meeting the deficit challenge strategies for fiscal sustainability
TRANSCRIPT
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Meeting the Deicit ChallengeStrategies or Fiscal Sustainability
KPMG INTERNATIONAL
GOVERNMENT
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Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity 3
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Contents
Foreword 5
Executive summary 6
The deicit challenge 8
Lessons rom previous iscal adjustments 12
Moving towards iscal sustainability 18
Re-engineering government 20
Conclusion 25
Appendix 1 Case studies on deicit reduction 26
Appendix 2 Detailed tables 28
Reerences 30
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John Herhalt
Global Head o Government Sector
KPMG in Canada
Alan Downey
Head o KPMGs Global Government
Committee on Perormance
KPMG in the UK
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Foreword
It is time or governments to address the challenge o high debt and budget
deicits. The need to prepare or uture spending commitments to manage
demographic changes, clean energy/climate change goals and required
inrastructure investments make meeting these iscal challenges all the more
diicult and critical. Governments should develop detailed deicit recovery
strategies and plans or ongoing iscal sustainability. Now is the time to act to
meet that challenge.
The objective o this report is to examine approaches and discuss options or
deicit reduction, and to review strategies or ongoing iscal sustainability. Our
goal is to add to the conversation as our public sector peers evaluate their
options, build their strategy and potentially re-engineer their sector. We draw
on international data rom previous experiences o iscal adjustment, economic
research, insights rom KPMG partners and directors around the world, as well
as interviews with senior academics and public sector leaders in the US, UK,
Germany, Canada and Spain.
Meeting the Challenge: Strategies for Fiscal Sustainability is the third and
ollow-on report to Tough Choices Ahead: The Future of the Public Sector, and
The Wolfis at theDoorpublications. These previous reports were based on
insights rom a survey o public sector leaders around the world, along with
detailed in-depth interviews. This ollow-up research looks at the options acing
public sector leaders as they build strategies or iscal sustainability.
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Executive summary
The need or detailed deicit recovery strategies in the industrialized economies
has become a pressing one. Increasing concerns in inancial markets about debt
sustainability, the risks to growth rom high debt and deicits, and the need to
prepare or uture spending commitments, all point to the need or action.
Background
In2009theaveragedeficit/GDPratioexceeded10percentintheG7economies,
and the average debt/GDP ratio exceeded 100 percent. These are levels that may
put at risk signiicant long-term growth prospects.
Moreover,largeage-relatedspendingincreasesinthedecadesahead,
combined with the need to spend signiicant amounts to upgrade
inrastructure, add urther to the pressure or iscal change.
This Report
Seekstoexamineapproachestodeficitreductionandhighlightthechallenges.
It draws on international evidence rom previous experiences o iscaladjustment, economic research, insights rom KPMG partners and directors,
and interviews with senior academics and public sector leaders in the US, UK,
Germany, Canada and Spain.
Key Findings
Althoughthescaleofdeficitrecoverynecessary islarge,it isnot
unprecedented. Countries like Denmark, Sweden, Ireland and Canada have
achieved very large iscal turnarounds in recent years without major
damage to economic growth. However, conditions or deicit recovery may
be more challenging this time around, given that a large number o countries
are attempting to deal with deicits at the same time and the global growthbackdrop is more uncertain.
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Examinationofhistoricalbudgetconsolidationeffortssuggeststhatstrategies
based on spending cuts, especially cuts to current spending, tend to be more
successul than those centered on tax increases. Decisive, ront-loaded
eorts are also more likely to succeed than gradual ones.
Sometaxincreasesneverthelesslookinevitable,butthesecanbestructured
in a way to minimize the risks to growth.
Conventionaltaxandspendingmeasuresmaybeinsufficienttomeetthe
challenge o deicit recovery, especially over the long-term. Governments
may need to consider radically re-engineering the scope and scale o their
activities. This might include:
Reorms to drive up productivity growth in public services
Extendingprivateinvolvementdeeperintotheheartofgovernment
Privatization o inrastructure and other key assets
Fiscalruleswhichaimtobindgovernmentsintoresponsiblebehaviorprovide a possible approach to preventing deicit problems rom recurring,
but their record to date is mixed.
Therightapproachtofiscaladjustmentcouldbehardtosell,politically.
It may require an atmosphere o crisis to allow major cuts to government
payrolls or transers and pensions.
Buildingthenecessarysupportforfiscalchangewillrequiredifferent
approaches in dierent countries, depending on their social and political
structures. Historical experience suggests deicit reduction eorts can
succeed under a variety o political dispositions, implying that outlining
clear goals and ollowing through on them is a critical actor.
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1980 1984 1992 1996 2000 2004 20081988
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics
G7 Budget
deficit/GDP ratio
% of GDP
The deicit challenge
This report reviews options for deficit reduction and strategies for achievement of
fiscal sustainability. Drawing on lessons from previous fiscal retrenchments and
economic research, it identifies the key elements for successful and sustained
deficit reduction. Given the scale of adjustment needed, it also suggests an
agenda for a re-engineering of government, drawing on insights from a number
of roundtables and in-depth interviews with experts in the US, UK, Germany,
Canada and Spain. This first section sets out the deficit recovery challenge, and is
followed by sections looking at lessons from past fiscal turnarounds, options to
be considered for structuring deficit recovery strategies and the re-engineering of
government.
Many o the industrialized countries1 currently ace a major challenge o potential
iscal adjustment to reverse the huge expansion in budget deicits that has
resultedfromtheglobalfinancialcrisisandrecession.In2009,theaverage
budgetdeficitintheG7countriesreached10percentofGDPfivetimeshigher
thanin2007anditisexpectedtoremainclosetothatin2010(seechart1).
And government debt exceeded 100 percent o GDP on average across the
G7countriesin2009(seechart2).Againstthisbackground,therecentG20
summit meeting eatured a commitment by the participating countries to halve
budget deicits over three years.
Chart 1: G7 Budget deficit
1ThetermindustrializedeconomiesinthisreportreferstotheUS,Canada,Australia,thewestEuropeaneconomiesand
Japan
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Chart 2: G7 Government debt ratio
1950 1958 1974 1982 1990 1998 20061966
140
120
100
80
60
40
0
20
Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics
G7 Governmentdebt/GDP ratio
% of GDP
Widening deicits resulted in part rom government stimulus eorts in the ace
ofweakeninggrowthandthecostoffinancialsectorsupport.Butcompelling
strategies to achieve deicit recovery without undermining the recovery are a
priority because the conclusion o stimulus packages and a return to economic
growth will not be suicient to restore the public inances. The average structural
primary deicit (i.e. adjusted or the eects o the economic cycle and netting out
interest costs) is expected by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to be
overfivepercentofGDPintheG7thisyear 2, with especially large deicits in the
US,JapanandtheUK(seechart3).TheBankforInternationalSettlements(BIS)
estimates suggest that, on unchanged policies, debt/GDP ratios could rise to
150200percentofGDPintheG7countriesoverthenext10years,andover300 percent in Japan.3
2IMFTheStateofPublicFinancesCross-CountryFiscalMonitor:November2009IMF Staff Position Note,November20093Cecchetti,S,Mohanty,M&Zampolli,FTheFutureofpublicdebt:prospectsandimplicationsBISWorkingPapers
No. 300, 2010
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Further rises in debt levels pose considerable risks in the broader political and
socio-economic landscape, as clearly demonstrated by the iscal crisis in the
Eurozone. Rising costs o inancing government debt not only exacerbate the
iscal challenge acing governments, they also have adverse impacts on economic
growth. It is particularly worrying that an increasing number o industrialized
economiesnowhavegovernmentdebtoverorapproachingthe90percentof
GDP threshold, beyond which research by Reinhart and Rogo suggests there
is a risk o a marked downward eect on GDP growth.4
To reduce the debt/GDP ratio to 60 percent by 2030, the IMF estimates theG20 countries would, on average, need to improve their structural primary budget
balances by over nine percent o GDP rom 2010 20 and then maintain this
improvement or a urther decade. Even just stabilizing the debt/GDP ratio at the
2014 projected level which is still expected to be very high in many cases
would require an improvement in the budget balance o over our percent o GDP.5
Chart 3: World Budget deficit 2010F GDP by country
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14
Source: IMFNote: Primary deficit is deficit excluding interest payments
Primary budget deficit
Total budget deficit
% of GDP
G-20 advanced
US
UK
Sweden
Spain
Portugal
Japan
Italy
Ireland
Greece
Germany
France
Canada
Belgium
Australia
4Reinhart,C&Rogoff,KGrowthinatimeofdebtAmerican Economic Review Papers & Proceedings,December20095IMFop.cit.(2009)
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Moreover, the challenge acing governments is even greater than headline debt
and deicit igures imply. Spending on pensions and health is expected to have to
rise a urther ive percent o GDP by 2030 in the advanced G20 economies (see
chart 4), as populations age.6Also,OECDestimatessuggestthatUS$3.7trillion
will be needed over the next 20 years to upgrade inrastructure across the
OECD countries.7
Chart 4: World age-related spending pressures
Source: IMF
Projected rise in spending to 2030, % of GDP
-2 0 2 4 6 8
G-20 advanced
US
UK
Sweden
Spain
Portugal
Japan
Italy
Ireland
Greece
Germany
France
Canada
Belgium
Australia
Pensions
Health
The analysis above makes clear the scale o the deicit recovery challenge acing
governments, and also the importance o designing credible and comprehensive
strategies to meet it. The next section draws on lessons rom past iscal turnarounds
in order to help elaborate how such deicit recovery strategies could be structured.
6IMFop.cit.(2009)7OECD Infrastructure to 2030
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Change in structural primary
balance, % of GDP
Time to complete adjustment
(years)
Ireland 1989 20.0 11
Sweden 2000 13.3 7
Finland 2000 13.3 7
Denmark 1986 12.3 4
Israel 1983 11.1 3
Belgium 1998 11.1 15
Canada 1999 10.4 14
Cyprus 2007 8.5 4
UK 2000 8.3 7
Japan 1990 8.1 12
Portugal 1985 7.5 4
Netherlands 2000 6.3 10
Australia 1988 5.8 4
Lessons rom previous iscaladjustments
Although the scale o the necessary budgetary adjustment appears daunting,
it is not unprecedented. Large debt/GDP ratios were cut rapidly in the period ater
WorldWarII(thanksinparttothePeaceDividend),andoverthelastfourdecades the IMF has identiied around twenty cases o advanced economies
improving their structural primary balances by more than ive percent o GDP
and nine cases o improvements exceeding 10 percent o GDP (see Table 1).
Table 1: Notable previous fiscal adjustments
Source:IMFTheStateofPublicFinancesCrossCountryFiscalMonitor(2009)
Note: Year next to country indicates inal year o adjustment
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Agreatdealofevidenceexistsonwhatmightbetermedleadingpractice
approaches to reducing budget deicits, based on cross-country empirical studies
and individual country eorts. These studies, combined with the key lessons rom
previous periods o large-scale adjustment in countries like Sweden, Canada and
Ireland (see Appendix 1), suggest eight key lessons:
1) A crisis can be an opportunity to challenge fiscal taboos.
Crisis conditions can create the opportunity to challenge long-standing iscal
taboos.Thiswastheexperienceofsuccessfullyadjustingcountriesinthe1980sand1990ssuchasIrelandandSweden,whichwereforcedbycircumstancesto
radically re-evaluate the priorities o the public sector and tackle previously
politically diicult areas including pension reorm.
2) Healthy growth is possible while achieving fiscal adjustment.
Successul iscal turnarounds in countries like Ireland, Canada, and the Nordic
countriesinthe1980sand1990s,wereachievedwhilemaintaininghealthy
growth (see chart 5). Repeating this will be more challenging now, however, given
the scale o public deicits and the need or simultaneous retrenchment across
almost all major economies. Only China among the major economies, has a
suiciently robust iscal position to act as a sustained support or global demand.
There is a risk that simultaneous iscal adjustment across the major economies
could damage global growth and reduce the scope or a cyclical recovery in
government revenues.
Chart 5: Growth during successful fiscal adjustments
Ireland
1987 1989
Sweden
1994 1998
Finland
1996 2000
Denmark
1983 1986
Canada
1994 1997
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics
GDP Investment Consumption
% year, average
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3) Build a political and social consensus around the need for adjustment.
As well as acilitating the necessary tax and spending measures to restore public
inances, building a broad social and political consensus around the need or
adjustment can result in other agreements (e.g. wage moderation in both the
public and private sectors) which help to mitigate the economic impact o
retrenchment.
4) Choose decisive cuts over gradual fiscal strategies.
Gradual spending cuts tend to be inerior to decisive, ront-loaded ones becausethey can run out o steam in the ace o social and political opposition.8 In
addition,theydonotdeliverthepositiveshocktoconsumerandbusiness
confidencewhichcanbeexperiencedinadecisiveadjustment.Byprolonging
uncertainty about uture tax levels, they can induce higher precautionary saving
by the private sector.
5) Focus fiscal strategy on spending cuts rather than tax increases.
Historically, most successul iscal turnarounds have ocused on the spending
rather than the revenue side. Examples o successul spending-driven adjust-
mentsincludeIrelandinthelate1980s,andSwedenandCanadainthemid-
1990s.Thereisalsoevidencethatexpenditure-drivenadjustmentsaremorebenign in terms o their eects on growth and in the right conditions such
adjustments can actually be expansionary. This latter eect comes as a result
o deicit reductions improving business and consumer conidence, reducing
interest rates by lowering risk premiums (thus boosting interest-sensitive private
spending), raising asset prices and in some cases weakening the exchange rate. 9
In addition, cuts to public sector jobs and wages can help hold down unit labor
costs in the wider economy, boosting corporate competitiveness. Examination
o past successul spending-driven adjustment experiences suggests particularly
strong positive eects on private investment, resulting rom reduced interest
rates and improved business expectations.
8SeeAlesina,A&Perotti,RFiscaladjustmentsinOECDcountries:MacroeconomicEffectsNBERWorkingPaper5730,19969SeeAlesina,A&Ardagna,SLargechangesinfiscalpolicy:taxesversusspendingTaxPolicy&theEconomy,2010,and
Alesina,A&Perotti,Rop.cit.(1996)
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Bycontrast,tax-drivenadjustmentshavetendedtohaveamoredepressiveimpact
on growth, raising the chances o ultimate ailure. The Organisation or Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD) reports that successul iscal consolidations
have typically been comprised o around 80 percent spending cuts and 20 percent
tax increases.10 In the industrialized economies, where pre-existing tax burdens
were oten relatively high, the risks to growth associated with a tax-driven approach
are likely to be especially signiicant. In the words o a senior UK policymaker,
Fiscal tightening should not be a business burden.
6) Concentrate on cutting current spending not capital spending.
Past experience o successul adjustments suggests governments should
aim to concentrate spending cuts on current government spending; transers,
social security and government wages and employment. One advantage o
concentrating on areas like government wages and welare programs (including
pensions)isthatitmeansattackingtheareaswhichhavethestrongestnatural
tendency to increase.
Tackling these areas, which account on average or around two-thirds o
government spending in the industrialized economies,11 also increases the
chances a iscal adjustment will prove durable, and be seen as such by inancial
markets and the domestic private sector. Reorms that reduce long-term costsin areas like health and pensions could be especially useul given the pressures
in these areas (e.g. rom aging populations). Successul iscal turnarounds in
Canada, Ireland, Finland and Sweden were mostly based on cuts to current
spending(seechart6)andAlesina&Perottis1996studyofabroadersampleof
successul adjustments over the last our decades inds 60 percent o spending
cuts were in current spending.12
10OECDPreparingFiscalConsolidation,201011See Appendix 2, Table 312Alesina&Perotti,op.cit.(1996)
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Chart 6: Structure of successful adjustments
Finland
1996 2000
Sweden
1994 1998
Ireland
1987 1989
Denmark
1983 1986
Canada
1994 1997
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
14
Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics
Improvement in structural deficit
% of GDP
Reduction in current spending
Bycontrast,cuttinggovernmentinvestment,oftenarelativelyeasyoption(e.g. by postponing/canceling large projects) is less optimal. It can have a negative
impact on growth, reducing revenues and undermining attempts at adjustment.
Cuts to public investment may also be unsustainable and can only tackle the
deicit problem to a limited extent as government capital spending accounts or
an average o only two percent o GDP in the advanced G20 countries. 13 More
generally, spending cuts with a permanent lavor (e.g. welare cuts obtained by
changesineligibilityrules)arepreferabletoone-offmeasures,eveniftheinitial
magnitude o adjustments is similar.
7) Structure tax increases in ways that minimize growth risks.
Tax increases have also played important parts in past deicit recovery eorts.Although they risk damaging growth through reducing incentives to work and
harming business and consumer conidence, they can also have a beneicial
eect in the right circumstances or example i they help reduce the perceived
risk o bigger and more disruptive tax rises later.
ThesuccessfulDanishfiscaladjustmentof198386isoneexampleofa
program that had a substantial tax-raising element. The International Monetary
Fund(IMF)hasidentified29episodesoverthelast30yearswhererevenuesrose
more than three percent o GDP or two consecutive years, o which 14 episodes
saw this gain maintained or a decade.14 Four o these latter episodes involved
natural resource taxes, however, and others relied on comprehensive tax reorms
including the introduction o VAT.
13SeeAppendix2,Table3basedonIMFop.cit.(2009)14IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010
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OECD research suggests taxes on corporate and personal income are most
damaging or growth, with taxes on immovable property the least damaging.15
SuccessfuladjustmentsstudiedbyAlesina&Perotti(1996)alsotendedtofeature
a low share o tax rises on households and low social security tax rises. 16 Within
income taxes, there is, however, also scope or action which is relatively benign
or growth. For example, some countries allow substantial deductions or items
such as mortgage interest (e.g. the US and the Netherlands) which arguably have
a distorting eect on those markets.
The IMF estimates substantial extra revenues can be raised rom indirect taxes intheG7economies,worth46percentofGDP.Afurther0.51percentofGDP
could come rom higher carbon taxes (see Annex 3).17
8) Fiscal Rules have a mixed record.
Fiscalrulesaimtobindgovernmentsintoresponsiblefuturebudgetarypolicies
and secure iscal sustainability through caps on the size o deicits, spending or
bond issuance, mandated by statute or in some cases constitutional amendment.
AnIMFstudyoffiscaladjustmentepisodessince1980,arguesthatadjust-ments
in countries with rules were on average larger and more ront-loaded than in
those without. The OECD has also argued that rules can aid iscal adjustment
eorts.18
One senior German public officialreers to good iscal rules as, Thealpha and omega o successul long-term policymaking and aformer senior
US policymakeralso sees statutory spending controls as, The only way to
contain elected oicials.
The eectiveness o such rules is nevertheless controversial and the case or
them has been damaged by recent events. In particular, iscal rules in the
Eurozone (the Stability and Growth Pact) and the UK (the Code or Fiscal Stability)
ailed to prevent either the build up o large structural deicits prior to the onset o
the global recession or the massive rises in deicits seen since.
Atypicalproblemisthatsuchruleshaveget-outclausesthatallowthemtobe
circumvented relatively easily in diicult times. As such, iscal rules seem unlikely
to directly rein in government behavior unless they are very rigid, in which case
political opposition to their introduction is likely to be very strong. Fiscal rules are
morelikelytoworkbyraisingthereputationalcosttogovernmentofdiverging
rom a sustainable iscal policy. This appears to be the thinking behind the new
OfficeforBudgetResponsibilityintheUK,whichwillproduceindependent
orecasts o growth and iscal trends.19
15Heady,C,Johansson,A,Arnold,J,Brys,B&VartiaLTaxationandEconomicGrowthOECD Economics Department
No. 620, 200816Alesina&Perotti,op.cit.(1996)17IMFop.cit.(2009)18IMFop.cit.(2010),OECDFiscalsustainability:thecontributionofrulesinOECDEconomicOutlookNo.72,200219SeeUKOfficeofBudgetResponsibility,TermsofReference,June2010
Working Papers
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Moving towards iscalsustainability
The previous section laid out some important lessons based on previous
experience, which should be considered in designing a deicit recovery strategy.
In addition, a number o other issues need to be considered by policymakers
acing the challenge o reining in large iscal deicits and achieving iscal
sustainability:
Inflationofferslittlescopetoreducedeficits.
An alternative approach sometimes suggested or reducing government
indebtedness is allowing inlation to rise signiicantly. In the right conditions
(e.g. when the average debt maturity is long and debt is largely in domestic
currency), this approach can cut the debt/GDP ratio. However, in current
circumstances this approach looks to be a non-starter. The IMF estimates that
raising inlation to six percent per annum or ive years would erode less than
a quarter o the rise in the debt ratio which it projects or the G20 economies
up to 2014.20
There are other drawbacks. I a country has a short average debt maturity,
attempts to erode the debt burden by inlation will be ineective as interest
payments will tend to rise sharply. Among the G20 this approach would be
especially challenging or the US, with an average debt maturity o just our years.
Attempting to engineer a sustained high inlation could also prove diicult giventhe institutional context (i.e. the existence o legislatively or constitutionally
protected independent central banks). Finally, such an inlationary period would
eventually have to be brought to an end, a process that would entail substantial
outputcoststhelessonofthe1970sandearly1980s.
Monetarypolicyoflimitedusetooffsetthegrowthimpactsoffiscal
tightening.
Fiscal adjustment eorts in the past have been helped by aggressive use o
monetary and exchange rate policy to cushion the negative eects on growth.
A problem aced by governments today, however, is that typically there is very
little room or monetary policy to loosen urther oicial interest rates in mostmajor economies are already at record lows. For the economies in the Eurozone,
exchange rate adjustment is also not an option. Regardless, with sizeable iscal
retrenchment required in almost all countries, currency depreciation is not
possible or all.
Taxmeasureswillneedtoreflectcountry-specificfeatures.
Looking at the structure o government revenues in the industrialized economies,
there is considerable variance, implying that dierent countries may have to take
dierent approaches to increasing taxation. The share o income taxes in GDP is
generally quite high, averaging nine percent and much higher in some countries
such as Canada and the Scandinavian states. Exceptions include Japan and Greece,
where revenues are well below average, suggesting scope or increases. Social
security taxes are also relatively high at 10 percent o GDP, while corporate tax
20IMFop.cit.(2009)
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Re-engineering government
The scale o the iscal adjustment needed in the industrialized economies
raisesseriousquestionsaboutwhetherconventionaltaxandspending
changes will be enough to eectively address the deicit problem. Do the
authorities need to go further and consider a radical re-engineering of
government?
Thereisacertainamountoflowhangingfruitintheareaofdeficitrecovery.
Governments can move quickly to halt capital spending projects, impose wage
freezesonpublicservantsorshedmarginalpublicsectorheadcount.Butsomeof
these approaches are only temporary in nature or could prove unsustainable beyondthe short-term.Bycontrast,there-engineeringagendafocusesontransforming
the delivery o public services in a way that can reduce the uture burden on the
government budget and yield signiicant eiciency gains.
In this section, we examine this question by drawing on the results o a series
o roundtables, expert panels and interviews with public sector oicials and
representatives to provide additional insights.
The re-engineering agenda encompasses a number o components:
Efficiencyandproductivitygains
The problem o rising long-term costs in key areas o spending partly relectspoor productivity perormance in the public sector. For example, in the UK, public
sectorproductivityactuallyfellin19972007by0.3percent(seechart7)per
annum while private service sector productivity rose two percent per annum.22
Paul Kirby, Partner at KPMG in the UK, notes that Had public sector productivity
grown at even hal the pace seen in the private sector, public spending could
have been lowered by as much as 30 billion or two percent o GDP.
Developing a culture of cost control is also important. In Canada, a senior
public servantnotes that, The burden o eiciency savings in coming years will
be placed on individual departments, which will have to identiy ive percent o
their programs that are currently under-perorming and should be reviewed or
scrapped.
The same senior Canadian oicial also sees considerable scope or strategic
transormation in areas such as consolidating unctions such as human resources,
inance and data collection as well as back oice and administrative sta. In his
view, Canada has too many service delivery networks that could be consolidated
relatively easily. This kind of focus on control of overhead costs is common
in the private sector and needs to be rolled out in the public sector as well.
A senior UK policymakersuggests, Public sector managers should be given the
target o achieving the same level o service or unchanged cash budgets
implying a signiicant squeeze over time.
22Reorm Public Sector Productivity brieing note, April 2010
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Chart 7: UK public and private sector productivity
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
Source: Oxford Economics/Haver Analytics
Public sector
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Private sector
% year
Paul Kirby of KPMG in the UK,furtherarguesthatWeareenteringtheageof
the unit cost. He suggests that examination o a number o public sector areas
in the UK reveals substantial variations in cost perormance across dierent units,
with the top 25 percent o units having costs 20 25 percent lower than average.
Kirbyurther notes that plans are aoot in the UK health sector to set payments
to hospitals or acute treatment at the level o the top perorming 25 percent
rather than the average. This could cut 11 12 billion from the 40 billion
annual care cost. This kind o unit-cost based analysis also could be rolled out
across other parts o the public sector.
Rethinkingtheroleofgovernment
According to a former senior US policymaker, Most o the existing US Federal
government programs are based on conditions that existed 50 years ago. The
same observation can be made o other industrialized economies. The role o
government needs to be reassessed and re-ocused, with the emphasis on
makingitfuture-focusedandresults-oriented.Paul Kirby of KPMG in the UK
echoesthesepoints,pointingtotheneedto,Shiftfromtraditionalpublicsector
budgeting to payment o public sector bodies on the basis o results.
As part o the process o re-ocusing government, Paul Kirbyargues that,
Private involvement may need to go deeper into the heart o government.
Thiscouldinvolveaswitchfromaprovidingstatetoanenablingstate
which helps und but does not directly provide services. Private sector
involvementintheprovisionofservicescouldgobeyondtraditionalareas
to encompass activities such as registration and licensing, and the ownership
or management o schools.
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Developingnewrevenuestreams
Raising substantial additional revenues may require governments to look or new
revenue sources. Possible target areas include energy, environmental taxes, land
value taxes or national resource taxes such as those being contemplated in some
resource-rich countries. Also worthy o consideration are increased co-payments or
publicservicesorchargingforpreviouslyfreeitemssuchasroaduse.
Empoweringpublicserviceprovidersandreceivers
Existingpublicsectormanagementsandworkforcescouldproveanobstacle to radical reforms, but this problem could be sidestepped by
making empowerment of service providers part of the reform package.
Devolution o operational decision-making to public sector managers and workers
canbepartofthereform,aswellasmoreradicallyshiftingtheownershipof
services, or example by creating employee co-ops and giving well-perorming
units the possibility to expand. As well as helping service providers buy into the
reorm process by giving them a stake in successul outcomes, this process
could help develop a culture o continuous improvement in the public sector
and get away rom a situation where, in the words o asenior US public official,
Muchofthepublicsectorcurrentlyhasnoincentivetosavemoney.
Putting the recipients of public services in charge of their own dedicatedbudgets could yield substantial savings. For example, in the UK social care
sector, Paul Kirbystates that one pound in every three o the 12 billion budget
is spent on deciding internally in government how to spend the other two. Giving
individuals their own budget to spend as they see it could thus eliminate a large
portion o current spending.
Infrastructureprivatization
KPMGs John Herhalt of KPMG in Canada, emphasizes the signiicant opportunities
in the sphere o inrastructure privatization, Investment requirements in the
decades ahead are substantial. In the transport sector, congestion charges, toll
roads and contracts to build, operate and maintain highways have all been usedin recent years. Private involvement in the highway network is substantial in a
number o European countries (see chart 8), and has in part been driven by
financialpressuresongovernment.Bycontrast,intheUKandGermany,private
sector involvement in this area is very modest. The potential sums involved are
large for the UK, it is estimated that privatization of the motorway
network could raise 100 billion.23 Involving the private sector more in
inrastructure also meets a growing demand or access to the stable revenue
streams inrastructure assets can generate.
23SundayTimes,London,UK,August30,2009.
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Chart8:PrivatesectorinvolvementinEuropeanhighways
90
50
60
70
80
40
30
20
10
0
Source: Albalte, Bel & Fageda, Oxford Economics
Portugal France Italy Spain UK Finland Denmark Netherlands Germany
% of motorway network run under private concession, 2004
Radical transormational change in the public sector aces practical barriers. As
a senior German public officialstates, A radical rethinking and reshaping o the
public sector is unlikely at the political level. Implementing incremental changes
in the right areas is probably the only way to get it done. Many iscal adjustments
are, in the words o Alan Downey of KPMG in the UK, Managerially easy, but
politically hard, such as curbing welare spending. Improving public service
productivityisbycontrastpoliticallyeasybutmanageriallyhard.Successful
outsourcing or public-private contracts can be hard to manage and the public
sector may lack the skills and competencies needed to design and deliver radical
changes so these skills and competencies need to be embedded to ensure
success.
Creating an environment where competitive or managerial structures exist that
will drive continuous improvements in productivity may also take time and
involve substantial set-up costs. As a result, governments may have to ride
two horses at once,engaginginsignificantconventionalfiscaladjustments
while also laying the oundations or a step-change in uture productivity
perormance in the public sector which will support the public inances in the
medium-term. In the opinion o a former seniorUS policymaker, the long-term
re-engineering o government needs to be a separate process [to conventional
deicit reduction] run by respected and non-government igures with experience
in transorming organizations.
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Conclusion
The problem o large budget deicits and rising debt levels is widespread among
industrialized economies, although problems are clearly more severe in some
countries than others. In many cases, governments ace a dual challenge: cutting
expenses and raising revenues in the near-term, and tackling the rising pressures
rom age-related spending and the need or inrastructure investment in the
long-term while laying the oundation or iscal sustainability.
Examination o historical episodes in deicit recovery conirms that large
adjustments can be made, and i well-structured, need not be harmul to
economic growth. Successul adjustment eorts have generally ocused on theexpenditure-side, but tax increases probably need to be part o the package
too. Large increases in revenue may be hard to achieve without signiicant tax
reorms, or tapping new streams o revenues. The picture varies across dierent
countries and each will need to consider its individual circumstances in designing
recovery strategies.
In many cases, conventional tax and spending measures may not be enough to
ensuremedium-termfiscalsustainability,andgovernmentsmayhavetoridetwo
horses at once, squeezing budgets today while also putting in place plans to
re-engineer the public sector in order to support the public inances in the
medium-term.
This involves pursuing options including orcing up productivity growth in
the public sector, taking private sector involvement deeper into the heart o
government activity, and exploring new opportunities in areas like inrastructure
privatization.
Thepoliticalchallengeofsellingtheneedformajorfiscalcutbacksissignificant,as
is the practical challenge o designing and carrying through radical transormational
changeinpublicservices.Butthecurrentatmosphereofdeepconcernoverthe
trajectory o public inances may provide the opportunity to cut through traditional
political and social taboos in the iscal sphere in order to make a real dierence.
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Appendix 1 Case studies in deicit reduction
Ireland(198789)
Irelandhadaseriousfiscalproblematthestartofthe1980s,withadouble-digit
deicit/GDP ratio and a steeply rising debt/GDP ratio which reached 120 percent
in1987.Thesefiscalproblemsweighedheavilyongrowth,whichaveragedonly
1.5percentofGDPfrom198087 24 despite a avourable global backdrop. Also
contributing to this weak growth was a ailed attempt at iscal adjustment in the
early1980swhichfocusedontherevenuesideandhadsignificantcontractionary
eects on domestic demand.
In1987,anewadjustmentprogrambeganbasedonexpenditure-sidemeasures.This program improved the structural primary balance by ive percent o GDP
over198789,withthewholeimprovementduetoreductionsincurrent
primary spending. Cuts ocused on transer payments, government consumption,
and government wages, with only education excluded. Government employment
fell10percentfrom198689.Thedebt/GDPratiofellsharplyto90percent
o GDP ater ive years, and despite the spending cuts, GDP growth averaged
ive percent per annum, well above the OECD average.25 This was helped by
substantial exchange rate depreciation.
The Irish experience yields a number o lessons. The irst is that it may take a
crisis to orce governments into taking the necessary measures. The emphasis o
the198789programonspendingcutswastheresultofthefailureofprevious
eorts and growing problems o raising inancing in bond markets. The Irish
experience also shows the value o building political and social consensus. A key
eature o the programs success was that wage moderation was achieved via an
agreement between government and unions. This helped bring down labor costs
and boost investment and exports.
Sweden(199498)
Intheearly1990s,Swedensufferedacollapseintherealestatemarket,a
banking crisis and a deep recession, all o which let the public inances in a poor
state. With international conidence in the Swedish economy at an all time low,
the authorities were orced into a severe iscal adjustment which proved
remarkablysuccessfulturningabudgetdeficitof11percentofGDPin1993
intoasurplusofonepercentofGDPby1998.Thedebt/GDPratio,whichhad
risensteeplyintheprecedingyears,wasstabilizedataround70percent.
The Swedish adjustment was heavily weighted to the expenditure-side, with over
80 percent o the improvement in the deicit coming rom spending reductions.
CurrentspendingfellbyalmostninepercentofGDPfrom199498, 26 driven by
a large reduction in social transer payments linked to greatly tightened eligibility
criteria.
24Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)25Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)26Alesina&Perottiop.cit.(1996)
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Despite the scale o the adjustment, GDP growth averaged over three percent in
199498,27 above the OECD average. Exports and investment both perormed
very well, as a result o a weaker exchange rate but also because the iscal
adjustment appears to have boosted private sector activity by bringing down
interest rates and raising business and consumer conidence.
The Swedish experience once again suggests that crisis conditions can be the
catalyst or major breakthroughs in policy terms. The adjustment program tackled
head on the high-level o social spending that had been a eature o the country
and a politically sensitive area.
Canada(199497)
Canadasbudgetaryproblemsbecamesteadilyworseinthe1980sandearly1990s,
withthedeficitreaching9.2percentofGDPby1992. 28 A series o revenue-based
attemptstocontrolthedeficitfailedbeforeasuccessfuladjustmentbeganin1994
undertheleadershipofanewLiberalgovernmentelectedattheendof1993,
which ran explicitly on a ticket emphasising iscal reorm.
From199597thestructuralprimarydeficitimprovedbyoversixpercentof
GDP,withthebudgetbalancemovingintosurplusby1997.Onceagainthiswas
largely the result o expenditure-side measures, which accounted or around
80 percent o the improvement. Federal departmental budgets were cut back by
20 percent on average over our years. However, government investment was
protected, alling by only 0.5 percent o GDP. There was a large cut o 23 percent
in public sector employment, but despite this, overall employment rose. GDP
growth at 3.4 percent per annum was above the OECD average or the period.29
Like Ireland and Sweden, the growth perormance during adjustment was
helpedbyexchangeratedepreciation.Butanotherimportantfactorwasthatthe
adjustment program helped keep unit labor costs in the broader economy under
control, boosting corporate proitability and investment another example
ofthecrowdinginofprivatesectoractivity.TheCanadianexperienceagain
demonstrates that a suiciently negative starting point can allow the political
space or radical measures to be undertaken.
ItalyandArgentina
In contrast to the above examples, it is also worth noting some examples o
ailed adjustments. Italyin198993sawanattemptedadjustmentbased
on tax rises, which led to low growth and a collapse in private investment.
Thedebt/GDPratiocontinuedtoriseuntil1994,whenaprogramofspending
cuts was introduced. More dramatically, Argentina saw a series o revenue-led
attemptsatfiscaladjustmentin19992001failtostick, 30 draining market
credibility and contributing to the major debt deault at the start o 2002.
27OECD op. cit. 201028Alesina & Perotti op.cit. (2010)29Alesina & Perotti op.cit. (2010), OECD op. cit. (2010)30OECD op. cit. (2010)
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Appendix 2 Detailed tables
Table 1: Debt and required fiscal adjustment in G-20 advanced economies
Gross debt,
% of GDP 2010F
Structural primary balance,
% of GDP 2010
Required adjustment for debt
sustainability 2010 2020
Australia 20 -4.6 5.2
Belgium 100 -1.1 4.7
Canada 83 -2.2 4.4
Denmark 51 -3.1 4.3
France 84 -4.6 8.3
Germany 77 -1.6 4.0
Greece 133 -2.4 9.2Ireland 79 -6.0 9.8
Italy 119 0.9 4.1
Japan 227 -6.5 13.1
Netherlands 64 -3.4 5.5
Spain 67 -5.8 9.4
Sweden 43 -1.6 2.3
UK 78 -5.4 9.0
US 93 -7.6 12.0
G-20 advanced 104 -5.3 9.3
Source:IMF,TheStateofPublicFinancesCross-CountryFiscalMonitor:November2009IMFStaffPositionNote,November2009
Table2:Industrializedeconomiesgrossfinancingneeds2010Maturing
debt
Budget
balance
Gross financing
need
Average debt
maturity (yrs)
Australia 2.0 -5.0 7.0 4.8
Belgium 20.8 -5.1 25.9 5.4
Canada 15.9 -5.3 21.2 5.6
France 16.9 -8.2 25.1 6.5
Germany 10.2 -5.7 15.9 6.0
Greece 13.4 -8.1 21.5 7.4
Ireland 7.7 -12.2 19.9 6.7
Italy 21.2 -5.2 26.4 6.7
Japan 54.2 -9.8 64.0 5.2
Portugal 13.0 -8.8 21.8 6.2Spain 10.3 -10.4 20.7 6.7
Sweden 6.8 -3.3 10.1 6.0
UK 8.6 -11.4 20.0 12.8
US 21.2 -11.0 32.2 4.4
Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010
Note: Column 3 is sum o columns 1 & 2.
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Table 3: Structure of industrialized country public spending 2007 2008
% of GDP
Public
spending
Employee
compensation
Social
benefits
Capital
spending
Other
spending
Australia 30.4 8.8 9.6 2.6 9.4
Belgium 46.2 12.1 23.3 1.7 9.1
Canada 36.1 11.6 7.5 1.4 15.6
Denmark 50.5 17.3 16.4 1.8 15.0
France 49.9 12.7 23.3 3.2 10.7
Germany 41.0 6.9 24.3 1.5 8.3Greece 43.7 11.5 19.1 2.9 10.2
Ireland 41.0 11.1 13.8 5.3 10.8
Italy 43.6 10.9 20.4 2.2 10.1
Japan 33.5 6.2 17.7 3.6 6.0
Netherlands 43.8 9.1 20.2 3.5 11.0
Spain 39.5 10.8 15.0 3.8 9.9
Sweden 51.3 14.9 18.2 3.3 14.9
UK 45.0 11.0 13.1 2.3 18.6
US 36.1 10.2 12.9 1.0 12.0
G-20 advanced 37.7 9.5 15.2 2.0 11.1
Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010
Table 4: Structure of industrialized country public revenues 2007 2008
% of GDP
Total Revenue Income taxes Corporate taxes Social security taxes Indirect taxes Property taxes
Australia 37.1 11.3 7.1 1.5 8.2 2.8
Belgium 48.1 6.2 10.2 13.6 11.0 2.3
Canada 40.5 12.4 3.7 5.5 7.9 3.3
Denmark 55.6 14.8 14.0 1.2 16.4 1.9
France 49.6 7.5 7.5 17.4 10.8 3.5
Germany 43.9 9.1 2.2 13.2 10.6 0.9
Greece 40.0 4.7 2.6 11.7 11.3 1.4
Ireland 35.8 8.7 3.4 4.9 10.9 2.5
Italy 46.9 11.1 3.8 13.0 11.0 2.1
Japan 31.1 5.5 4.8 10.3 4.9 2.6
Netherlands 45.8 7.7 3.3 13.6 11.0 1.2
Spain 41.0 4.6 7.5 12.1 9.5 3.0
Sweden 53.6 14.9 3.8 15.3 12.9 1.2
UK 37.8 10.9 3.4 6.6 10.5 4.5
US 29.9 10.8 3.1 6.6 4.7 3.1
Average 42.4 9.3 5.4 9.8 10.1 2.4
Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010
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Table 5: Possible revenue gains from tax increases
Extend
VAT
Tobacco & alcohol
excise
Fuel
excise
Property
tax
VAT
at 10%
Full taxation of
carbon
Total
France 3.8 0.1 0.3 1.0 - 0.2 5.3
Germany 2.4 0.2 0.3 1.0 - 0.6 4.5
Italy 3.1 0.3 0.3 1.0 - 0.5 5.1
Japan 0.3 0.9 0.3 1.0 2.6 0.0 5.0
UK 3.3 0.0 0.2 0.0 - 0.5 4.0
US 0.0 0.3 0.6 0.0 4.5 0.8 6.1
Source:IMFFromStimulustoConsolidation:RevenueandExpenditurePoliciesinAdvancedandEmergingEconomies2010
VAT extension reduce current exemptions by hal
Excise taxes tobacco & alcohol excises raised to 2006 average level or the six, where existing level lower
Fuel excise raised by 10 cents per litre
Property taxes raise to average level (as % o GDP) in Canada, US, UK
Carbonbasedonfullauctioningortaxationofcarbonemissionson2007levelsofemission
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Reerences
Albalate,DBel,G&Faged,X
PrivatizationandRegulationofToll
Motorways in Europe Research
InstituteofAppliedEconomics2007
Alesina,A&Ardagna,SLargechanges
in iscal policy: taxes versus spending
Tax Policy & the Economy, 2010
Alesina,A&Perotti,RFiscalexpansions
and adjustments in OECD countries:
EconomicPolicyNo.21,1995
Alesina,A&Perotti,RFiscal
adjustments in OECD countries:
MacroeconomicEffectsNBER
WorkingPaper5730,1996
American Society o Engineers Report
CardforAmericaInfrastructure2009
BundesministeriumderFinanzen
NachhaltigSparenGerectSparen:
DasSparpaketderBundesregierung
2010
CBOBudgetOptionsvol.2
August2009
Cecchetti, S, Mohanty, M & Zampolli,
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andimplicationsBISWorkingPapers
No. 300, 2010
CentreforCitiesRegional
Development Agencies: the acts
December2009
Fuest,C&Thne,MErtragsabhngige
undertragsunabhngigeSteuern
University o Cologne July 2008
GAOTheFederalGovernments
Long-Term Fiscal Outlook January 2010
GAOStateandLocalGovernments
Fiscal Outlook March 2010
German Finance Ministry 22nd Report
onSubsidiesforyears20072010
Goldfinch,SEvaluatingPublicSector
Reorm in New Zealand: Have the
beneits been oversold? Asian Journal
ofPublicAdminstrationDecember1998
Hauner, D, Leigh, D & Skaarup, M
Ensuringfiscalsustainabilityin
G7countries, IMF Working Papers
07/187,2007
Heady,C,Johansson,A,Arnold,J,Brys,
B&Vartia,LTaxationandEconomic
Growth OECD Economics Department
Working PapersNo. 620, 2008
Henry Review o Australias Future Tax
System May 2010
IMF Global Financial Stability
Report, April 2010
IMFTheStateofPublicFinances
Cross-Country Fiscal Monitor:
November2009IMF Staff Position
Note,November2009
IMFFromStimulusto
Consolidation: Revenue and
Expenditure Policies in Advanced
and Emerging Economies 2010
IMF Fiscal Monitor May 2010
KPMGUKPaymentforSuccess
How to shit power rom Whitehall to
public service customers
OECDPreparingFiscal
Consolidation, 2010
OECDFiscalsustainability:the
contribution o rules in OECD
Economic OutlookNo.72,2002
OECD Inrastructure to 2030
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brieing note April 2010
Reinhart,C&Rogoff,KGrowthina
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TaxPolicyCenterDesperately
Seeking Revenue January 2010
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Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity 31
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32 Strategies or Fiscal Sustainabil ity
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