priorities and demands

budgetary support. Given the financial constraints, a joint strategic prioritisation of capital acquisitions,

particularly for those proposals or schemes that have already been granted.Acceptance of Necessity, is

necessary to get early results.

A joint review will also enable a defence bottom line involving land and coastal security to come up first, along

with necessary and deterrent vectors that could keep wars away. It will also allow us to consolidate and build

the desired capabilities in the interim. Considering the likely paucity of funds, it would be prudent, therefore,

to realign the projections of LTIPP 2012-27 and the 12th Defence Plan.

What should they be realigned to? This could be arrived at through a joint consultative process. The following

issues need to be kept in mind while realigning the long-term capability matrix.

The five steps:

1. One has to re-evaluate service-specific schemes and programmes in the backdrop of the conventional

programme focussed at China and Pakistan, and in that order.

2. Individual priority must be recalibrated in the backdrop of envisaged future missions and desired joint

capability.

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3. Certain capital intensive key programmes (KPs) must be identified that can fight and win local wars and

dominate sea lanes of communication through a joint consultative process. Intelligence, surveillance and

reconnaissance or ISR and precision targeting capabilities will remain common to both.

4. Having identified the KPs, definitive rolling funds must be allocated with a time-bound implementation

schedule to ensure that existing capability voids are bridged within a reasonable timeframe

5. It must be recognised that the country’s capability to prevent war, or fight it successfully, has to be

holistically developed.

War cannot be a zero-sum game amongst the Services, because no individual service by itself can achieve the

objectives or be a gainer or loser. The only criteria must be the optimising of the joint potential of all three

forces to achieve a common military aim. Thus, the need will be to make hard trade-offs, based on

prioritisation of missions.

Prioritisation itself must be based on an objective evaluation of the need and relevance for a particular

capability projected by a service, in the prevailing threat scenario, against the availability of funds. An

integrated exercise is recommended to be undertaken both for inter-Service and intra-Service prioritisation,

based on operational necessity.

Self-reliance in defence production needs to be given an institutional push by bringing stakeholders (including

users, R&D agencies, and industry) on board a common platform. Monitoring the progress of indigenous

projects and fixing accountability is of utmost importance. Technological sovereignty must be achieved and

forex reserves preserved. By creating jobs associated with defence manufacturing, defence and development

will reinforce each other.

The impact of the choices that senior leaders are making today will not be fully seen for many years to come,

and will enable or constrain their successors for decades. There is no choice but to look ahead and plan for an

uncertain future while preparing for shocks.

ref: The Hindu;

India and the World

(International Relations)

Beijing for code of conduct at border to ‘enhance peace’

Without closing the option, China appeared lukewarm about restarting the process of clarification of the Line

of Actual Control (LAC). Instead, the Chinese side appeared to be in favour of an elaboration of the “code of

conduct” along the border areas to enhance “peace and tranquillity” along the unsettled frontiers.

China and India do not have a common perception of the alignment of the LAC, throughout its entire stretch of

4,086 km, along the China-India border.

Modi had pushed for the resumption of the process for clarification of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) stalled

in 2005. The boundary negotiators from the two countries had “encountered some difficulties” in the previous

edition of LAC clarification.

Code of conduct in pact

The focus on the “code of conduct” fed into the Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA), signed

between the two countries in October 2013. That agreement had directed the two sides “that they shall not

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follow or tail patrols of the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the line of actual

control in the India-China border areas.”

It pointed out that in case “a doubtful situation arises with reference to any activity by either side in border

areas where there is no common understanding of the line of actual control, either side has the right to seek a

clarification from the other side.”

ref: The Hindu;

Not because of Rohingya’s persecution

Myanmar said that persecution of its Rohingya Muslim population was not the cause of Southeast Asia’s

migrant crisis, a day after the United States called on the country to give full rights to the minority to help end

the exodus.

Myanmar does not recognise its 1.1 million Rohingya as citizens, rendering them effectively stateless. Almost

140,000 were displaced in deadly clashes with Buddhists in the country’s western Rakhne state in 2012.

“It has been portrayed that discrimination and persecution are causing people to leave Rakhine state, but that

is not true,” Myanmar said. It pointed to the number of Bangladeshis on board a migrant boat that landed in

May as proof that the influx of “boat people” was a regional problem linked to human trafficking.

The boat was intercepted by Myanmar’s navy last month. Myanmar has said 200 of the 208 people aboard

were economic migrants from Bangladesh.

ref: The Hindu;

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