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Medicaid and the Housing and Asset Decisions of the Elderly: Evidence from Estate Recovery Programs
Nadia Greenhalgh-Stanley
Department of Economics and Center for Policy Research Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs
Syracuse University 426 Eggers Hall
Syracuse, NY 13244-1020 Mobile: (216)832-3554
Fax: (315)443-1081 [email protected]
Abstract I examine the impact of Medicaid on elderly housing and portfolio decisions by using recent state-by-calendar-year level variation in the Medicaid treatment of owner-occupied housing assets from the adoption of Medicaid estate recovery programs. Prior to the adoption of these programs, the house, which represents the most important non-pension asset to the elderly, was exempt from determining Medicaid eligibility and served as both a place of residence and a store of wealth. Adoption of estate recovery programs changed the owner-occupied housing safety net by making the house eligible for recovery by the government, which increased the implicit tax of holding owner-occupied housing. Using data from 1993-2004 in the Health and Retirement Study on elderly individuals, I find that state adoption of estate recovery programs makes the elderly decrease homeownership at death by 20 percentage points off a base homeownership rate of 60%, making them 33% less likely to own their homes at death and has a small impact on homeownership rates while the recipients are alive. Also, there is evidence that trusts are treated as a substitute to housing in order to preserve assets and carry out bequest motives at death. Adoption of these programs decreased the housing share of the elderly wealth portfolio.
I would like to thank Gary Engelhardt, Jeff Kubik, Chris Rohlfs and seminar participants at Syracuse University for helpful comments. The research was supported by the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College funded through a grant from the U.S. Social Security Administration as part of the Dissertation Fellowship Program. The opinions and conclusions are solely those of the author and should not be construed as representing the opinions or policy of the Social Security Administration, the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, The Center for Policy Research or Syracuse University. All errors are my own.
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I. Introduction
Medicaid is by far the most important provider of long-term care insurance in the United
States. A key feature of Medicaid, which is a federally mandated program, is that eligibility is
means-tested.1 Specifically, to be eligible, unmarried elderly individuals must have assets and
income below their state’s eligibility levels. Persons with assets greater than this limit must pay
for nursing home care out of pocket and, hence, spend down their wealth. However, owner-
occupied housing (and primary vehicle) assets are exempt from these rules. In addition,
Medicaid traditionally did not go after housing assets when a recipient died, making housing a
particularly attractive asset to hold for those elderly with a bequest motive. This has led to a
great deal of interest among economists and policy makers on the extent to which Medicaid
distorts the housing, portfolio, and bequest decisions of the elderly by creating a subsidy for
holding owner-occupied housing. This is particularly important because owner-occupied
housing is the largest non-pension asset for the elderly.
Unfortunately, there is relatively little empirical evidence from the public and urban
economics literatures on the impact of Medicaid means-testing on elderly housing behavior.
Moreover, a fundamental problem with the few studies that exist is that the estimates of
Medicaid’s impact on housing have relied on cross-state variation in policies and might have
been confounded by other factors that vary across states and also affect elderly housing behavior.
In this paper, I attempt to circumvent some of the difficulties that have plagued previous
studies on the impact of Medicaid on elderly housing and wealth decisions by using recent state-
by-calendar-year level variation in the Medicaid treatment of owner-occupied housing assets 1 Medicaid is social insurance designed to provide health insurance and long-term care for the poor, which should not be confused with Medicare, which provides acute care for the elderly. While Medicaid is a federally mandated program, besides being subject to a few broad mandates, states have some lee-way in their state programs.
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from the adoption of Medicaid estate recovery programs. Under these programs, states have the
right to reclaim the value of Medicaid expenditures on nursing home care after the death of the
individual by placing liens on the homes of Medicaid beneficiaries. In particular, the Omnibus
Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993 (OBRA93) mandated that all states adopt estate recovery
programs to recoup assets from the estates of Medicaid recipients. This law had important
implications for the housing assets: prior to the adoption of estate recovery programs, the house
was deemed a safe asset; after the adoption, it was subject to recovery by the government to
repay states for benefits received, once the recipient was deemed permanently institutionalized.
The adoption of an estate recovery program makes housing a less attractive asset in the
portfolio of the elderly for two reasons. First, while housing assets are still exempt from the
Medicaid eligibility decision, the state now can recover the value of Medicaid expenditures by
going after the house, most often with a lien, resulting in bequests being less likely to be made
through the house. Second, homeownership (and the holding of home equity) in the portfolio
are less attractive overall, as the implicit tax on housing assets under Medicaid has risen.
Overall, if the elderly are responsive to Medicaid rules in their housing, portfolio, and wealth
decisions, then the timing of the adoption of estate recovery programs across states should have
affected the holdings of home equity and the frequency of homeownership and housing-related
bequests among the elderly.
While twenty-six states had estate recovery programs prior to 1993, most of the
remaining states began to adopt such programs after OBRA93. In fact, by 2004, forty-seven
states had estate recovery programs. However, because states had a vast amount of control over
the type and size of their estate recovery programs, there has been wide variability in the
structure of programs across states. By far, the most popular component is known as a TEFRA
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lien, which is placed on the home while the owner is living, enabled in the Tax Equity and Fiscal
Responsibility Act (TEFRA) of 1982. In 1993, five states allowed for TEFRA liens; by 2004,
nineteen allowed for such liens. Overall, because different states adopted both their estate
recovery programs and TEFRA lien features in different calendar years, respectively, there is
substantial state-by-time variation in Medicaid’s treatment of owner-occupied housing assets,
since 1993.
I use detailed panel data on elderly housing, portfolio, and bequest behavior from the
Health and Retirement Study (HRS), to provide new evidence on the impact of Medicaid and
means-testing on asset and portfolio decisions and to perform, what is to the best of my
knowledge, the first empirical evidence on the impact of estate recovery programs on elderly
behavior. I also capitalize on the so-called “exit” interviews done by the HRS, which consist of
information gathered on the value and asset composition of estates and bequests from next of kin
after an HRS respondent dies (“exits”). These unique and previously unused data provide
detailed information on end-of-life decisions.
There are three primary findings. First, state adoption of ERPs (or TEFRA liens) induces
the elderly to decrease their homeownership at death by 20 percentage points. On a base
homeownership rate of 60%, this represents a 33% decrease in the homeownership rate
(20/60=0.33) when their state adopts a TEFRA lien or ERP. Second, I find suggestive evidence
that trusts are used as substitutes to housing to carry out bequest motives, as state adoption of
ERP or TEFRA liens results in an increase of trust participation of 9 percentage points. On a
base trust participation rate of 16%, this represents a 58% increase in trust participation at death.
Finally, I find that adoption of these programs results in a decrease in the proportion of the total
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wealth portfolio that is made up of primary housing assets, which is consistent with the past
literature.
The paper is organized as follows: Section II describes the past literature and
institutional details of Medicaid and its’ associated estate recovery program. Section III
discusses the data construction and empirical framework. Sections IV, V, and VI give the
estimation results for housing, trust, and portfolio decisions, respectively. There is a brief
conclusion.
II. Background
In 2000, the typical elderly person faced an average cost of $50,000 annually for nursing
home care. Dick et al. (1994) estimate that 12% of people needing a nursing home will require
its services for more than five years. Generally speaking, these costs are considerable and can be
unexpected towards the end of life. When facing these large and uncertain expenses of a nursing
home and long-term care, which are the type of expenses older individuals should insure
themselves against, the elderly have four options for insurance. First, they can self-insure by
accumulating assets as a buffer for these uncertain future nursing home costs. Secondly, they
can self-insure by having their kids provide informal long-term care services, which can be
carried out through either intergenerational or inter vivos transfers, in which care is provided in
exchange for bequests. Third, they could buy market services in the form of private long-term
care insurance. However, the private long-term care insurance market has been historically
small due to supply- and demand-side failures (Brown and Finkelstein, 2007). This market also
suffers from adverse selection problems, meaning insurance companies fear that only the really
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sick will buy the policies, making it more expensive for them to provide insurance. Finally, they
can use government provision of insurance.
Once the government intervenes in the provision of long-term care insurance, crowd-out
of private behavior becomes an issue. The extent to which social insurance crowds out private
behavior is a perennial topic in economics. In this situation, government crowd-out of private
behavior can happen in two ways. First, after the availability of government insurance,
individuals who previously had chosen to self-insure through the accumulation of assets would
anticipate the government coverage and decide to accumulate fewer assets. In other words, there
would be an implicit spend-down of assets due to the expectation of government financed
insurance, which could be carried out through higher consumption in the years prior to a nursing
home. Second, Medicaid’s role as a payer of last resort may directly crowd out demand for
private long-term care insurance, see Brown and Finkelstein (2008). To better understand how
spend-down works, I next lay our basic rules for eligibility.
Medicaid Eligibility and Spend-Down Laws
The primary way the elderly qualify for Medicaid payment of nursing-home costs is
through the Medically Needy Programs.2 These programs allowed states to expand the elderly
population beyond those eligible to qualify for cash-assistance programs, i.e., the really poor
elderly. Medically Needy programs were in place in 29 states in 2003. They are often
considered the most generous because they allow individuals with higher incomes to qualify for
Medicaid on the condition that their current income is inadequate to pay for their medical
expenses. This allows those with much higher incomes to be eligible for Medicaid by spending
2 There are five ways in which an elderly individual can qualify for Medicaid (Congressional Research Service 1993), see Appendix A for a full description.
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down their assets and income on medical care in order to be deemed needy. The Medically
Needy elderly are those who policy makers and economists focus their attention on when
considering spend-down and its associated consequences, because these are the elderly with
enough assets for the spend-down thresholds to be binding.
More specifically, Medicaid spend-down laws are a complicated set of rules that are
comprised of different asset and income regulations by state. There are two parts to spend down
for Medicaid eligibility: an individual must meet asset eligibility tests as well as income
eligibility tests. Spend-down of assets occurs as individuals are required to contribute liquid
resources toward the cost of their care until the typical state threshold of $2000 is reached.3
Importantly, this limit excludes the home and primary vehicle.
Spend-down of income occurs as an individuals’ excess income, defined as income above
the state’s income threshold, is placed toward the cost of their care. The income spend-down is
more complicated because of the different ways in which elderly qualify for Medicaid. In order
to ensure that individuals do not simply gift their homes to relatives or sell them immediately
prior to entering a nursing home, there is a thirty-six month look back period, in which all
homes/assets gifted or sold within three years of applying for Medicaid are still eligible toward
Medicaid eligibility and recovery.4
Medicaid imposes a 100% implicit tax on holding financial assets above $2000.
Simultaneously, Medicaid exempts owner-occupied housing assets from the Medicaid eligibility
decision. As a result of the differential treatment of assets, Medicaid generates a lower implicit
tax on holding owner-occupied housing assets, which gives an incentive for the elderly to hold
3 The $2000 limit is adjusted for married couples. 4 In 2006 it was extended to five years.
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onto housing assets. Estate recovery programs changed the implicit tax of holding owner-
occupied housing associated with Medicaid’s differential treatment of assets. These programs
are described in detail below.
Estate Recovery Programs
Due to the large share of public expenditures devoted to Medicaid in the 1980s, the
federal government passed OBRA93, which mandated that all states adopt estate recovery
programs (ERPs) to recoup assets from the estates of Medicaid recipients.5 OBRA93 laid out
that the minimum that could be recovered from an estate was the probate estate, and the
maximum that could be recovered was the amount left in an estate.6 Other than a few structured
mandates set up by the federal government, the states had a vast amount of control over the type
and size of their estate recovery program, which led to wide variability of programs across states.
This law had important implications for the house, which prior to 1993 was deemed a safe asset,
but was now subject to recovery by the government to repay states for benefits received once the
recipient was deemed permanently institutionalized. It also had implications for wealth holdings
among the elderly because their largest non-pension asset was now subject to recovery.
Existing Studies
There are four strands of existing literature that are particularly relevant.7 First, Brown
and Finkelstein (2008) and Brown, Coe, and Finkelstein (2007) examine Medicaid’s crowd-out
5 In 2002 the government paid out $31 billion in Medicaid long-term care costs, which according to the Kaiser foundation made up 52% of Medicaid spending and only provided services to 7% of Medicaid recipients. As a result, the federal government decided to adopt cost containing measures to help states balance their budgets. 6 A probate estate consists of any assets that can be left in a will. 7 While there is an extensive literature on the health aspects of long-term care (e.g. Norton, 2000) and the impact of social insurance on labor supply (e.g. Krueger and Meyer, 2002), there is virtually no empirical evidence on the affect of social insurance on housing decisions among the elderly. Dietz and Haurin (2003) have a comprehensive
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of demand for private long-term care insurance. They generally concluded that Medicaid results
in crowd-out of demand for private long-term care insurance, mainly due to Medicaid’s role as
the payer of last resort.
The second consists of studies investigating the impact of other social insurance
programs on the housing and living arrangements of the elderly. The basic finding of the
literature has been that elderly living arrangements are responsive to Social Security benefits.8
In particular, Engelhardt, Gruber, and Perry (2005) and Engelhardt (2008) both find an impact of
Social Security on the headship decision as well as the homeownership decision. Engelhardt and
Greenhalgh-Stanley (2008) also provide evidence that the homeownership and shared living
arrangement decisions are affected by changes in the reimbursement generosity of Medicare
home health benefits. These studies provide evidence that social insurance benefits do, in fact,
affect elderly housing decisions.
The third deals with a set of studies that investigate Medicaid’s spend-down feature on
wealth accumulation of the elderly. Using variation in measures of state Medicaid generosity,
Coe (2007) found that unmarried respondents decreased total wealth, while married couples
seemed to transfer assets from unprotected financial assets to protected housing assets, through
some parts of her wealth distribution. 9
III. Econometric Framework, Identification, and Data Construction
survey of the recent literature in housing economics, but only 11 of 251 articles were related to elderly housing research. 8 See Michael, Fuchs, and Scott (1980), McGarry and Schoeni (2000), Engelhardt, Gruber, and Perry (2005), and Costa (1999). 9 Finally, there is a strand of literature involving estate taxation and planning. This is relevant due to the fact that non-housing assets are essentially taxed away under the Medicaid spend-down rules. At the end of life, the elderly have tried to convert assets into types that receive favorable treatment with estate taxes. Poterba (2001) provides an overview of this literature.
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The estimates of the past literature, in the end, rely on cross-state variation and might be
confounded by other factors that vary across states that also affect elderly housing behavior. I
overcome the problems that have plagued past literature by exploiting state-by-time variation in
state adoption of estate recovery programs (ERPs) and TEFRA liens. TEFRA liens allow a lien
to be placed on the home of a permanently institutionalized recipient, which serves to keep the
states’ vested interest in the estate and track the use of the house.
TEFRA liens have the unique nature of being the only type of estate recovery program to
be enacted while the Medicaid recipient is still alive, which may affect behavior differently than
ERPs in general. ERPs may be interpreted as “far off” because they are implemented after the
death of a recipient. Because TEFRA liens are placed on the house while the recipient is still
alive, they may trigger estate planning and more immediate behavioral responses. I study the
impact of state adoption of ERPs and TEFRA liens on housing and asset portfolio decisions
among the elderly. Furthermore, ERPs and TEFRA liens provide different incentives for
Medicaid recipients by marital status because by law they cannot be enacted on a house when
there is a surviving spouse.
Impact of Recovery on the Unmarried Elderly
To better understand how estate recovery programs work, consider an unmarried elderly
individual living in a state without a recovery program. To become eligible for Medicaid
payment for nursing-home services, the respondent must spend down her assets to meet her state
asset threshold and delegate extra income to paying for her care. However, the house is not
subject to the asset threshold and can be held until death. An important feature is that the house
can jointly serve as a residence and a store of wealth that then can be bequeathed. At death, the
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house is bequeathed to a delegated relative or charity, which is usually set out in a will. In
contrast, under an estate recovery program, the same Medicaid asset and income eligibility
requirements apply, and the value of the house is not used toward determining Medicaid
eligibility, but at death, the house is now eligible for recovery by the state and cannot be
bequeathed to a source of choice.
ERPs and Medicaid provide an incentive for unmarried recipients to sell their homes,
since they are not protected from recovery and will be used to help pay for their care. They may
also provide incentives to decrease their home equity due to the fact that the government will be
getting the value of the home. This could be carried out through a decrease in the share of
owner-occupied housing assets in the wealth portfolio.10
Impact of Recovery on the Married Elderly
Married individuals, however, do not face any incentive to change homeownership while
the recipient is still alive. They do face incentives to retain homeownership at death, though.
Prior to recovery, married individuals were able to dispose of their home in any manner they saw
fit, i.e. bequeath their home to a relative or charity. Post recovery, married individuals were only
able to pass on their homes if they retained ownership at death, otherwise the government would
have been able to recover the value of the home after death. Similarly if a married individual
lived in a non-TEFRA state and non-ERP state, they would be able to bequeath their house to
any source of choice even after receiving Medicaid payment for long-term-care services. After
recovery, the house can only remain a store of wealth by retaining homeownership with their
10 One way to do this would be to decrease home equity through lack of maintenance and upkeep as explained in Davidoff (2004) and is consistent with the findings of Coe (2007) when she measured the impact of Medicaid generosity by state on household savings and portfolio decisions.
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spouse. As a result, there is a strong incentive for the married sample in ERP and TEFRA states
to retain homeownership at death.
Researchers may believe that married individuals begin to act like unmarried individuals
(with regard to ERPs) once their spouse moves into a nursing home. However, in practice, the
remaining married spouse (community spouse) in the home is ignored by the state because it is
too expensive to track the home for the duration of the community spouses stay in the house.
Instead, the house in practice is only recovered against if the community spouse later needs
nursing home care provided by Medicaid. In that case, the community spouse would have to
spend-down their wealth and income to be eligible for Medicaid according to their states
unmarried thresholds and then the house would be eligible for recovery after care was provided.
However, if the community spouse never needed Medicaid coverage of long-term care services,
in practice the home would not be recovered against. Hence, rational married community
spouses would not need to act as if they were unmarried in regards to ERPs.
Regression Specification and Data Construction
To examine the relationship between state adoption of ERPs and TEFRA liens and
behavioral outcomes empirically, let i, s, and t index household, state, and calendar-year
respectively. Then the homeownership-at-death regression specification is
(1) * *
,
Outcome ERP Unmarried TEFRA Unmarried ERP TEFRA Unmarriedist ist ist st st i
ist s t ist
D D D D D Du
β δ η λ σθ γ φ
= + + + +
+ + + +X
where OutcomeD is a dummy variable that takes on a value of one if the respondent owns their
home at death and a zero otherwise, ERPD is a dummy equal to one if state s has an ERP in
calendar-year t, TEFRAD takes on a value of one if state s has a TEFRA lien in place in calendar-
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year t, UnmarriedD takes on a value of one if respondent i is unmarried, γ is a full set of state fixed
effects, φ is a full set of calendar-year fixed effects, and u is a disturbance term. In addition, X
includes dummy variables for gender, non-white, college degree or higher, the number of
independent activities of daily living (IADLs), as well as age, and number of children.11 The
explanatory variable of note, *ERP UnmarriedD , takes on a value of one if an unmarried respondent
lives in a state s with an estate recovery program (ERP) in calendar-year t and a zero otherwise.
The coefficient of interest, β , represents the impact for unmarried respondents relative to
married respondents in ERP states relative to non-ERP states on dying while still owning a
home. The other explanatory variable of note, *TEFRA UnmarriedD , takes on a value of one if the
unmarried respondent lives in state s that has a TEFRA lien program in calendar-year t and a
zero otherwise. The other coefficient of interest, δ , represents the impact for unmarried
respondents relative to married respondents in TEFRA states relative to non-TEFRA states on
dying while still owning a home. The total impact of an estate recovery program on
homeownership at death is represented by the coefficient, β δ+ .
If estate recovery programs and TEFRA liens do have an impact on homeownership
decisions among the elderly, we would expect to see them for the unmarried sample that faces
the incentives to sell their homes at death. As a result, I would expect ,β ,δ and β δ+ to be
negative coefficients depicting a negative relationship between state adoption of these programs
and homeownership rates among the unmarried relative to married elderly individuals. These
expected negative coefficients would reflect both the unmarried incentive to sell their home at
death and the married samples incentive to retain homeownership at death.
11 IADLs are based on a scale of zero to five independent daily living activities the recipient can do on their own.
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I estimate the parameters in equation (1) using the AHEAD cohort of the Health and
Retirement Study (HRS). The HRS is a pre-eminent data set on economics and demographics on
aging. It collects a wealth of information on family structure, wealth portfolios, and
demographics for a nationally representative sample. The AHEAD cohort consists of elderly
individuals seventy and older in 1993. They are surveyed every two years. I create a panel data
set that consists of AHEAD homeowners in 1993 and follows them until 2004 or their death.
Because I am relying on state-by-time variation for identification, I need to use the restricted-
access HRS data to attach the state of residence to each recipient. I collected data on state
adoption of TEFRA liens and ERPs due to the lack of existing data in the literature. Appendix B
gives a full description of data collection. Sample descriptive statistics are presented in Table 1.
IV. Estimation Results
The primary outcome of interest is homeownership at death. In order to estimate the
impact of state adoption of ERPs and TEFRA liens on homeownership at death, I estimate
Equation (1) by exploiting the exit data of the HRS and using linear probability estimation. First,
I begin by isolating the impact of state adoption of only an ERP on homeownership at death by
estimating Equation (1) without the TEFRA lien variables. The results are shown in Column (1)
of Table 2 with standard errors clustered by both state and person identifiers using the Cameron,
Gelbach, and Miller (2006) multi-dimension clustering technique. I cluster by person because
for the same person there is potential autocorrelation over time for the home ownership decision.
I cluster by state because of the worry that there is autocorrelation within the same state over
time. Clustering adjusts for the possibility that observations are not independent. State adoption
of ERPs makes the unmarried relative to the married sample decrease their homeownership at
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death by 15.5 percentage points.12 On a base homeownership rate of 60% this represents a 26%
decrease in the homeownership rate at death (15.5/60=0.26).13
While ERPs have a negative impact on dying while retaining home ownership status, it is
possible that the unique nature of TEFRA liens - one type of estate recovery program, and the
only type to be placed on the house while the recipient is still alive – has a differential impact
from general ERPs on elderly behavior. Column (2) of Table 2 shows the results when TEFRA
liens are added back into the estimation. I find that state adoption of ERPs makes the unmarried
sample relative to the married sample decrease homeownership by 13 percentage points. On a
base homeownership rate of 60%, this results in a 22% decrease in the homeownership rate.
State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the elderly decrease homeownership by 6.5 percentage
points. On a base homeownership rate of 60%, this results in an 11% decrease in the
homeownership rate.
While the coefficient for TEFRA liens is not significant, it is appears that the unique
dimension of TEFRA liens being placed on the home while the recipient is still alive does impact
elderly behavior. The total impact of recovery on the unmarried elderly is the sum of the
TEFRA lien coefficient and the ERP coefficients. As a result, the total impact of recovery is a
decrease in homeownership by 19.6 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate of 60%,
this results in a 32.5% decrease in the homeownership rate. Column (3) adds a basic set of
demographic control variables to the analysis. State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the
unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly decrease homeownership by 7.6 percentage
points, while state adoption of ERPs makes the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly
12 Naturally more populated states appear in the HRS with more frequency, for subsets of states with sufficient cell size, probit and linear probability estimates are qualitatively similar. 13 I divide the percentage point change by the sample mean to calculate the percent change (marginal effect).
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decrease homeownership by 12 percentage points. The total impact is a decrease in
homeownership by 19.5 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate of 60%, this results in
a 32.5% decrease in the homeownership rate at death.
However, it is possible that other factors also impact the homeownership rate at death
that are not included in the analysis, which would result in omitted variable bias. Consequences
of omitted variable bias include biased and inconsistent parameter estimates. One potential
omitted factor is local housing prices, which may influence the housing tenure decision among
the elderly. As a result, Column (4) includes a housing price index into the estimation to test for
omitted variable bias. Data on a housing price index (HPI) were collected from the Office of
Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight. Column (4) shows that state adoption of TEFRA liens
makes the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly decrease homeownership by 7.7
percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs results in a decrease in homeownership by 11.8
percentage points. The total impact of recovery is a decrease in homeownership of 19.5
percentage points. On a base homeownership rate of 60%, this results in a decrease in the
homeownership rate at death of 32.5%. The estimates on the impact of recovery on
homeownership rates at death are robust to including the housing price index into the estimation,
meaning that the results in Column (3) do not suffer from an omitted variable bias attributable to
local housing prices.
Another potential problem with the analysis is that when states adopt TEFRA liens and
ERPs, they are also changing other parts of the Medicaid program. They could be changing the
overall Medicaid generosity at the same time as adopting these recovery programs. This would
be another potential source of omitted variable bias of the initial results. I measure the overall
generosity of Medicaid by collecting data on the state Medicaid expenditures over time from
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Medicaid Statistics, Programs and Financial Statistics 1993 and Bureau of the Census and data
from the Kaiser Commission from www.cms.hhs.gov/NationalHealthExpendData. Column (5)
tests to see if state Medicaid expenditure is an omitted variable in the initial analysis. State
adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly decrease
homeownership at death by 8 percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs results in a
decrease in homeownership at death of 11.9 percentage points. The overall impact is a decrease
in homeownership at death of 19.9 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate at death of
60%, this results in a decrease in the homeownership rate at death of 33.1%. The results are also
robust to adding this variable to the specification.
Finally, trends over time in states may be correlated with elderly portfolio behavior and
other laws passed in these states. There could be a worry that these linear state-by-time trends
are an omitted variable resulting in biased and inconsistent parameter estimates. Column (6)
augments the previous estimation by adding in linear state-by-time trends to the estimation in
order to test for another potential omitted variable bias. I would expect adding these trends to
soak up variation since my estimation relies on state-by-time variation and that the standard
errors could get larger. State adoption of TEFRA liens results in the unmarried elderly relative
to the married elderly to decrease homeownership at death by 7.9 percentage points, while state
adoption of ERPs decreases homeownership at death by 12.6 percentage points. The total impact
of recovery is a decrease in homeownership at death of 20.6 percentage points. On a base
homeownership rate of 60%, this results in a decrease in homeownership at death of 34.4%.
After numerous robustness checks, it is clear that there is a strong negative relationship between
the homeownership rate at death and state adoption of ERPs and TEFRA liens.
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This analysis presents strong evidence that the unmarried sample responds to the
incentives set up by the laws and does significantly decrease home ownership rates at death
when faced with an ERP or TEFRA liens program. It is important to note that this is a net effect
of the unmarried sample relative to the married sample. The married sample face strong
incentives at death to retain homeownership. Prior to adoption of ERPs and TEFRA liens, they
could protect the home for relatives whether they retained ownership at death or not, but after
ERPs and TEFRA liens were adopted, married respondents could only protect the home for
relatives if they died owning it.
V. Impact on Trusts at Death
Because owner-occupied housing assets can no longer be used as a store of wealth to
carry out bequest motives for the unmarried elderly, they could look for substitute methods to
pass on assets, such as trusts. The unmarried elderly face an incentive to die with assets in a trust
in order to protect assets from recovery. Due to the fact that married respondents have the home
as a guaranteed way to protect assets for their heirs and satisfy their bequest motives, they do not
face the same incentive to put assets in a trust. In order to test whether the unmarried elderly use
trusts as a substitute asset protection vehicle, I estimate equation (1) using a dummy variable for
whether the respondent died with assets in a trust as the dependent variable. The results are
shown in Table 3, which is formatted in the same manner as Table 2.
Column (1) shows the estimation when only ERPs are included in the estimation and
there are no controls. State adoption of ERPs makes the unmarried relative to the married
sample increase their trust participation rate by 4.1 percentage points. On a base trust
participation rate of 15.7% at death, this results in the elderly being 26% more likely to die with
19
assets in a trust. Column (2) presents the results when TEFRA liens are added to the estimation.
State adoption of TEFRA liens make the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly
increase trust participation at death by 8.5 percentage points. On a base trust participation rate at
death of 15.7%, this results in a 54% increase in the trust participation rate at death. State
adoption of ERPs make the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly increase trust
participation at death by 1 percentage point. On a base trust participation of 15.7%, this results
in a 9.6% increase in trust participation. The total impact of recovery, the sum of TEFRA liens
and ERP coefficients, is an increase in trust participation at death of 9.5 percentage points or
60.5%.
Column (3) adds in a basic set of demographic controls to the estimation. State adoption
of TEFRA liens results in the unmarried relative to the married elderly increase trust
participation at death by 7.7 percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly
increase trust participation at death by 1.5 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is an
increase in trust participation at death by 9.2 percentage points. On a base trust participation rate
at death of 15.7 percent, this results in an increase in the trust participation rate at death of
58.6%.
As with the homeownership at death analysis, there is a concern about potential omitted
variable bias. As a result, Columns (4)-(6) add elements to the specification to test for this.
Column (4) adds a housing price index to the estimation. State adoption of TEFRA liens results
in the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly increase trust participation at death by 7.3
percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly increase trust participation at
death by 1.6 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is an increase of 8.9 percentage
20
points. On a base trust participation rate of 15.7%, this results in an increase in the trust
participation rate at death of 56.7%.
Column (5) adds in state Medicaid expenditure as a proxy for changes in Medicaid
generosity by states. State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried elderly relative to the
married elderly increase trust participation at death by 7.3 percentage points, and state adoption
of ERPs make the elderly increase it by 1.5 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is an
increase in trust participation at death of 8.8 percentage points or an increase in the participation
rate of 56%.
Finally, Column (6) includes a linear state-by-time trend to the estimation. State
adoption of TERA liens makes the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly increase trust
participation by 5.8 percentage points and state adoption of ERPs makes the elderly increase it
by 1.3 percentage points. The total affect of recovery is an increase of 7.1 percentage points or
an increase in the trust participation rate of 45.2%. The trust estimates suggest that the
unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly respond more strongly to TEFRA liens, possibly
due to the fact that they are placed on the home while the recipient is still alive, as opposed to
ERPs, which are enacted on the estate and home after the recipient has died. The main result of
the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly increase their trust participation rate at death
by 58.6% is robust to including different factors in the specification. Because the unmarried
sample does not have the house as a guaranteed asset protection for heirs, they seem to treat
trusts as a substitute asset protector for their heirs and remaining relatives.
VI. Extensions
21
As the previous results in this paper have shown, state adoption of TEFRA liens and
ERPs clearly alter elderly asset behavior at death. However, it is also interesting to estimate the
affect of these programs on elderly behavior while the recipients are still alive and on different
outcomes.
Impact of Aging
The unique nature of having data on the AHEAD cohort containing both end-of-life
decisions and asset composition while the recipients are still alive, allow me to explore possible
trends in homeownership rates. More specifically, I can estimate the impact of TEFRA liens and
ERPs on the elderly while they are alive, 0-2 years prior to death, and 2-4 years prior to death.
While the recipients are alive, the unmarried elderly have an incentive to decrease owner-
occupied housing assets in their portfolio due to the higher implicit tax of holding owner-
occupied housing placed on the elderly by recovery programs. The elderly can carry this out by
decreasing homeownership or by decreasing their home equity. The married elderly do not have
an incentive to change homeownership while they are alive because recovery cannot be
performed on their estates while they have a surviving spouse. The married elderly provide a
control group in the more traditional sense because they do not face any incentives to change
their homeownership rates while they are alive.
Homeownership Rates
To examine any trends in the impact of estate recovery programs on homeownership, I
use equation (1) with homeownership data while the sample is still alive, data 0-2 years prior to
death, and data 2-4 years prior to death. Table 4 shows the time trends analysis for
homeownership rates for an unbalanced panel. Column (1) shows the results from Column (3) of
22
Table 2. At death, state adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried elderly relative to the
married elderly decrease homeownership rates at death by 7.6 percentage points, while state
adoption of ERPs results in the elderly decreasing homeownership at death by 11.9 percentage
points. The total impact of recovery is a decrease in homeownership at death of 19.5 percentage
points. On a base homeownership rate at death of 60%, this results in a decrease of the
homeownership rate at death of 32.5%.
Column (2) portrays the results for homeownership with data provided in the interview
prior to death or 0-2 years before death. State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried
elderly relative to the married elderly decrease homeownership by 1.1 percentage points, while
state adoption of ERPs make the elderly decrease homeownership by 2.9 percentage points. The
total impact of recovery is a decrease in homeownership 0-2 years prior to death by 4.0
percentage points. On a base homeownership rate of 75%, this results in a decrease in the
homeownership rate of 5.4%.
Column (3) shows the affect of these laws on homeownership as reported two interviews
prior to death, or 2-4 years prior to death. State adoption of TEFRA liens make the unmarried
elderly relative to the married elderly decrease homeownership 2-4 years prior to death by 1.5
percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly decrease homeownership by
2.6 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is a decrease in homeownership as reported
two interviews prior to death by 4.1 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate 2-4 years
prior to death of 84.1%, this results in a decrease in the homeownership rate by 4.9%.
Column (4) provides the results for the elderly while they are alive without any
constraints put on the sample with regards to timing of death. State adoption of TEFRA liens
23
make the unmarried sample relative to the married sample decrease homeownership by 2.4
percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly decrease homeownership by
1.6 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is a decrease in homeownership by 4.0
percentage points. On a base homeownership rate while alive of 89.4%, this results in a decrease
in the homeownership rate by 4.5%. The negative relationship between recovery and
homeownership becomes more negative as the recipient gets closer to death, with most of the
homeownership changes happening at death.
However, it is possible that the changes seen in homeownership rates across time are
partially attributable to the changing samples over time rather than entirely to the changes in
state adoption of recovery programs. Table 5 shows the time trend results for homeownership
over time with a balanced panel sample. However, these results may suffer from a selection bias
due to the fact that I must restrict this sample to have been alive for 4 years prior to death, or in
other words I restrict my sample to those that were 74 and older when they died.
Column (1) of Table 5 shows the results for this restricted sample at death. State
adoption of TEFRA liens make the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly decrease
homeownership by 2.6 percentage points at death, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly
decrease homeownership at death by 2.7 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is a
decrease in homeownership at death by 5.3 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate at
death of 62.2%, this results in a decrease in the homeownership rate of 8.5%.
Column (2) shows the results for homeownership as reported in the interview prior to
death, 0-2 years prior to death. State adoption of TEFRA liens make the unmarried relative to
the married elderly decrease homeownership by 0.4 percentage points, while state adoption of
24
ERPs make the elderly decrease homeownership by 3.2 percentage points. The total impact of
recovery is a decrease in homeownership by 3.6 percentage points. On a base homeownership
rate of 75.1%, this results in a decrease in the homeownership rate by 4.8%.
Column (3) provides the results two interviews prior to death, 2-4 years prior to death.
State adoption of TEFRA liens make the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly
decrease homeownership by 1.5 percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs make the
elderly decrease homeownership by 2.6 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is
measured by a decrease in homeownership by 4.1 percentage points. On a base homeownership
rate of 84.1%, this results in a decrease in the homeownership rate by 4.9%. As with the
unbalanced panel estimation results, the behavior change is clearly happening right before death.
Home Equity
While estate recovery programs change the implicit tax on housing assets and therefore
create an incentive to decrease housing, this can be carried out on alternative housing margins,
rather than simply through the homeownership margin. As Davidoff (2004) suggested, the
elderly may keep owning their home but stop performing maintenance on their house, and as a
result decrease their home equity. Table 6 provides the results when home equity (as reported
when alive) is used as the dependent variable. This table is presented in the same format as
Table 2.
Column (1) shows the results without any controls and just considering state adoption of
ERPs. State adoption of ERPs makes the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly
25
decrease home equity by $3674.14 On a mean home equity of $119,124, this results in a decrease
of 3.1%. Column (2) considers when TEFRA liens are added to the estimation. State adoption
of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried sample relative to the married sample decrease home
equity by $18,559, while state adoption of ERPs make the elderly decrease home equity by $360.
The total impact of recovery is a decrease of almost $19,000.
Column (3) adds in a basic set of demographic controls. Housing equity is decreased by
the unmarried sample relative to the married sample by $24,813 when their state of residence
adopts TEFRA liens. State adoption of ERPs results in the elderly decreasing home equity by
$2900. Clearly the elderly are responding in a stronger way to TEFRA liens being placed on
their homes while they are still alive. The total impact of recovery is a decrease in home equity
by $27,700. On a base home equity of $119,123, this results in a decrease in home equity by
23.5%.
Column (4) augments the estimation by adding in a housing price index to test whether
local housing prices are explaining part of the negative relationship between recovery programs
and home equity. State adoption of TEFRA liens results in the unmarried elderly relative to the
married elderly decrease home equity by $22,320, while state adoption of ERPs makes the
elderly decrease home equity by $3170. Column (5) includes a proxy for Medicaid generosity.
Housing equity is decreased by the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly by $22,000
when their state of residence adopts a TEFRA lien, while they decrease it by $3360 when their
state adopts an ERP. Column (6) examines the coefficients when a linear state-by-time trend is
included in the estimation. State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried elderly relative
14 It is a well known that for a conditional median estimator small cell size will result in a lack of convergence. Unfortunately, my sample has states with very small cell sizes and my median estimates do not converge.
26
to the married elderly decrease home equity by $20,407, while state adoption of ERPs makes the
elderly decrease home equity by $2861.
Clearly the elderly are changing their behavior in a stronger way when facing the unique
nature of having a TEFRA lien placed on their home when they are still alive. However, these
results do not distinguish whether this is a total change in home equity or simply a shift in
portfolio assets from home equity to total wealth. As a result, the estimation is extended to
consider the wealth portfolio. In results not shown, the estimation was further broken down to
explore the impact on first, second, and third mortgages, but no significant results or
relationships were found.
Housing Share of Portfolio Wealth
To investigate whether the elderly are changing or shifting portfolio assets, equation (1)
is estimated with the housing share of the total wealth portfolio used as the dependent variable.
If the unmarried are changing their behavior on this margin, we would expect to see a decrease in
housing wealth as a percentage of total wealth because they face incentives to decrease their
home equity now that the government will be getting the value of the home. The results are
shown in Table 7, which is set up in the same manner as Table 2.
Column (1) shows the results for the housing share of portfolio wealth when only state
adoption of ERPs is considered. State adoption of ERPs makes the unmarried elderly relative to
the married elderly decrease their housing share of the wealth portfolio by 3.9 percentage points.
On a base housing portfolio share of 54.9%, this results in a decrease of 7.1%. Column (2) adds
TEFRA liens into the estimation. The housing share of the wealth portfolio is decreased by 8.3
percentage points when a state adopts a TEFRA lien, while state adoption of ERPs make the
27
unmarried elderly decrease it by 0.8 percentage points. The total impact of recovery is a
decrease in the housing share of the wealth portfolio by 9.1 percentage points. On a base
housing share of portfolio wealth of 54.9%, this results in a decrease of 16.6%.
Column (3) adds a basic set of demographic controls to the estimation. State adoption of
TEFRA liens make the unmarried elderly relative to the married elderly decrease housing share
of the wealth portfolio by 8.1 percentage points, and state adoption of ERPs makes the elderly
decrease it by 0.2 percentage points. Column (4) adds a housing price index to the estimation.
State adoption of TEFRA liens makes the unmarried sample relative to the married sample
decrease housing share of portfolio wealth by 8.0 percentage points, while state adoption of
ERPs makes the elderly decrease it by 0.3 percentage points. The total impact is a decrease of
8.3 percentage points or 15.2%.
Column (5) adds state Medicaid expenditures to the analysis. State adoption of TEFRA
liens makes the unmarried sample relative to the married sample decrease housing share of
portfolio wealth by 8.2 percentage points, while state adoption of ERPs makes the elderly
decrease it by 0.2 percentage points. Column (6) adds in state-by-time linear trends. Housing
share of portfolio wealth is decreased by 8.1 percentage points when TEFRA liens are adopted
and by 0.3 percentage points when ERPs are adopted. The results are robust to including
additional controls. The elderly are clearly responding stronger to the TEFRA liens being placed
on their homes while they are still alive. These results suggest that there is some change in the
portfolio composition of housing from these laws while the recipients are still alive.
VII. Conclusions
28
There are three primary behavioral changes induced by Medicaid’s higher implicit tax of
holding owner-occupied housing resulting from state adoption of estate recovery programs.
First, state adoption of ERPs or TEFRA liens induces the elderly to decrease their
homeownership at death by 20 percentage points. On a base homeownership rate of 60%, this
represents a 33% decrease in the homeownership rate (20/60=0.33) when their state adopts a
TEFRA lien or ERP. Second, state adoption of ERP or TEFRA liens results in an increase of
trust participation of 9 percentage points. On a base trust participation rate of 16%, this
represents a 58% increase in trust participation at death. This is suggestive evidence that trusts
are considered as substitutes to housing to carry out bequest motives by the elderly. Finally, I
find that adoption of these programs results in a 16.6% decrease in the proportion of the total
wealth portfolio that is made up of primary housing assets.
There are a few potential caveats in this estimation analysis. First, I use a dummy
variable for whether a state has an ERP or TEFRA lien. However, there is some evidence that
there is differential enforcement of these laws by state. I am interested in making an index to
augment my analysis to also consider the impact of state enforcement on asset decisions.
Second, I use data on the AHEAD cohort, but it is possible that different cohorts respond
differentially to these laws. In order to address this, the estimation strategy could be applied to
younger cohorts in the HRS sample. Third, these estimates are from a reduced form empirical
analysis. There is not a structural or theoretical model in the analysis. Future work could lay out
a structural model and run a simulation analysis or measure the deadweight loss to society.
While it is clear that the elderly are responding to the estate recovery programs, it is not
clear what the direct policy implication of this is. Because there is not a structural model in my
analysis, these results do not shed any light on what the optimal policy should be. However, if
29
the true goal is for states to recoup assets to offset their large Medicaid expenditures, then these
estimates can say something about the impact of structuring the programs in this way. One
margin to consider is a cost-benefit analysis for states. More specifically, how much does it cost
for states to implement these programs versus how much they are actually bringing in from
recovery. Karp, Sabatino, and Wood (2005) provide information that the amount recovered as a
percentage of LTC expenditures ranged from 0.01% (LA) to 1.83% (ID), while the annual
administration costs had a range between $30,000 (OK) to $1,645,868 (CA) per year. Only nine
states reported statistics for the administration costs as a percentage of the amount recovered.
The range was from 1.5% (NC) to 11.77% (TN). However, these programs are relatively young
and inadequate records on the number and amount of recoveries have been kept. Hopefully in
the future, a more in depth cost-benefit analysis can be executed on complete recovery data from
each state.
30
Appendix A
There are five ways in which an elderly individual can qualify for Medicaid (Congressional Research Service, 1993). The first path to Medicaid eligibility is through Supplemental Security Income (SSI), which is a means-tested social insurance program designed to assist poor (disabled) individuals. To qualify for SSI, individuals must have an income below the SSI threshold, $448 per month for an individual and $726 per month for a couple in 1993, and assets below $2000 for an individual and $3000 for a couple in 1993.15 SSI recipients must be covered by all states, unless the states opt to use more restrictive thresholds that were in place in 1972. This is the second path, and these states are called 209(b) states. There were eleven of them in 2003. Since 209(b) states use more restrictive eligibility standards, they are required to determine eligibility after an individual deducts their medical costs from their current income.
The third path is also determined by specific income limits and is often known as the “300 percent rule”.16 It deems that individuals are eligible for Medicaid if their income is within 300 percent of the SSI income level stated above and was used by 35 states in 2003, though some of these states overlapped with the Medically Needy program discussed below. These states are often considered less generous because an individual may not spend down their income in order to qualify. For example, if the threshold is $1344, 300% of $448 benefit in 1993, and an individual has an income of $1345, the individual does not qualify for Medicaid and must pay for their own long-term care costs (Congressional Research Service, 1993).
The fourth path, Medically Needy programs, allowed states to expand the elderly population beyond those eligible to qualify for cash-assistance programs, i.e., the really poor elderly. Medically Needy programs were in place in 29 states in 2003. They are often considered the most generous because they allow individuals with higher incomes to qualify for Medicaid on the condition that their current income is inadequate to pay for their medical expenses. This allows those with much higher incomes than the SSI levels to be eligible for Medicaid by spending down their assets and income on medical care in order to be deemed needy.
The fifth path to Medicaid eligibility is through Qualified Medicare Beneficiaries (QMB). Individuals qualify through this route by being Medicare enrollees with resources less than double the SSI limits and income below the Federal poverty line. States are required to pay Medicare premiums along with co-pays and are allowed to offer full Medicaid coverage if they choose to. Another source of optional state coverage comes from waivers to pay for home and community care on behalf of individuals that would qualify for Medicaid coverage if they were receiving institutionalized care instead.
15 The income thresholds are adjusted each year by the CPI index to control for inflation. 16 It is called the 300% rule, even though three states choose to use a lower level than this. In 2003, Missouri used 175%, Delaware used 250%, and New Hampshire used 244%, (Coe, 2007).
31
Appendix B
Due to the lack of existing data, I compiled a data set of state by time variation on ERP and TEFRA lien adoption. Since states do not always keep detailed records of the history of their estate recovery programs, I decided it was more productive to look into government or interest group commissioned studies. Most of these studies were commissioned by the AARP Public Policy Institute and performed by the ABA and they usually involve contacting the states’ Medicaid programs directly and practitioners in the state familiar with the legal aspects to get as much information as possible. Unfortunately, many states did not keep records so they were not able to provide a lot of the requested information and a few states declined to participate in the studies in various years.
I was able to collect data containing information on which states had ERPs and TEFRA liens in 1993, when mandatory estate recovery OBRA93 was passed into law from the article “Picking the Bones of the Poor” by Schwartz and Sabatino (1993). In this article, there were many case studies and descriptions of certain state practices in an appendix, which were used to decipher which states used TEFRA liens as opposed to other types of liens (i.e. post death, etc). In 1995, a survey by ABA was conducted and included a list of the states with TEFRA liens. In 1998, the longtermcarelink.com website Table 1 was used to document which states had TEFRA liens. In 2004, a follow up to the 1995 survey was commissioned to explore the current state of estate recovery programs and to document the growth in numbers and scope of the recovery programs. An inordinate amount of detail was included in “Medicaid Estate Recovery: A 2004 Survey of State Programs and Practices” by Karp, Sabatino, and Wood (2005), which was very helpful and hopefully will help with future studies by adding in more state variation. Unfortunately, the in depth analysis and details were only included in the 2004 surveys and cannot be included in the current panel analysis. I was able to gather 1993, 1995,1998, and 2004 information on estate recovery programs and TEFRA liens from these studies and case studies. I compiled the 2000 and 2002 data by contacting state Medicaid offices and talking to local practitioners in states.
32
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Brown, Jeffrey R. and Amy Finkelstein, “The Interaction of Public and Private Insurance:
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Cameron, A. Colin, Jonah Gelbach, and Douglas Miller. “Robust Inference with Multi
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Behavior” Mimeo., Tilburg University, 2007. Congressional Research Service, Background Data and Analysis in Medicaid Source
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Engelhardt, Gary V., Jonathon Gruber, and Cynthia D. Perry, “Social Security and
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Saving? Evidence from Welfare Reform.” Journal of Human Resources 41 (1): 46-71. Karp, Naomi, Charles Sabatino, and Erica Wood. 2005. “Medicaid Estate Recovery: A
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Alan Auerbach and Martin Feldstein (eds.) Handbook of Public Economics, Volume 4 (Amsterdam: North Holland), 2002.
Long Term Care Link – State Medicaid Estate Recovery Programs
http://www.longtermcarelink.net/reference/ref_medicaid_recovery.html McGarry, Kathleen, and Robert F. Schoeni, “Social Security, Economic Growth, and the
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34
and Aging.
35
Table 1. AHEAD Cohort Sample Statistics
Note: The portfolio share is the percent of total wealth comprised of home equity. All home equity and total wealth measures are reported in 2005 adjusted real dollars. Data from the AHEAD cohort of the HRS are used to obtain these sample statistics. Nursing Home (%) describes the percent of the sample who reported they spent time in a nursing home in the past two years. Medicaid (%) is the proportion of the sample that responded they received Medicaid.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Sample Restrictions
All
Married
Unmar
TEFRA
Non-TEFRA
ERP
Non-ERP
Home Ownership Rate(%)
89.4 95.1 82.9 87.0 90.2 88.9 91.8
Live in TEFRA states(%)
27.3 26.6 28.1 100 0.00 36.5 0.00
Live in ERP states(%)
74.8 74.9 74.7 100 65.3 100 0.00
Housing Portfolio Share(%)
54.9 53.4 56.5 54.7 54.9 53.6 58.6
Trust Alive(%) 13.5 15.0 11.7 18.4 11.6 15.0 8.8 Home Ownership at Death(%)
59.9 62.3
56.5 57.6 59.7 58.8 60.4
Trust at Death(%) 15.7 15.9 15.9 24.3 12.6 17.9 9.2 Mean Home Equity 119,124 138,082 97,278 160,447 103,623 127,957 92,935 Median Home Equity 84,690 97,182 5,332 108,837 77,746 88,430 74,826 Nursing Home (%) 6.9 3.5 10.8 7.9 6.5 7.4 5.3 Medicaid (%) 6.7 5.2 10.3 5.8 8.0 6.0 11.6 Sample Size 24584 13108 11476 6886 17698 18379 6205
36
Table 2. Linear Probability Estimated Impact of TEFRA Liens and Estate Recovery Programs on Home Ownership Decisions at the Time of Death, (Standard Errors in Parentheses)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Own Home at Death Without Controls
Without Controls
With Controls
Housing Price Index
State Medicaid Expend
Linear State by
Time Trends
ERP*Unmarried -0.155 (0.053)
[-25.8%]
-0.131 (0.058)
[-21.8%]
-0.119 (0.060)
[-19.8%]
-0.118 (0.060)
[-19.7%]
-0.119 (0.060)
[-19.8%]
-0.126 (0.060)
[-21.0%] TEFRA*Unmarried
-0.065 (0.055)
[-10.8%]
-0.076 (0.059)
[-12.7%]
-0.077 (0.060)
[-12.8%]
-0.080 (0.057)
[-13.3%]
-0.079 (0.053)
[-13.2%] ERP
0.091
(0.054) [15.2%]
0.085
(0.054) [14.2%]
0.111
(0.053) [18.5%]
0.111
(0.054) [18.5%]
0.122
(0.051) [20.3%]
0.188
(0.061) [31.3%]
TEFRA
-0.017 (0.045) [-2.8%]
-0.013 (0.049) [2.2%]
-0.014 (0.049) [2.3%]
-0.026 (0.056) [-4.3%]
-0.024 (0.046) [-4.0%]
Minority
0.093
(0.031) [15.5%]
0.093
(0.031) [15.5%]
0.093
(0.031) [15.5%]
0.090
(0.030) [15.0%]
Kids
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.3%]
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.3%]
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.3%]
-0.0007 (0.004) [-0.1%]
College
0.042
(0.028) [7.0%]
0.042 (0.028) [7.0%]
0.042 (0.028) [7.0%]
0.037 (0.031) [6.2%]
Mean Home Ownership(%) Number of Observations
59.9
3118
59.9
3118
59.9
3118
59.9
3118
59.9
3118
59.9
3118 Joint Test of Interactions P-value
10.2 0.006
9.51 0.009
9.65 0.008
10.0 0.007
13.26 0.001
Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens and ERPS on home ownership rates at death, using OLS estimation. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, unmarried, and age are included in the regression analysis for columns (3) – (6) but not shown in the table. A full set of fixed state and year effects are also included in all columns. Standard errors clustered by state and person identifier (using the Cameron, Gelbach, and Miller multi-dimension clustering technique) are presented in parentheses and marginal effects are shown in square brackets, which are the percentage point changes divided by the sample homeownership rate to get the percent changes. Column (4) adds a housing price index to the estimation. Column (5) includes a measure of state Medicaid expenditure, presented in real 2005 dollars. Column (6) augments the estimation by including a state-by-time linear trend into the regression. The chi-squared value from the joint hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability.
37
Table 3. Linear Probability Estimated Impact of TEFRA Liens and Estate Recovery Programs on Trust Participation at the Time of Death, (Standard Errors in Parentheses) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Trust at Death Without Controls
Without Controls
With Controls
Housing Price Index
State Medicaid Expend
Linear State by
Time Trends
ERP*Unmarried 0.041 (0.019) [26.1%]
0.010 (0.016) [6.4%]
0.015 (0.018) [9.6%]
0.016 (0.019) [10.2%]
0.015 (0.018) [9.5%]
0.013 (0.022) [8.3%]
TEFRA*Unmarried
0.085
(0.029) [54.1%]
0.077
(0.028) [49.0%]
0.073
(0.028) [46.5%]
0.073
(0.025) [46.5%]
0.058
(0.022) [36.9%]
ERP
-0.085 (0.044)
[-54.1%]
-0.069 (0.037)
[-43.9%]
-0.068 (0.036)
[-43.3%]
-0.070 (0.036)
[-44.6%]
-0.056 (0.033)
[-35.7 %]
-0.079 (0.053)
[-50.3%] TEFRA
-0.042 (0.042)
[-26.8%]
-0.045 (0.044)
[-28.7%]
-0.048 (0.043)
[-30.6%]
-0.061 (0.054)
[-38.9%]
-0.058 (0.040)
[-36.9%] Minority
-0.070 (0.023)
[-44.6%]
-0.070 (0.023)
[-44.6%]
-0.070 (0.022)
[-44.6%]
-0.070 (0.023)
[-44.6%] Kids
-0.006 (0.004) [-3.8%]
-0.006 (0.004) [-3.8%]
-0.006 (0.004) [-3.8%]
-0.006 (0.004) [-3.8%]
College
0.111
(0.025) [70.7%]
0.111 (0.025) [70.7%]
0.111 (0.025) [70.7%]
0.108 (0.027) [68.8%]
Mean Trust Participation (%) Number of Observations
15.7
3118
15.7
3118
15.7
3118
15.7
3118
15.7
3118
15.7
3118 Joint Test of Interactions P-value
12.05 0.002
12.15 0.002
12.12 0.002
14.42 0.0007
14.36 0.0008
Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens and ERPs on trust participation at death, using OLS estimation. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, unmarried, and age are included in the regression analysis for columns (3) – (6) but not shown in the table. A full set of fixed state and year effects are also included in all columns. Standard errors clustered by state and person identifier (using the Cameron, Gelbach, and Miller multi-dimension clustering technique) are presented in parentheses and marginal effects are shown in square brackets, which are the percentage point changes divided by the sample mean to get the percent changes. Column (4) adds a housing price index to the estimation. Column (5) includes a measure of state Medicaid expenditure, presented in real 2005 dollars. Column (6) augments the estimation by including a state-by-time linear trend into the regression. The chi-squared value from the joint hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability.
38
Table 4 Time Trends – Unbalanced Panel Estimated Impact of TEFRA Liens and Estate Recovery Programs (ERPs) on Home Ownership Decisions at death, interview prior to death, two interviews prior to death, and while alive, (Standard Errors in Parentheses)
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Own Home At Death Interview Prior to Death
Two Interviews Prior to Death
While Alive
TEFRA*Unmarried
-0.076 (0.059)
[-12.7%]
-0.011 (0.047) [-1.5%]
-0.015 (0.034) [-1.8%]
-0.024 (0.014) [-2.7%]
ERP*Unmarried
-0.119 (0.060)
[-19.8%]
-0.029 (0.026) [-3.9%]
-0.026 (0.030) [-3.1%]
-0.016 (0.018) [-1.8%]
Minority
0.093
(0.031) [15.5%]
0.081
(0.029) [10.8%]
0.040
(0.021) [4.8%]
0.033
(0.008) [3.7%]
Kids
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.3%]
0.0002 (0.004)
[-0.002%]
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.2%]
-0.003 (0.002) [-0.2%]
College
0.042
(0.028) [7.0%]
0.023
(0.023) [3.1%]
0.009
(0.015) [1.1%]
0.004
(0.007) [0.6%]
Mean Home Ownership(%) Number of Observations
59.9
3118
75.0
2636
84.1
2589
89.4
24457 Joint Test of Significance 9.51
2.04 0.79 6.90
P-Value 0.009 0.360 0.674 0.032 Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens on home ownership rates at death, 0-2 years before death, 2-4 years before death, and while alive to show a time trend of the impact of these laws. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, unmarried, and the relevant demographics are also included in the analysis but are not shown in the table. A full set of state and year fixed effects are included in the estimation. Standard errors clustered by state and person identifier are shown in parentheses and marginal effects are shown in square brackets. The chi-squared value from the hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability.
39
Table 5 Time Trends – Balanced Panel Estimated Impact of TEFRA Liens and Estate Recovery Programs (ERPs) on Home Ownership Decisions at death, interview prior to death, two interviews prior to death, (Standard Errors in Parentheses)
(1) (2) (3)
Own Home At Death Interview Prior to Death
Two Interviews Prior to Death
TEFRA*Unmarried
-0.026 (0.052) [-4.2%]
-0.004 (0.047) [-0.5%]
-0.015 (0.034) [-1.8%]
ERP*Unmarried
-0.027 (0.060) [-4.3%]
-0.032 (0.028) [-4.3%]
-0.026 (0.030) [-3.1%]
Minority
0.123
(0.032) [19.8%]
0.086
(0.027) [11.5%]
0.040
(0.021) [4.8%]
Kids
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.3%]
-0.00003 (0.004)
[-0.004%]
-0.002 (0.004) [-0.2%]
College
0.044
(0.029) [7.1%]
0.023
(0.023) [3.1%]
0.009
(0.015) [1.1%]
Mean Home Ownership(%) Number of Observations
62.2
2589
75.1
2589
84.1
2589 Joint Test of Significance 0.76 1.66 0.79 P-Value 0.684 0.437 0.674
Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens on home ownership rates at death, 0-2 years before death, and 2-4 years before death to show a time trend of the impact of these laws. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, TEFRA, unmarried, ERP, and the relevant demographic variables are also included in the analysis but are not shown in the table. A full set of state and year fixed effects are included in the estimation. Standard errors clustered by state and household identifier are shown in parentheses and marginal effects are shown in square brackets. The chi-squared value from the hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability. This sample was limited to those alive 2-4 years prior to death in the HRS data set, so as to follow the same sample over time.
40
Table 6. OLS Estimated Impact of TEFRA liens and Estate Recovery Programs (ERPs) on Home Equity Decisions while alive, (Standard Errors in Parentheses)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Home Equity Without Controls
Without Controls
With Controls
Housing Price Index
State Medicaid Expend
Linear State by Time Trends
ERP*Unmarried -3674.1 (8675.0) [-3.1%]
-359.82 (8868.3) [-0.3%]
-2900.1 (8926.5) [-2.4%]
-3170.0 (8467.5) [-2.7%]
-3360.3 (8546.3) [-0.3%]
-2860.5 (8962.9) [-2.4%]
TEFRA*Unmarried
-18559 (13173) [-15.6%]
-24813 (13532) [-20.8%]
-22320 (12836) [-18.7%]
-22000 (12903) [-18.5%]
-20407 (13489) [-17.1%]
ERP
140.88
(9563.8) [0.1%]
-1208.2 (81228) [-1.0%]
279.31
(7951.8) [0.2%]
-74.043 (8533.5) [-0.06%]
1177.5
(7855.9) [1.0%]
9192.1 (12827) [7.7%]
TEFRA
6966.3
(9246.2) [5.8%]
8113.0
(9200.8) [6.8%]
6301.4
(9461.5) [5.3%]
6615.1
(9296.4) [5.6%]
3053.7
(9434.0) [2.6%]
Minority
-37064
(7111.6) [-31.1%]
-37094
(7093.4) [-31.1%]
-37068
(7111.6) [-31.1%]
-37940
(6903.2) [-31.8%]
Kids
747.17
(1279.0) [0.6%]
740.35
(1278.6) [0.6%]
745.47
(1278.5) [0.6%]
977.23
(1413.8) [0.8%]
College
51212
(8992.9) [43.0%]
51222
(8997.0) [43.0%]
51222
(8992.2) [43.0%]
51471
(9072.6) [43.2%]
Mean Home Equity Number of Observations
119,124
24457
119,124
24457
119,124
24457
119,124
24457
119124
24457
119124
24457 Joint Test of Significance 3.92 4.41 4.57 4.49 3.24 P-Value 0.141 0.110 0.102 0.106 0.198
Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens on home equity decisions while alive. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, TEFRA, unmarried, ERP, and the relevant demographics are also included but are not shown in the table. A full set of state and year fixed effects are included in the estimation. Standard errors clustered by state and person identifier are shown in parentheses using the Cameron, Gelbach, and Miller estimation technique and marginal effects are shown in square brackets. The chi-squared value from the hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability. Column (4) adds in housing price index, column (5) adds in state Medicaid expenditure, and column (6) adds in linear state-by-time trends.
41
Table 7. Linear Probability Estimated Impact of TEFRA liens and Estate Recovery Programs (ERPs) on Portfolio Decisions while alive, (Standard Errors in Parentheses)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Portfolio Share Without Controls
Without Controls
With Controls
Housing Price Index
State Medicaid Expend
Linear State by Time Trends
ERP*Unmarried -0.039 (0.031) [-7.1%]
-0.008 (0.028) [-1.5%]
-0.002 (0.029) [-0.4%]
-0.003 (0.029) [-0.6%]
-0.002 (0.029) [-0.4%]
-0.003 (0.028) [-0.6%]
TEFRA*Unmarried
-0.083 (0.039)
[-15.1%]
-0.081 (0.035)
[-14.8%]
-0.080 (0.034)
[-14.6%]
-0.082 (0.036)
[-14.9%]
-0.081 (0.041)
[-14.8%] ERP
0.003
(0.030) [-0.5%]
-0.010 (0.031) [-1.8%]
-0.012 (0.031) [-2.2%]
-0.012 (0.031) [-2.2%]
-0.010 (0.030) [-1.8%]
-0.031 (0.059) [-5.6%]
TEFRA
0.038
(0.032) [6.9%]
0.039
(0.030) [7.1%]
0.042
(0.032) [7.7%]
0.035
(0.024) [6.4%]
0.066
(0.046) [12.0%]
Minority
0.180
(0.021) [32.8%]
0.180
(0.021) [32.8%]
0.180
(0.021) [32.8%]
0.180
(0.021) [32.8%]
Kids
0.016
(0.005) [2.9%]
0.016
(0.005) [2.9%]
0.016
(0.005) [2.9%]
0.016
(0.005) [2.9%]
College
-0.112 (0.010)
[-20.4%]
-0.112 (0.010)
[-20.4%]
-0.112 (0.010)
[-20.4%]
-0.112 (0.010)
[-20.4%] Mean Portfolio Share(%) Number of Observations
54.9
24457
54.9
24457
54.9
24457
54.9
24457
54.9
24457
54.9
24457 Joint Test of Significance 5.26 5.69 5.77 5.30 4.09 P-Value 0.072 0.058 0.056 0.071 0.129
Note: This table shows the estimated impact of living in a state with TEFRA liens on housing as a proportion of total wealth while alive. The excluded group consists of white males with less than a college education. A dummy variable for female, TEFRA, unmarried, ERP, and the relevant demographics are also included but are not shown in the table. A full set of state and year fixed effects are included in the estimation. Standard errors clustered by state and person identifier are shown in parentheses using the Cameron, Gelbach, and Miller estimation technique and marginal effects are shown in square brackets. The chi-squared value from the hypothesis that the coefficient on unmarried*TEFRA and unmarried*ERP are both zero is reported at the bottom of the table as well as the associated probability. Column (4) adds in housing price index, column (5) adds in state Medicaid expenditure, and column (6) adds in linear state-by-time trends.