mhrd asia pacific - global classroom paper

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1 Intractable human rights situations and the failed international response to crises The case of the plight of refugees and refugee-like situations in Asia and the Pacific INTRODUCTION With international migration and refugee protection becoming more complex than in the past, the Asia Pacific region poses some serious questions around the regional response to the highly complex and often problematic human rights situations of refugees and refugee-like situations. With diminishing opportunities for those seeking protection, many are taking desperate measures, including dangerous unofficial channels involving human smugglers and traffickers, to get to countries that have ratified international human rights and refugee conventions. The Asia Pacific region hosts 7.7 million people of concern to UNHCR, representing around 50% of the refugee global population (UNHCR, 2015). The legal environment plays an important role in the region; despite many states hosting refugees and displaced peoples only 20 countries have acceded to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugee Convention) and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (UNHCR 2015; Taylor, 2016). This paper presents four cases studies in the Asia Pacific region representing origin (Myanmar and Pakistan), host (Pakistan and Papua New Guinea) and destination (Australia and Papua New Guinea) countries. Australia and Papua New Guinea (PNG), who are geographical neighbours, are both signatories to the Refugee Convention and Protocol. Australia has come under international criticism, particularly as a wealthy developed country, for its controversial immigration policies that place national sovereignty and security over human rights and protection. PNG hosts the geographically and culturally-tied West Papuan population who flee political persecution from Indonesia; a contentious situation tied to questions of Indonesian national sovereignty and West Papuan independence and self-determination. Developing countries, Pakistan and Myanmar, deal with some of the most protracted refugee and refugee-like situations in the world. The former hosts the longest protracted refugee population from Afghanistan, and the latter, an origin country that has had hundreds of thousands of displaced people over the past 25 years fleeing ethnic fighting and persecution to camps on its borders with Thailand. Unique to Myanmar is the seemingly intractable human rights situation of internally displaced peoples and the large stateless Rohingya population that are refused citizenship by the Myanmar government. Statelessness in Myanmar, is Citizenship the Answer? Myanmar is replete with multifaceted refugee and refugee-like problems. Hosting one of the longest civil wars in the world, internally displaced people, transnational refugees and a stateless population have numbered over two million (UNHCR, 2016). Prolonged fighting between ethnic-armed groups and Burmese military since its independence from the British in 1948 has resulted in the continued flow of refugees each year; some are currently residing in neighboring nations (Mason, 2016). Among them are the Rohingya people 1 , considered one of the most persecuted people internationally they have an estimated population of over one million 2 living predominantly in western Myanmar in the Rakhine State. Unlike other ethnic groups, they speak a variation of the Chittagonian dialect of Bengali (Nemoto, n.d.). For nearly a century, Rohingya people have experienced discrimination and persecution including: forced 1 Identity of Rohingya is politically charged and is still being debated. Myanmar government refers to them as illegal immigrants while Rohingya claims they are indigenous to Rakhine state (Singh, 2014) 2 Neither 2014 nor 1983 nationwide census included Rohingya population and so the number is just an estimate.

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Intractablehumanrightssituationsandthefailedinternationalresponsetocrises

Thecaseoftheplightofrefugeesandrefugee-likesituationsinAsiaandthePacific

INTRODUCTIONWithinternationalmigrationandrefugeeprotectionbecomingmorecomplexthaninthepast,theAsiaPacific region poses some serious questions around the regional response to the highly complex andoften problematic human rights situations of refugees and refugee-like situations. With diminishingopportunities for those seeking protection,many are taking desperatemeasures, including dangerousunofficial channels involving human smugglers and traffickers, to get to countries that have ratifiedinternationalhumanrightsandrefugeeconventions.TheAsiaPacificregionhosts7.7millionpeopleofconcerntoUNHCR,representingaround50%oftherefugeeglobalpopulation(UNHCR,2015).Thelegalenvironmentplaysan importantrole intheregion;despitemanystateshostingrefugeesanddisplacedpeoplesonly20countrieshaveaccededtothe1951UnitedNationsConventionRelatingtotheStatusofRefugees(RefugeeConvention)andthe1967ProtocolRelatingtotheStatusofRefugees(UNHCR2015;Taylor,2016).This paper presents four cases studies in the Asia Pacific region representing origin (Myanmar andPakistan), host (Pakistan and Papua New Guinea) and destination (Australia and Papua New Guinea)countries.AustraliaandPapuaNewGuinea(PNG),whoaregeographicalneighbours,arebothsignatoriestotheRefugeeConventionandProtocol.Australiahascomeunderinternationalcriticism,particularlyasawealthy developed country, for its controversial immigration policies that place national sovereigntyand security over human rights and protection. PNGhosts the geographically and culturally-tiedWestPapuan population who flee political persecution from Indonesia; a contentious situation tied toquestions of Indonesian national sovereignty andWest Papuan independence and self-determination.Developing countries, Pakistan and Myanmar, deal with some of the most protracted refugee andrefugee-like situations in theworld. The former hosts the longest protracted refugee population fromAfghanistan,and the latter, anorigin country thathashadhundredsof thousandsofdisplacedpeopleover the past 25 years fleeing ethnic fighting and persecution to camps on its borderswith Thailand.Unique toMyanmar is theseemingly intractablehumanrights situationof internallydisplacedpeoplesandthelargestatelessRohingyapopulationthatarerefusedcitizenshipbytheMyanmargovernment.StatelessnessinMyanmar,isCitizenshiptheAnswer?Myanmarisrepletewithmultifacetedrefugeeandrefugee-likeproblems.Hostingoneofthelongestcivilwars in theworld, internally displaced people, transnational refugees and a stateless population havenumbered over two million (UNHCR, 2016). Prolonged fighting between ethnic-armed groups andBurmesemilitarysince its independence fromtheBritish in1948hasresulted in thecontinuedflowofrefugeeseachyear;somearecurrentlyresidinginneighboringnations(Mason,2016).Amongthemarethe Rohingya people1, considered one of the most persecuted people internationally they have anestimatedpopulationofoveronemillion2livingpredominantlyinwesternMyanmarintheRakhineState.Unlikeotherethnicgroups,theyspeakavariationoftheChittagoniandialectofBengali(Nemoto,n.d.).Fornearlyacentury,Rohingyapeoplehaveexperienceddiscriminationandpersecutionincluding:forced

1IdentityofRohingyaispoliticallychargedandisstillbeingdebated.MyanmargovernmentreferstothemasillegalimmigrantswhileRohingyaclaimstheyareindigenoustoRakhinestate(Singh,2014)2Neither2014nor1983nationwidecensusincludedRohingyapopulationandsothenumberisjustanestimate.

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displacementmainly to Bangladesh bymilitary junta; forced labour and sexual violence as a result ofincreased militarisation; religious persecution by demolishing unauthorized mosques; marriagerestriction and population control by limiting up to two children for a couple (Allard K. LowensteinInternationalHumanRightsClinic,2015);frequentextrajudicialkillingswithimpunity;anddenialoftheircitizenshipfollowingthepassageofthe1982citizenshipLaw(HRW,2013).Recentpassageofinter-racialmarriagelaw,whichessentiallyoutlawspolygamyandrequiresnon-BuddhiststoattainpermissionfromtheauthoritytomarryaBuddhistwoman(SuaedyandHafiz,2015),hasprovedtobeanothercontinuingformofdiscrimination.Simmering tension reached a tipping point in 2012. A series of sectarian violence in 2012 betweenRakhineBuddhistsandRohingyaacrosstheRakhineStateleft134Rohingyadeadandover7,000oftheirhousesdestroyed(RepublicofUnionofMyanmar,2013).Thegovernmentisaccusedofbeingcomplicitwithsecurityforcesthatcompriseofpolice,militaryandborderguardswhofailtodeterviolentactsaswellasengaginginviolentactsagainstRohingya.Morethan100,000havebeenrelocatedtoghetto-likemakeshift campswhere tightened security, limited access to basic healthcare, and food shortages areprevalent.Thishas led toanexodusof thousandsofRohingyapeople (referred toas ‘boatpeople’) tocountries likeThailandandMalaysia inwhich they risk fallingvictim tohuman trafficking.Discoveryofmassgravesof traffickedRohingya inbothThailandandMalaysiahascaptured increased internationalattention.Western nations, and international human rights organisations suchUNHCR, ILO, IOMhavepersistentlycondemnedtheMyanmargovernmentfortheirtreatmentandaskedtoconfercitizenshiptoRohingya people. Some international organisations even claim ethnic cleansing or genocide is takingplace (Human Rights Watch, 2013). Demonstrations and at times violent attacks have taken place inMalaysiaandIndonesiainresponse.In the eyes of Myanmar government and most of its people, Rohingya are seen as illegal Bengalisattempting to take over the Rakhine state, they deny their identity as being indigenous toMyanmar(Chan, 2005). With the democratic transition progress, the Rohingya predicament has worsened andMyanmar civil society is unwilling to be involved. Although human rights organisations providehumanitarian aid and are pushing theMyanmar government to take immediate action little has beendonetoimprovetheirdireconditionandmanycontinuetofleefromMyanmar.ConferringcitizenshiptoallRohingyawouldbethefirststeptoaddressthisunderlyingproblem,thiswouldmeanamendingthe1982 citizenship law to recognize Rohingya as an ethnic group (Lewa, 2009). However, Rohingya areunlikely toappear in the listofofficialethnicgroups in the foreseeable futurewhichwouldmaymeandiscardingtheiridentitytoattaincitizenship.Todate,thenewciviliangovernmentledbyAungSanSuuKyihasyet tomention their standandpolicyonRohingya, the issue isexcluded fromthegovernmentreform priority list. The future for Rohingya remains bleak and uncertain. Regional and internationalcommunityneedtocontinuepushingtheMyanmargovernmenttorecogniseallRohingyaascitizens.HasallhopebeenabandonedforthosewhoenterPakistan?3Pakistan presents a strikingly different case toMyanmar as host to the world’s largest population ofrefugees. This includes millions of refugees from Afghanistan who constitute the largest protractedrefugeesituationglobally(UNHCR,2015).DuetointernalpoliticalupheavalsAfghanishavesoughtrefugein almost 100 different countries with the majority seeking refuge in Iran and Pakistan (Zieck, 2008;Schöch,2008).DuringtheSovietinvasionofAfghanistansome3.8millionAfghanssoughtshelterinIran(1.5million)andPakistan (2.3million) (Kronenfeld,2008;Schmeidl,2010).Althoughnotaparty to the1951RefugeeConventionor the1967Protocol (Langekamp,2003),Pakistanrespondedtothecrisisbyopeningup itsborders and creatingaCommissionerateAfghanRefugees to register all refugees (CAR,3‘EternalandeternalIendure.Allhopeabandonyewhoenterhere’DanteAlighieri

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2016). It legitimized flow of refugees under Islamic tradition of migration and welcomed its Muslimbrothers.UNHCR,asthecustodianoftheinternationalrefugeeregime,emergedasanaturalpartnerofPakistan (Schöch, 2008) and has worked closely with the Pakistani government since the 1980s,establishing a permanent officewith the largest assistance programever undertaken (Ghufran, 2011).Ever since, Afghanistan has remained the centre of civil conflict and strife impeding Afghanis returnhome. After the Soviets left, the situation worsened, Afghanistan was soon immersed in war bymujahideen liberators, ‘formanyAfghans, thisperiod is rememberedasevenbloodier than theSovietwar,anditlaunchedanewexodusofrefugees...’(Kronenfeld,2008).ThesituationdidnotchangewiththetakeoveroftheTalibanwhoinstalled‘arepressiveregimebasedonarchaicinterpretationsofIslamiclaws … Human rights violations, particularly of women’s rights’ (Schmeidl, 2010). During the US-ledinvasionmillionswent back to Afghanistan (Kronenfeld, 2008), however, UNHCR estimates 1.5millionrefugeescurrentlyliveinPakistanwithanother1millionasunregisteredrefugees(UNHCR,2016).Followingtheadoptionofanewconstitutionin2004,anewinternationallyrecognisedgovernmentwasformed, ithashoweverstruggledtoextenditsauthoritybeyondthecapitalandtoforgenationalunity(BBC,2016).ThepresentpoliticalsystemofAfghanistanremainsvulnerableandweak.ManyAfghansarestill fleeing their country including taking dangerous routes to Europe and Australia (Hakim, 2016).Despite various NGOs, working closely with the UN, administering refugee camps, assisting IDPs, andprovidinghealthcare, sanitationprograms,primaryeducation,andskills training (DeVecchi,2002), theprotectionofrefugeeshasremainedsubjecttopoliticalwillratherthanhumanrights(Zieck,2008).Thepast 30 yearshas seena shift in international assistance includingUNHCR’s funding falling from$60.1million in 1992 to $3.2 million in 1999 (Langekamp, 2003). Pakistan’s original gesture of hospitality,deeplyrootedinreligionandculture(Ghufran,2011;Langekamp,2003),hasrecentlybeencriticisedasbeingreplacedbyacultureofhateandanimosityresultinginhumanrightsabusesincludingharassmentandtorturebystateauthorities(HRW,2015).CurrentlyAfghanrefugeesholdtemporarycards(PoR)andareallowedtostayinPakistantillJune2016(Ali,2016),however,thosewhodidnotregisterhavenolegalrighttostay(HRW,2015).Pakistaniasylumlaws present a bleak picture (Langekamp, 2003), weak law enforcementmechanisms result in asylumseekers left at the mercy of local authorities (Langekamp, 2003). Human Rights Watch (2015) hasreportedthatbothregisteredandundocumentedAfghansaresubjecttoharassmentandabuseby lawenforcers especially the police, including repeated patterns of arbitrary detention, extortion, andintimidation.Media sourcesnegatively record refugees surviving in poverty-stricken conditions, payingno taxes, affecting Pakistani labour, promoting drug trafficking and being involved in criminal andterrorist activities (Khan, 2016). Pakistan, as well as UNHCR’s role, has been criticised due to thepersistenceoftheissue.WhilstPakistanisencouragedtoratifytheRefugeeConventionitstillremainsacontesteddebateastowhetherthiswillhelpaddressthesituation(Chowhan,2011).ThereisacallfortheUNHCRtoenhanceitseffortsonbothsides(HRW,2015)andforPakistantoinstructitsauthoritiestocease unlawful harassment and violence against Afghan refugees living in Pakistan (Ghufran, 2011).AlthoughthereishugepushfromPakistanforAfghanirefugeestoreturnhomeitshouldbeensuredthatit is safe for themtoreturn. Internationalpartnersneedtocontinueenhancingsupport inAfghanistanandPakistantoassistrefugeepopulations(HRW,2015).‘OperationBorderSovereignty’vsSecuringHumanityAustralia,unlikeMyanmarandPakistan,isadestinationcountrywhichhasalongandmixedexperiencewithrefugeesoverthepast170years- inasenseit is ‘acountrymadeupof,andby,refugees’(Crock,2004,p.52).AustraliawasoneofthefirstcountriestobecomeastatepartytotheRefugeeConvention,on22January1954,andbecameapartytothe1967Protocolon13December1973.Australia,onapercapita basis, takes the largest proportion of refugees under the UNHCR’s resettlement program, a

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programthatonlyafewcountrieshavesignedupto4.SincetheSecondWorldWarAustraliahastakenupto 700,000 refugees (CPD, 2011), including 171,000 predominantly European refugees, who wereresettledinthepost-warperiodbetween1947and1954(Newman,Proctor&Dudley,2013).The1970ssaw a diversification of refugee intake.5 Australia’s response to the fall of the South VietnameseGovernment in Saigon in April 1975 resulted in the resettlement of more than 100,000 Vietnameserefugees from various Asian countries over a 20-year period. A small proportion of these refugees,around2000,camedirectly toAustraliabyboat toseekasylum(RefugeeCouncilofAustralia,2016).Asecondwave of Indochine ‘boat people’,mainly fromCambodia, saw a turn inAustralian immigrationpolicies in1992whentheLaborparty institutedapolicyof indefinitemandatorydetention6 (McAdam,2013).In2001,dueinpartto9/11andthewarsinIraqandAfghanistan,thepoliticalrhetoricinAustraliaon refugees and asylum seekers dramatically shifted from protection to a security paradigm (Kerin &Massola, 2012). Legislation divided the ‘good refugee’ – thosewhowait in a camp for resettlement –fromthe‘badrefugee’–thosewho‘jumpthequeue’andare‘illegal’comingbyboat(McAdam,2013).Policies since 2001 include: the ‘Pacific Solution’; ‘Operation Relex’, the Temporary Protection Visaregime7;andthemilitarised‘OperationSovereignBorders’in2013–apolicytostop‘peoplesmugglers’and to ‘return theboats’, premisedon the idea thatAustralia is experiencing anational emergency inprotectingitsborders(McAdam,2013;Tang&Hammond,2014).By2013theAustraliangovernmenthadcuttherefugeeprogrambyonethirddespitethefacttheworld’sdisplacedhadgrowntoitshighestlevelin70years(RefugeeCouncilofAustralia,2015).AustraliahasengagedincooperationwithIndonesiaonasylumpolicysincethelate1990s,bilaterallyonimmigration detention and people-smuggling agreements, and multilaterally through the Australian-sponsored Bali Process8 (Nethery & Gordyn, 2014; Kneebone, 2014). In the past 15 years, Australiadeveloped a cooperative ‘non-entrée regime’ (Tan, 2015) to stem the flow of asylum seekers andirregularmigrationwithotherregionalstatesincludingSriLankaandMalaysia,andin2008re-establishedoffshore asylum processing agreements9 in Papua New Guinea and Nauru – a deal that denies anydetained asylum seekers, considered tobe refugees, tobe resettled inAustralia (UNHCR, 2015).Mostrecently,AustraliahassignedadealwithCambodiatopermanentlyresettlerefugeesdetainedonNauru(Tan,2015).ThemajorityofthoseseekingasylumarefleeingwarandpersecutionfromAfghanistan,SriLanka, Iraq, Iran and Myanmar. There are no countries en route that have ratified the RefugeeConventionsotheycanclaimprotectionunless,anduntil,theyreachAustralia(McAdam,2013).There are concerns that Australia’s border securitymeasures and creation of two classes of refugees,breaches international and refugee laws,most notably the principles ofnon-refoulement, inhuman ordegradingtreatment,economicandsocialrights,andrestrictingtheabilityofasylumseekerstoreachaterritorywhere theycanclaimprotectionunder theRefugeeConvention (Spinks,2013; LawCouncilofAustralia, 2014). In March 2015, the Special Rapporteur on Torture found that parts of Australia’simmigration detention regime violated the Convention against Torture (Mendez, 2015), the UnitedNationsRefugeeAgencyhascriticisedAustralia’soffshoredetentionpolicyasinhumane(UNHCR,2013),andUNHighCommissionerforHumanRights,ZeidRa’adAl-Hussein,statedthatAustralia’spoliciessetapoorbenchmarkforotherstatesintheAsiaPacificregion10(HumanRightsLawCentre,2015;AlHussein,4Theresettlementprogramrepresentslessthan1%oftheworld’sresponsetotherefugeecrisis(UNHCR,2016).5ThisincludedAsiansexpelledbyUganda’sPresidentIdiAmin,ChileansfleeingthemilitarycoupthatdeposedtheAllendeGovernment,CypriotandEastTimoreserefugeesfleeinginvasionandwar(RefugeeCouncilofAustralia,2016).6AustraliaistheonlyOECDcountryenforcesindefinitemandatorydetentiononasylumseekersandrefugees.ItcurrentlyspendsAUD$3.3billiononthedetentionofseveralthousandasylumseekers,meanwhileUNHCRspendsaboutAUD$5.8billioneachyeartosupportaround51millionpeopleofconcernworldwide(Kaldor,2014).7In2013TemporaryProtectionVisaswerere-introduceddenyingasylumseekersarrivingbyboatthatarefoundtoberefugeestherighttoapermanentvisawhichinturndeniestherighttofamilyreunion(UNSW,2015).8http://www.baliprocess.net/9AustraliaspendsoverAUD$1billionayearondetainingasylumseekersinoffshoredetention,fivetimestheUNHCRbudgetforallofSouthEastAsia(HRLC,2015).10Forexample,Australia-stylepoliciesofboatturnbackswereemployedbyThailand,Malaysia,andIndonesiainwhichnearly8,000RohingyanandBangladeshiirregularmigrantswerestrandedatsea(Tan,2015).

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2015). International and regional NGOs, such as Amnesty International, Human RightsWatch and theAsiaPacificRefugeeRightsNetworkhavealsocriticisedAustralia’spolicies.ThepolarisingpoliticaldebatewithinAustralianpoliticsandthemediahascreatedmuchunfoundedfearofrefugeeandasylumseekers(EdmundRiceCentre2006;Hall,2013).LegislationliketheBorderForceAct (2015) place government staff and health professionals at risk of imprisonment if they speak outabouthumanrightsabusesindetention.However,thereisanextensivenetworkofrefugeeandasylumseeker NGOs and advocates among civil society including, lawyers, medical professionals, politicians,academicsand religious figures (Crock, 2004),opposingAustralia’s immigrationpolicies, as seen in therecentactionsthatsweptacrossthecountryundertheslogan, ‘LetThemStay’11.Allsectorsofsociety,including the international community, continue to call on the Australian government to: accept itsresponsibilities and obligations under the international human rights and refugee laws it is party; endmandatory detention (onshore and offshore); increase Australia’s annual refugee intake and re-prioritising referred refugee resettlement; phase out mandatory detention (onshore and offshore)developshort-termriskedbaseddetentionprocessessoasylumseekersandrefugeesareprovidedwithfairandtimelyrefugeestatusdetermination,affordingthemtheirhumanrights,aswellasaccesstothelegal systems which deliver them; and for the creation of an Australian Ambassador for RefugeeProtection,toassistthegovernmentinhigh-leveladvocacyonrefugeeprotectionissueswithintheAsia-Pacificregionandinternationally(Menadue,Keski-Nummi,Gauthier,2011;AHRC,2016;CPD,2011).‘NeighboursasRefugees’,WestPapuanRefugeesinPapuaNewGuineaLikeAustralia,PapuaNewGuinea(PNG)isarefugeedestinationcountry.Italsohostsrefugees,includingthosefleeingfromtheIndonesiancontrolledprovinceofWestPapua(Taylor,2010)andinrecenttimesthe controversial Australian offshore refugee centers on its Manus Island Province. According to theUnited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in PNG, there are mixed flows of asylumseekers and migrants from South-West Asia, Indonesia, the Middle East and Africa (UNHCR, regionalfactsheet,2015)andthatasofmid-2015therewere9,510recordedcasesof refugeesand400asylumseekers.OtherresearchersarguethattherearemoreWestPapuanrefugeesthandocumentedandthatnumbersareincreasing(Pataud,2010,Tlozek2016).Thetwomainrefugeeandrefugee-likesituationsinPNG are theWest Papua political refugees and the Australia’s offshore detention centres for asylumseekerscomingbyboat12,thediscussionsthatfollowwilltalkinmoredetailabouttheprotractedWestPapuasituationthathasbeenongoingforover40years.West Papua, a former Dutch colony, is currently an Indonesian province that borders with PNG. TheDutchadministrationtransferredWestPapuatoIndonesiain1963,itwasmetwithresistancefromWestPapuanpeople,thatresistancecontinuestoday.WestPapuansareethnicallyMelanesianliketheirPNGcounterparts, they do not want to be part of Indonesia which is geographically and ethnically Asian(Lawson, 2013). West Papuans resistance and separatist movements fight against the Indonesiangovernments use of military force which violates human rights. Violations include descriptions ofbombing, strafing, executions, imprisonments without trial, beatings, mass killings, torture and rape(Bevege, 2014). The continuous human rights violations, killings and continued exodus of people fromPapuahasbecomeacrisisinwhichawholeraceofpeoplearedisplacedinternallyandcontinuetoseekasylumintoneighbouringPNG.Thishasresultedinalotmorerefugeecasesinanalreadyovercrowded

11ThisincludedavigilandprotestbyhundredsofpeopleoutsidetheLadyCilentohospitalinBrisbaneasdoctorsandnursesinsiderefusedtoletan‘asylumseeker’baby,intheircare,bereleasedfordeportationtotheNaurudetentioncentre.Theactionwasinpartsuccessful,asthebabyandherfamilywerereleasedintocommunitydetention.Joiningthisactionunderthe‘LetTheStay’bannerwere,StatePremiers,lawyersandchurches(Hunt,Davey&Wahlquist,2016).12InlandmarkcaseonApril26thisyeartheSupremeCourtofJusticeofPapuaNewGuinearuledthatAustralia’soffshoredetentionofasylumseekersisillegalunderthePNGconstitution(MPNamahVsMinisterForForeignAffairsAndImmigration,NationalExecutiveCouncil,StateOfPNG,2016).

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andresourcestrainedcountry(Pataud,2010,Tlozek2016).Therearemorethan20,000displacedWestPapuans, themassmovement of people into PNG totals up tomore than 13,000 and it is increasing(Pataud,2010,Tlozek2016).AcontentiousandintractablequestiontoaskiswhetherAsiaPacificandtheinternationalcommunityshouldsupporttheWestPapuanstruggleforself-determinationasasolutiontoresolving this political refugee situation; is this possible or not when there is also the question ofIndonesia’snationalsovereignty(Munro,J.2013).PNGisapartytoboththe1951conventionandthe1967protocol,andhasbeenworkingwithUNHCRandotherorganisations likeNGOs,donorsand theCatholicChurch tosupportmajor refugeecamps inEast Awin, especially for West Papua refugees (Pataud, 2010). The Government has several refugeecampsandcarecentres,however,conditionsinthecampsarenotverypleasantandmanyhavecriticisedthePNGgovernment(Preston,1992,Glazebrook,D.2004).Furthermore,currentarrangementsbetweenthe PNGandAustralian governments regarding offshore detention centres are also under fire as bothcountriesarepartiesto1951conventionandthe1967protocol.TheMOUclearlyinitsobjectivestatesthatitistodeterirregularmigration(MOUManusIslandSolution,2013).CriticsarguePNGandAustraliapromotea transnationalsecurityparadigmoverhumanrightsandhumansecurity thusbreachingtheirinternationalobligations.CONCLUSIONAlthoughstates, regionalbodies, theUNHCR,NGOsandcivil societyacross theAsiaPacific region facedeep challenges to deal with complex migratory flows, it is imperative that there is a coherent andcoordinatedprotectionresponsetofindsustainablesolutionsthatareinlinewithinternationalstandardsand conventions. As long as refugees and those in refugee-like situations have little chance of findingsafety through official channels, many will be forced to seek protection through dangerous unofficialchannels, frequently involving human smugglers and traffickers. There needs to be recognition of themultidimensional interconnectedness between refugee and refugee-like paradigms across origin, host,transitanddestinationcountries.ItiscrucialthatforumsliketheBaliProcessandotherregionalbodies,including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the South Asian Association forRegionalCooperation(SAARC),lookatdurablesolutionsandmovebeyondasecurityparadigmtooneofprotection and human rights. Such forums should also include dialogue, not only between states andregionalbodiesandprocesses,butalsolocal,nationalandregionalNGOs,civilsocietyandthosefleeingrefugeesandrefugee-likesituations.Thereareanumberofrecommendationsthispapersupports.Criticallytheregionneedstorestructurethedebatefromnationalsovereigntyandsecuritytoaprotectionandhumanrightsparadigm,includingstrategically addressing the root causes of forced displacement; protracted refugee and refugee-likesituationsneedregionallycoordinateddurablesolutions13;andlawenforcementofficersacrossallstatesin the region shouldhavepropereducation in identifying refugeesand refugee-like situations todetercriminalisation and quickly and correctly identify and grant protection to refugees in linewithUNHCRpoliciesandguidelines.Countrieswhohaveinternationallyrecognisedresettlementprogrammesneedtoincrease their intake and encourage other states in the region to develop resettlement capacity andaccedetotheRefugeeConvention.Finally,regionalandinternationalsolutionsneedtocallintoquestion,and take action on, state sovereignty rhetoric that results in human rights abuses and overridesinternationallawandinternationalhumanrightslaw.13Includingvoluntaryreturntohomecountriesinsafetyanddignity;localintegrationincountryofasylum;orthird-countryresettlement(UNHCR,2015)

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