media for democracy in afganistan : a handbook for journalists
DESCRIPTION
Brussels : International Federation of Journalists.TRANSCRIPT
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media for democracy in afghanistan
Introduction 3
1.Basicconceptsofdemocracy 4
2.Electionsandunitsofadministration 7
3.Themediaindemocraticsocieties 8
4.Publicservicejournalismperspectives 10
5.Fundamentalsofelectoralprocesses 12
6.Thelogisticsandmechanicsoffreeelections 17
7.Politicalpartiesandcampaignstrategies 20
8.ElectionCampaigncoverage 23
Appendix I: 26CharterforaDemocraticandPluralistMediaCultureandSocialandProfessionalRightsforMediaandJournalisminAfghanistan
Appendix II: 28TheIFJ’sManifestoforaDemocraticMediaCulture
CO
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International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
ResidencePalace,BlockC
155RuedelaLoi
B-1040Brussels,Belgium
Tel:+3222352200
Fax:+3222352219
Email:[email protected]
Website:www.ifj.org
IFJ Asia-Pacific
245ChalmersStreet
RedfernNSW2016,Australia
Tel:+61293330999
Fax:+61293330933
Email:[email protected]
Website:asiapacific.ifj.org
Thisdocumenthasbeenproducedwiththe
financialassistanceoftheEuropeanUnion.
Thecontentsofthisdocumentarethesole
responsibilityoftheIFJandcanunderno
circumstancesberegardedasreflectingthe
positionoftheEuropeanUnion.
EditorSukumarMuralidharan
Project staffNaqibullahTaib,FrozanDanishRahmani
DesignImpulsiveCreations,Delhi
AllphotographscourtesytheAfghanIndependentElectionCommissionandtheUnitedNationsAssistanceMissioninAfghanistan(UNAMA)
SpecialthankstoSamanderRahimullah,theAfghanIndependentJournalistsAssociation(AIJA)andZiaBumia,theCommitteetoProtectAfghanJournalists(CPAJ).
SomeportionsofthishandbookwererefinedafterworkshopsheldwithjournalistsinAfghanistaninlate2007andearly2008.Thanksareduetotheparticipantswhoassistedinthisprocess.
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media for democracy in afghanistan
Afghanistanwentthroughahistoriccycleofelectionsbetween2004and2005,firstelectingapresident
throughuniversaladultfranchiseandthencreatingthelegislativeinstitutionsthatwillgovernthecountryatthenationalandprovinciallevelsuntil2010.
ThenascentmediainAfghanistanfollowedtheemergenceofthenewdemocracywithcustomaryinterestandcommitment.
Anothercycleofelectionsisduetobeginin2009,whenthecurrenttenureofAfghanistan’spresidentexpires.Electionstothenationalandprovincialassembliesareduein2010,althoughthereisdebateaboutwhethertobringtheseforwardtocoincidewiththepresidentialelections.Thereisalsoaneedtoholddistrictcouncilelections,whichhavelongbeenpostponedbecauseofdifficultiesinagreeingonthedemarcationofboundariesandotherrelatedcomplications.
Inallthis,asignificantroleisenvisagedforthemedia,asawatchdogovertheintegrityoftheelectoralprocessandasthemainchannelofinformationforthevotingpublic.Significantconstitutionalissuesremaintoberesolved.Theseincludethecriteriafordemarcationofdistrictandprovincialboundaries,theextenttowhichpoweristobedevolvedfromthenationalleveltotheprovincialandthenthelocallevel,andtheroleofpoliticalparties.
Withdistrictcouncilsyettobeelected,theconstitutionalschemeinAfghanistanremainsincompletelyimplemented.TheMeshranoJirga,orupperhouseofthenationalparliament,isconstitutionallyrequiredtohaveathirdofits102memberselectedfromthedistrictcouncils.Sincethisconditionhasnotbeenmet,theupperhousehasmadedotemporarilywithseveral“provisional”membersputinplacebytheprovincialcouncils.
ThefailuretoholddistrictcouncilelectionsalsomeansthatthepeopleofAfghanistandonotquiteyetseedemocraticaccountabilityinpracticeinitsmostimmediatesense.
Afghanistanislikelyinthe12monthsfromAugust2008torevisitnumerousthemesinthepracticeofelectoraldemocracy,thatweresubmergedordealtwithsummarilyintheearlierroundofelections.Awell-informedpubliccanparticipateinthisdebateandconstructapositiveoutcome,ifitisprovidedwithauthenticandreliableinformationbyawell-informedandpublic-spiritedmedia.
ThepurposeofthishandbookistolayoutsomeprinciplesthatcouldfunctionasguidepostsforjournalistsinAfghanistanastheyseektograpplewiththeevolvingcomplexitiesofdemocracyinaction.ItseekstoprovideconcretesuggestionsonhowglobalbestpracticesinpoliticalreportingandelectioncoveragecouldbeadaptedfortheAfghanistancontext.
InteractionsbetweentheInternationalFederationofJournalists(IFJ)andtheAfghanIndependentJournalists’
Association(AIJA)havearrivedatseveralconclusionsaboutcurrentmediaawarenessofthedemocraticelectoralprocess.
• Journalistsfindtheyhavelittleaccesstotheinnerworkingsoftheelectoralprocess.
• Theythinkthatpoliticalleadersdonotwanttofacejournalistswhoaskdifficultquestions.
• Therefereeoftheelectoralprocess,theIndependentElectionCommissionestablishedundertheconstitutionofAfghanistan,alsoisinneedofmediaoversight,asaretheelectionobserversdeployedbyinternationalagencies.
• JournalistsarekeentojoindebateaboutthemostappropriatepatternofelectoraldemocracyforAfghanistan,intermsofassessingthepresidentialandtheparliamentarysystem,andallthevariantsonthesebasicmodels.
•Journalistswantanagreedcharterofrightsregardingtheirpowersofscrutinyovertheelectoralprocess,sothattheycanreportirregularitiesthatordinarypeopleandpublicauthoritiescanthenseektocorrect.
• Journalistswanttounderstandbettertheprinciplesofneutralandnon-partisanreporting.
• InthespecificsituationofpastandpresentconflictinAfghanistan,journalistswanttounderstandhowtheycanexpandthelimitsof“safereporting”,particularly
inrelationtotheinfluenceandcoercivepowerwieldedbyerstwhile“warlords”.
ThishandbookisdesignedwithspecificreferencetothepoliticalsituationinAfghanistanandisintendedforusebyworkingjournalistsandpractitionersfromacrossallmedia(print,radio,television
andonline).ItwasdevelopedthroughaseriesofIFJworkshopsinAfghanistanwhichaimedtoequipparticipantswiththeexpertisetodothefollowing.
• ReportonandinterpretelectionsinthecontextofearliersuchexercisesinAfghanistan.
• Beattunedtothelegalissuesinvolvedinelections,particularlyinregardtothepracticeofjournalism.
• Beawareofthelogisticsandmechanismsofelectoralprocesses,includingdelimitation,voterregistration,ballotingandcountingprocesses,andelectionsupervision.
• Reportontheseinatransparentandaudience-friendlyfashion.
• Decodethevariousstylesofelectoralappealusedbycandidates.
• Interpretinatransparentfashiontheapplicationofpredictivetechniquessuchasopinionpolls,etc.
• Approachtheirpoliticalreportingtasksbyapplyingtheprinciplesofpublicservicejournalism.
• Usetheseconceptsinreportingonelections,asanessentialpartofAfghanistan’sdemocratictransition.
• UnderstandthevariouselectoralsystemsinusegloballyandplacetheAfghanistansystemincomparativecontext.
Another cycle of elections is due to begin in 2009... In this, a significant role is envisaged
for the media, as a watchdog over the integrity of the electoral process and as the main channel of information for the voting
public. Significant constitutional issues remain to be resolved.
IntroductIon
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Intermsoftheactualcareerofdemocracyasapoliticalidea,wehavethefollowingsetofpropositionsfromawell-knownjournalistandpoliticalanalystintheUnitedStates,FareedZakariainTheFutureofFreedom(2003):• Democracymeansa“governmentcreatedbyelections
inwhicheveryadultcitizencouldvote”.• “In1900notasinglecountryhadwhatwewould
todayconsiderademocracy”.• “Today119do,comprising62percentofallcountries
intheworld”.“Sovereignty”referstoazoneoffreedomwhere
thepoliticalauthorityoranindividualcanactwithoutrestraint.Nosovereigntyisabsolute.ThereisaconsensussharedbyallcountriesandenshrinedintheUnitedNationsCharterthatthe
“nation”asrepresentedbythe“State”issovereign.Yet,thoughsovereign,theStateisboundbythelaw.
Similarly,modernliberaldemocracyenshrinesthesovereigntyoftheindividualasacardinalprinciple.However,thesovereigntyofanysingleindividualislimitedbythecompulsionheorsheis
• Conceptsofdemocracy,suchasdemocracydefinedasrulebythepeople.
• Processesofdemocracy,suchasregularelectionsthatreflectthewillofthepeople.
• Practicesofdemocracy,suchasadivisionofpowersbetweenthelegislature,executiveandjudiciary.
• Principlesofdemocracy,suchasaccountabilityofallinstitutionstothepeople.Thesethemesareinter-
relatedandfeedoffoneanother.Thereisacircularlogicasrulebythepeoplemovesthoughprocesses,practicesandprinciplestoreturntoaccountabilitytothepeople.Rulebythepeople,inotherwords,becomesanactualityonlywhenallinstitutionsofgovernanceareaccountableonanabsolutebasis.
the State cannot, absent the process of law, do anything that is contrary to the basic rights of citizens: the right to life, the right to livelihood,
the right to free speech, the right to information, the right to free movement.
BASIc conceptS of democrAcy
In any discussion on democracy, certain themes emerge, including the following.
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undertorespectthesovereigntyofanother.TheStatecannotdoanythingthatiscontraryto
thebasicrightsofcitizens:therighttolife;therighttolivelihood;therighttofreespeech;therighttoinformation;therighttofreemovement.Thecircumstancesunderwhichanyoftheserightscanbeabridgedneedtobestatedfirmlyunderthelaw.IneachinstancewhereaStateinvokesthesespecialpowers,justificationisrequiredbeforetheappropriatebody.
DemocracyalsoenshrinesaparticularmodeofrelationshipbetweentheindividualandtheState.Thisrelationshipcantakeseveralforms,whentheindividualcouldbeseeninthefollowingways.
• Asavoter.• Asaparticipantinpublicdiscussion.• Asadecision-maker.Doesanindividual’sparticipationinthepolitical
processbeginwithhisorherentryintothepollingboothandendwithhimorherdroppingapaperintoaballotbox?Isanindividual’spoliticalengagementlimitedtothisexercise,whichcouldhappenonceinfourorfiveyears?Orisitanongoingengagement?Doesheorsheremainengagedwiththepoliticalprocessandgovernance?
Democracyobviouslymeansmorethanthefreedomtocastavoteeveryfewyears.Afunctioningdemocracyneedstoenablethecitizentoexercisehisorherfreedomtocommentondecisionsmadebythegovernment.Thecitizenhastobeawarethathisorheropinionisofconsequenceinanyimportantpolicydecision.Democracyinthissenseismorethanthefreedomtovoteeverynowandagain.Itismorelikeacontinuousreferendumonhowpeoplewishtobegoverned.
Bythistoken,themerefactthatacountrygoesthroughtheprocessesofelectoraldemocracyonceinfourorfiveyearsdoesnotmeanthatitspeopleenjoyliberty.ToquoteZakariaagain:• “Overthelasthalf-century
intheWest,democracyandlibertyhavemerged.”
• “Buttodaythetwostrandsofliberaldemocracy,interwovenintheWesternpoliticalfabric,arecomingapartacrosstheglobe.”
• “Democracyisflourishing,libertyisnot”.Democraticprocesseshavebeeninplace
generallyinwesterncountriesformorethanacentury,butlibertyhasbeenguaranteedonlyinthepasthalf-century.Manydevelopingcountries,whichnowemploydemocraticprocesses,cannotreallyclaimtohaveguaranteedindividualliberty.
Practices and processes of democracyWithinthebroadframeworkofdemocracy,differentoptionsareavailable.Peoplecanchooseanyofthesetodeterminehowpoliticalauthorityisorganisedandhowfarpoliticalinstitutionsateverylevelshouldbeempowered.
Irrespectiveofthenatureofpoliticalorganisation,apoliticalauthorityatthenational
levelisindispensable.Federalstates,as
opposedtounitarystates,assignarelativelylimitedroletothenational(orcentral)authority.However,acentral
authorityneedstobeinplace,astherecanbenoStatewithoutacentralauthority.
EveryStateneedstomakeachoiceonthepowersthatwillbeexercisedbythecentralauthorityandthosethatwillbeexercisedbyprovincialandlocalbodies.
Whatisthedifferencebetweenafederalstateandaunitarystate?
Within the broad framework of democracy, different options are available.
people can choose any of these to determine how political authority is organised and how far
political institutions at every level should be empowered.
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• TheStateisapoliticalunit.• Ithasnoauthorityifitdoesnotgovernavoluntary
associationofindividuals,whosharecertaincharacteristics.
• Thiscouldbeaculturalcommunityoflanguage,ethnicityorreligion.
• Thiscouldalsobeasharedwillingnesstolivetogetherandseekacommondestiny.Itisaquestionofwhatisthebasicpoliticalunit.Ina
unitarystate,the“nation”isconsideredthefundamentalunitand“provinces”arecreatedforadministrativeconvenience.
Inafederalarrangement,theprovinceisthebasicunitandexercisesthemoreessentialfunctions.Afederalarrangementprovidesasenseofunitytoalargerwholeintermsoffunctionsthatarebestexercisedbylargeunits,suchasforeignpolicy,nationaldefence,currencymanagement,andsoon.
Whereprovincesarerelativelyhomogeneousinculturalterms(forexample,intheFederalRepublicofGermany,Australiaand,withseriousqualifications,Canada),thefederalarrangementis
usuallyrelativelystable.Whereprovincesareverydifferentculturally
fromoneanother(forexample,inIndiaandPakistan),thecentralauthorityneedstomakeaspecialefforttoaccommodatedifferences.
Whereprovincesareinternallyverydiverse,asinAfghanistan,thereneedstobeagreatereffortatpower-sharingatthecentrallevel,andagreaterdevolutionofpowerstoprovincesand,inturn,todistricts.
With power comes responsibilityWithpower-sharingatthecentrallevel,therecouldthenbeagreementsonhowmuchpowerandresponsibilityisfocusedatthecentreandhowmuchisdevolvedtootherunitsofadministration.
Democracyisacontinuousprocessofnegotiationoftheseissues.Aslongasnegotiationcontinuesonthebasisofsovereigndecisionsbythepeople,anddoesnotdescendintowarfare,itcouldbesaidthatdemocracyasaprocessissurviving.
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workingoutconstructivesolutionstoseemingirresolvableissues.Thebasicchallengeistoprovideequalvoicetoallpotentialdisputers.
Democracyisasysteminherentlypronetoconflict,butitalsocontainsacceptedandpeacefulmeansofconflictresolution.Thisposesauniquesetofproblemsfordemocracy’sconsolidationinapost-conflictsituation.Itisachallengethatrequiresacarefulgraduationofthedemocratictransitionintheaftermathofconflictinordertoensurethattheinherentpotentialfordisputewithindemocraticcontestationdoesnotleadtoarelapseintobitterandopenarmedconflict.
Tworivalpropositionspointtocontrastingoutcomesfordemocracyinapost-conflictcontext.• Onesaysthatdemocracyisthebestmedicinefor
dealingwiththeviolencethatremainsathreatinsocietiesthathavesufferedextremeconflict.
• Theothersaysthatdemocracytendstoaggravateviolenceinthiscontextbecauseitinvolvescompetitionbetweendifferentindividuals,partiesandfactions.Thesetwopropositions,whichpointtoopposite
outcomes,couldperhapsbereconciledinanotherpropositiondrawnfromJackSnyder(FromVotingtoViolence,DemocratizationandNationalistConflict,2000).SinceconflictswithinStateshaveinrecent
Attheprovincialanddistrictlevels,theyattendtothewelfareneedsofcitizens,suchashealthcare,
education,transportationandinfrastructure.Atthedistrictandlocallevels,theyattendtodaily
needs,suchaswatersupply,thedistributionsystemforlife’sessentialneeds,lawandorder,andsoon.
However,distinctionsbetweenthepolicyneedsofapeople(whichwouldbeaddressedbythenationalauthority)andtheirbasicanddailyneeds(whicharetobedealtwithbyauthoritiesatlowerlevelsintheadministrativehierarchy)cannotbedrawnclearly.Theabilityoflocalauthoritiestomeetdailyneedsoften,perhapsalways,dependonthepolicydecisionsmadebynationalauthorities.
Thedifferenttiersofthedemocraticprocessshouldideallyworkinharmony.However,inmostsituationsthisisanimpossibledemand,sincedisagreementsandconflictsarepartofthebasicfabricofdemocracy.Morethanastateofperfectharmonythen,afunctioningdemocracydependsonacceptedmethodsofconflictresolution.
Themediaisoftenapartofthesystemofconflictresolution.Thisisnotbydeliberatedesign,sinceanymediaorganisationoroperatorthatseesthesettlementofpoliticalquarrelsaspartofitstaskwouldendupnotbeingreliableorauthentic.Rather,inprovidingavoicetodiversesocialgroupsandallowingpotentialdisputerstoengageinaconversation,themediaprovidesaplatformfor
electIonS And unItS of AdmInIStrAtIonAt the national level, elected bodies determine broad contours of policy.
the different tiers of the democratic process should ideally work in harmony. However,
in most situations this is an impossible demand, since disagreements and conflicts are part
of the basic fabric of democracy.
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timesbeentheconsequenceofso-called“ancienthatreds”,whicharisefromethnic,tribalandcommunaldifferences,Snyderproposesthatcertainprerequisitesneedtobefulfilledbeforedemocraticelectionscanbecomeapartofthesolutiontoconflict,ratherthanpartoftheproblem.Thesepreconditionsaresummedupasfollows.
“Thegradualdevelopmentoftheruleoflaw,animpartialbureaucracy,civilrightsandaprofessionalmedia,followedbytheholdingoffreeelections,shouldbeabletocreateanationalcivicidentitythattrumps‘ancienthatreds’.”
Thepurposeofthisdiscussionistounderlinehowelectionsaloneareinsufficientforguaranteeingpeace,securityandfreedom.Certainother
conditionsneedtobemettomakeelectionsviableandelectoralresultssustainable.Theseconditionsincludethefollowing.• Aneutralandimpartialbureaucracy,whichisthe
machineryofgovernance.Unlessthemachineryofgovernanceisfairandimpartial,peoplewillhavenofaiththatthosetheyelecttoleadthemwillreallybeabletodeliverwhattheypromise.
• Aprofessionalmedia,whichisthewatchdogofdemocracy.
Individualslivinginademocraticsocietycangettheirinformationfromdiversesources.Atfirsthand,theymayencountertheapparatusofgovernmentindifferentways.• Thepostoffice• Thetaxcollectors• Thewatersupplyboard• Theelectricitysupplyboard• Thefairpriceshop(wheregovernmentsundertakethe
distributionoffoodandotheressentials)• Thebank• Thepolicestation• Variousothers
Peoplereceivediverseinputsofinformationfromthesesources,allofwhichtheyseektoorganiseintoacoherentwhole.Inthispursuit,individualsusetheirownunderstanding.Anotheressentialsourceofinformationisthemedia.
Inthissense,themediaconstructsaworldofpoliticsandgovernanceinwhichanindividualcanparticipate.
However,themediaisnotaninstitutionthatexistsinaworldofitsown,detachedfromsociety.Mediaoutletsareownedandcontrolledbyindividualswhohavetheirowninterests,and
employjournalistswhohavetheirownpersonalopinionsonanymatter.
Ajournalistbringsseveralperspectivestothetaskofinterpretingtheworldofpoliticsandgovernanceforhisorheraudience,including:• Theindividualjournalist’sperspective.• Theperspectiveofthejournalist’sboss.• Theperspectivethatbestsuitsthemedia
organisation’scommercialinterests.• Thepublicservicejournalismperspective.
Thepublicservicejournalismapproachwillbetakenupinafullerdiscussionlater.However,wecanconcludethissectionbysummarisingsomeofthepointsdiscussedsofaraboutdemocracyandthemediainapost-conflictsituation.
Letusconsiderthewidely-heldbeliefthatdemocracyisthebestmedicineforcountriesprone
tHe medIA In democrAtIc SocIetIeS
democracy is itself a competitive game, involving potentially intense rivalries
between individuals and groups. there could be situations in which competitive politics
aggravates violent situations.
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tocontinualconflict.Ifseriousthoughtisnotgiventowhatconstitutesdemocracy,thenthispropositionwouldeasilypass.Butdemocracyisitselfacompetitivegame,involvingpotentiallyintenserivalriesbetweenindividualsandgroups.Therecouldbesituationsinwhichcompetitivepoliticsaggravatesviolentsituations.
How to avoid violent conflictWhatneedstobedonewhendemocraticpoliticalcompetitionbecomesapotentialtriggerforviolence?• Weneedagreementontherulesofthegame.• Weneedarefereewhowillenforcetherulesof
thegame.• Weneedanagencythatwillinformthepeopleabout
therulesofthegame.• Weneedanagencythatwillhighlighteveryviolation
oftherulesofthegame.
Afghanistan’selectorallawprovidesforanIndependentElectionCommission(IEC)tobethe
overseerofallelection-relatedprocessesandactivities.However,themediacanbringspecificcasesandpublicconcernstotheIEC’sattention.Ina
sense,themediaalsofunctionsasareferee,althoughthatmaynotbeitsprimaryfunction.Animportantpointisthattheprimaryrefereewillfunctionmosteffectivelywhenitisawarethatisunderconstantwatchbyavigilantmedia.
Theessenceofthediscussionsofarcanbesummedupinthefollowingfashion(citedfromInstituteforMedia,PolicyandCivilSocietyandInternationalMediaSupport,Media+Elections:AnElectionsReportingHandbook,2004):• Freedomiswhenthepeoplecanspeak.• Democracyiswhenthegovernmentlistens.• Themediaisthemessenger.
In a sense, the media functions as a referee, though this may not be its primary function. However, the primary referee will function
most effectively when it is aware that it is under constant watch by a vigilant media.
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• Isaccurate,balancedandhonest.
• Looksforsolutions.
• Recognisesmanyvoices.
• Helpssocietyunderstanditself.
• Investigatesissuesofpublicinterest.
• Promotesissuesimportanttoallcitizens.
• Isresponsivetocitizens’needs.
• Buildstrustwithreaders,listenersandviewers.
Keepingthesevaluesandattributesinmind,thereaderofthishandbookcouldtakeanynewspaperornewsbroadcastofthedayandlookthroughitsreports.Takeanysampleofreportsfromtheday’snewspapersorfromtheday’sbroadcastsandtrytofigureoutthesourcesnamedineachreport.Thereadershouldaskhimselforherselfcertainquestions:
• Howmanyofthereportsusesinglesources?
• Howmanyusedualsources?
• Howmanyusemultiplesources?
• Whatisthenatureofthesourceusedineachofthese(governmentofficials,securityagencies,themaninthestreet)?
• Doeseachreportreflectorrepresentthevoiceofeveryindividualorgroupthatwouldhaveastakeinthematteritdescribes?
Thereadercouldthenreflecthowfarthesereportsmeetthepublicservicevaluesdiscussedabove.
Asanextstep,thereadercouldconsiderhowthesereportscouldbebetterwrittentoreflectthesevalues.Thefollowingquestionscouldbeasked:
• Whatisthelevelofpublicinterestinthereport?
• Howmanyofthesocialgroupsandcitizensthatthereaderencountersonadailybasiswouldbeinterestedinthereport’scontent?
• Whatothersourceswouldneedtobeincludedinthereport?
• Whichothervoiceswouldneedtobeheard?
• Isthereportaccurateandbalanced?
• Ifthereportpointstowardanyidentifiablesocialproblem,doesitalsoindicatedirectionsinwhichsolutionscouldbefound?
Throughitsworkindifferentenvironments,theIFJhasevolvedaconceptofpublicservicejournalism.Itisa
distinctiveperspectivethatseekstoriseabovecommercial,partisanorpoliticalinterests,toreflectwhatpeoplethinkandwhatpeoplewantintermsofinformation.
Journalismcanbenarrowlyfocusedinitsinterests,cateringexclusivelytoaparticularsocialconstituency,reflectingonlytheinterestsandconcernsofthisconstituency.Thiscanmakethemediaapoorplatformforconstructingasocialdialoguethatcouldbethebasisforcreativeproblem-solving.
Publicservicejournalism,incontrast,seekstoreflectthediversityofthesocialmilieuinwhichitispractised.Itallowsamultiplicityofvoicestobeheardandcreatesawarenessinthemediaaudienceabouttherichnessanddiversityofthesocialenvironment.
Thefollowinglist,drawnfromvariousIFJpublications,summarisessomeoftheattributesofpublicservicejournalism.Itisjournalismthat:
• Promotesdemocracy,pluralismandtolerance.
• Strivesforquality.
puBlIc ServIce journAlISm perSpectIveS
public service journalism seeks to reflect the diversity
of the social milieu in which it is practised. It allows a multiplicity
of voices to be heard and creates awareness in the media audience about the richness and diversity
of the social environment.
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puBlIc ServIce vAlueS Serve tHe peopleBy m. akbar
Publicservicejournalism(PSJ),Iwouldsay,isthejournalismofthepublic,orjournalismatthe
serviceofthepublic.SinceIworklargelyintheareaofPSJ,Icallitaroughfield,notintermsoftherightsandwagesenjoyed,butbecausethejournalistscannotimposetheirinterestsonthecommunity.PSJisnotunattractivebutit’spaleandcolourless,likewaterit’sclean,clearandglowing.
Inregardtoapproachesandaction,thisfieldofjournalismdiffersfromcommercialorcorporatejournalism.PSJisanimpartialandneutraljournalism,freeofpersonalinterestsandinterference.AsaformerchairmanoftheBBCputit,PSJcouldbesupportedbycommercialsbutnotsomuchastoloseitsvaluetothepublic.PSJnevergoesbeyonddefinedgoalsandobjectives,andthesearealwaysforthewelfareofcommunity,inconnectiontothepublicinterest,ratherthentoimposeacorporateinterestorapersonalinterestofthejournalistonthepublic.
Consideringthesefacts,wecansaythatwherethejournalistisneutral,hispersonalinterestorhiswillingnessisnotincludedinthesefields.Butwewillalsoaddthatthejournalist’sneutralityisonlyuptoapoint.Partisanshiporneutralityisallaboutanindividual’sattitude.Andwhenajournaliststartswritingastory,helooksattheproblemfromhisparticularangleofvision.Soistherereallyajournalismthatisimpartialandneutral?Andifso,towhatextentisthisapracticalvision?
Wearelivinginaworldwhichislikeavillage.Theneedsoftheglobalvillagearewider,deeperandstrongerinitsdimensionsthanindividualaspects.Climatechangeandtheozonelayerareglobalissues,terrorismexistsinAfghanistaninwhichphysicallywesuffer,butitalsohasaspectsanddimensionsthatmakeitaglobalissue.TheearthquakeinChina,thecycloneandfloodsinBurma,thepoliticalcrisisinPakistan,thestockexchangeratesinNewYork,TokyoandLondon–alltheseareglobalissues.
Andthenwehavethedailyneedsthatallofusface,likefood,water,clothing,healthcare–alltheseareissuesinterlinkedintoday’sglobalvillage.Thinkingforthegeneralinterest,discussingtheissuesrelatedtoeveryone’slife,consideringeveryone’sideasandreflections–thesearethejobsofPSJ.Theyarejobsleftundone,orverypoorlydone,bycorporatejournalism.
Ihaveoftenstatedthatwehavetwotypesofradioservices.Oneisthecorporateorcommercialradioandtheotheristhecommunityradio.
Corporateradioalwayslooksafteritsrevenueandlooksattheiraudienceaspassiveconsumers.Itbelongstoaspecificpersonorcompanyandthemostimportantcriteriaforthiskindofradioisprofit,becausecorporatemediadoesnotlookforsolutionsofcountry-wideissuesandproblems.
Notjustradio,corporatetelevisionalsofunctionsalongthesamelines.Butpublicservicemediaworksondifferentprinciples.Thoseinvolvedinpublicmediaconsiderthepublicinterestintheirownlanguageandpresentwhatevertheybroadcastinthevoiceofthepeople.Theyrespectallclassesofsociety,fromthefarmer,theworker,thesocialworker,theprofessional,theadministrator;theyconsidertheyoungandtheold,themaleandthefemale.Thepurposeofthisjournalismistoaccesstheissuesandproblems–andtheirsolutions–inthelanguageofthepeoplethemselves.
PSJisthevoiceofthepeople.Itthinksaboutthepeoples’beliefsandtraditionsandalwaysrespectsculturaldifferences.PSJdoesnotcatertothelowestcommondenominatorofaudiencetastes,butinsteadtellsthepeopletheirownstoriesintheirownlanguagethroughactorswhotrulyrepresentthem.Inthissense,PSJpromotesasenseofpublicownershipoverthemedia.
Withallthissaid,wemustconcedethatPSJisstillaninfantinAfghanistan.Andtodevelopthisinfantfurther,weneedtofaceseveralchallenges,suchas:commercialism,whichcoulddivideaudienceloyaltiesbetweendifferentcommercialandbusinessgroups,anddeprivethepublicofitsownershipinterest.Giventhetechnologicalchoicespossibletoday,suchasmultiplemodesoftransmissionthroughtheworldwideweb,thereareopportunitiesandthreatsforPSJ.
PSJcan,however,expanditsreachthroughthesupportofthepeople,giventheirunderstandingofitsbenefits,andthroughpoliticalandfinancialsupport.Withefficientnetworkingandappropriaterespectpaidtodiversity,PSJcouldbeaninstrumentofbuildingsolidarity.
Dr Akbar is a physician and a public service broadcaster based in Kabul.
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“Oneperson,onevote”isusuallytakentobethefundamentalruleofademocracy.However,thisremains,onadeeperview,aninadequateassurance.Morethanbeinggiventhevote,everypersonhastobeconvincedthathisorhervotecountsandthatitisofequalvalueasanyotherperson’s.Thuswecould,onamorefundamentalreading,take“oneperson,onevalue”asthebasicruleofdemocracy.
Whatarethesystemsinplaceforsecuringthisoutcome?Variouskindsofelectoralsystemsareinuseworldwide,suchasthefollowing.• Thesimpleplurality,single-memberdistrict(also
knownaswinnertakesall,or“firstpastthepost”).• Themajorityvote,single-memberdistrict.• Proportionalrepresentationsystems,ofwhichnotable
instancesaretheadditionalmembersystemandthesingletransferablevotesystem.Howdothesesystemswork?Whataretheirplusand
minuspoints?
Simple plurality, single-member district
fundAmentAlS of electorAl proceSSeS
British parliamentary elections follow this system. Toillustratehowthissystemrewardsdisproportionatelythefirst-placeparty:
• Inthe2001generalelections, theLabourPartywon 62.5%of seatswith a 40.7% share of thevotes.
• TheConservativePartywon25.2%oftheseatswith31.7%ofthevotes.
• TheLiberalDemocratic Partywon7.9%of theseatswith18.3%ofthevotes.
Similarly,intheMay2005generalelectionsinBritain:• The Labour Party won 55% of the seats with
35.2%ofthevotes.• TheConservativePartywon30.7%oftheseats
with32.4%ofthevotes.• TheLiberalDemocratic Partywon9.6%of the
seatswith22%ofthevotes.Indiausesanidenticalsystem,althoughitismuchmorecomplexbecauseofthesizeofthecountryandthelargenumberofpartiesthatcontestelections.In the2004generalelections, theCongresspartywonmore seats than its main rival, the Bharatiya JanataParty(BJP),despitewinningalowershareofthenation-wide vote. This is because the Congress votes wereconcentrated within a relatively small number ofconstituencies,whilevotesfortheBJPwerespreadoveralargenumberofconstituencies.
Neitherpartyhadasufficientnumberofseatstoformagovernment. Sincebothwere aware that thiswouldbethe case, they had worked out several pre-electionalliances. These alliances are one way of ensuring thatvotes of different parties are pooled in each district,improvingthechancesofeachcoalition.Evenwiththis,the Congress-led coalition and its rival led by the BJP,wonalmostidenticalvoteshares–35percenteach–withthelatterwinningfractionallymore.Thenumberofseatswon by the Congress coalition in Parliament however,wassignificantlymore.Furtherdetailsontheworkingofthiselectoralsystem,anditsplusandminuspoints,canbefoundviatheElectoralReformsSocietyat:www.electoral-reform.org.uk
Inthesimpleplurality,single-memberdistrict,severalcandidatescontesteachdistrict.Thecandidatewiththemostvoteswins.Amongthesystem’sadvantagesisitssimplicity.Eachseatiscontestedbyseveralcandidatesfromidentifiedpoliticalparties.Andthewinneroftheseatiseasilyidentified.Bythisattribute,thewinningcandidateisaccountabletoaparticularwell-definedconstituencyorelectoraldistrict.Therelationshipbetweenthedistrictanditsrepresentativeisclearanddirect.
Thesinglemostsignificantdisadvantageofthissystemisthatacandidatemaywinwithaverysmallshareofthepopularvote(i.e.,thetotalnumberofvotescast).Forinstance,inanelectoraldistrictwheretherearefourormorecontestants,acandidatewithjustoveraquarterofthepopularvotecouldpotentiallywin.
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media for democracy in afghanistan
Themostsignificantproblemwiththissystemisthatitremovesthedirectlinkbetweenacandidateandthedistrict.Itcouldbearguedthatthislinkisnotofgreatconsequenceforalegislativebodyatthenationallevel,whichshouldbeconcernedwithbroadissuesofpolicyandtheprinciplesofgovernance.Thisargumentislikelytohavesomeweightonlyinsituationswhereacrediblesystemofdevolutionofpowertoprovincialandlocallevelbodiesexists.
Powerbringsresponsibility.Devolutionofpowersnormallyalsomeansdevolutionoftaxationauthority.Inunder-developedcountries,thecentrallegislaturecommonlyenjoysdisproportionateauthorityindetermininghowscarceresourcesaredeployed.Inthe
circumstances,itisoftennecessarytoestablishsomelinkbetweenelectedmembersofthecentrallegislatureandparticularregionsanddistricts.
Theadditionalmembersystemandthesingletransferablevotesystemrepresentdifferentwaysofseekingtoremedythesedeficienciesoftheproportionalrepresentationsystem.
Additional member system Theadditionalmembersystemisahybridofthesingle-member,simplepluralitysystemandtheproportionalrepresentationsystem.Itseekstoaddressthedeficienciesofbothbyestablishingadirectlinkbetweenelectedrepresentativesandtheirconstituencies.Underthissystem,eachpartyputsupacandidateineveryelectoralconstituencyandalsoputsforwarda“national”listofcandidates.Ifacandidatewinsaconstituency,hisorhernameistakenoffthelist.Allconstituenciesthendeclaretheirwinners.Afixednumberofseatsinthenationalparliamentarethendistributedinaccordancewiththeproportionofthetotalvotewonbyeachparty.TheGermanBundestag(FederalParliament),forinstance,has299memberswhoareelectedthroughdirectconstituency-basedelectionsandanother299whoareelectedthrougha“list”system.
Incertainvariantsoftheadditionalmembersystem,thereisathresholdthateverypartyhastoclear.Forinstance,apartyshouldhaveaminimumof4%ofthenationalvotetoqualifyforrepresentationintheparliament.Thethresholdhelpstoensurethatthepartyprofileoftheparliamentisnotexcessivelyfragmented,whichwouldmakethemanagementofparliamentarybusinessexcessivelydifficult.
Single transferable vote system Thesingletransferablevotesystemisanothervariantofaproportionalrepresentationsystem.Inthissystem,anindividualvotesnotjustforasingle
Two-round, simple majority system with single member districtsThissystemtypicallyinvolvestworoundsofvotingineverydistrict.Thefirstroundwouldeliminateallcandidateswhofailtoreachacertainpre-definedthresholdintermsofvoteshares.InFrance’ssystem,acandidatewouldwinifheorshesecures50%ofthetotalnumberofvotescast,numberingatleast25%ofthetotalnumberofeligiblevoters.Ifnocandidatequalifiesinthefirstround,allcandidateswhosevotesexceed12.5%ofthetotalnumberofeligiblevoterswouldgointoasecondround.
Inthesecondround,thecandidatewhowinsasimplemajoritywouldqualify.
Inanothervariant,thefirstroundwouldeliminateallexceptthetoptwocandidates.Thusamulti-corneredcontestwouldbecomeatwo-corneredone,enablingoneofthecandidatestoobtainaclear50%shareofthevoteinthesecondround.
Thissystemhastheadvantageofrequiringeachcandidatetoworktowardrepresentingtheinterestsofamajorityinhisorherdistrict.However,itisalongandcumbersomeprocess.
Itseekstoforce-fiteverycomplicatedelectoralsituationintoatwo-partycontest.However,eventheworld’smostsimpletwo-partyelectoralsystemispronetoseriousabusesandthreatsofgerrymandering,ordrawingelectoralboundariesinamannerthatwouldsuitparticulargroupsanddepriveothersofafairsayintheelection.
Afurtherdeficiencywiththissystemisthatsmallerpartieswithlegitimatepoliticalinterestsoftengetsqueezedout.
Proportional representation systemsDifferentversionsofproportionalrepresentationsystemsareusedaroundtheworld.Thepurposeofthissystemistoensurethateverypartyisrepresentedinproportiontoitssupportamongtheelectorate.
Inthemostgeneralformoftheproportionalrepresentationsystem:• Allpartiesputupalistofcandidatesbeforethe
election.• Allvotersthencasttheirvotes,indicatingtheirchoice
amongtheparties.• Partiesareawardedseatsinproportiontotheshareof
thevotetheyobtain.Thus,ina100-seatlegislature,ifPartyAgets43%of
thetotalvote,itwouldbeawarded43seats.Thefirst43candidatesinthelistsubmittedbyPartyAwouldbedeclaredelected.Theprocesswouldbethesameforallotherparties.
power brings responsibility. devolution of powers normally also means devolution of
taxation authority. In under-developed countries, the central legislature commonly enjoys
disproportionate authority in determining how scarce resources are deployed.
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media for democracy in afghanistan
candidate,butforanumberofcandidates,inpreferenceorder.Thus,insteadoftickingoffasinglecandidate’snameontheballotpaper,heorshewouldmark1,2,3,andsoon,againstanumberofcandidates’names.Acertainthresholdorquotaisfixedforacandidatetobeelected.Onceacandidatecrossesthatthreshold,anyfirstpreferencevotecastforhimorherwouldbedisregarded.Instead,thevotewouldbeassignedtothesecondpreferencecandidatemarked.Onceallthevotesarecountedandtherequirednumberofcandidateshasbeenelectedfromeachconstituency,theelectoralprocessisdeclaredover.However,ifthenumberofrepresentativesfallsshortinanyconstituency,thelowest-rankedcandidateintermsoffirst-preferencevotesiseliminated,andallhisorhervotesareassignedinaccordancewiththesecondpreferencesmarked.Thisprocesscontinuesuntiltherequirednumberofcandidatesisdeclaredvictoriousforeachconstituency.
ThesingletransferablevotesystemisusedintheRepublicofIrelandforelectionstothenationalparliament.Variousothercountrieshaveuseditforelectionstoprovincialandcitycouncils.Itsprincipaladvantageisdeemedtobethemultiplicityofchoicesitofferstovoters.Itpreservesacloselinkbetweenvotersandelectedrepresentatives.Candidatesareassessedontheirindividualmerit,notsomuchontheirpartyaffiliation,althoughpartyaffiliationcouldbeafactorinfluencingvoterpreference.
Single non-transferable vote systemThesinglenon-transferablevotesystemwasusedinAfghanistaninthelastroundofelectionstothenationalandprovincialcouncils.Underthissystem,thevotercastshisorhervoteforanindividualratherthanacandidate.Everyregionhasacertainnumberofseats,ofwhichsome
couldbereserved,asinAfghanistan,forwomencandidates.Inaparticularregionwith,say,10seats,thecandidateswiththetop10votetallieswouldqualify.
ThissystemwasusedinJapanbetween1948and1993.Itwasthenabandonedbecauseofseveralproblems.
Consideraregionwith10seats.Apartythatputsup10candidatesandwins,say,40%ofthevote,witheachcandidategetting4%,maygainnoseats.Incomparison,anotherpartymayputupthreecandidateswhowin8%each,forapartytotalof24%ofthevote.Thatpartywouldthenconceivablygetallthreecandidateselected.Thiswouldbemorelikelyiftherewerealargenumberofcandidatesinthefield,withtheresultthatthevoteswouldbethinlyspreadandthethresholdforvictorywouldberelativelylow.
Inaddition,iftwoofthe10seatsintheregionarereservedforwomen,thenthetoptwowomencandidateswouldgainentryintothenationalparliament,eveniftheirindividualvotetallieswerewellbelowthatgarneredbyothercandidates.
Thesinglenon-transferablevotesystemassignsarelativelyminorroleforpoliticalparties.Non-partybasedelectionsaredeemedtohaveanadvantageinAfghanistansincethepartysystemisincipient.However,non-partybasedsystemsmakethetaskofmanagingthebusinessofparliamentadditionallycomplicated.
WhatsystembestsuitsAfghanistan?A2004reportonAfghanistan’selectoralscene
(AndrewReynoldsandAndrewWilder,Free,FairorFlawed:ChallengesforLegitimateElectionsinAfghanistan,AfghanistanResearchandEvaluationUnit)observed:
“First-timeelectionsinpost-conflictdemocraciesneedtodoaparticularlygoodjoboftranslatingvotescastintoseatswonformajorities,minoritiesandindependents.Electionresultsareparticularlysusceptibletochallengeifthe‘losers’feelthattheoutcomeisunfairorrigged,orthevotingsystemhasdiscriminatedagainsttheircoreconstituency.”
ThemediacommunityinAfghanistancouldreflectoverthisproposition.Democraticelectionsareallaboutthewillofthepeople.Andinthecomplexityofnation-wideelectionsinacountrywithsuchgreatdiversityasAfghanistan,thepopularwillisoftendifficulttointerpret.Everypoliticalpartywouldinterpretthepopularaccordingtoitsinterests.
Inanobjectivesense,theclosestindicatorwouldprobablybetheshareofeachcandidateorpartyin
first-time elections in post-conflict democracies need to do a particularly good job
of translating votes cast into seats won for majorities, minorities and independents.
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media for democracy in afghanistan
thepopularvote.However,whentherearenocontestingpartieswithdefinedpoliticalprograms,thepopularwillisevenmoredifficulttointerpret.Withoutidentifiablepoliticalprogramsthatareadvocatedbyparticularparties,andwithouttheidentificationofcandidatesalignedtotheseprograms,peopletendtovoteaccordingtotheirethnicorcommunityidentity.Thisisoftendifficulttotranslateintoacoherentlegislativeprogramfornewlyelectedparliaments.
Whatthenistheelectoralsystemthatbestconvertsvoteswonintoafairdistributionofseatsinthelegislature?ThisquestioncouldbecomethesubjectforadebatewithinthemediainAfghanistan.
Inthecontextofthecommittedgoals(undertheBonnagreementof2001),thatAfghanistanwouldhavea“broad-based,gender-sensitive,multi-ethnicandfullyrepresentativegovernment”,theprincipalchallengebeforetheAfghanmediaistoarriveatanelectoralsystemthatbestachievesthesegoals.
Afghanistanstillhasachoicetomakeabouttheelectoralsystemthatbestsuitsitscircumstances:thefirst-past-the-postsystemandvariantsofproportionalrepresentation,includingthe“list”(whetherbasedprovinciallyornationally),theadditionalmembersystemorthesingletransferablevotesystem.
TheReynoldsandWilderstudylookedatthisquestionandfoundthatthe“provinciallybasedformoflistproportionalrepresentation(ListPR)isthesystemmostoftenadoptedforpost-conflictelectionsinemergingdemocracies”.CountriesthathaveoptedforthissystemwhileemergingfrombitterinternalconflictsincludeLiberia,SierraLeone,Mozambique,BosniaandHerzegovina,Namibia,CambodiaandEastTimor.Thestudy’sauthorsconclude,“Onapoliticallevel,ListPRismuchbetteratprovidingbasicgroundrulesthathelpbringaboutlastingstabilityinafragile,multi-ethnic,inchoatepoliticalclimate.”
Inconcludingthissection,wecouldrevisitthedeficienciesofthelistproportionalrepresentationsystemthatwereearlierdiscussed.Acrediblewayofovercomingthesedeficiencies,includingthefailuretoestablishastronglinkbetweenthepeopleoftheelectoraldistrictandtheirelectedrepresentatives,istoprovideforarealdevolutionofauthoritytoprovincial,districtandlocalbodies.Inthissense,thecompletionoftheelectoralcycleinAfghanistanisnomereluxury,butanecessaryconditionforsecuringastrongpopularinvestmentindemocracy.
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medIA AS AdvocAcyBy mohammad halim fidai
Advocacyistheattemptandplanforpublicreform,tobringaboutpositivechangesintermsofpolicyand
programs.Advocacyeffortsrequirethecollectionofinformationregardingspecificproblemsandchallenges.Theydefineproblem-solvingpossibilitiesandrecommendoptimalsolutions.Inbrief,advocacyistheattempttoachievetargetedgoals,andgainthesupportofothersforit.Advocacyisaresponsetoallchallengesexistinginademocraticsociety,wherepeoplesufferfromalackofinvolvement.Advocacyhasitsownwayandstyleofdoingthingsandadoptsdifferentstylesinresponsetoparticularsituations.Theexperiencedpractitionersgatherallrelevantinformation,puttogethertheiranalysesandinthelightoftheproblemathand,choosethebestmethod.Advocacycantakeplaceasapersonaleffort,throughpublicprotestsanddemonstrations.Itcanbeundertakenwithregardtolegislativeauthorities,judicialforumsandimplementingagencies.Themediaisanotherforumandinstrumentofadvocacy.Mediacanchangethewaysandapproachesofbothpolicymakersandpublic.Themediacanbeusedtoinformthepublicabouttherootcausesofproblemsthataffectthem.Andthepubliccanusethemediatoexploreproblemsolvingopportunities.Mediacanhighlighttheresources,servicesandthepossibilitiesavailableforproblemsolvinginsociety.OneoftheproblemsofdemocracyinAfghanistancouldbethatweareusingimportedpoliciesandstrategiesfromthewest,whichworklesseffectivelyhere.Forinstance,weinAfghanistanusetheJirgaasaconflict-resolutionmethod.Forvoluntarycommunitywork,wehavethetermAshar.ThereisthetermZakatforcharityandfinancialsupportfortheneedy,andforpublicinformationandinteractionsweusetheMasjidandtheKhanqa.Whymediaadvocacy?TheHolyprophetMohammad(PBUH)says“everyoneofyouisashepherdresponsibleforhisherd“.Everyoneisenjoinedtohaveasenseofresponsibilitytothecommunityhelivesinandinformothersabouttheirrights.Themediacannotonlyreportproblemsbutalsopointthewaytowardssoundandrationaloptionsinresolvingthem.Inouradvocacythroughthemedia,weshouldaskandinviteanswersforsuchkeyquestionsas:dopeoplewantademocraticprocessinthecountry?Isthereanyantagonismtotheprocess?Whatarethemaincausesforalackofunderstandingofthedemocraticprocess?Isthereadequateknowledgeandskillrelevanttotheissue?Whataretheadvantagesofmediaadvocacy?Themajor
benefitisthatissuesofpublicconcernaredebatedanddiscussedamongthepeoplewithastakeinresolvingtheseissues.Withouttheactiveinvolvementofthemediainquestionsofpublicimportance,civilsociety,governmentandprivatesectororganisationswouldfinditdifficulttogainanaudienceforproblemsolvingoptions.Whenwewanttousethemediaforadvocacypurposes,weshouldknowthelimitationsofthemedia.Everyindividualshouldknowthedemands,requirements,interestandpolicyofthemedia.Whatisthenatureofthemediaorganisation’saudience?Inwhichgeographicalareaarethey?Whatlanguagedotheyspeak?Whatmediawouldbeinterestedintheissues?Andwhatarelikelytobetheaudiencereactions?Issuesshouldbeaddressedinsuchmannerastoincreasetheaudienceandholdtheirattention.Newanglesoflookingataquestionshouldbeexplored,andaccurateandrelevantbackgroundprovidedoneverymatter.Alsothepeoplewhoaredealingwithmediaadvocacyshouldknowwhatisofinteresttothemedia.Repetitionsofoldandincompletestoriesshouldbeavoided.Andinformationprovidedtothemediashouldbesufficientforthemtobeinterestedandretaininterest.Selectionofthemediaisasimportantasthemessageyouwanttodeliver.Thepersondeliveringthemessageshouldalsohavetheauthoritytogaintheattentionofthemedia.Achecklistcouldbepreparedincludingsuchmattersas:whatistheaudiencewewanttotarget?Whydowewanttodeliverthemessagetothem?Whataretheirattitudestypically,onthematterwewanttotalktothemabout?Whatisthemediathathasthebestchanceofreachingthem?Whatisyourmessageabout?Whatarethebesttoolsfortransmittingthemessage?Theproblemsshouldbereflectedasmattersofuniversalratherthanindividualconcernandpracticaloptionstoaddresstheproblemshouldberecommended.Everyorganisationshouldhaveitsownpolicy.Mediaadvocacydiffersfrompublicrelationsandmarketingbecauseitisaimedatstrengtheningpubliccapacitiestoaddressissuesatthepolicylevel.Becauseitdealswithcomplexissuesofsocialimportance,mediaadvocacyhastobereadytoaddressmanychallenges.Journalistsmayaskhardandtrickyquestionsandtheadvocacyeffortshouldbereadywithlogicalexplanations.The author is a senior journalist based in Kabul and secretary of the South Asia Free Media Association, Afghanistan chapter.
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media for democracy in afghanistan
• Werethereomissionsinthevoters’rollsintheirareaorprovince?
• Ifso,didtheomissionsfollowanypattern,orindicateanypurposeofkeepingsomegroupofvotersoutoftheelectionprocess?
• Wasanopportunitygiventotheomittedpersonstoseekcorrections?
• Werecomplaintsdealtwithfairlyandwell?Anothercrucialaspectofelectoralprocessesis
thedemarcationofelectoralboundaries,orthedelimitationofdistricts.Throughthe2004-2005electioncycle,Afghanistanretainedthedemarcationofdistrictsthatexistedsincewellbeforetherecentturmoil.ThereiswideagreementthatthisdefinitionofelectoraldistrictsdoesnotdojusticetothesignificantshiftsandgrowthinpopulationthathaveoccurredinAfghanistan.Therefore,achievingaconsensusonprovincialanddistrictboundariesisofcrucialimportancebeforethenextroundofelections.Thisrequires,ataminimum,areliablepopulationcensus.
Thisissueisofimportanceintworespects.Firstly,thenumberofseatsthateachprovincegetsintheWolesiJirgadependsuponpopulationnumbers.Secondly,thedemarcationofelectoraldistricts,asandwhenthatisdone,dependsuponthepopulationdistributionwithinthedistrict.
Democracyworksonthefundamentalprincipleofoneperson,onevote.However,thisprincipleisoflittle
valueifitisnottranslatedintothemoreprofoundprincipleof“oneperson,onevalue”.Everypersonshouldberegisteredtovoteandeveryvoteshouldcount.UnderAfghanistan’selectionlaw,everycitizenisentitledtovoteprovidedheorsheis:• 18yearsofageormore.• Hasnotbeendeprivedofanypoliticalandcivilrights
byanauthoritativecourt.• Isregisteredinthevoters’registrationlist.
Undertheelectionlaw,theIndependentElectionCommission“mustcertifythevoters’rollorthesegmentsofthevoters’rolltobeusedintheelectionandmakeitavailableforinspectioninpublicplaces,determinedbyit,15daysbeforeanelection.
Readersofthishandbookarelikelytohavefirst-handknowledgeofthevoterregistrationprocessthattookplaceonanation-widescalebeforethelastroundofelectionsinAfghanistan.Theycouldaskthemselvesafewkeyquestions:
tHe logIStIcS And mecHAnIcS of free electIonS
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media for democracy in afghanistan
Thereisaparticularneedtoprovideadequaterepresentationforcommunitiesthatmaybeminoritieswithincertainprovinces.Gerrymandering,ordrawingdistrictboundariesinamannerthattiltstheadvantageinfavourofparticularpoliticalandethnicgroups,isaconstantthreatintheseprocesses.
Forinstance,ifthereisacompactpocketofaparticularethniccommunityinaprovinceinwhichtheyareaminority,thedelimitationprocesscouldaddressthematterintwoways.Itcouldeithercreateanelectoraldistrictaroundthispocket,sothatthecommunityinquestionisassuredofsomerepresentationfromtheprovince.Oritcouldcutthepockettwoorthreewaysandassigneachfragmenttoaneighbouringelectoraldistrict,sothatthecommunity’sidentityissubmergedwithinthatofthemajority.Thatway,
theywouldnotbeassuredofanyrepresentationfromtheprovince.
Resolvingthesematterssatisfactorilyrequiresaccuratedata,carefulnegotiationsandanattitudeoffair-mindednessonallsides.ThemediainAfghanistancouldpromoteafairoutcometothisdebatebycreatingtheconditionsforaconstructivedebateontheseissues.
Asofnow,thereremainsomeanomaliesinthevoterregistrationprocessinAfghanistan,asthefollowingtableshows.
Assumingthatthepopulationfiguresareaccurate,andtakingintoaccountthecentralstatisticalorganisationestimatethat55%ofthetotalAfghanistanpopulationisovertheageof18,thereshouldbe11,380,325votersinAfghanistan.
Assumingfurther,thatthefemale/malepopulationineveryagegroupisroughly50:50,thetotalnumberofvotersshouldcomprise5,690,163womenandthesamenumberofmen.Therecouldbeminordiscrepancies,butthefiguresshouldroughlybeinbalance.
However,ratherthana50:50distributionbetweenmenandwomen,thereisa59:41distributionatthenationallevelinAfghanistan.Thiscould,inasense,beseenastheinevitable
consequenceofprevalentsocialconservatismwhichdiscourageswomenfrombecomingactiveparticipantsintheelectoralprocess.However,thisexplanationdoesnotseemtoapplyinatleastoneregionofthecountry–theCentralHighlands–wherewomenoutnumbermen53:47.
TherearealsoproblemswiththevoterregistrationfiguresintheCentralHighlands,theEastandtheSouth-east,wherethenumberisfarinexcessofthepopulationinthe18-plusagegroup.
Central
Central Highlands
East
North
North-east
South
South-east
West
5,311,200
691,000
1,922,900
2,984,500
3,046,900
2,551,300
1,883,700
2,349,400
64.3%
129.5%
118.1%
90.2%
87.8%
96.6%
133.6%
97.3%
1,878,655 (62% men, 38% women)493,999 (47% men, 53% women)1,249,334 (58% men, 48% women)1,480,626 (52% men, 48% women)1,471,968 (55% men, 45% women)1,383,698 (79% men, 21% women)1,347,469 (53% men, 47% women)1,257,104 (59% men, 41% women)10,562,853 (59% men, 41% women)
TOTAL 20,691,500 92.8%
Registration numbers from joint election management board
Population statistics from central statistical organisation
Region Percentage of eligible voters registered
Source: Andrew Reynolds and Andrew Wilder. Free, Fair or Flawed: Challenges for Legitimate Elections in Afghanistan. 2004
Table 1: Population Versus Voter Registration in the Various Regions of Afghanistan
there is a particular need to provide adequate representation for communities
that may be minorities within certain provinces... the media could promote
a fair outcome by creating conditions for a constructive debate on these issues.
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TheseanomaliesneedtobesortedoutifdemocraticgovernancethroughperiodicelectionsistogaincredibilitywithinAfghanistan.
Withanothercycleofelectionsbeginningin2009,theIndependentElectionCommissionofAfghanistanneedstoshowtangibleprogressindemarcatingdistrictboundaries,drawingupelectoralrollsandregisteringallthosewhohavebeenleftout.Themediacancontributetothe
processbycreatingpublicawarenessandatransparentenvironmentinwhichtheseissuescanberesolved.
Thereisalsolikelytobesignificantpublicinterestinthesustainabilityoftheelectionsmachinery.
TheAfghanistanCompact,agreedattheLondonConferenceonAfghanistanfromJanuary31toFebruary1,2006,laiddownacomplexscheduleofcommitments.Butthefollowinginparticular,seemrelevant:• TheAfghanistanIndependentElectoral
Commissionwillhavethehighintegrity,capacityandresourcestoundertakeelectionsinanincreasinglyfiscallysustainablemannerbyend-2008,withtheGovernmentofAfghanistancontributingtotheextentpossibletothecostoffutureelectionsfromitsownresources.
• Apermanentcivilandvoterregistrywithasinglenationalidentitydocumentwillbeestablishedbyend-2009.
Oncethesefundamentalsaresortedout,themedianeedstofocusontheactuallogisticsofelections,includingthelarge-scaleprintingofballots,securingthemagainsttampering,andtransportingtheminadequatenumberstoeachpollingstation.Onelectionday,securitywillhavetobedeployedaroundeverypollingstation.Oncethepollingisfinished,crediblemeasuresneedtobetakentosecureballotboxesandtodisposeofunused
ballotpapers.AstheIFJworkshops
inAfghanistanrevealed,allthesefactorsweremajorissueswiththelastroundofelections.Themedianeedstobevigilantinidentifyinganypossiblefailuresofelectionauthoritiesintheserespects.
Thelocationofpollingboothsandthehoursallowedforpeopletocasttheirvotesareimportantelementsintheplanningofanelection.Eveninmaturedemocracies,certaingroupsofpeoplehavebeendeniedthefullfranchiserightbecauseofthelongdistancestheyhadtotravel
tofindapollingbooth.Again,ifthenumberofpollingboothsinan
areaisnotconsistentwiththedensityofvoters,thereisapossibilitythatvoterscouldqueueupforhoursandnotbeabletocasttheirvotewithinthetimeallowedforballoting.ComplaintsaboutthiskindofproblemhavebeenvoicedeveninmaturedemocraciessuchastheUnitedStates,particularlyinneighbourhoodswheretherelativelypoorandunderprivilegedlive.
Journalists reporting on elections should be attentive to the following
• Locationofpollingbooths• Populationdensityrelativetodensityofpollingbooths• Hoursallowedforpolling• Typicallivelihoodactivitiesinthearea–dotheseallow
enough time for people to cast their votes withoutunduebotherorriskofalossofincome?
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nation-state,politicalpartiesbeganforming,oftenaroundthenucleusofkeyclansortribes.
AlthoughthelastcycleofelectionsinAfghanistanwasnon-partybased,somepoliticalpartiesdidmaketheirpresencefelt.Intheinterestsoflong-termstabilityandviability,itmaybeessentialforAfghanistantodevelopacompetitivepartysystem.Legislaturesorganisedalongpartylinesarenormallymoreefficientattransactingtheirbusiness,sincepartiesprovideabasisforunifiedactionbylargeblocsofelectedrepresentatives.Withoutthedisciplineofthepartysystem,everylegislativebodybecomesadisparategroupinwhicheveryelectedmember
wouldessentiallyfunctionaccordingtohisorherownagenda.
Inthelead-uptothenextcycleofelections,themediacouldfocusonthe
politicalpartiesthatplayedasignificantroleinthelastroundofelections.• Whoweretheirleaders?• Wheredidtheycomefrom?• WhatfuturedidtheypromiseforAfghanistan?• Whoelsesharedinthisvisionofthefutureof
Afghanistan?
Politicalpartiesareintegralelementsofthecompetitiveelectoralsystem.Howdidthey
originate?Andwhydidtheyoriginate?Thereisnoagreedanswertothesequestions.
TheoriginsofpoliticalpartiessuchasIndia’sCongressParty,thePakistanMuslimLeague,theLabourPartyinBritainandtheRepublicanPartyintheUnitedStatescanindeedbetraced.Yettheoriginofaparty,asanecessarypartofdemocraticpractice,isnotquitesoeasilytraced.AstheOxfordCompaniontoPoliticsoftheWorld(OxfordUniversityPress,1993)putsit,“...aspowergraduallyconcentratedinthemodernState,groups(usuallycalledfactions,sometimesparties)formedaroundkeyleadersorfamiliestostruggleforitscontrol.”
Inotherwords,aspoliticsbecamemorecomplexandpowerbeganshiftingfromclansandtribalunitstothe
polItIcAl pArtIeS And cAmpAIgn StrAtegIeS
In the interests of long-term stability and viability, it may be essential for
Afghanistan to develop a competitive party system. legislatures organised on party
lines are normally more efficient.
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• Whatistheirstatusnow?• Whatrolecantheybeexpectedtoplayinfuture
elections?ThefollowingdefinitionisfoundunderArticle2ofAfghanistan’sPoliticalPartiesLaw:
Inthislaw,‘politicalparty’meansanorganisedsocietyconsistingofindividualswhichundertakesactivitiesforattainingitspoliticalobjectives,locallyand/ornationwide,basedontheprovisionsofthislawanditsownconstitution.
UnderArticle6ofthelaw,politicalpartiesshallnot:1. Pursueobjectivesthatareopposedtotheprinciplesof
theholyreligionIslam.2. Useforce,orthreatenwith,orpropagate,theuseof
force.3. Incitetoethnic,racial,religiousorregional
discrimination.
4. Createarealdangertotherightsandfreedomofindividualsorintentionallydisruptpublicorderandsecurity.
5. Havemilitaryorganisationsoraffiliationswitharmedforces.
6. Receivefundsfromforeignsources.Thislistofprohibitedactivitiesforapolitical
partymayseemunexceptionable.However,thepointaboutlawsistoobservetheminpractice,ratherthanprinciple.Inthelead-uptothenextcycleofelections,themediainAfghanistancouldinitiateapublicdebateonwhethertheserestraintsonpoliticalpartiesarewarranted,fairorpronetoabuse.Thiscouldbeapartoftheeffortatre-energisingthepartysystemforthebenefitofdemocracyinAfghanistan.
AccountABle governAnceAnd democrAtIc pArtIcIpAtIon
ThestrengthandcourageofAfghanistan’sjournalistshasenabledthegrowthofastrongandvibrant
media,whichisnowanimportantcomponentofAfghanistan’sfragilenewdemocracy,sometimesmoreeffectivethanotherinstitutionsofstate.
Asthemediagrowsinstrengthandreach,sodothechallengesfacingAfghanistan’sjournalists.Thereareincreasingattemptsatcensorship,threats,violence,kidnappingsandarrestsandmurders.MytaskistoaddresswhatIwouldcalltheothersideofthecoin.Nottheactsofcommissionwhichareeasytoseeanddocument,buttheactsofomission,thewithholdingofinformation,whichisdifficulttoseeandthereforemuchmoredifficulttocombat.
Inthelongrunitistheabsenceofinformationwhichcanposeanequalorevengreaterthreattomediafreedombylimitingtheambitofthemedia,ensuringanautomaticcompliance.
Asnationstatesgrow,sodotheirmeansofcontrollinginformationandtheaccesstoit.Bywithholdinginformationfromthemediatheyareabletoshapepublicdebateanddiscourseandthereforepolicyandimplementation.
ThefirstrefugeofgovernmentsandotherinterestedpartiesseekingtowithholdinformationistoinvoketheprincipleofnationalinterestandsecurityandthisissomethingthatisamplyevidentinasituationofconflictasinAfghanistan.Informationontheongoingoperationsisverydifficulttoobtain.
Inmostofthebattlezonesitisimpossibletoreachandjournalistshavetorelyonwhatisreportedtothembythedifferentpartiestotheconflict.
OnagooddayanyAfghanjournalistcanhopetogetfourdifferentversionsofthetruthfromfourdifferentsources.Whilethismayseemprimitivetojournalistsfromdevelopingcountries,IwouldarguethatitactuallyrepresentsanopportunityforAfghanjournalists.Thelackofcoordinationbetweendifferentarmsofthestateentityallowsformultipleversionsofeventstofindtheirwayintothemedia,allowingthepublictoseethecontradictions.Mostpeopleconcludeperhapsthatthetruthliessomewhereinbetweenasitusuallydoes.Thiswouldbemuchmoredifficultwhenanationstatedevelopsawelloiledresponsethatcoordinatesandcontrolstheflowofinformation,puttingforwardonlyoneabsoluteandsanitisedversionofevents.
ThelackofrealinformationfromtheconflictareasissomethingthathasbeenacknowledgedbytheUnitedNationsashamperinghumanitarianassistancetotheconflictzones,atellingcommentaryonthereliabilityofinformationfromgovernmentandpro-governmentsources.
Dependingonwherethejournalistsareworking,theyfaceimmensepressuresfromgovernment,thesecurityforces,bothinternationalandnationalandtheanti-governmentforces,toputoutonlyoneversionofevents.Thosewhochoosetodootherwiseareseenasbeingeitherdifficultordisloyalorinthemostextremeexamplesastraitorsdeservingpunishment.
ByAunohitaMojumdar
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ThisisnotuniquetoAfghanistanbyalongshot.Mostcountries,includingmine,India,haveaverywelldevelopedstateapparatusthatensuresanationalconsensusonissuesofnationalsecurity.ForthereportingIdidonPunjabandKashmir,whichreportedonthedisenchantmentofthepeoplewiththeIndiangovernment,Iwaslabelledatraitor,anti-Indianandworse.Icanstatefromexperiencethatitisnotalabelthatiseasytowearandmanyjournalistssuccumbtotheconsensusofthestate,preferringtoexhibitloyaltytothegovernmentratherthantheirprofession.
WhiletravellingextensivelyinPunjabandKashmirhelpedmegatherinformation,itwasfarmoredifficulttodosowhenIbeganreportingonforeignaffairs.Diplomacyislargelyaneventthatisbasedonpolicy,notevents,andondecisionsbehindcloseddoors.Unsympatheticjournalistscanbeshutoutquiteeffectively.Thechoicethatsometimesfacescriticaljournalistsistoeitherstopcriticisingorfaceaninformationvacuum.Thevacuuminturn,likeallvacuums,getsfilled,naturally,bytheinformationthatisfedbytheauthorities,providinganunbalancedversionofevents.
Whileconflictsituationsarehopefullyreversible,thelackofinformationismoreinsidiouswhenitcomestodocumentinggovernance.Whileitiseasyenoughtorecordtheeventsinvolvingpoliticalfiguresincapitalsandurbancentres,collectingnewsaboutthebeneficiariesofgovernanceisverydifficult.Howarepeoplebenefitingfromtheprogramsandpolicies?Arethepolicieswrongortheimplementation?Whilehumanintereststoriesdocumentingtheplightofthepoorarenotunusual,itismoredifficulttogetspecificinformationontheindividualpolicies,programsandexpenditures.
Whilefewgovernmentswillopenlydenyinformationtothejournalist,theymakeitsodifficultthatmediaorganisations,whohavelimitedresourcesin
termsofmoneytimeandpeople,eventuallygiveup.InAfghanistan,forexample,whilethelarger
numbersrelatingtoaidandexpenditureareeasilythrownabout,specificdetailedbreakdownswhichwouldactuallygivetherealinformationabouttheeffectivenessaboutaprogramareveryhardtofind.Anyonehere,whohastriedtogetinformation,forexample,aboutdonorfunding,willknowwhatIamtalkingabout.ForthatmattereventheGovernmentofAfghanistancannotoftenfindouttheinformationfrominternationaldonors!Whethergovernmentorinternationalorganisations,informationisgivenasaprivilege,aconcessionratherthanarightandthisisthecentralaspectthatneedstochange.
SpecificlawsthatprovideforFreedomofInformationhavetobeenactedinordertoreversethisequation.InIndiatheGovernmenthasadoptedtheFreedomofInformationAct2005thatenableseverycitizentoaskforinformationonanygovernmentprogramorpolicy.Theonusofexplainingwhyinformationisnotbeinggivenisnowongovernmentofficialswhocanbeheldaccountableandpunishedfornotgivinginformation.
ThereissufficientanecdotalevidencefromIndia,tosuggestthatthosesufficientlyinterested–suchasgroupsworkingwithcommunities-haveusedthislawtoobtaininformationthatwouldotherwisebedeniedinthenormalcourse.
Oncedecision-makersknowthattheireverydecision,expenditureandpolicycanbesubjecttopublicscrutiny,theentireprocessofdecisionmakingwillchange,makinggovernmentsmoreaccountabletopeople.Afghanistanhasagreatwindowofopportunitytoseekthisrightattheinitialstagesofnationbuilding.Therighttoinformationisnottheanswertoallproblems,butitisaveryimportanttooltowardschangingthebalanceofpowertowardsmoreequitablegovernance.
The author is an independent journalist based in Kabul.
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• AretherecasesinwhichtheMediaCommission’sstatutorypowershavebeenapplied?
• Isself-regulationbythemediaabetteroption?Severalthingscangowrongwithelectionsandthe
medianeedstobecontinuallyonthealerttoblowthewhistlewhenifitcanseethingsgoingwrong.Achecklistmaybeusedbymediapractitionerstoassessthefairnessofanelectionasitisunderway(seeboxbelow).
Afghanistan’selectorallawprovidesfortheestablishmentofaMediaCommissionthatwill
monitortheperformanceofthemediathroughanelectioncampaignandensurethatacodeofconductisfollowed.
Thisisanunusuallegalprovision,sincethemediainmostcountriesisgovernedbyvoluntarycodesofconduct.Thefulltextoftheprovisionisintheboxbelow.
electIon cAmpAIgn coverAge
Provision for a Media Commission in Afghanistan’s electoral lawTheIndependentElectoralCommissionshallsetup,atleast60dayspriortotheelectiondate,aMediaCommissiontomonitorthereportingandcoverageoftheelectoralcampaignandadviseitonanybreachesoffairreportingandcoverageoftheelectioncampaignandofanybreachesoftheprovisionsofthecodeofconduct(procedures)fortheelectionsrelatingtothemediathatmayoccurduringtheelectioncampaign.FollowingtherecommendationoftheMC,theIECmayissueapublicreprimandofthemediainvolvedorreferthemattertotheDirectorofPublicProsecutions.
Journalists’organisationshavealwaysbeenveryprotectiveoftheirautonomyinthefaceofexternaleffortsatregulation.Codesofconductforthemedianormallyevolvevoluntarily.Themediashouldkeepafloatthedebateonthisissue.Ethicaljournalismincontemporaryunderstandingisnotaboutanexternalimpositionofstandards.Itisaboutinstitutingsufficientchecksandbalanceswithintheinternaleditorialprocessesofthemedia.Threequestionsareespeciallypertinent:• Whatarethemeritsofthislegalprovisionandhow
hasitworkedinthepast?
media checklist• Arevoters’listscomplete?• Arevoterswhoarenotlistedabletogetonthelist
byshowingproperidentification?• Aretheballotseasilyunderstoodbyvoterswho
cannotread?• Dovoterseasilyunderstandthevotinginstructions?• Arethereenoughballots,ballotboxesandofficials
toobservethevotingandcounttheballots?• Aretheresecurityarrangementstoprotectthe
ballotboxessonoonecanstuffthemwithfalseballots?
• Istheelectioncommissionseenasimpartial,independentandhonest?
• Doestheelectioncommissionrespondquicklytocomplaintsfromthemedia,thevotersandthepoliticalpartiesaboutallallegedviolationsoftheelectionlaws?
• Doestheelectioncommissioninvestigateandstopviolationsoftheelectionlaw?
• Areviolatorspenalisedinanyway?• Isthestatemediaprovidingreliablecoverageofall
thecandidatesandparties?• Isthecoveragebythestatemediaaccurate,
impartial,responsibleandfair?• Doesprivatemedia–newspapers,radioand
television–providereliableandfairreporting?• Doesprivatemediatreatallparties’advertising
equally?
Source:IMPACS.Elections+Media:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.
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Understanding campaign strategiesAnessentialstrategyofapoliticalpartyistowinthevotesofpeoplewhosupportedthepartyinthepast.Thistraditionalsupportiscalledtheparty’spoliticalbase,orcorevote.However,fewpartieswinonthestrengthmerelyoftheircorevote.Thisrequiresthattheymakeanaggressiveefforttowinoverundecidedvoters.
Politicalpartiesoftenworkoutelaboratemediastrategiestorepresentthemselvesthroughthemediatoawideraudience,tomakethemselveslookgoodandtohelpthemwinoverundecidedvoters.Journalistsneedtobeawareofthestrategiesofnewsmanipulationand“spin”,whichareincreasinglyusedbypartiestoensurethatthemediaprojectstheminagoodlight.
Combat spin and news manipulation• Asktoughquestionsatpressconferences(butbe
politeandrespectful).• Donotletpoliticiansandcandidatesdealonlywith
issuesthatmakethemlookgood.• Referallclaimsmadebypoliticianstorivalsorto
thebroaderpublic.• Bringthesebroaderopinionsintoanyreportona
politicalleaderoraparty.Source: IMPACS.Elections+Media:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.
Reporting press conferences and campaign speechesPoliticalspeechesshould,totheextentpossible,be
reportedinthecandidate’sownwords.Ifoffensiveorintemperatelanguageisused,ajournalistandmediainstitutionshouldrefrainfromcensorship,butseektoproduceasaccurateareportaspossiblewithoutoffendinggoodtaste.Ifthereisaseriousriskofcausingpublicoffence,themediashouldreportthespeechbutseektodistanceitselffromthesentimentsexpressed,byusingappropriatedisclaimers.Ifthewordsaresuchthattheycausedamagetoanother’sreputation,theaffectedpartymustbegivenarighttoreply.
Asidefromcampaignspeechesandthewordsspokenatpoliticalralliesandmeetings,ajournalistwillalsoseektocapturetheatmosphereandthepublicmood.Followingisanillustrative,thoughnotexhaustive,listofthingsajournalistmightconsiderinpreparinghisorherreport.• Howmanypeoplewereatthemeetingorrally?• Howfarhadtheytravelledtobethere?• Howdidtheygetthere?• Weretheybroughtinbythecandidateorparty,ordid
theyarriveontheirown?• Whatwasthecompositionoftheaudienceintermsof
likelyethnicaffiliationorpoliticalpreference?• Wereallgroupsmixedwithintheaudienceordidthey
occupyseparateplaces?
• Howdidsectionsoftheaudiencerespondtodifferentpartsofthespeech?
• Whatweretheinterestsandconcernsoftheaudienceaccordingtoyourinteractionswiththem?
• Didthespeechtouchonanyoftheseconcerns?Finally,whilethereportisbeingpreparedfor
publicationorbroadcast,thereareseveralquestionsthatajournalistcouldaskhimselforherselfbeforereportingelectionnews(seeboxbelow).
Is the report complete?• Isthisreportaccurate?Arethefactsandnames
correctanddoIbelievetheinformationistrue?HaveImadeeveryefforttoconfirmtheinformationistrue?
• Isthisreportimpartialandbalancedfairly?Doesitincludebothsidesoralternativeviewsanddoesitpresentthenewswithoutgivinganyspecialfavourtoonepartyorcandidate?
• Isthisresponsiblejournalism?Wasthisnewsobtainedwithoutbribesorillegalactionsanddoesitprotectsourcesandnotviolatetheelectionandpresslaws?
• Isthisreportvoter-focused?Doesithavesignificantnewsforthevoters?Doesitpresenttheconcernsofvoterstothepoliticians?
• Isthisthewholepicture?Dothewords,imagesand/oraudiogiveatruepictureofthemostimportantthingthathappenedattheevent?
• Willthisnewsreporthelptomakethevoterswell-informed,sotheycanvotewisely,intheirownbestinterest?
• Isthiselectionfreeandfair?Isthereothernewsaboutthiselectionthatshouldbereported?
Source:IMPACS.Media+Elections:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.
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prActIcAl WAyS to furtHer preSS freedomSByAnandK.Sahay
Intheidealworld,agoodfairywouldgiveusapileofmoneyandsay,gostartanewspaper.Shemightalsosaygochooseyourowneditor,orasameasureofcaution,mightpickfromamongperfectstrangersaseniorjournalistofintegrityandexperiencetoeditthejournal.Andthen,shemightsay,hereonyouareonyourown;don’tbothermeanymorewithphonecallsandmessagesuntilyou’verunoutofmoney!
Thisistooperfect,ofcourse,anditneverworksthatway.ButIstartwiththisimaginationsinceIbelievethatpromiscuityinnewsorganizations-inotherwords,themanipulationorcurbingofnormalnews/currentaffairsworkinapaperorradioorTVstation-doesveryoftenstartatthetop.Ifmediaproprietorsweremorelikeourgoodfairyandtheywerenotwhimsical,didnothavetheirownpoliticalandbusinessagendas,anddidnotchopandchangeeditorsasmuchastheydoinorderto“laydowntheline”,atypicalnewspaperwouldenjoyamuchgreaterdegreeoffreedominitsday-to-dayrunning.
Iamkeenlyawarethattherearelargersystemicforcesatwork-suchasgovernments,militaryoligarchies,powerfulorganisedgroupsintheshapeofbusinessforums,thereligiousestablishment,crimesyndicatesandterrororganisationsinpursuitoftheirgoals-whichexertgreatpressureonthemedia,andreduceitsautonomy.Inextremecases,journalistsendupdead,aswesawnotlongagoinAfghanistan.Indeed,sincedemocracy,asthetermisbroadlyunderstood,isnotupandrunningingreatpartsoftheglobe,curbsonthemediadotypicallyemanatefromsourcessuchastheonescitedabove.
Nevertheless,itisalsomyunderstandingthatinanon-democraticsocio-politicalenvironment,keyactorsseektoownmediaoutletsintheexpectationthatthesewouldfurthertheirinfluenceandleverageinthewidergameofpowerthatisbeingplayedout,orfurthertheirobjectofgettingholdofasmuchofthefloatingfundsinthesystemthattheycanlaytheirhandsonthroughpolicymanipulationorcronynetworks.Thusmediaproprietorsarelikeotherpowerplayersandtheymakesurethattheirpapersorradioortelevisionstationsaremandatedtoserveaspecificinterestwhichmayonlytangentiallycorrespondtothebroadpublicinterest.
Itisfutiletoexpectthatsuchmediawouldaspiretobedisseminatorsofobjectivenewsreportsandanalyses,andbalancedcomment,intheserviceofsocietywiththeobjectofprovidinguntaintedinformationthatmaybecomeakeyfactorinhelpingcitizensmakedemocraticchoices.Butwhatissurprisingisthatmediabaronsindemocraticsystemsarenotinfrequentlyanautocraticpresence.Theiractionshavedirecteffectsforindependenceofthemedia.Andthisiswhatinterestsmehere.
Inrecentdays,acertainConradBlackhasbeeninthenews.Hecouldpossiblygotojailfor35yearsfordefrauding
shareholders.ThisMrBlackpresidedoveranewspaperchaininNorthAmerica,butcertainlythemostprestigiouspublicationsinhisstableweretheDailyTelegraphofLondonandtheJerusalemPost.IdonotknowhowheranthePost,buthissteam-rollingofeditorsandotherjournalistsattheTelegrapharegraphicallyrecordedinawell-regardedbookbyoneofthemoredistinguishededitorswhoservedunderhim.
Anothermediamagnate,RupertMurdoch,hasintereststhatstraddletheworld.HeownsthehoaryLondonTimesandalsotheSun,thesassytabloid-twoverydifferentkindsofproducts.SuchwashishandlingofeditorsandeditorialmattersthatasignificantbodyofjournalistsdepartedtheTimestostarttheIndependent.
Inmyowncountry,India,theequationbetweenjournalistsandtheiremployerscorrespondsmorecloselytotheMurdochmodel.Journalistsatalllevelsareaskedtopacktheirbagsatshortnotice.Seniorwritersandeditorsaremorevulnerablebecausetheyareusuallyonshort-termcontractsthatmayormaynotberenewed.
Naturally,inmostcases,theydoastheyaretold.Ifjournalisticindependencetoinformsocietyinasunbiasedamanneraspossibleisacasualty,sobeit.
Sinceitistheunspokenthreatoflosingemploymentthatmakesjournalistsdoastheyaretold,andthisisnearlyalwaystothedetrimentofmediaindependence,theonlywaytoensurethatmediafreedomsarenottrampledonwitheaseistoensurethatjournalistscannotbethrownoutofjobswithease.
Ifjournalistsandeditorsknewthattheycannotberemovedonawhim,theyaremorelikelytoworkinaprofessionalmannerandresistpressurestomouldfacts,analyses,andopinionstosuitparticularinterests.Thisistrueasmuchofthedemocraticworldasofothercountries.
Butitisdoubtfulthatjournalistsalone,nomatterhowwellorganisedtheyare,canensurethepassageoflegislationthatmakesitdifficulttosackthemfromtheirjobs.Professionalmediaworkersneedtoestablishfirminstitutionallinkswithothercivilsocietybodiesinordertosucceedinthiseffort.
ThereisonlyoneotherissueIwouldliketorefertohere.Thisisthematterofjournalisteducationandtraining.Ifjournalistsareintellectuallybetterequippedthantheyare,theywillunderstandbettertherolethattheyplayinthefurtheranceofdemocracy.Theywillunderstandbetterthattheend-productoftheircollectivelaboursiscrucialtokeepingthewheelsofdemocracyrunningonlyiftheyhaveabetterappreciationofhistory,politicalaffairs,andtheevolutionofhumansocietyandstatesystemsinthemodernera.Intheabsenceofthis,journalistsaremerelyinstrumentswhoputpentopaper.
The author is a former Kabul correspondent for the Press Trust of India.
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1. Fundamental PrinciplesRespectfortruthandtherightofeveryindividualtoknow,aretheprimaryobligationsofjournalists.Accesstoinformationistherightofeveryindividualandthemediashouldfulfillthisrightinamannerthatisattentivetonational,culturalandreligioussensibilities.Thatthecreationofatolerant,peacefulandjustsocietydependsuponthefreedomofcitizenstohaveaccesstoauthenticinformationaboutthesocial,politicalandnaturalenvironmenttheylivein.Thatthisneedisinvitalfashionservedifcitizenshaveaccesstoqualitymediathatrespecttheprinciplesofpluralism,diversityanduniversalrespectforhumanrights.Alljournalistsandmediastaffhavetherighttoworkinconditionsofsafetyandsecurity.Theyhavetherighttofreedomofassociationandtocollectivelybargainforwagesandappropriateworkingconditions.Individualcitizenshavetherighttoinformationandjournalistsasidefromtheirrightsasaprofessionalcommunityareobligatedtoholdasapublictrust,thebroaderrightsofthecitizensofAfghanistan.Itisrecognisedbyallthejournalists’organisationsthatthecreationofasinglenationalvoiceforjournalistsonprofessionalissuesiscentraltoadvancingtheirrightsasaprofessionalcommunityinAfghanistan.Thisclaimtoadistinctsetofrightsasaprofessionalcommunityisunderlinedbyanethicalcodethatcommitsjournaliststothepublicrighttoknow.JournalismandmediapolicyinAfghanistanmustbeguidedbythefollowingprinciples:
• Thatmedia,whateverthemodeofdissemination,areindependent,tolerantandreflectdiversityofopinionenablingfulldemocraticexchangewithinandamongallcommunities,whetherbasedongeography,ethnicorigins,religiousbelieforlanguage;
• Thatlawsdefendandprotectthecitizens'rightstofreedomofinformationandtherighttoknow;
• Thatthereisrespectfordecentworkingandprofessionalconditions,throughlegallyenforceableemploymentrightsandappropriateregulationsthatguaranteeeditorialindependenceandrecognitionoftheprofessionofjournalism.
2. Editorial IndependenceAllmedia,whetherpublicorprivate,mustupholdethicalconductinjournalism,supportprofessionalindependence,exercisetolerance,andrespectthedemocraticrightsofallcitizens.
Thetreatmentofnewsandinformationasacommodityforeconomicgain,forpoliticalends,orinsupportofnarrowlydefinedculturalorreligiousobjectivesmustnotoverrideorinterferewiththe
As declared unanimously at the National Media Summit, Kabul, July 31, 2007:
REPRESENTATIVES OF MEDIA PRACTITIONERS FROM ALL OF AFGHANISTAN, INCLUDING THE AFGHAN INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS’ ASSOCIATION, THE COMMITTEE TO PROTECT AFGHAN JOURNALISTS, THE CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISM, THE AFGHANISTAN CHAPTER OF THE SOUTH ASIAN FREE MEDIA ASSOCIATION AND OTHER FRATERNAL PROFESSIONAL ORGANISATIONS AND CIVIL SOCIETY GROUPS, MEETING AT A NATIONAL MEDIA SUMMIT AT KABUL ON JULY 31, 2007, WITH THE PARTICIPATION AND TECHNICAL SUPPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS (IFJ) AND THE FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION, DECLARES ITS ENDORSEMENT OF THIS CHARTER FOR A DEMOCRATIC AND PLURALIST MEDIA CULTURE AND SOCIAL AND PROFESSIONAL RIGHTS FOR MEDIA AND JOURNALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND COMMITS ITS PARTICIPATING ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR RESPECTIVE MEMBERSHIPS TO A PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF ACTION TO OPERATIONALISE THE PRINCIPLES OF THIS CHARTER, OF WHICH SOME HAVE BEEN OUTLINED BELOW.
Fair, balanced and independent mediaisessentialtogoodgovernance,effectivepublicadministrationandthecapacityoftheAfghannationtofindapathwayoutofthesituationofinternalturmoil,politicalinstabilityandexternaltutelagethatitfindsitselfin.Aprofessionalmediawitharesponsibilitytothepublicinterest,independentofgovernmentorpartisaninfluenceandinterference,isavitalpartoftheseriesofchecksandbalancescentraltodemocracy.
ThepracticeofjournalisminAfghanistanfacesmanychallenges.ThesechallengesareofconcerntoallcitizensofAfghanistanbutjournalists,workingtogetherinprofessionalsolidarity,bybuildingacultureofindependentjournalism,haveapivotalroleinleadingthecampaignformediareform.Thereneedstodevelopastrong,democraticpublicserviceculturewithinthenewsmediasothatitreflectstherichnessofsociety,servesthewholecommunityindependentofethnic,commercial,partisanorgovernmentinterestsandprovidesapluralityofvoicesfromacrossthespectrumofsocietyinAfghanistan.Thischartersetsouttheminimumstandardsandprinciplesthatunderpinthepublic’srighttoknowandafreemediainademocraticsocietyandoutlinesapracticalprogramofactiontosupportmediareform.
AppendIx Icharter for a democratic and pluralist media culture and Social and professional rights for media and journalism in Afghanistan
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dutyofjournalistsandmediatoinformandeducatethepublic.
Mediamustneverbeusedasinstrumentsofpropagandatosupportviolenceandextremism.Mediacontentmustnot,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,legitimiseviolenceorextremism.Responsibilityforethicalconductinjournalismrestswithmediaprofessionalswhoshouldberesponsiblefordrawingupcodesofethicalconductandwhoshouldestablishcredibleandaccountablesystemsofself-regulation.
Thereshouldbenolegislationbeyondthegenerallawthatinterferesinmattersthataretheresponsibilityofworkingjournalists:namely,thegathering,preparation,selectionandtransmissionofinformation.Freedomofexpression,pressfreedomandfreedomofassociationshouldbeguaranteedinlawinaccordancewithinternationalstandards.
Inaddition,mediapolicyshouldencouragetheadoptionofinternaleditorialstatutesandotherprovisionssafeguardingtheindependenceofjournalistsinallAfghanmedia.
TheIFJCodeofPrinciplesfortheConductofJournalismprovidesethicalcodessupportedbyallIFJaffiliatednationalrepresentativeorganisationsofjournalists.ThesecouldbestudiedbyprofessionalbodiesofjournalistsinAfghanistan,whowillseekthroughdialoguewithotherconcernedbodieslikepublishers,newspaperworkersandnewsconsumers,toevolveanappropriatecodeofconductfortheAfghancontext.
3. Media Pluralism, Public Service and Open GovernmentAfghanistanmustpromotetransparency,opengovernmentandfreedomofinformationandensuretheparticipationofallcitizensindevelopingademocraticculturetostrengthenthecohesionofallcommunities.Politicalpartiesandauthoritiesshouldrespecttheroleofmediatoreport,inanindependentandcriticalmanner,onallaspectsofgovernmentatalllevels.
Thereshouldbenolegal,regulatoryorpolicydevelopmentsinmediawithoutfullconsultationwithAfghanmediaandjournalistsandtheirrepresentativeorganisations.
Thelawmustguaranteecitizen’saccesstoinformationandfreedomofinformationatalllevelsofgovernment.
Theremustbenounduepressureonmedia,exerciseddirectlyorindirectly,oranyinterferenceintheworkofjournalists.Wheresuchpressureisidentifieditshouldbeproperlyinvestigatedandappropriateremediestaken.
Publicservicevaluesinmediashouldberespectedinallstate-ownedmedia.Wheretheyarenotalreadyapplicable,thestatemediasectorshouldcommititselftohonouringthefollowingobjectives:
• Toremoveallformsofdirectpoliticalcontroloverthepublicservicemedia
• Tocreateaframeworkfortheadministrationofpublicservicemedia,inlinewithinternationalstandards,throughethical,accountableandfinanciallytransparentstructures
• Tosupporteditorialself-regulationbyjournalistsandmediaprofessionalsthatwillpromoteeditorialindependenceandhighstandardsofaccuracy,reliabilityandqualityininformationservices.
4. Social Dialogue, Rights of Journalists and MediaStructuresfordialogueshouldbesetupbringingtogetherrepresentativesofmediamanagementsandtheworkforcethroughtheirrepresentativemediaassociationsandtradeunionstoestablishabasisforprofessionaldialogueandindustrialrelationswithintheAfghanmedia.
Thereshouldbeopennessandtransparencyinthebusinessandsocialaffairsofallmediaenterprisesincludingfullpublicdisclosureofpoliticalaffiliationsandownershipinformation.
RepresentativesofmediaandtheworkforceshouldagreeanactionplantopromotetheeconomicandsocialdevelopmentofAfghanmedia,includingprovincialmediaandtotheextentpossible,mediacateringtoallknownlanguagesanddialects.
Minimallyacceptableworkingconditionsshouldbeagreedandimplementedforallmediastaffthroughcollectivebargainingprocessesthathonourthefollowingpriorities:
• Toensurethatallemployeeshaveanemploymentcontractsettingouttheirwages,workingconditionsandlabourrights;
• Toimprovethesafetyandsecurityofjournalistsandmediastaff;
• Tolimittheuseoffreelanceandcasuallabour,andwheretheyareused,toensureproperremunerationandequalrights;
• Toguaranteenon-discriminationandgenderequalityatalllevelsinmedia;
• Torecognisetherightsoftradesunionstoorganiseinmediaandtorepresentmediaworkersincludingjournalists;
• Toensurediversityinaccesstojournalismandtoprovideaccesstoproperprofessionaltraining.
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TheIFJ,therefore,reaffirmsitssupportfortheDeclarationofWindhoekofMay3rd1993whichidentifiesfundamentalprinciplesfortheestablishment,maintenanceandfosteringofanindependent,pluralisticandfreepresswhichisessentialtothedevelopmentandmaintenanceofdemocracyinanation,andforeconomicdevelopment.
TheIFJsupportstheCharteroftheUnitedNationsandstrengthenedinternationalco-operationbaseduponuniversalrespectfortradeunionandhumanrights.
TheIFJseeksendorsementatlocal,regional,nationalandinternationalleveloftheIFJCodeofPrinciplesontheConductofJournalismwhichformsthebasisforuniversalstandardsofethicalconductforthepracticeofprofessionaljournalism.
TheIFJbelievesmediaprofessionals,journalistsandeditorsandpublishers,bothinthewrittenandaudiovisualmedia,shouldengageindialogueinternallyandwithgovernmentalandintergovernmentalauthoritiesonthequestionofmediapolicy.Suchstructuresfordialogueshouldbringtogetherlegitimaterepresentativesofworkforce,managementandconsumerstodiscuss:
1. theeconomicandsocialdevelopmentofthemedia,andinparticular,theneedtolimitmonopolisationwhichcanthreatendiversityofinformationsourcesnecessaryforthepracticeofdemocracyatalllevelsinsociety;
2. theproblemsofunemploymentandjobinsecuritywhethercausedbyconcentrationofmassmediaownershiporotherwise;
3. thepracticalimplementationoflaws,policiesandstandardsdesignedtoassistinthedevelopmentoffreeandpluralisticmedia.
4. professional,economicandsocialconditionswithinthemediaincluding:
a) Thedevelopmentofopennessandtransparencyinthebusinessandsocialaffairsofallmediaenterprises.
b) Themaintenanceofindependentandrecognisedsystemsofprofessionaltrainingwhichreflecttheneedforhighqualityjournalism,independentanddistinctfrompoliticalandcommercialimperatives.
c) Legalrecognitionofmechanismsforthedefenceoffreedomofinformationandindependentjournalismsuchaseditorialstatutes.
d) Thecreationofsecureworkingconditionswithinmediaenterprises,baseduponequalityofopportunityandincludinglimitationsonexploitationoffreelanceandcasuallabour.
TheIFJcallsuponthejournaliststheworldovertouniteundertheprinciplesandpoliciesoftheIFJinthefightagainstcensorshipandpoliticalandeconomicoppression.
As adopted by journalists’ unions from 60 countries at the 21st World Congress of the IFJ, Montreal, June 8-13, 1992.
TheInternationalFederationofJournalistslookstothefuturewithconfidence.Webelievethatprofessionaljournalists,organisedinfreeandindependenttradeunions,playakeyroleinthecreationandmaintenanceofademocraticmediaculture.
TheIFJbelievesthatdemocracydependsupontheextensionoffreedomofexpressionandsocialjusticeworldwide.
TheIFJinsiststhatdemocracyisfullyrespectedwhenthereisanunderstandingofthespecialandparticularroleofthemediaindemocraticsociety.
TheIFJbelievesthattheroleofmediaindemocraticsocietyistoapplytheprinciplesofpressfreedomuponwhichthefreedomofexpressionandopinionrelies.
TheIFJconsidersthatthetreatmentofnewsandinformationasacommoditymustnotoverrideorinterferewiththedutyofjournaliststoinformtheiraudience.
TheIFJbelievesmediafreedomcanonlybeachievedwhenthereisrecognitionthat:
1. Afree,independentmediareflectingdiversityofopinionisapreconditionofdemocraticsocieties;
2. Thefreeflowofinformationisthelifebloodofcommunitieswhethertheybebasedongeography,ethnicorigins,sharedvaluesorcommonlanguage;
3. Freedomofexpressionandopinioncanonlyexistwherecitizen'srightstofreedomofinformationandtherighttoknowareguaranteed;
4. Theprofessionalintegrityandindependentroleofjournalismhavetoberespectedtoensureademocraticandpluralisticpressaroundtheworld;
5. Informationandculturalmaterialofcommunitiesmustnotbethreatenedforpoliticaloreconomicreasonsbytechnologicaldevelopments.
TheIFJcallsuponallgovernmentstoprovidealegalframeworkwhichwillensurethefreedomofinformation,freedomofaccesstosourcesofinformation,andthefreedomtopractiseprofessionaljournalismwithoutpressurefromeitherpoliticaloreconomicinterests.
TheIFJdemandsfullanduniversalrecognitionoftherightoffreedomofassociationandoftherightofjournalists'unionstobargaincollectivelyonbehalfoftheirmembers.
TheIFJopposestheuseofinformationmediabygovernments,stateauthoritiesorproprietorsfortheirownpoliticalorcommercialorpersonaladvantage.
TheIFJpromotesandcampaignsforthecreationofmaterialconditionsforthedevelopmentoffreedomofexpressionandopinion.
AppendIx IIthe Ifj’s manifesto for a democratic media culture
The IFJ is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation that promotes coordinated international action to defend press freedom and social justice through the development of strong, free and independent trade unions of journalists. IFJ Asia-Pacific coordinates IFJ activities in the Asia-Pacific region. The IFJ works closely with the United Nations, particularly UNESCO, the United Nations Human Rights Commission, WIPO and the ILO, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the European Union, the Council for Europe and with a range of international trade union and freedom of expression organisations. The IFJ mandate covers both professional and industrial interests of journalists.
Visit asiapacific.ifj.org or www.ifj.org for more information.