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  • 8/3/2019 Meeting the Deficit Challenge Strategies for Fiscal Sustainability

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    Meeting the Deicit ChallengeStrategies or Fiscal Sustainability

    KPMG INTERNATIONAL

    GOVERNMENT

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    2 Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity

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    Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity 3

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    Contents

    Foreword 5

    Executive summary 6

    The deicit challenge 8

    Lessons rom previous iscal adjustments 12

    Moving towards iscal sustainability 18

    Re-engineering government 20

    Conclusion 25

    Appendix 1 Case studies on deicit reduction 26

    Appendix 2 Detailed tables 28

    Reerences 30

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    4 Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity

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    John Herhalt

    Global Head o Government Sector

    KPMG in Canada

    Alan Downey

    Head o KPMGs Global Government

    Committee on Perormance

    KPMG in the UK

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    Foreword

    It is time or governments to address the challenge o high debt and budget

    deicits. The need to prepare or uture spending commitments to manage

    demographic changes, clean energy/climate change goals and required

    inrastructure investments make meeting these iscal challenges all the more

    diicult and critical. Governments should develop detailed deicit recovery

    strategies and plans or ongoing iscal sustainability. Now is the time to act to

    meet that challenge.

    The objective o this report is to examine approaches and discuss options or

    deicit reduction, and to review strategies or ongoing iscal sustainability. Our

    goal is to add to the conversation as our public sector peers evaluate their

    options, build their strategy and potentially re-engineer their sector. We draw

    on international data rom previous experiences o iscal adjustment, economic

    research, insights rom KPMG partners and directors around the world, as well

    as interviews with senior academics and public sector leaders in the US, UK,

    Germany, Canada and Spain.

    Meeting the Challenge: Strategies for Fiscal Sustainability is the third and

    ollow-on report to Tough Choices Ahead: The Future of the Public Sector, and

    The Wolfis at theDoorpublications. These previous reports were based on

    insights rom a survey o public sector leaders around the world, along with

    detailed in-depth interviews. This ollow-up research looks at the options acing

    public sector leaders as they build strategies or iscal sustainability.

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    Executive summary

    The need or detailed deicit recovery strategies in the industrialized economies

    has become a pressing one. Increasing concerns in inancial markets about debt

    sustainability, the risks to growth rom high debt and deicits, and the need to

    prepare or uture spending commitments, all point to the need or action.

    Background

    In2009theaveragedeficit/GDPratioexceeded10percentintheG7economies,

    and the average debt/GDP ratio exceeded 100 percent. These are levels that may

    put at risk signiicant long-term growth prospects.

    Moreover,largeage-relatedspendingincreasesinthedecadesahead,

    combined with the need to spend signiicant amounts to upgrade

    inrastructure, add urther to the pressure or iscal change.

    This Report

    Seekstoexamineapproachestodeficitreductionandhighlightthechallenges.

    It draws on international evidence rom previous experiences o iscaladjustment, economic research, insights rom KPMG partners and directors,

    and interviews with senior academics and public sector leaders in the US, UK,

    Germany, Canada and Spain.

    Key Findings

    Althoughthescaleofdeficitrecoverynecessary islarge,it isnot

    unprecedented. Countries like Denmark, Sweden, Ireland and Canada have

    achieved very large iscal turnarounds in recent years without major

    damage to economic growth. However, conditions or deicit recovery may

    be more challenging this time around, given that a large number o countries

    are attempting to deal with deicits at the same time and the global growthbackdrop is more uncertain.

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    Examinationofhistoricalbudgetconsolidationeffortssuggeststhatstrategies

    based on spending cuts, especially cuts to current spending, tend to be more

    successul than those centered on tax increases. Decisive, ront-loaded

    eorts are also more likely to succeed than gradual ones.

    Sometaxincreasesneverthelesslookinevitable,butthesecanbestructured

    in a way to minimize the risks to growth.

    Conventionaltaxandspendingmeasuresmaybeinsufficienttomeetthe

    challenge o deicit recovery, especially over the long-term. Governments

    may need to consider radically re-engineering the scope and scale o their

    activities. This might include:

    Reorms to drive up productivity growth in public services

    Extendingprivateinvolvementdeeperintotheheartofgovernment

    Privatization o inrastructure and other key assets

    Fiscalruleswhichaimtobindgovernmentsintoresponsiblebehaviorprovide a possible approach to preventing deicit problems rom recurring,

    but their record to date is mixed.

    Therightapproachtofiscaladjustmentcouldbehardtosell,politically.

    It may require an atmosphere o crisis to allow major cuts to government

    payrolls or transers and pensions.

    Buildingthenecessarysupportforfiscalchangewillrequiredifferent

    approaches in dierent countries, depending on their social and political

    structures. Historical experience suggests deicit reduction eorts can

    succeed under a variety o political dispositions, implying that outlining

    clear goals and ollowing through on them is a critical actor.

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    1980 1984 1992 1996 2000 2004 20081988

    12

    10

    8

    6

    4

    2

    0

    Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics

    G7 Budget

    deficit/GDP ratio

    % of GDP

    The deicit challenge

    This report reviews options for deficit reduction and strategies for achievement of

    fiscal sustainability. Drawing on lessons from previous fiscal retrenchments and

    economic research, it identifies the key elements for successful and sustained

    deficit reduction. Given the scale of adjustment needed, it also suggests an

    agenda for a re-engineering of government, drawing on insights from a number

    of roundtables and in-depth interviews with experts in the US, UK, Germany,

    Canada and Spain. This first section sets out the deficit recovery challenge, and is

    followed by sections looking at lessons from past fiscal turnarounds, options to

    be considered for structuring deficit recovery strategies and the re-engineering of

    government.

    Many o the industrialized countries1 currently ace a major challenge o potential

    iscal adjustment to reverse the huge expansion in budget deicits that has

    resultedfromtheglobalfinancialcrisisandrecession.In2009,theaverage

    budgetdeficitintheG7countriesreached10percentofGDPfivetimeshigher

    thanin2007anditisexpectedtoremainclosetothatin2010(seechart1).

    And government debt exceeded 100 percent o GDP on average across the

    G7countriesin2009(seechart2).Againstthisbackground,therecentG20

    summit meeting eatured a commitment by the participating countries to halve

    budget deicits over three years.

    Chart 1: G7 Budget deficit

    1ThetermindustrializedeconomiesinthisreportreferstotheUS,Canada,Australia,thewestEuropeaneconomiesand

    Japan

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    Chart 2: G7 Government debt ratio

    1950 1958 1974 1982 1990 1998 20061966

    140

    120

    100

    80

    60

    40

    0

    20

    Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics

    G7 Governmentdebt/GDP ratio

    % of GDP

    Widening deicits resulted in part rom government stimulus eorts in the ace

    ofweakeninggrowthandthecostoffinancialsectorsupport.Butcompelling

    strategies to achieve deicit recovery without undermining the recovery are a

    priority because the conclusion o stimulus packages and a return to economic

    growth will not be suicient to restore the public inances. The average structural

    primary deicit (i.e. adjusted or the eects o the economic cycle and netting out

    interest costs) is expected by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to be

    overfivepercentofGDPintheG7thisyear 2, with especially large deicits in the

    US,JapanandtheUK(seechart3).TheBankforInternationalSettlements(BIS)

    estimates suggest that, on unchanged policies, debt/GDP ratios could rise to

    150200percentofGDPintheG7countriesoverthenext10years,andover300 percent in Japan.3

    2IMFTheStateofPublicFinancesCross-CountryFiscalMonitor:November2009IMF Staff Position Note,November20093Cecchetti,S,Mohanty,M&Zampolli,FTheFutureofpublicdebt:prospectsandimplicationsBISWorkingPapers

    No. 300, 2010

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    Further rises in debt levels pose considerable risks in the broader political and

    socio-economic landscape, as clearly demonstrated by the iscal crisis in the

    Eurozone. Rising costs o inancing government debt not only exacerbate the

    iscal challenge acing governments, they also have adverse impacts on economic

    growth. It is particularly worrying that an increasing number o industrialized

    economiesnowhavegovernmentdebtoverorapproachingthe90percentof

    GDP threshold, beyond which research by Reinhart and Rogo suggests there

    is a risk o a marked downward eect on GDP growth.4

    To reduce the debt/GDP ratio to 60 percent by 2030, the IMF estimates theG20 countries would, on average, need to improve their structural primary budget

    balances by over nine percent o GDP rom 2010 20 and then maintain this

    improvement or a urther decade. Even just stabilizing the debt/GDP ratio at the

    2014 projected level which is still expected to be very high in many cases

    would require an improvement in the budget balance o over our percent o GDP.5

    Chart 3: World Budget deficit 2010F GDP by country

    0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

    Source: IMFNote: Primary deficit is deficit excluding interest payments

    Primary budget deficit

    Total budget deficit

    % of GDP

    G-20 advanced

    US

    UK

    Sweden

    Spain

    Portugal

    Japan

    Italy

    Ireland

    Greece

    Germany

    France

    Canada

    Belgium

    Australia

    4Reinhart,C&Rogoff,KGrowthinatimeofdebtAmerican Economic Review Papers & Proceedings,December20095IMFop.cit.(2009)

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    Moreover, the challenge acing governments is even greater than headline debt

    and deicit igures imply. Spending on pensions and health is expected to have to

    rise a urther ive percent o GDP by 2030 in the advanced G20 economies (see

    chart 4), as populations age.6Also,OECDestimatessuggestthatUS$3.7trillion

    will be needed over the next 20 years to upgrade inrastructure across the

    OECD countries.7

    Chart 4: World age-related spending pressures

    Source: IMF

    Projected rise in spending to 2030, % of GDP

    -2 0 2 4 6 8

    G-20 advanced

    US

    UK

    Sweden

    Spain

    Portugal

    Japan

    Italy

    Ireland

    Greece

    Germany

    France

    Canada

    Belgium

    Australia

    Pensions

    Health

    The analysis above makes clear the scale o the deicit recovery challenge acing

    governments, and also the importance o designing credible and comprehensive

    strategies to meet it. The next section draws on lessons rom past iscal turnarounds

    in order to help elaborate how such deicit recovery strategies could be structured.

    6IMFop.cit.(2009)7OECD Infrastructure to 2030

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    Change in structural primary

    balance, % of GDP

    Time to complete adjustment

    (years)

    Ireland 1989 20.0 11

    Sweden 2000 13.3 7

    Finland 2000 13.3 7

    Denmark 1986 12.3 4

    Israel 1983 11.1 3

    Belgium 1998 11.1 15

    Canada 1999 10.4 14

    Cyprus 2007 8.5 4

    UK 2000 8.3 7

    Japan 1990 8.1 12

    Portugal 1985 7.5 4

    Netherlands 2000 6.3 10

    Australia 1988 5.8 4

    Lessons rom previous iscaladjustments

    Although the scale o the necessary budgetary adjustment appears daunting,

    it is not unprecedented. Large debt/GDP ratios were cut rapidly in the period ater

    WorldWarII(thanksinparttothePeaceDividend),andoverthelastfourdecades the IMF has identiied around twenty cases o advanced economies

    improving their structural primary balances by more than ive percent o GDP

    and nine cases o improvements exceeding 10 percent o GDP (see Table 1).

    Table 1: Notable previous fiscal adjustments

    Source:IMFTheStateofPublicFinancesCrossCountryFiscalMonitor(2009)

    Note: Year next to country indicates inal year o adjustment

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    Agreatdealofevidenceexistsonwhatmightbetermedleadingpractice

    approaches to reducing budget deicits, based on cross-country empirical studies

    and individual country eorts. These studies, combined with the key lessons rom

    previous periods o large-scale adjustment in countries like Sweden, Canada and

    Ireland (see Appendix 1), suggest eight key lessons:

    1) A crisis can be an opportunity to challenge fiscal taboos.

    Crisis conditions can create the opportunity to challenge long-standing iscal

    taboos.Thiswastheexperienceofsuccessfullyadjustingcountriesinthe1980sand1990ssuchasIrelandandSweden,whichwereforcedbycircumstancesto

    radically re-evaluate the priorities o the public sector and tackle previously

    politically diicult areas including pension reorm.

    2) Healthy growth is possible while achieving fiscal adjustment.

    Successul iscal turnarounds in countries like Ireland, Canada, and the Nordic

    countriesinthe1980sand1990s,wereachievedwhilemaintaininghealthy

    growth (see chart 5). Repeating this will be more challenging now, however, given

    the scale o public deicits and the need or simultaneous retrenchment across

    almost all major economies. Only China among the major economies, has a

    suiciently robust iscal position to act as a sustained support or global demand.

    There is a risk that simultaneous iscal adjustment across the major economies

    could damage global growth and reduce the scope or a cyclical recovery in

    government revenues.

    Chart 5: Growth during successful fiscal adjustments

    Ireland

    1987 1989

    Sweden

    1994 1998

    Finland

    1996 2000

    Denmark

    1983 1986

    Canada

    1994 1997

    12

    10

    8

    6

    4

    2

    0

    Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics

    GDP Investment Consumption

    % year, average

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    3) Build a political and social consensus around the need for adjustment.

    As well as acilitating the necessary tax and spending measures to restore public

    inances, building a broad social and political consensus around the need or

    adjustment can result in other agreements (e.g. wage moderation in both the

    public and private sectors) which help to mitigate the economic impact o

    retrenchment.

    4) Choose decisive cuts over gradual fiscal strategies.

    Gradual spending cuts tend to be inerior to decisive, ront-loaded ones becausethey can run out o steam in the ace o social and political opposition.8 In

    addition,theydonotdeliverthepositiveshocktoconsumerandbusiness

    confidencewhichcanbeexperiencedinadecisiveadjustment.Byprolonging

    uncertainty about uture tax levels, they can induce higher precautionary saving

    by the private sector.

    5) Focus fiscal strategy on spending cuts rather than tax increases.

    Historically, most successul iscal turnarounds have ocused on the spending

    rather than the revenue side. Examples o successul spending-driven adjust-

    mentsincludeIrelandinthelate1980s,andSwedenandCanadainthemid-

    1990s.Thereisalsoevidencethatexpenditure-drivenadjustmentsaremorebenign in terms o their eects on growth and in the right conditions such

    adjustments can actually be expansionary. This latter eect comes as a result

    o deicit reductions improving business and consumer conidence, reducing

    interest rates by lowering risk premiums (thus boosting interest-sensitive private

    spending), raising asset prices and in some cases weakening the exchange rate. 9

    In addition, cuts to public sector jobs and wages can help hold down unit labor

    costs in the wider economy, boosting corporate competitiveness. Examination

    o past successul spending-driven adjustment experiences suggests particularly

    strong positive eects on private investment, resulting rom reduced interest

    rates and improved business expectations.

    8SeeAlesina,A&Perotti,RFiscaladjustmentsinOECDcountries:MacroeconomicEffectsNBERWorkingPaper5730,19969SeeAlesina,A&Ardagna,SLargechangesinfiscalpolicy:taxesversusspendingTaxPolicy&theEconomy,2010,and

    Alesina,A&Perotti,Rop.cit.(1996)

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    Bycontrast,tax-drivenadjustmentshavetendedtohaveamoredepressiveimpact

    on growth, raising the chances o ultimate ailure. The Organisation or Economic

    Co-operation and Development (OECD) reports that successul iscal consolidations

    have typically been comprised o around 80 percent spending cuts and 20 percent

    tax increases.10 In the industrialized economies, where pre-existing tax burdens

    were oten relatively high, the risks to growth associated with a tax-driven approach

    are likely to be especially signiicant. In the words o a senior UK policymaker,

    Fiscal tightening should not be a business burden.

    6) Concentrate on cutting current spending not capital spending.

    Past experience o successul adjustments suggests governments should

    aim to concentrate spending cuts on current government spending; transers,

    social security and government wages and employment. One advantage o

    concentrating on areas like government wages and welare programs (including

    pensions)isthatitmeansattackingtheareaswhichhavethestrongestnatural

    tendency to increase.

    Tackling these areas, which account on average or around two-thirds o

    government spending in the industrialized economies,11 also increases the

    chances a iscal adjustment will prove durable, and be seen as such by inancial

    markets and the domestic private sector. Reorms that reduce long-term costsin areas like health and pensions could be especially useul given the pressures

    in these areas (e.g. rom aging populations). Successul iscal turnarounds in

    Canada, Ireland, Finland and Sweden were mostly based on cuts to current

    spending(seechart6)andAlesina&Perottis1996studyofabroadersampleof

    successul adjustments over the last our decades inds 60 percent o spending

    cuts were in current spending.12

    10OECDPreparingFiscalConsolidation,201011See Appendix 2, Table 312Alesina&Perotti,op.cit.(1996)

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    Chart 6: Structure of successful adjustments

    Finland

    1996 2000

    Sweden

    1994 1998

    Ireland

    1987 1989

    Denmark

    1983 1986

    Canada

    1994 1997

    12

    10

    8

    6

    4

    2

    0

    14

    Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics

    Improvement in structural deficit

    % of GDP

    Reduction in current spending

    Bycontrast,cuttinggovernmentinvestment,oftenarelativelyeasyoption(e.g. by postponing/canceling large projects) is less optimal. It can have a negative

    impact on growth, reducing revenues and undermining attempts at adjustment.

    Cuts to public investment may also be unsustainable and can only tackle the

    deicit problem to a limited extent as government capital spending accounts or

    an average o only two percent o GDP in the advanced G20 countries. 13 More

    generally, spending cuts with a permanent lavor (e.g. welare cuts obtained by

    changesineligibilityrules)arepreferabletoone-offmeasures,eveniftheinitial

    magnitude o adjustments is similar.

    7) Structure tax increases in ways that minimize growth risks.

    Tax increases have also played important parts in past deicit recovery eorts.Although they risk damaging growth through reducing incentives to work and

    harming business and consumer conidence, they can also have a beneicial

    eect in the right circumstances or example i they help reduce the perceived

    risk o bigger and more disruptive tax rises later.

    ThesuccessfulDanishfiscaladjustmentof198386isoneexampleofa

    program that had a substantial tax-raising element. The International Monetary

    Fund(IMF)hasidentified29episodesoverthelast30yearswhererevenuesrose

    more than three percent o GDP or two consecutive years, o which 14 episodes

    saw this gain maintained or a decade.14 Four o these latter episodes involved

    natural resource taxes, however, and others relied on comprehensive tax reorms

    including the introduction o VAT.

    13SeeAppendix2,Table3basedonIMFop.cit.(2009)14IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010

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    OECD research suggests taxes on corporate and personal income are most

    damaging or growth, with taxes on immovable property the least damaging.15

    SuccessfuladjustmentsstudiedbyAlesina&Perotti(1996)alsotendedtofeature

    a low share o tax rises on households and low social security tax rises. 16 Within

    income taxes, there is, however, also scope or action which is relatively benign

    or growth. For example, some countries allow substantial deductions or items

    such as mortgage interest (e.g. the US and the Netherlands) which arguably have

    a distorting eect on those markets.

    The IMF estimates substantial extra revenues can be raised rom indirect taxes intheG7economies,worth46percentofGDP.Afurther0.51percentofGDP

    could come rom higher carbon taxes (see Annex 3).17

    8) Fiscal Rules have a mixed record.

    Fiscalrulesaimtobindgovernmentsintoresponsiblefuturebudgetarypolicies

    and secure iscal sustainability through caps on the size o deicits, spending or

    bond issuance, mandated by statute or in some cases constitutional amendment.

    AnIMFstudyoffiscaladjustmentepisodessince1980,arguesthatadjust-ments

    in countries with rules were on average larger and more ront-loaded than in

    those without. The OECD has also argued that rules can aid iscal adjustment

    eorts.18

    One senior German public officialreers to good iscal rules as, Thealpha and omega o successul long-term policymaking and aformer senior

    US policymakeralso sees statutory spending controls as, The only way to

    contain elected oicials.

    The eectiveness o such rules is nevertheless controversial and the case or

    them has been damaged by recent events. In particular, iscal rules in the

    Eurozone (the Stability and Growth Pact) and the UK (the Code or Fiscal Stability)

    ailed to prevent either the build up o large structural deicits prior to the onset o

    the global recession or the massive rises in deicits seen since.

    Atypicalproblemisthatsuchruleshaveget-outclausesthatallowthemtobe

    circumvented relatively easily in diicult times. As such, iscal rules seem unlikely

    to directly rein in government behavior unless they are very rigid, in which case

    political opposition to their introduction is likely to be very strong. Fiscal rules are

    morelikelytoworkbyraisingthereputationalcosttogovernmentofdiverging

    rom a sustainable iscal policy. This appears to be the thinking behind the new

    OfficeforBudgetResponsibilityintheUK,whichwillproduceindependent

    orecasts o growth and iscal trends.19

    15Heady,C,Johansson,A,Arnold,J,Brys,B&VartiaLTaxationandEconomicGrowthOECD Economics Department

    No. 620, 200816Alesina&Perotti,op.cit.(1996)17IMFop.cit.(2009)18IMFop.cit.(2010),OECDFiscalsustainability:thecontributionofrulesinOECDEconomicOutlookNo.72,200219SeeUKOfficeofBudgetResponsibility,TermsofReference,June2010

    Working Papers

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    Moving towards iscalsustainability

    The previous section laid out some important lessons based on previous

    experience, which should be considered in designing a deicit recovery strategy.

    In addition, a number o other issues need to be considered by policymakers

    acing the challenge o reining in large iscal deicits and achieving iscal

    sustainability:

    Inflationofferslittlescopetoreducedeficits.

    An alternative approach sometimes suggested or reducing government

    indebtedness is allowing inlation to rise signiicantly. In the right conditions

    (e.g. when the average debt maturity is long and debt is largely in domestic

    currency), this approach can cut the debt/GDP ratio. However, in current

    circumstances this approach looks to be a non-starter. The IMF estimates that

    raising inlation to six percent per annum or ive years would erode less than

    a quarter o the rise in the debt ratio which it projects or the G20 economies

    up to 2014.20

    There are other drawbacks. I a country has a short average debt maturity,

    attempts to erode the debt burden by inlation will be ineective as interest

    payments will tend to rise sharply. Among the G20 this approach would be

    especially challenging or the US, with an average debt maturity o just our years.

    Attempting to engineer a sustained high inlation could also prove diicult giventhe institutional context (i.e. the existence o legislatively or constitutionally

    protected independent central banks). Finally, such an inlationary period would

    eventually have to be brought to an end, a process that would entail substantial

    outputcoststhelessonofthe1970sandearly1980s.

    Monetarypolicyoflimitedusetooffsetthegrowthimpactsoffiscal

    tightening.

    Fiscal adjustment eorts in the past have been helped by aggressive use o

    monetary and exchange rate policy to cushion the negative eects on growth.

    A problem aced by governments today, however, is that typically there is very

    little room or monetary policy to loosen urther oicial interest rates in mostmajor economies are already at record lows. For the economies in the Eurozone,

    exchange rate adjustment is also not an option. Regardless, with sizeable iscal

    retrenchment required in almost all countries, currency depreciation is not

    possible or all.

    Taxmeasureswillneedtoreflectcountry-specificfeatures.

    Looking at the structure o government revenues in the industrialized economies,

    there is considerable variance, implying that dierent countries may have to take

    dierent approaches to increasing taxation. The share o income taxes in GDP is

    generally quite high, averaging nine percent and much higher in some countries

    such as Canada and the Scandinavian states. Exceptions include Japan and Greece,

    where revenues are well below average, suggesting scope or increases. Social

    security taxes are also relatively high at 10 percent o GDP, while corporate tax

    20IMFop.cit.(2009)

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    Re-engineering government

    The scale o the iscal adjustment needed in the industrialized economies

    raisesseriousquestionsaboutwhetherconventionaltaxandspending

    changes will be enough to eectively address the deicit problem. Do the

    authorities need to go further and consider a radical re-engineering of

    government?

    Thereisacertainamountoflowhangingfruitintheareaofdeficitrecovery.

    Governments can move quickly to halt capital spending projects, impose wage

    freezesonpublicservantsorshedmarginalpublicsectorheadcount.Butsomeof

    these approaches are only temporary in nature or could prove unsustainable beyondthe short-term.Bycontrast,there-engineeringagendafocusesontransforming

    the delivery o public services in a way that can reduce the uture burden on the

    government budget and yield signiicant eiciency gains.

    In this section, we examine this question by drawing on the results o a series

    o roundtables, expert panels and interviews with public sector oicials and

    representatives to provide additional insights.

    The re-engineering agenda encompasses a number o components:

    Efficiencyandproductivitygains

    The problem o rising long-term costs in key areas o spending partly relectspoor productivity perormance in the public sector. For example, in the UK, public

    sectorproductivityactuallyfellin19972007by0.3percent(seechart7)per

    annum while private service sector productivity rose two percent per annum.22

    Paul Kirby, Partner at KPMG in the UK, notes that Had public sector productivity

    grown at even hal the pace seen in the private sector, public spending could

    have been lowered by as much as 30 billion or two percent o GDP.

    Developing a culture of cost control is also important. In Canada, a senior

    public servantnotes that, The burden o eiciency savings in coming years will

    be placed on individual departments, which will have to identiy ive percent o

    their programs that are currently under-perorming and should be reviewed or

    scrapped.

    The same senior Canadian oicial also sees considerable scope or strategic

    transormation in areas such as consolidating unctions such as human resources,

    inance and data collection as well as back oice and administrative sta. In his

    view, Canada has too many service delivery networks that could be consolidated

    relatively easily. This kind of focus on control of overhead costs is common

    in the private sector and needs to be rolled out in the public sector as well.

    A senior UK policymakersuggests, Public sector managers should be given the

    target o achieving the same level o service or unchanged cash budgets

    implying a signiicant squeeze over time.

    22Reorm Public Sector Productivity brieing note, April 2010

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    Chart 7: UK public and private sector productivity

    4

    3

    2

    1

    0

    -1

    -2

    Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics

    Public sector

    1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

    Private sector

    % year

    Paul Kirby of KPMG in the UK,furtherarguesthatWeareenteringtheageof

    the unit cost. He suggests that examination o a number o public sector areas

    in the UK reveals substantial variations in cost perormance across dierent units,

    with the top 25 percent o units having costs 20 25 percent lower than average.

    Kirbyurther notes that plans are aoot in the UK health sector to set payments

    to hospitals or acute treatment at the level o the top perorming 25 percent

    rather than the average. This could cut 11 12 billion from the 40 billion

    annual care cost. This kind o unit-cost based analysis also could be rolled out

    across other parts o the public sector.

    Rethinkingtheroleofgovernment

    According to a former senior US policymaker, Most o the existing US Federal

    government programs are based on conditions that existed 50 years ago. The

    same observation can be made o other industrialized economies. The role o

    government needs to be reassessed and re-ocused, with the emphasis on

    makingitfuture-focusedandresults-oriented.Paul Kirby of KPMG in the UK

    echoesthesepoints,pointingtotheneedto,Shiftfromtraditionalpublicsector

    budgeting to payment o public sector bodies on the basis o results.

    As part o the process o re-ocusing government, Paul Kirbyargues that,

    Private involvement may need to go deeper into the heart o government.

    Thiscouldinvolveaswitchfromaprovidingstatetoanenablingstate

    which helps und but does not directly provide services. Private sector

    involvementintheprovisionofservicescouldgobeyondtraditionalareas

    to encompass activities such as registration and licensing, and the ownership

    or management o schools.

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    Developingnewrevenuestreams

    Raising substantial additional revenues may require governments to look or new

    revenue sources. Possible target areas include energy, environmental taxes, land

    value taxes or national resource taxes such as those being contemplated in some

    resource-rich countries. Also worthy o consideration are increased co-payments or

    publicservicesorchargingforpreviouslyfreeitemssuchasroaduse.

    Empoweringpublicserviceprovidersandreceivers

    Existingpublicsectormanagementsandworkforcescouldproveanobstacle to radical reforms, but this problem could be sidestepped by

    making empowerment of service providers part of the reform package.

    Devolution o operational decision-making to public sector managers and workers

    canbepartofthereform,aswellasmoreradicallyshiftingtheownershipof

    services, or example by creating employee co-ops and giving well-perorming

    units the possibility to expand. As well as helping service providers buy into the

    reorm process by giving them a stake in successul outcomes, this process

    could help develop a culture o continuous improvement in the public sector

    and get away rom a situation where, in the words o asenior US public official,

    Muchofthepublicsectorcurrentlyhasnoincentivetosavemoney.

    Putting the recipients of public services in charge of their own dedicatedbudgets could yield substantial savings. For example, in the UK social care

    sector, Paul Kirbystates that one pound in every three o the 12 billion budget

    is spent on deciding internally in government how to spend the other two. Giving

    individuals their own budget to spend as they see it could thus eliminate a large

    portion o current spending.

    Infrastructureprivatization

    KPMGs John Herhalt of KPMG in Canada, emphasizes the signiicant opportunities

    in the sphere o inrastructure privatization, Investment requirements in the

    decades ahead are substantial. In the transport sector, congestion charges, toll

    roads and contracts to build, operate and maintain highways have all been usedin recent years. Private involvement in the highway network is substantial in a

    number o European countries (see chart 8), and has in part been driven by

    financialpressuresongovernment.Bycontrast,intheUKandGermany,private

    sector involvement in this area is very modest. The potential sums involved are

    large for the UK, it is estimated that privatization of the motorway

    network could raise 100 billion.23 Involving the private sector more in

    inrastructure also meets a growing demand or access to the stable revenue

    streams inrastructure assets can generate.

    23SundayTimes,London,UK,August30,2009.

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    Chart8:PrivatesectorinvolvementinEuropeanhighways

    90

    50

    60

    70

    80

    40

    30

    20

    10

    0

    Source: Albalte, Bel & Fageda, Oxford Economics

    Portugal France Italy Spain UK Finland Denmark Netherlands Germany

    % of motorway network run under private concession, 2004

    Radical transormational change in the public sector aces practical barriers. As

    a senior German public officialstates, A radical rethinking and reshaping o the

    public sector is unlikely at the political level. Implementing incremental changes

    in the right areas is probably the only way to get it done. Many iscal adjustments

    are, in the words o Alan Downey of KPMG in the UK, Managerially easy, but

    politically hard, such as curbing welare spending. Improving public service

    productivityisbycontrastpoliticallyeasybutmanageriallyhard.Successful

    outsourcing or public-private contracts can be hard to manage and the public

    sector may lack the skills and competencies needed to design and deliver radical

    changes so these skills and competencies need to be embedded to ensure

    success.

    Creating an environment where competitive or managerial structures exist that

    will drive continuous improvements in productivity may also take time and

    involve substantial set-up costs. As a result, governments may have to ride

    two horses at once,engaginginsignificantconventionalfiscaladjustments

    while also laying the oundations or a step-change in uture productivity

    perormance in the public sector which will support the public inances in the

    medium-term. In the opinion o a former seniorUS policymaker, the long-term

    re-engineering o government needs to be a separate process [to conventional

    deicit reduction] run by respected and non-government igures with experience

    in transorming organizations.

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    Conclusion

    The problem o large budget deicits and rising debt levels is widespread among

    industrialized economies, although problems are clearly more severe in some

    countries than others. In many cases, governments ace a dual challenge: cutting

    expenses and raising revenues in the near-term, and tackling the rising pressures

    rom age-related spending and the need or inrastructure investment in the

    long-term while laying the oundation or iscal sustainability.

    Examination o historical episodes in deicit recovery conirms that large

    adjustments can be made, and i well-structured, need not be harmul to

    economic growth. Successul adjustment eorts have generally ocused on theexpenditure-side, but tax increases probably need to be part o the package

    too. Large increases in revenue may be hard to achieve without signiicant tax

    reorms, or tapping new streams o revenues. The picture varies across dierent

    countries and each will need to consider its individual circumstances in designing

    recovery strategies.

    In many cases, conventional tax and spending measures may not be enough to

    ensuremedium-termfiscalsustainability,andgovernmentsmayhavetoridetwo

    horses at once, squeezing budgets today while also putting in place plans to

    re-engineer the public sector in order to support the public inances in the

    medium-term.

    This involves pursuing options including orcing up productivity growth in

    the public sector, taking private sector involvement deeper into the heart o

    government activity, and exploring new opportunities in areas like inrastructure

    privatization.

    Thepoliticalchallengeofsellingtheneedformajorfiscalcutbacksissignificant,as

    is the practical challenge o designing and carrying through radical transormational

    changeinpublicservices.Butthecurrentatmosphereofdeepconcernoverthe

    trajectory o public inances may provide the opportunity to cut through traditional

    political and social taboos in the iscal sphere in order to make a real dierence.

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    Appendix 1 Case studies in deicit reduction

    Ireland(198789)

    Irelandhadaseriousfiscalproblematthestartofthe1980s,withadouble-digit

    deicit/GDP ratio and a steeply rising debt/GDP ratio which reached 120 percent

    in1987.Thesefiscalproblemsweighedheavilyongrowth,whichaveragedonly

    1.5percentofGDPfrom198087 24 despite a avourable global backdrop. Also

    contributing to this weak growth was a ailed attempt at iscal adjustment in the

    early1980swhichfocusedontherevenuesideandhadsignificantcontractionary

    eects on domestic demand.

    In1987,anewadjustmentprogrambeganbasedonexpenditure-sidemeasures.This program improved the structural primary balance by ive percent o GDP

    over198789,withthewholeimprovementduetoreductionsincurrent

    primary spending. Cuts ocused on transer payments, government consumption,

    and government wages, with only education excluded. Government employment

    fell10percentfrom198689.Thedebt/GDPratiofellsharplyto90percent

    o GDP ater ive years, and despite the spending cuts, GDP growth averaged

    ive percent per annum, well above the OECD average.25 This was helped by

    substantial exchange rate depreciation.

    The Irish experience yields a number o lessons. The irst is that it may take a

    crisis to orce governments into taking the necessary measures. The emphasis o

    the198789programonspendingcutswastheresultofthefailureofprevious

    eorts and growing problems o raising inancing in bond markets. The Irish

    experience also shows the value o building political and social consensus. A key

    eature o the programs success was that wage moderation was achieved via an

    agreement between government and unions. This helped bring down labor costs

    and boost investment and exports.

    Sweden(199498)

    Intheearly1990s,Swedensufferedacollapseintherealestatemarket,a

    banking crisis and a deep recession, all o which let the public inances in a poor

    state. With international conidence in the Swedish economy at an all time low,

    the authorities were orced into a severe iscal adjustment which proved

    remarkablysuccessfulturningabudgetdeficitof11percentofGDPin1993

    intoasurplusofonepercentofGDPby1998.Thedebt/GDPratio,whichhad

    risensteeplyintheprecedingyears,wasstabilizedataround70percent.

    The Swedish adjustment was heavily weighted to the expenditure-side, with over

    80 percent o the improvement in the deicit coming rom spending reductions.

    CurrentspendingfellbyalmostninepercentofGDPfrom199498, 26 driven by

    a large reduction in social transer payments linked to greatly tightened eligibility

    criteria.

    24Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)25Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)26Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)

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    Despite the scale o the adjustment, GDP growth averaged over three percent in

    199498,27 above the OECD average. Exports and investment both perormed

    very well, as a result o a weaker exchange rate but also because the iscal

    adjustment appears to have boosted private sector activity by bringing down

    interest rates and raising business and consumer conidence.

    The Swedish experience once again suggests that crisis conditions can be the

    catalyst or major breakthroughs in policy terms. The adjustment program tackled

    head on the high-level o social spending that had been a eature o the country

    and a politically sensitive area.

    Canada(199497)

    Canadasbudgetaryproblemsbecamesteadilyworseinthe1980sandearly1990s,

    withthedeficitreaching9.2percentofGDPby1992. 28 A series o revenue-based

    attemptstocontrolthedeficitfailedbeforeasuccessfuladjustmentbeganin1994

    undertheleadershipofanewLiberalgovernmentelectedattheendof1993,

    which ran explicitly on a ticket emphasising iscal reorm.

    From199597thestructuralprimarydeficitimprovedbyoversixpercentof

    GDP,withthebudgetbalancemovingintosurplusby1997.Onceagainthiswas

    largely the result o expenditure-side measures, which accounted or around

    80 percent o the improvement. Federal departmental budgets were cut back by

    20 percent on average over our years. However, government investment was

    protected, alling by only 0.5 percent o GDP. There was a large cut o 23 percent

    in public sector employment, but despite this, overall employment rose. GDP

    growth at 3.4 percent per annum was above the OECD average or the period.29

    Like Ireland and Sweden, the growth perormance during adjustment was

    helpedbyexchangeratedepreciation.Butanotherimportantfactorwasthatthe

    adjustment program helped keep unit labor costs in the broader economy under

    control, boosting corporate proitability and investment another example

    ofthecrowdinginofprivatesectoractivity.TheCanadianexperienceagain

    demonstrates that a suiciently negative starting point can allow the political

    space or radical measures to be undertaken.

    ItalyandArgentina

    In contrast to the above examples, it is also worth noting some examples o

    ailed adjustments. Italyin198993sawanattemptedadjustmentbased

    on tax rises, which led to low growth and a collapse in private investment.

    Thedebt/GDPratiocontinuedtoriseuntil1994,whenaprogramofspending

    cuts was introduced. More dramatically, Argentina saw a series o revenue-led

    attemptsatfiscaladjustmentin19992001failtostick, 30 draining market

    credibility and contributing to the major debt deault at the start o 2002.

    27OECD op. cit. 201028Alesina & Perotti op.cit. (2010)29Alesina & Perotti op.cit. (2010), OECD op. cit. (2010)30OECD op. cit. (2010)

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    Appendix 2 Detailed tables

    Table 1: Debt and required fiscal adjustment in G-20 advanced economies

    Gross debt,

    % of GDP 2010F

    Structural primary balance,

    % of GDP 2010

    Required adjustment for debt

    sustainability 2010 2020

    Australia 20 -4.6 5.2

    Belgium 100 -1.1 4.7

    Canada 83 -2.2 4.4

    Denmark 51 -3.1 4.3

    France 84 -4.6 8.3

    Germany 77 -1.6 4.0

    Greece 133 -2.4 9.2Ireland 79 -6.0 9.8

    Italy 119 0.9 4.1

    Japan 227 -6.5 13.1

    Netherlands 64 -3.4 5.5

    Spain 67 -5.8 9.4

    Sweden 43 -1.6 2.3

    UK 78 -5.4 9.0

    US 93 -7.6 12.0

    G-20 advanced 104 -5.3 9.3

    Source:IMF,TheStateofPublicFinancesCross-CountryFiscalMonitor:November2009IMFStaffPositionNote,November2009

    Table2:Industrializedeconomiesgrossfinancingneeds2010Maturing

    debt

    Budget

    balance

    Gross financing

    need

    Average debt

    maturity (yrs)

    Australia 2.0 -5.0 7.0 4.8

    Belgium 20.8 -5.1 25.9 5.4

    Canada 15.9 -5.3 21.2 5.6

    France 16.9 -8.2 25.1 6.5

    Germany 10.2 -5.7 15.9 6.0

    Greece 13.4 -8.1 21.5 7.4

    Ireland 7.7 -12.2 19.9 6.7

    Italy 21.2 -5.2 26.4 6.7

    Japan 54.2 -9.8 64.0 5.2

    Portugal 13.0 -8.8 21.8 6.2Spain 10.3 -10.4 20.7 6.7

    Sweden 6.8 -3.3 10.1 6.0

    UK 8.6 -11.4 20.0 12.8

    US 21.2 -11.0 32.2 4.4

    Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010

    Note: Column 3 is sum o columns 1 & 2.

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    Table 3: Structure of industrialized country public spending 2007 2008

    % of GDP

    Public

    spending

    Employee

    compensation

    Social

    benefits

    Capital

    spending

    Other

    spending

    Australia 30.4 8.8 9.6 2.6 9.4

    Belgium 46.2 12.1 23.3 1.7 9.1

    Canada 36.1 11.6 7.5 1.4 15.6

    Denmark 50.5 17.3 16.4 1.8 15.0

    France 49.9 12.7 23.3 3.2 10.7

    Germany 41.0 6.9 24.3 1.5 8.3Greece 43.7 11.5 19.1 2.9 10.2

    Ireland 41.0 11.1 13.8 5.3 10.8

    Italy 43.6 10.9 20.4 2.2 10.1

    Japan 33.5 6.2 17.7 3.6 6.0

    Netherlands 43.8 9.1 20.2 3.5 11.0

    Spain 39.5 10.8 15.0 3.8 9.9

    Sweden 51.3 14.9 18.2 3.3 14.9

    UK 45.0 11.0 13.1 2.3 18.6

    US 36.1 10.2 12.9 1.0 12.0

    G-20 advanced 37.7 9.5 15.2 2.0 11.1

    Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010

    Table 4: Structure of industrialized country public revenues 2007 2008

    % of GDP

    Total Revenue Income taxes Corporate taxes Social security taxes Indirect taxes Property taxes

    Australia 37.1 11.3 7.1 1.5 8.2 2.8

    Belgium 48.1 6.2 10.2 13.6 11.0 2.3

    Canada 40.5 12.4 3.7 5.5 7.9 3.3

    Denmark 55.6 14.8 14.0 1.2 16.4 1.9

    France 49.6 7.5 7.5 17.4 10.8 3.5

    Germany 43.9 9.1 2.2 13.2 10.6 0.9

    Greece 40.0 4.7 2.6 11.7 11.3 1.4

    Ireland 35.8 8.7 3.4 4.9 10.9 2.5

    Italy 46.9 11.1 3.8 13.0 11.0 2.1

    Japan 31.1 5.5 4.8 10.3 4.9 2.6

    Netherlands 45.8 7.7 3.3 13.6 11.0 1.2

    Spain 41.0 4.6 7.5 12.1 9.5 3.0

    Sweden 53.6 14.9 3.8 15.3 12.9 1.2

    UK 37.8 10.9 3.4 6.6 10.5 4.5

    US 29.9 10.8 3.1 6.6 4.7 3.1

    Average 42.4 9.3 5.4 9.8 10.1 2.4

    Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010

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    Table 5: Possible revenue gains from tax increases

    Extend

    VAT

    Tobacco & alcohol

    excise

    Fuel

    excise

    Property

    tax

    VAT

    at 10%

    Full taxation of

    carbon

    Total

    France 3.8 0.1 0.3 1.0 - 0.2 5.3

    Germany 2.4 0.2 0.3 1.0 - 0.6 4.5

    Italy 3.1 0.3 0.3 1.0 - 0.5 5.1

    Japan 0.3 0.9 0.3 1.0 2.6 0.0 5.0

    UK 3.3 0.0 0.2 0.0 - 0.5 4.0

    US 0.0 0.3 0.6 0.0 4.5 0.8 6.1

    Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010

    VAT extension reduce current exemptions by hal

    Excise taxes tobacco & alcohol excises raised to 2006 average level or the six, where existing level lower

    Fuel excise raised by 10 cents per litre

    Property taxes raise to average level (as % o GDP) in Canada, US, UK

    Carbonbasedonfullauctioningortaxationofcarbonemissionson2007levelsofemission

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