THEY ARE OLD ENOUGH TO CARRY GUNS, SHOULD WE TEACH THEM LIKE CHILDREN? THE APPLICATION OF ADULT LEARNING STRATEGIES

IN POLICE TRAINING

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Faculty

of

Purdue University

by

Donald Alan McCay

In Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree

of

Doctor of Philosophy

August 2011

Purdue University

West Lafayette, Indiana

ii

To those who run toward what all others run from…

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere appreciate to my graduate committee

for their support and assistance. I hope you find the end product worth your

effort. Dean Amass, I appreciate the opportunities you provided me. Your

dedication and motivation touched me deeply. Without encouragement from you

I would have no need to write any of this today. I wish to thank Dr. Talbert for

convincing me, a forty-something graduate student, that I could keep up with the

‘kids.’ It was your Adult Education course that inspired me to pursue this field of

study. Dr. Enersen, any aptitude I may have as a researcher I owe to you. More

than that though, I admire your witness and example. Thank you for agreeing to

serve on one last committee. Dr. Peters, we have been acquainted since my

freshman year. It was you who formed me into a teacher and it is my hope that I

honor your lessons every time I step in front of students. In this final leg of my

academic journey your commitment to me and my goals has amazed me. It was

a push from you that motivated me to begin my pursuit of a doctoral degree and

it was your leadership and mentorship that brought me to this day. I have no

words to fully express my gratitude for all you have done for me.

I also want to express my appreciation to the police academy staff that

made this study possible. Your dedication to our craft impressed me greatly.

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Your willingness to allow me into your facility is appreciated. Without your

support of this research the study would not have come to fruition. I will cherish

the time I spent with you always. Thank you for all that you do to prepare new

officers.

I also want to express my gratitude to Dr. Michael Birzer on whose work I

drew heavily for this study. Your email conversations helped me to become

convinced that I might have something worthwhile to say on this topic. Although

not one of your students, I benefited greatly from your professorship.

I want to thank my parents for all the opportunities they have given me.

Without your assistance that made it possible for me to attend class and have the

time needed for course work, I could have done none of this. More importantly, it

was your lived example that taught me life’s most important lessons. I hope I

show you how much I honor and love you both for I know I do not say it nearly

enough.

I feel I need to apologize to my son for all the times that he needed me

over the last five years and I was not fully available. Between work and school I

have not been the father I should have been but it is my intent to change that.

Dan, I love you more than you will ever know. I hope that I can be for you what

your grandparents have always been for me.

Finally, I want to thank Cyndi, a far better wife than I am husband. Your

support of me has meant more than you will ever know. I realize and appreciate

the family sacrifices that were made so that I could pursue my dream. Thank you

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for all that you have done so that I could do this. Most of all, thank you for loving

me.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABSTRACT........................................................................................................... ix

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................1

Introduction.........................................................................................................1

Development of Policing in the United States ....................................................3

Police Training in and Around Indiana................................................................7

Problem Statement.............................................................................................9

Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................10

Guiding Research Questions............................................................................12

Definition of Terms ...........................................................................................12

CHAPTER 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ...........................................................15

Task Analysis ...................................................................................................15

Research into Police Training, Historical and Current......................................16

Curriculum Theory ............................................................................................17

Police Subculture..............................................................................................21

Adult Education in Police Training....................................................................24

Military Training Related Research ..................................................................33

CHAPTER 3. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS ............................................35

Overview of Research Design ..........................................................................35

Guiding Research Questions............................................................................36

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Page

Rationale for Research Methodology ...............................................................37

Implementation of Research Strategies ...........................................................44

Site and Participants.........................................................................................51

Interview Questions ..........................................................................................55

Data Collection .................................................................................................60

CHAPTER 4. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS ..........................................................63

Introduction.......................................................................................................63

Personal Journey Through the Heuristic Process ............................................64

How Did I Get Here? ........................................................................................68

Do We Really Need To Be Here?.....................................................................78

I Understand What You Are Saying, But How Do I Do It?................................80

Is This the Military Police?................................................................................87

What Does It Mean?.......................................................................................101

Study Findings................................................................................................104

CHAPTER 5. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMMPLICATIONS....105

Summary ........................................................................................................105

Recommendations..........................................................................................109

Implications for Future Research....................................................................110

Concluding Remarks ......................................................................................112

LIST OF REFERENCES....................................................................................114

APPENDICES

Appendix A .....................................................................................................123

Appendix B .....................................................................................................124

Appendix C .....................................................................................................125

Appendix D .....................................................................................................126

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Page

Appendix E .....................................................................................................127

VITA...................................................................................................................128

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ABSTRACT

McCay, Donald Alan. Ph.D., Purdue University, August 2011. They are Old Enough to Carry Guns, Should We Teach Them Like Children? The Application of Adult Learning Strategies in Police Training. Major Professor: Jerry L. Peters.

For some time scholars have been advocating the application of adult learning

techniques such as andragogy to police recruit training. This study attempted to

further that discussion by determining how police recruits make meaning while

attending the police academy. Through observations, interviews, and reflective

journaling, data were collected. These data were qualitatively analyzed using a

combination of phenomenology and heuristic inquiry. Among the qualitative

assertions made in this study is that police recruits construct meaning through

interaction with one another and during the practical application of skills and

other hands-on activities. This supports the idea that the greater application of

adult learning techniques would improve police recruit training.

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CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Introduction

Social scientists have given great attention considering what qualities are

desirable in police officers (Birzer, 2008). Policing is a complex and difficult job

(Marenin, 2004). In a free society, the police are tasked with both protecting

communities and the State from those who would do them harm and the

protection of the rights of the alleged wrong doers. In most jurisdictions, the

police operate inside of a clear-cut command structure, yet are able to function

with discretion in many situations. Basic police training is a complex and

changing thing that is critical to the survival of the new police recruit (Finnimore,

2005). Police training is meant to develop officers that have the ability to function

and follow in a disciplined fashion, yet still retain the ability to solve problems in a

socially responsible manner.

Police work in the United States is hierarchical in nature. There is a clear-

cut command structure in place and members know their place in it. While

attempts have been implemented to give agency to the rank and file, such as

Community Oriented Policing and Problem Oriented Policing (Quinet, Nunn, &

Kincaid, 2003), the line of command still exists and must be followed to some

degree, even in these situations. It is a respect and acceptance of the command

structure that a militaristic training model seeks to foster and enforce.

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Police officers wield the awesome powers of not only the ability to take

away freedom, but life itself. By the very nature of their function and power,

police officers and their selection and formation must be a point of public

concern. Negative stories about police officers can be found in nearly every

paper or Internet news site. From stories of corruption to police brutality, the

American public has access to a steady diet of information concerning the wrong

doings of its protectors.

Police academy training, in its own right, is a point of public concern and

scrutiny (Marion, 1998). It is the community’s tax dollars that pay to train the

police and it is the community that hopes to benefit from that training. It is only

right that the taxpaying public has interest in this public endeavor for it is the

public that benefits when the police function well and the public that suffers when

police performance lacks.

Academy training, while it varies from state to state in its content and

methodologies, is meant to instruct recruits in the basics of police work (Schafer

& Boyd, 2007). While this training includes expected topics such as law and

crime, firearms proficiency, emergency vehicle operation, defensive tactics, and

related issues, it also serves as socialization for the recruit into the police culture

and its traditions. Obviously, this places an intense ethical burden on the police

and those who train them. It is the trainers’ responsibility to ensure that officers

have been given the vast skill set needed, from cognitive to psychomotor, to

perform in the manner in which the public expects.

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Development of Policing in the United States

Recent history of American policing is usually broken into three general

eras of reform and development (Kelling & Moore, 1988). The eras identified

include the political era, the reform era, and the community-policing era. Kelling

and Moore used a conceptual framework they termed “corporate strategy” as

they analyzed policing history in America. Using this strategy, Kelling and Moore

evaluated the organizational makeup of policing on seven levels: authorization,

function, organization, demand, environment, tactics and outcomes. A fourth era,

an era of homeland security, was also offered by Oliver (2006). Each of these

eras is characterized by changes in police management and function.

The political era, spanning 1840 through 1930 is characterized by the

contentious relationship between police and political forces (Vodde, 2008).

Police in early America received their power to act through municipalities and

local governments (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police were often tied tightly to local

ward politicians and the neighborhoods they represented. Local politicians

recruited police officers and in turn, these officers would often campaign and

work for the politicians’ re-election (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Vodde (2008) stated

that during this time political corruption was a part of nearly all facets of local

government.

During the political era, police provided a wide variety of services to the

communities that they served. These included the presumed functions

associated with the maintenance of order, but also such things as soup kitchens

for the indigent, temporary lodging for newly arrived immigrants, and they

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assisted ward leaders in finding work for immigrants (Kelling & Moore, 1988).

Kelling and Moore described the organizational structure of police services of the

political era as decentralized. Although the departments were structured along

paramilitary lines, actual operating control was at the precinct level where local

leaders and precinct command intermingled. Given the rudimentary

communications and transportation available to police at that time coupled with

decentralization, police officers had wide discretion in the performance of their

duties (Kelling & Moore, 1988).

Oliver (2006) described the police of the political era as being intimately

connected with the ward or precinct they served. Officers were usually recruited

from the same ethnic neighborhood that they served and continued to serve in

those neighborhoods (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police tactics of the time

consisted primarily of foot patrol with officers walking beats and addressing

issues of disorder as they became aware of them either through interaction with

the people or by direction from police or community leaders (Kelling & Moore,

1988). Efficacy was gauged during the political era of policing by the level of

satisfaction of the citizenry and political leaders. The goal was to implement the

political leaders’ will and satisfy the community’s desire for order (Oliver, 2006).

Kelling and Moore (1988) considered the 1920s through 1970s as the era

of reform in United States policing. Police and political corruption and police

brutality were rampant during the political era, and as the century turned, the

populace had had enough of the status quo and called for reform of the police

(Oliver, 2006).

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In the reform era, authorization for police activity was seated in the law

rather than the local political bosses and was bolstered by the professionalism of

the service. Police were stripped of their social-service function and were

focused on crime control. In hopes of curtailing corruption in the police ranks, a

more classical paramilitary structure was formed that made management of the

police hierarchical in nature and took leadership away from the ward bosses

(Kelling & Moore, 1988). These changes came as the automobile and mobile

radio were introduced into the police ranks in greater numbers. The resulting mix

of technological and managerial changes separated police from the community

(Oliver, 2006)

The police focus during the reform era was crime control and control of

crime was how success was measured (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Demand for

police services were now channeled through dispatching centers and not through

neighborhood contact with a beat officer (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Officers were

now in cars and were professionally remote (Oliver, 2006). Police spent their

time on preventive patrol inside of a car or in rapid response to a problem or call

for service and an officer’s effectiveness was measured by the number of arrests

made (Kelling & Moore, 1988). Police now had distance between themselves

and the public and the citizenry was no longer in direct contact with the police.

Historians noted that the introduction of the telephone, automobile and police

radio isolated police officers from community members (Thale, 2004).

While the reform era of policing did help to curtail the corruption in the

ranks, it was unable to meet its goal of crime control or even the prevention of

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crime growth (Oliver, 2006). Police and political leaders came to the realization

that for police to be effective they must work in conjunction with the communities

they serve thus ushering in the community-policing era in the 1980s (Vodde,

2008). Community oriented policing recognized the importance of police-

community interaction and changed the focus of policing toward solving

community problems in addition to crime control (Kelling & Moore, 1988). In the

community-policing era an acknowledgment was made that police authority

comes not just from law but also through community support (Oliver, 2006). In

the community-policing era police returned to having a role in social services by

now focusing on community needs in general rather than crime suppression in

particular. Foot patrol and the direct community interaction that stems from it

returned to neighborhoods and police performance was measured by community

satisfaction (Oliver, 2006).

Oliver (2006) argued that the events of September 11, 2001 may have

marked the beginning of a fourth era of policing in the United States. In what he

termed the era of homeland security policing, Oliver contended that law

enforcement authorization comes not only from law but also from international

threats to United States society. In his evaluation, Oliver (2006) concluded police

in the homeland security era are tasked with not only crime control but terrorist

prevention and intelligence gathering. The technology and tactics for this mode

of policing involves the use of intelligence systems and a centralized decision

making process (Oliver, 2006). The intended outcome of homeland security

policing is the suppression of terrorism in addition to the suppression of crime.

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Police Training in and Around Indiana

Prior to becoming a police officer in Indiana a candidate must undergo a

minimum 40-hour pre-basic training session before being sworn into the

profession. (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). To remain a sworn

police officer in the State of Indiana, State law dictates that one must attend an

approved police academy within the first year of taking the oath of service.

Depending on the size of the department to be served, this basic training may

consist of 350-hour Town Marshal’s Academy consisting of home study and time

at the Indiana Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) or a minimum 480-hour basic

police academy (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). This basic police

training is provided at seven locations throughout the state and overseen by the

Indiana Law Enforcement Training Board (LETB) (Indiana Law Enforcement

Academy, 2010).

Models of police training in Indiana have tended to follow a militaristic

format. In the case of the state police, the official website (Indiana State Police,

2010) stated, “The conduct of the school closely corresponds to training for

officer candidates in military services.” The Indiana Law Enforcement Academy

website did not make a specific mention of training styles, but showed a picture

of recruits marching in step with a member of the cadre carrying a guidon

(Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). The websites for the Indianapolis

Metro Police Academy, the Indiana University Police Academy, and the

Northwest Indiana Law Enforcement Academy (NILEA) made no mention of the

training styles used. Indiana is apparently not alone in this trend.

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The Michigan State Police website stated their recruit school is often

compared to military basic training and added that it is physically demanding

(Michigan State Police, 2010). Grand Valley State University, located near

Allendale, Michigan operates a police academy where they train recruits who are

not necessarily already a member of a police department. The Grand Valley

website described itself as a professional training environment. Among the

photos in its online gallery was one depicting recruits standing at attention during

a uniform inspection (Grand Valley State University, 2010).

From review of the Illinois State Police Academy website, it was plain the

training conducted there is along militaristic lines as evidenced by this quote:

When cadets arrive at the Academy, they receive parking instructions and

are told how to stand until summoned for line up outside the Academy

doors. Once inside the Academy, cadets are checked in by Cadet Class

Counselors and assigned to a squad (Illinois State Police, 2010).

The Chicago Police Department (CPD) operates a police academy that offers

training to CPD recruits and a separate program for other agencies (Chicago

Police Depatment, 2010). The site does not describe the CPD training

environment nor are there pictures to allow for personal conclusion.

A review of the Kentucky State Police (KSP) website clearly indicated their

state police recruits are to expect a militaristic environment (Kentucky State

Police, 2010). Points in the KSP rules of conduct for recruits included recruits

are expected to maintain military bearing and military courtesy. Louisville Metro

Police Department operates its own police academy. Major Don Burbank

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commands the Louisville Metro Police Academy. Burbank indicated that this

academy was a ‘hybrid’ in its instructional style. He stated recruits were to show

military courtesy and stood inspection each day, but the classroom portion was

conducted like a college class with student questions and participation

encouraged (D. Burbank, personal communication, August 29, 2010).

Problem Statement

The nature of law enforcement and the role of police in society is a

changing thing as evidenced through the various eras of policing in the United

States. It seems logical to conclude that these roles will continue to change and

shift as society evolves. The police academy, tasked with preparing police

recruits for this ever-changing role of the police, must be prepared to form

officers in such a way as to produce what the communities served need.

In order to meet this need, police trainers must understand what about

their current training modalities is most impactful to recruits so that they can in

turn construct new meaningful curriculum as circumstance and need dictate.

Through deeper understanding of the effect of the academy experience, trainers

will be able to accentuate future training by utilizing techniques that will instill

deeper meanings. Furthermore, a greater knowledge of why a given academy

event or circumstance was impactful to a recruit would aid police trainers by

providing clues as to how police officers develop work behaviors, whether

positive or negative.

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Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to add to the body of knowledge concerned

with police training by examining what is most impactful about the police

academy experience. Through the examination of attitudes, emotions, and

personal characteristics, the academy experience was analyzed in an attempt to

determine what things, events, or circumstance were viewed as impactful by

police recruits. Additionally, the study searched for ways to improve police

academy training through the application of adult education techniques to the

curriculum.

In the settings I have observed in Indiana over the last sixteen years,

police academy training in Indiana is primarily conducted inside of a militaristic

model. Learners are assumed to have little, if any, applicable knowledge

relevant to the lessons at hand. Furthermore, in academy settings described by

Charles (2000) as using a military model or quasi-military model, students are

made to accept their place in the hierarchy of the organization: The very bottom.

This is achieved through the use of practices commonly associated with military

training such as standing in formation at attention, requesting permission to

speak, given the title of “recruit” or “cadet” and using physical exercise as

punishments.

A police academy is not analogous to a college. Schafer and Boyd (2007)

distinguished between police training and higher education, indicating that police

training is designed to provide the officer with an understanding of the “tools of

the trade” whereas higher education is meant to provide the basis for problem

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solving and future learning. The function of higher education for future or current

peace officers is a point of consideration for those involved with Criminal Justice

programs at colleges and universities (Birzer & Palmiotto, 2002). While the

merits of higher education to the law enforcement practitioner are many, higher

education is not required for many Indiana police organizations. What is required

is the satisfactory completion of police academy training for any full time peace

officer hired after July 6, 1972 (Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010). As

this training is the ground work for all future officer training, current thought on

police academy training techniques will be addressed in the review of literature.

This study evaluated the current training model of a regional police

academy in Indiana to gain greater understanding of how the police academy

experience affects those who live it. With that greater understanding, the study

explored how the academy training techniques may be improved particularly

through the introduction of andragogic techniques into the existing training

system. Additionally, this study’s goal was to add to the understanding of the

manner(s) which police academy experience shapes recruits’ attitudes toward

their vocations during the initial training period. Furthermore, internalized

purpose was considered in an attempt to determine if recruits trained under the

current methodology tend to develop a public service mindset. Simply stated, the

primary purpose of the study was to determine how the police academy

experience affects recruits and if that experience might be enhanced through

adult education techniques. To that end, the following guiding research

questions were utilized:

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Guiding Research Questions

1. What professional characteristics does the current pedagogic/militaristic

training model develop in its police recruit students?

2. What police academy events or circumstances are most impactful to

police recruits and why?

3. What strengths and weaknesses are exhibited in police recruits trained

under the current pedagogic/militaristic practices?

4. How can any weaknesses be mitigated and strengths accentuated

through the use of andragogic techniques?

Definition of Terms

Adult education: As it is considered a “large and amorphous field of practice”

(Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007, p. 53), as used in this study,

the term shall refer to the field of education focused on developing and

delivering educational opportunities for adults, excluding college students

Andragogy: A theory of adult learning presupposing assumptions that adults

learn differently than children (Ozuah, 2005)

Co-researcher: In this study, the term is used to reference the staff and recruits

actively participating in this study through the interview process (Donalek,

2004)

Field training: The portion of training in police officer formation where new

officers are paired with more experienced officers in the field (Finnimore,

2005)

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Field training officer: The experienced officer who serves as mentor and

evaluator of new officers during field training (Finnimore, 2005); the term is

often abbreviated FTO

Formation: As used in this study, the development of police recruits to include

not only growth in tangible skills but also areas of sense of purpose,

ethics, integrity, confidence, and esprit de corps; this term is the extension

of the concept of clerical formation (Karpinski, 2002)

Law enforcement: As used in this study, the application of criminal and traffic

statutes outside of the correctional system

Militaristic: As used in this study, having characteristics perceived associated

with the armed services

Peace officer: As used in this study, a term analogous to ‘police officer’

Police academy: The institution tasked with providing the required basic training

to new police officers in accordance with state law and mandates

(Finnimore, 2005)

Police officer: A person sworn to enforce criminal and traffic statutes and provide

for the protection of society on behalf of a governmental entity as defined

in Indiana Code 35-41-1-17 (State of Indiana, 2011)

Police recruit: A student in a police academy (Finnimore, 2005)

Psychomotor skills: In this study, areas of police training to include emergency

vehicle operations (EVO), physical tactics (a.k.a. defensive tactics), and

firearms as defined by the Indiana Law Enforcement Training Board

(Indiana Law Enforcement Academy, 2010)

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Red Man: The term used in this study for a trainer serving as the antagonist in

physical tactics training scenarios who wears protective gear so that the

student may strike with full force without as great a danger of injury to the

trainer; the term is derived from a line of such products sold by RedMan

Gear, a division of Macho Products (Macho Products Inc., 2011)

Sworn officer: As used in this study, a term analogous to ‘police officer’

Warrior class: As used in this study, those members of society expected to fight

on behalf of their community

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CHAPTER 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE

In conducting a review of literature germane to police training in general

and recruit training in particular, key areas of related material include:

1. Task analysis of police officer duties

2. Research into police training, historical and current

3. Curriculum theory

4. Police subculture

5. Adult education in police training

6. Military training related research

Task Analysis

Having a vision of what must be done is the logical place to begin any

training endeavor. To this end, many police agencies develop a task analysis to

guide them in the preparation of new officers. One such example is from

Michigan (Michigan Commision on Law Enforcements Standards, 2006) which

recognized the broad skill set required to be an effective patrol officer. This

document detailed at length the many skills and competencies needed in police

work. It was compiled through interviews and surveys of those directly involved

in Michigan law enforcement. Results from the task analysis showed that

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approximately 77% of officers responding believed they were either ‘fairly well’ or

‘quite well’ prepared by their training. When asked to identify what concept or

characteristic was most important for patrol officers, respondents indicated

decision-making and communications skills as being key factors.

Research into Police Training, Historical and Current

Ragsdale (1929) published one early example of scholarly consideration

of police training. He described early police academies from three major cities,

but did not offer suggestions as to improvement. Cooperation between

academicians and police in the development of appropriate college curriculum for

police science was suggested by Lankes (1970).

As Shannon (2002) stated in his dissertation, literature of police training is

a slowly growing field. In searching for scholarly literature addressing issues of

police academy training, it becomes clear that researchers are more concerned

with societal issues involving the academy experience and how the academy

changes its students, rather than the actual development of academy curriculum.

Marion (1998) attended a police academy as a participatory observer in

Ohio in 1996. She concluded that based on her observations, coupled with

scholarly and practitioner literature, the academy she attended was preparing

students with the necessary skills to become police officers. She did criticize the

sexism she found in the academy. She also suggested courses in working with

the elderly, as they are a fast growing demographic. Additionally, Marion (1998)

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suggested increased training in ethics, as this particular academy had no training

specifically dedicated to ethics as do most other academies.

Linhares de Albuquerque and Paes-Machado (2004) investigated hazing

practices in the training program of Brazilian military police recruits. In this study

based primarily on qualitative methods, the authors explored the traditions of

hazing inside a four-year institution that trains Brazilian police officers and fire

fighters. The researchers determined that, contrary to popular belief, the hazing

did not build esprit de corps among the cadre, but rather caused hard feelings

and discontent. The authors did acknowledge that there was some limited value

in the traditions of institution.

Lino (2004) called for cooperation between Brazilian police training

facilities and higher education with the end goal being enhancing both training

and research. Lino (2004) opined that Brazilian law enforcement needed a more

uniform curriculum, as it varies greatly from academy to academy. He also

suggested cooperative training between countries as a way to foster operational

cooperation.

Curriculum Theory

While not directly related to police academy research, curriculum theory

would seem to have a place in such discussions. Curriculum development as a

term includes the policy, design, implementation, technology, overview, and

evaluation (Pinar, Reynolds, Slattery, & Taubman, 2004). Modern curriculum

theory has many implications for peace officer training.

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The aims for social justice and societal betterment are congruent with the

aims of the police service. Issues of curricular concern such as racial equity as

discussed by Watkins (1993) are important to police theorists and trainers. This

article reminds the reader of the minority subculture present in American society.

In America, the education of African-Americans has been a politically charged

thing. Watkins reminds readers of the separateness of the education of African-

Americans in the United States. He also reminds us of the idea of reproduction

theory.

This article is especially germane to police training. Police trainers must

consider racial differences on two fronts. First, it must be remembered that

recruits are not drawn from a homogeneous pool, or at least should not be.

Coming to the academy with diverse educational and experiential backgrounds,

recruits are warranted some consideration of their pasts. This is especially true if

the goal is to build and develop officers with a greater community affinity.

Secondly, it is important to keep in mind the diversity of communities served by

police. While it is true that smaller departments may serve a monolithic

population, larger municipal and state departments serve widely diverse

populations. A committed, compassionate, thorough policing of a given

community requires officers to be versed in their own special culture. This is

again especially true if the aim is to develop socially motivated officers.

The concept of reproduction as discussed by Anyon (1980) might serve as

a reminder to police trainers to consider what they are reproducing. Anyon

(1980) explored the idea that communities educate their children differently,

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particularly in the work assigned, depending upon the work expected of the

children upon reaching adulthood. She found that in communities of

predominantly blue-collar workers schools tended to teach that work was a step-

by-step process with knowing the steps of how to produce the answer of

paramount importance. In middle class schools, she found schoolwork tended to

stress getting the right answer and be concerned less with the means at arriving

at the correct answer. In upper class schools creativity was stressed with a

premium on invention and innovation.

This research has direct implication for police trainers if it is considered in

the appropriate context. Police trainers must have an intimate understanding of

the expectations of both the public and police administrators when they develop

and present curriculum. While Anyon (1980) considered the matter in the light of

reproduction theory and thereby gave it a negative connotation, the idea of a

school teaching for the specific needs of the community served might be

considered positive in the sense of a vocation-based program. The important

aspect that must be considered is whether what is being produced is what the

population (in this case the police profession and the community served by it)

needs. If police trainers do not understand the goal of developing an officer

motivated toward societal service, then it is not likely they will be able to hit the

mark.

Schubert’s (1992) discussion on curriculum theorizing through

autobiographical reflection of educators might benefit police trainers as well. In

it, he reflected on his twenty-plus years as an advisor of graduate students at the

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University of Illinois at Chicago. As he pondered his earlier days as an

elementary school teacher, he concluded with reference to Herbert Spencer, that

the most important question to ponder is simply ‘What is worthwhile to know and

experience?’ It was Schubert’s contention in the article that this question should

be in the front of teachers and developers of curriculum. Through the use of

critical thinking and reflections on lessons taught, educators might provide a lens

to discover new ways to increase police training curriculum effectiveness.

Chappell (2008) considered differences in police academy curriculum in

her study that focused on training of Florida police officers. In this study, a

curriculum designed to foster community policing ideals was contrasted against

one considered more traditional or more in line with the reform era of policing.

She concluded that recruits trained under a community-policing model were not

more successful in their training than were those trained under a traditional

curriculum. What was found significant was the differences in attitudes with

police recruits trained using a community policing-oriented curriculum

demonstrating a greater level of empathy in their work.

Henson and his colleagues studied the relationship between academy

performance of recruits and how that performance related to subsequent job

performance (Henson, Reyns, Klahm IV, & Frank, 2010). Through the statistical

analysis of recruit demographic information, recruit school performance, and

performance evaluation of officers, they concluded that personal characteristics

used in the hiring process are related to success in police training. They also

found race and civil service exam scores (entrance exam) related to academy

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performance with Caucasian recruits and those recruits with higher exam scores

performing at a higher level in the police academy. They questioned whether

these findings were a result of a middle-class bias in the recruit curriculum. As

for academy performance being a predictor of on-the-job performance, the

authors found mixed support when academy scores were compared to job

evaluations made during the first three years as a sworn officer.

Police Subculture

Research concerned with issues of police culture/subculture is fairly

abundant. Paoline (2003) explored police culture and presented a conceptual

model for it. This model showed the outcomes of the police subculture were

loyalty and social isolation (Paoline, 2003). He also provided a history of

research into police culture, extending back to the 1940s. This work also

discussed the elements of the police officers’ occupational environment and the

officers’ relationship to society in total. Two factors considered in this area were

the officers’ exposure to danger and the unique coercive role the police have in

society. Coping mechanisms are found in police culture to mitigate the stress

created by this environment.

One cultural attitude fostered by police academy training is an ‘us versus

them’ attitude (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). The academy situation studied

by the authors was one with a curriculum designed to foster community-oriented

police ideal, yet the academy system reinforced traditional paramilitary and

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bureaucratic ideals. In this article, the authors concluded this attitude hinders the

full application of community-centered approaches to policing.

Conti (2006) also considered the cultural bonds built in the police

academy as he discussed the term “fraternal funnel” through which applicants to

the police force pass as they progress toward becoming members of the

department. Conti (2006) concluded his article by stating:

The preceding analysis makes the case that the early stages of the police

recruit candidate experiences in, or getting into, the police academy are

an antithetical processes <sic> to those of the patient being admitted to a

mental hospital. Despite being the antithesis of betrayal, this ‘funnel’

utilizes similar techniques and alterations in social status. The primary

distinction is that here the individual is competitively seeking out this

position. Still, this is likely mitigated by the fact that the naive recruit sees

a police career as one of power and authority, and has probably not given

much thought to his or her potential subordination and vulnerability. (p.

240)

Conti (2006) believed that recruits are desirous of the position to the point of

being willing to lose freedom and choice in order to gain the power, or what they

perceive as the betterment associated with being a peace officer.

Conti (2009) viewed the police academy as the beginning point of police

socialization where police recruits are offered the opportunity to shed civilian

characteristics and be elevated to the position of police officer. In this article,

Conti explores reintegrative shaming through the use of ethnographic study.

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Conti argued police recruits are being excommunicated from the policing

subculture and then reintegrated through a process of shaming while at the

police academy. Conti described the process as the requirement that police

recruits accept the perspective of the trainers and then form self-sentiments of

pride and shame depending on how they preformed in relation to the

expectations.

Cochran and Bromley (2003) sought greater understanding of police

culture, especially as it deals with Community Oriented Policing. Their study of

sheriff’s deputies in Florida showed that the potential development of a new

police subculture was taking shape in which the values of community service

were extolled. In their review of literature they found that the idea of a police

subculture has been “uncritically accepted” (Cochran & Bromley, 2003).

Police academy environment and the cultural attitudes it develops have

been studied in their own right. Prokos and Padavic (2002) explored gender

issues in police academy training stating that: “Hegemonic masculinity is a

central defining concept in the culture of police work in the United States” (p.

442). While the research discussed in this study dealt with academy training, it

can be assumed that the attitudes developed there are likely to be present

throughout the profession.

In a study of South African police recruits conducted shortly after the end

of apartheid, it concluded behavioral characteristics found in police could be

explained by attitudes in place before entering the police academy (Steyn, 2007).

What this study seems to indicate was that behavioral factors associated with

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police officers are present before they attend police training. Simply stated,

people drawn to the police profession have attitudes in place rather than having a

set of values instilled through academy training.

Ethical problems and concerns were the focus of Morgan, Morgan, Foster,

and Kolbert (2000). This paper called for a greater attention to ethics in police

training. The authors suggested a program using the Deliberate Psychological

Education approach. They claimed learners using this approach scored higher in

moral development testing when compared to a control group.

Obst and Davey (2003) studied Australian police recruits in an attempt to

determine how police academy training changed socializing behaviors. In their

longitudinal study, they concluded recruits socialized more with police colleagues

and less with non-work-related friends. They also found the frequency and

amount of alcohol consumed increased with time in policing.

Adult Education in Police Training

In considering education literature in general and adult education literature

in particular and how that work describes and influences police training, the

logical beginning point seems to be experiential learning. In her discussion of

John Dewey’s ideas concerning experience and learning Merriam and her

colleagues acknowledged that judging educative worthiness of experiences can

be difficult (Merriam et al., 2007). They acknowledged that some experiences

might teach the wrong lesson or narrow the learner’s ability to gain from future

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experiences. The authors reminded readers that experiences are moving forces,

but that movement could be in an undesirable direction.

Brookfield (1995) cautioned that culture impacts how we learn from and

interpret our experiences. It seems a likely conclusion that police culture is not

immune from these potentially distorting effects. Those tasked with training

police recruits should fully consider what lessons outside of the written curriculum

are being taught, from an experiential standpoint as well as by their instructional

methods.

High stress police academies are designed to expose students to stresses

not directly associated with a particular learning activity with the intent to re-

socialize the recruits (Violanti, 1993). In addition to academic and skill growth,

police academies teach what it means to be a police officer. Among these

lessons included knowledge about position and hierarchical structure; the

importance of loyalty; and how to perform under stress (Chappell & Lanza-

Kaduce, 2010). While these outcomes may seem necessary or desirable, high

stress training academies may also result in recruits developing maladaptive

methods to reduce the resulting stress (Violanti, 1993). While not denying the

usefulness of behavioral strategies in teaching some police-related skills, Birzer

(2003) argued that police training should largely be free of fear.

The practical exercises commonly found in police training reflect the

importance of experiences in officer formation. Marksmanship is acquired on the

firing range (Charles & Copay, 2003) and physical tactics are learned in the

gymnasium (Prokos & Padavic, 2002). The behavioral approach to training may

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be appropriate for these and other skills. The behavioral model of instruction

focuses on providing precise objectives and quantitatively measuring outcomes

(Birzer, 2004). Certainly, scores on the gun range are quite quantifiable. The

behaviorist’s goal is to establish a learning situation that elicits the desired

behaviors and quashes the behaviors deemed undesirable (Birzer, 2004). A

militaristic training model with firmly defined expectations of conduct and

punishments for those not meeting expectations is a clear example of behaviorist

training methodologies.

While there seems little doubt of what most current police training is, there

are calls for a change toward a more adult-centered model of instruction. Among

others, McCoy (2006) believed that an adult education model would better

prepare new officers for service in community oriented policing situations.

McCoy advocated the learning theory of andragogy as a means for police

training. McCoy (2000) believed officers could be formed with greater problem-

solving abilities through the use of adult education techniques.

The term ‘andragogy’ was coined by Alexander Kapp in 1833 (Rachal,

2002). Malcolm Knowles (1973) brought the term and its philosophy to the

forefront with his book, The Adult Learner: A Neglected Species. In much of

Europe, the term andragogy is used to describe what is known in the United

States as adult education as opposed to one of many philosophies of adult

instruction (Merriam, 2001). In the United States, andragogy is used to refer to

the philosophy of instruction in which Knowles relied on humanistic psychology to

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conclude the adult learner is autonomous, free, and oriented toward personal

growth (Merriam, et al., 2007).

Scholars adhering to Knowles’ andragogy generally accept six

assumptions about adult learners (Ozuah, 2005). These assumptions include

(Merriam et al., 2007; Ozuah, 2005; Vodde, 2008):

1. Adults need to know the value of what they are learning

2. Adult learners are self-directing and autonomous

3. Adults learners’ experiences affect new learning

4. Adult readiness to learn is dependent upon the perceived relevance

5. Adults’ orientation to learning is task, problem, or life-centered

6. Adults tend to be internally motivated to learn

These six assumptions of adult education may be overlaid on to current

police academy practices to give some idea of how the behaviorist-structured

model with its experience-based strategies fits into an adult education

framework. Adult learners require relevant and accurate learning simulation

scenarios and clearly presented demonstrations (Gilley, 2004). To what extent

this requirement is met likely varies between academies and instructors.

For an experiential learning activity to be most effective, the adult learner

must sense the usefulness of the information presented. Personal experience

indicates that this is usually accomplished, especially in the psychomotor skill

areas such as emergency vehicle operations, firearms, first aid and defensive

tactics.

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When considering the assumption of autonomy as it applies to adult

learners, it can probably be accepted that little autonomy will exist in the lesson,

particularly in the psychomotor skill areas. However, in the case of complex

scenarios in which recruits are expected to operate independently, there is

opportunity to utilize personal uniqueness to solve a particular problem. Adult

education techniques fit well into the community-oriented or problem solving

approach to policing (McCoy, 2006).

Basic police training is designed to teach core skills and competencies

needed for entrance into the policing field (Marion, 1998). State agencies or

boards control the core curriculums of police academies (Marion, 1998). As a

result of a mandated curriculum, student personalization of the police academy

experience is most unlikely. There is opportunity, should instructors choose to

capitalize on it, to draw out relevant past experiences of students through class

discussions or other avenues.

When considering the assumption that an adult’s readiness to learn is

dependent upon the perceived relevance of the topic, several police training

areas seem to automatically rise by common sense to this level. Few would

deny the necessity of knowing how to operate a vehicle under emergency

situations; having the ability to defend one’s self; nor to effectively use weapons.

These skills seem analogous to the public perception and Hollywood’s portrayal

of police. How other less iconic and glamorous aspects of police operations are

presented to recruits is largely left to the instructors.

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If it is assumed that adult learning is based on task, problem, or life-

centered learning, then police training may be hitting the mark squarely or

missing the target completely, depending on one’s view. If one holds to the

legalistic reform model of policing, then the behaviorist model with its clearly

defined objectives is precisely the philosophy required to form officers into a

clearly defined role. On the other hand, if one subscribes to a

community/problem oriented view of policing then one is left wondering if such

rigidity is the best means to develop freethinking problem solvers.

The final andragogic assumption, that adults tend to be internally

motivated to learn, seems to be the antitheses of the behavior/militaristic

philosophy instruction. This assumption would seem to imply that police recruits

would enter the academy and push themselves physically and mentally simply

because it was their nature. This assumption would seem to have implication to

police training by suggesting most police recruits enter the academy with a

systemic desire to become police officers. It does not appear to account for

external motivators such as competition of coercion.

There are other theories of learning, beyond Knowles and his andragogy,

which might be useful in explaining and understanding current police training

practices. Even Knowles recognized the application of andragogic techniques

could be situational (Rachal, 2002). The educational philosophy held by the

instructor will affect the planning and implementation of learning activities (Zinn,

2004). Each adult educator must select his/her own philosophy (Eisen, 2005).

Birzer (1999) advocated the teaching of a problem solving approach

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through the use of adult education techniques. Among his suggestions for

curriculum change was an increased focus on communication skills. Birzer

(1999) also highlighted the similarities of approach between community-oriented

policing strategies and andragogy, as both center on the officer as opposed to

the instructor or command figure.

In an era of community policing, andragogy might offer a means to

improve police training to better meet the demands of that style of policing (Birzer

& Tannehill, 2001). In the article, the authors praise the learning centered

training model in use by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP).

Birzer (2003) expanded his thoughts on andragogy as it applies to police

training. He argued that the militaristic environment common to most police

basic training might not be the most effective modality for learning. This article

contended that with the advent of community-based policing strategies, training

must keep pace with the demands of the public. The current state of police

training, as observed by Birzer (2003) does not effectively take into account the

individual differences in learning. He stated: “The paradox here readily comes to

light: The police work in a democratic society but are trained and learn their jobs

in a very paramilitary, punitive, and authoritarian environment (Birzer, 2003, p.

31).” Birzer endorsed the learner-directed concepts of andragogy.

Marenin (2004) advocated for an educational approach to officer training

using techniques associated with andragogy. This work focused on training that

would facilitate democratically appropriate decision making by police. Marenin

(2004) recognized that policing in a totally apolitical fashion is not possible, but

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stated that peace officers may be developed to police in a manner consistent

with democratic principles. He advocated teaching democratic principles such as

human rights and international conventions through an integrated approach of

classroom and experiential learning.

The application of adult learning principles to police training was the focus

of Charles (2000). In his book, Police Training-Breaking All the Rules, the

transformation of a police academy in Illinois from a behavioral model to an adult

education model is discussed. Charles (2000) stressed the importance of

effective trainers who are committed to the learning process. Among his

conclusions was that little evidence existed to support the idea that a quasi-

militaristic training model was superior to other training models and that the adult

education model, if properly implemented, presented many advantages (Charles,

2000, p. 256).

In his doctoral dissertation McCoy (2000) explored law enforcement

trainer teaching styles, then compared this evaluation to the perceptions of

teaching styles held by the instructors themselves. His research indicated that,

in general terms, instructors performed their duties in a teacher-centered

manner, but perceived that the work was done in a way consistent with learner-

focused techniques associated with andragogy. McCoy (2006) revisited these

data and concluded by stating:

A learner-centered approach can only be effective if law enforcement

instructors understand adult learning theory and are trained to use a

variety of instructional methods. Law enforcement instructors need to be

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content area experts that have a desire to learn about teaching adults and

continually reflect on their practice. The training and development of

instructors can be accomplished in instructor-development courses and

updated regularly in continuing education seminars (p. 90).

Vodde’s 2008 doctoral dissertation dealt specifically with comparing the

competing police training methodologies by studying two separate New Jersey

police academies using observations, interviews, questionnaires, and problem-

based learning assessments. Through his data, he concluded that an

andragogic model is more effective than a pedagogic model when training police

recruits. Vodde (2008) also suggested that recruits trained under an andragogic

model may have a greater understanding of their role in society (p. 287).

Hundermarck (2009) concluded police training should become more

consistent in the way training is delivered in academy and field training

environments. In his work with probationary officers involved in a field training

program, Hundermarck (2009) found newly graduated officers rated academy

courses which involved hands on learning higher than those more academic in

nature as they found it more directly related to ‘real’ police work. Hundermarck

(2009) advocated a constructivist approach to academy training where instruction

is learner-centered similar to andragogy.

Teaching style in the police academy may be ingrained in instructors as a

part of the police culture. In his dissertation, Werth (2009) considered the

application of Problem Based Learning (PBL) in police academies. According to

Werth, PBL was developed to assist in the training of medical doctors. Werth

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found that police academy instructors, even after being trained in the use of PBL,

still preferred an instructor-centered teaching model to the more learner-centered

PBL.

When considering the effects of high stress training, Violanti (1993)

concluded that recruits subjected to high stress training environments developed

mal-adaptive coping skills. These included escape/avoidance techniques where

recruits would refrain from person to person contact or use alcohol or drugs for

escape.

How to train a ‘good cop’ is, or should be, the goal of police academy

instructors. White and Escobar (2008) postulated means of improvement

towards this aim when they considered the recruitment, selection, and training of

police officers in the United States. The discussion included the examination of

police training methodologies outside of the United States and how those

techniques might be applicable to American policing. Among other topics, their

work explored possible advantages to applying andragogic methodologies to

police training.

Military Training Related Research

While it is true that most of the recent literature seems to prefer an adult

centered, community/problem oriented approach to police training, it is not the

only school of thought. Grossman (1995), in his book, On Killing: The

Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, discussed the idea of

stress inoculation as it occurs in militaristic style training. Grossman contended

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that through thousands of years of military history, harsh treatment of recruits has

proven to be an effective method of preparing people for battle. From this, it can

be inferred that the stressful quasi-military model used by many police

academies is in itself a lesson: A lesson, which teaches that stress can be

tolerated and through this that an inoculation against future stresses might be

obtained.

Grossman and Christensen (2004) delved deeper into the subject of high

stress training in On Combat: The Psychology and Physiology of Deadly Conflict

in War and in Peace. Here they argued that law enforcement officers have the

duty to partake in stressful training scenarios, and those officers unwilling to do

so should not be in the profession.

The United States Army recognized the importance of training and

advocated a ‘crawl, walk, run’ strategy which utilizes incremental realism to, at

the culmination of training, provide conditions that simulate actual battle

conditions (United States Army, 2003). This program advocated demonstration

as the preferred modality of instruction and lecture as the least preferred method.

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CHAPTER 3. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Overview of Research Design

The purpose of this study was to identify how police recruits make

meaning while attending a police academy. The police-training curriculum was

considered with the aim to find ways to improve it, possibly through the use of

adult learning methods.

Phenomenology coupled with heuristic inquiry was used as the theoretical

framework for this study. The phenomenological aspects of the study involved

understanding the lived experiences of those attending a police academy and

reflecting on what and how those experiences played a role in the students’

development as police officers. Heuristic techniques were employed in an

attempt to understand my own experiences as a police recruit and police trainer,

thereby separating my lived experiences and the emotions attached to them from

those of the student population under study.

The resulting product was a distillation of the police academy experience

and an exploration of how these experiences affect the recruit emotionally,

cognitively, and in the area of psychomotor skill development. It was from this

point that suggestions could be made to improve the formation process for new

police officers.

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The term formation, as described in Chapter 1, is used purposefully to

describe the processes that go on in the police academy. While task analysis

may quantify various skills and abilities needed in order to function as a police

officer, such a list does not, and likely cannot, qualify the essence of what it is

that makes a police officer effective. The more intangible things such as

confidence, integrity, and a quest for career-long learning also play a part in the

making of a sound and effective police officer.

Guiding Research Questions

As planning work began for this study, I sought input and leadership from

my graduate committee in order to ensure content validity. Based on their

advice, coupled with my personal experiences with police recruit training both as

a recruit and as an instructor at our state police academy, and current scholarly

thought on police training, a more narrow focus was developed. Four questions

were crafted to serve as a roadmap for the study.

1. What professional characteristics does the current

pedagogic/militaristic training model develop in its police recruit

students?

2. What police academy events or circumstances are most impactful

to police recruits and why?

3. What strengths and weaknesses are exhibited in police recruits

trained under the current pedagogic/militaristic practices?

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4. How can any weaknesses be mitigated and strengths accentuated

through the use of andragogic techniques?

These questions gave the study focus and boundary. They became the

cornerstones on which the subsequent methodological design could be built.

Rationale for Research Methodology

Prior to designing and beginning the study, I first had to settle the question

of whether quantitative or qualitative methods would provide the greater chance

for finding clarity into the research questions. Data collection from a police

academy presents numerous problems (Giannoni, 2002, p. 141). As Giannoni

noted, experimental designs in a police academy setting presented numerous

problems including the inability to select the treatment and control groups as

might be possible in a sterile laboratory setting. As the goal of the research was

to first describe ‘what is,’ qualitative methodologies seemed the only logical

choice. Qualitative research demands exploratory inductive logic (Shannon,

2002, p. 21). The search for an appropriate qualitative framework that might best

provide the means to employ exploratory inductive logic began.

I believe that selection of a research method and theoretical framework for

the research must begin with a careful consideration of what the research study

is meant to do. Anafra and Mertz (2006, p. xxvii) defined theoretical frameworks

as “any empirical or quasi-empirical theory of social and/or psychological

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processes, at a variety of levels (e.g. grand, mid-range, and explanatory), that

can be applied to the understanding of phenomena.”

Phenomena are all of the things experienced by people (Sixsmith &

Sixsmith, 1987). Phenomenology is concerned with how we come to know and

what the nature of reality is (Donalek, 2004). It was conceived as a research

methodology by German philosopher and mathematician Husserl, in the early

part of the twentieth century as a means to investigate consciousness (Baker,

Wuest, & Stern, 1992). Husserl believed there was a distinction between natural

reality and perceived reality of human consciousness (McPhail, 1995).

Heuristic inquiry is an offshoot or form of phenomenology (Hains, 2007). It

focuses on the personal experience and insights of the researcher (Patton,

2002). The heuristic method was developed by Moustakas (Sela-Smith, 2002).

Patton (2002) defined the foundational question of heuristic inquiry as “What is

my experience of this phenomenon and the essential experience of others who

also experience this phenomenon intensely?” Heuristic research involves self-

searching and self-dialogue in conjunction with shared reflection and inquiry with

co-researchers (Patton, 2002). Heuristic research focuses on the ‘feeling’ part of

an experience as it is shared among co-researchers (Sela-Smith, 2002).

I was convinced that phenomenology would allow me to get to the deeper

meaning of the police recruit school experience and distill out what meanings

were formed for surely these experiences affect the consciousness of the recruit

throughout his/her career. By incorporating a heuristic element into the study I

was able to see how those experiences affected me. It also afforded me the

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opportunity to draw some conclusions as to how differences between the

academy that I attended and the academy that I studied made for different

policing outcomes.

Another advantage to adding heuristic inquiry to this study was that the

required personal reflection drove me toward writing more probative interview

questions. By isolating aspects of academy training that affected me the most I

was able to delve deeply into the emotions of the recruits and was able to sense

what they sensed. It also allowed me to focus the time spent observing toward

looking for similarities and differences between my academy experiences and the

observed model.

Perhaps the most important feature of this mixing of methodologies was

that it allowed for an open exploration of scholastic rigor by putting my

experiences, feelings, and the potential biases they create out in the open so that

the reader may reflect and decide if those biases are of relevance and what that

relevance may mean. I was concerned that I may have too intimate of

knowledge about the process that I hoped to study. This methodology forced me

to confront my preconceptions before fieldwork began.

In order for me to conduct heuristic inquiry, I must have personal

experience with and intense interest in the phenomenon to be studied and the

co-researchers must share in the intensity of the phenomenon (Patton, 2002).

While both phenomenology and heuristic inquiry aim to get at the essence of a

human experience or phenomenon, there are distinct differences. Where

phenomenology strives for detachment, heuristics works toward personal

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connection (Patton, 2002). Heuristics provides readers with intrigue surrounding

a personal search to know an experience while phenomenology strives for a

clear description of the experience (Patton, 2002). Phenomenology produces a

distillation of structures underlying an experience, but heuristic inquiry results in a

product that includes the researcher’s tacit knowledge on the subject studied

(Patton, 2002). A heuristic study describes the essence of the person in the

experience while phenomenological study describes the essence of the

experience (Patton, 2002).

Six distinct phases are present in a heuristic study (Sela-Smith, 2002, p.

54). These phases include:

1. Initial engagement

2. Immersion

3. Incubation

4. Illumination

5. Explication

6. Creative synthesis

Initial engagement is the process by which the researcher identifies a

passionate concern of a topic of research (Sela-Smith, 2002). In this phase the

researcher is drawn into self-dialogue in search of a question or concern that has

deep interest and meaning for the researcher (Sela-Smith, 2002).

Once the question or concern has been clarified, the immersion phase

may begin. In this phase the researcher strives to become totally involved in the

experience and examine it from all aspects of his/her life (Hains, 2007). This

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phase might be described as the researcher living the question, consciously and

unconsciously (Sela-Smith, 2002).

The incubation phase is a time of contemplation and meditation on the

subject at hand (Patton, 2002). It is in this phase that the researcher withdraws

from the situation and stops adding new information about and allows for

realization of tacit knowledge of the subject (Patton, 2002). As described by

Sela-Smith (2002):

Incubation is the period when additional input is stopped because living

with the question has provided all the information that the unconscious

processing part of self needs to sort through, consider, review, and

reorganize new ways of thinking, being, seeing, and understanding, to

create meaning and form an answer to the question (p. 67).

The illumination phase will occur naturally if the researcher is open and

receptive to what exists in his/her tacit knowledge. It is in this phase that

understanding of a phenomenon grows and the experience gains clarity (Patton,

2002). Illumination occurs when there is a breakthrough into conscious

awareness of the themes and clusters that formed during the incubation period

(Sela-Smith, 2002).

In the explication phase the researcher consciously examines what has

awakened or formed during the research process (Patton, 2002). It is a time of

continued inward focus and self-study as the researcher considers the layers of

understanding that have developed (Sela-Smith, 2002). In this phase the

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researcher focuses concentration and joins personal experiences with personal

intuition to gain a fuller understanding of the phenomenon (Hains, 2007).

The final stage or phase of heuristic inquiry is creative synthesis. It is in

this stage that the researcher is able to produce a rich and full depiction of the

individuals involved in the experience and of the experience itself (Patton, 2002).

Sela-Smith (2002) described creative synthesis as the embodiment of the

essences that have been investigated. The point of creative synthesis is to

capture the richness of the experienced phenomenon and communicate it in as

full a way as possible (Sela-Smith, 2002).

Six key components were indentified as being present in a truly heuristic

study (Sela-Smith, 2002, p. 69). They include:

1. The researcher must have experienced that which is to be

researched

2. The researcher must make mention of some intense concern that

forced inward reflection and a search of tacit knowledge and

awareness

3. The researcher shows he/she has surrendered to the question

4. The researcher demonstrates self-dialogue

5. The researcher self-searches

6. The researcher evidences that transformation has taken place

through the use of a narrative of the experience

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These six characteristics or components of heuristic inquiry demonstrate that this

is a method that is as much about introspection as it is about study of the

outside. The heuristic researcher must first understand his/her own internal

nature and then apply, compare, and compound this with what is observed and

studied. Through this, a narrative may be written that allows the reader to

experience and feel along with the researcher and co-researchers.

Over the last five years I read and I reflected on what I had read. I thought

about what I think are important attributes in a police officer. I considered

learning and social theories and how these might apply to my craft. I also

struggled with the importance of the traditions, customs, and culture of my

profession. And I wondered how all of these things come together to create the

version of law enforcement we have today.

But what does all of this mean to me as a would-be scholar searching for

insight, knowledge and understanding? I concluded it means police are the way

they are due to some force or forces that molded them into their current form.

Whether these forces are academic, situational, cultural, or some embodiment of

all three can be debated.

The first point I had to acknowledge was that my interest in police training

was not something born in academic sterility. It was a culmination of my life’s

path from high school teacher to police officer to now one who trains police. I am

a part of the police culture. If there is deficiency in police training then I am both

product and re-creator of it. I see the wisdom in Popeye who would claim, “I am

what I am.”

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The second point that I believe must be acknowledged is that before one

can hope to change a perceived problem, it is best to have an understanding of

what created it in the first place. If it is accepted that police training is not a

perfect thing, and it cannot be as it is a creation of man, then it is incumbent on

those who would change it to first understand it.

I also had to admit that there is a difference between truly knowing and

truly believing. I realized that whatever form my research was to take, I must

always be cognizant of this difference. Belief is an infinite thing bounded only by

imagination and not necessarily tempered by reason. True knowledge can never

escape reason, nor can it be fully measured or fully described, whether

quantitatively or qualitatively. For if I allowed my beliefs of what police training is

to stand untested, the resulting product could only be a reflection of that with

which I started.

The ultimate goal of this study was to determine why police are as they

are, at least as that question relates to police recruit training. Through

understanding and coming to know the essence of the police academy

phenomena as lived by recruits today, I believe I was able to find ways to

improve the training environment.

Implementation of Research Strategies

The logical starting point was the application of the first three steps of

heuristic inquiry. These are initial engagement, immersion, and incubation (Sela-

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Smith, 2002). While these steps are described in the literature as something of a

linear process, I believe that in some ways they can be cyclical.

The initial engagement phase was likely already at least largely

completed, though I do not pretend to know all that there is to know about police

recruit training. I was certain I had an intense interest in the subject, on both

scholarly and personal levels. I have become convinced that police training for

recruits can be improved but only if we, as trainers, fully understand why the

current training methodologies impact recruits as they do. I had reflected on my

own experiences as a recruit in the police academy and as an instructor. I have

been able to isolate what causes me true concern. At the deepest level I was left

wondering how police recruit training might be improved. I contend that I was

engaged.

The immersion stage took the form of reading scholarly literature about

police training and coupling that with conversations with police trainers. Through

a combination of continued self-dialogue which began during initial engagement

and conversations with others, I came to feel even more deeply about the state

of police recruit training. Prior to my first observational visit, I had been

immersed through the literature, professional conversations, and in my own

experiences. I had only been able to reflect on my own knowledge and beliefs.

While I had reflected on the idea of improving police training from every

perspective I could conceive, I knew the immersion process was not fully

complete. The immersion phase would begin anew when I made my first field

visit. In seeing a new group of recruits and instructors, I was provided new

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perspectives through which to consider the issue. In retrospect, I believe I cycled

through the second stage multiple times as each newly shared experience

required new reflection.

The third stage of heuristic inquiry, incubation, came as I prepared my

preliminary examination and research proposal. I stepped away from police

training literature, and I was not currently teaching at our police academy. My

attention was primarily focused toward the ‘how’ and not the ‘why.’ But new input

did occur. It occurred when I finally hammered out my precise methodology.

And there was more new input when I began to observe and interview. In this

way, I see my process as moving between immersion and incubation multiple

times. Each new facet of the academy experience required renewed reflection

and consideration as to what that experience meant to me and what it may have

meant to the cadre of recruits.

It is in the incubation stage that precise interview questions were

developed. As the idea and inner meaning of police academy attendance was

reflected upon, certain ideas formed. For example, I did not believe it would be

productive to ask a recruit on the first day if he/she was nervous, for I believed

only a liar would say he/she was not. Nor would it be prudent to ask how

nervous or anxious someone felt, for then I would be trying to quantify a human

experience. Rather, I concluded it better to ask a recruit simply what thoughts

were going through his/her mind during the introductory lecture.

In the incubation stage I considered what things I should focus my

observations toward. Through self-dialogue and reflection, I coupled my

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understanding of the scholarly literature to the memories and emotions I have

from my time as a recruit and as an instructor. Some considerations included the

identification of teaching styles used and level of overt paramilitary structure. I

based these considerations on reflections that came from blending my

knowledge base with my emotional connection to the enterprise.

I believed that through diligent thought and intellectual honesty through

the first phases of heuristic inquiry, the groundwork for the phenomenological

analysis of the police academy experience would be laid. These initial steps

provided the basis for the bracketing of personal knowledge and beliefs required

by the phenomenological method. The phenomenological reduction could then

begin. Interviews and observations were coded and clustered in such a way as

to isolate out my emotional and intellectual connections and themes and

connections based solely on the phenomena studied were built. For example, in

the case of the effectiveness of militaristic training methods, I had to be certain I

was focused on the co-researcher responses and not my personal history of

being trained under a militaristic model and the organization pride that likely

stemmed from that training. From there, the construction of a detailed

description of the academy experience observed could begin. I then attempted

to isolate what that experience meant to recruits. With that in hand, I was ready

to return to my heuristic self-study.

A researcher who uses phenomenology cannot be detached from

personal presuppositions (Groenewald, 2004). The application of

phenomenology involved the collecting of lived experiences while still preserving

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the spontaneity of the experience (Jasper, 1994). Phenomenological data

collection techniques may include interviews, group discussions, and written

accounts of experiences (Jasper, 1994). Rather than being married to a strict set

of data collection techniques, the phenomenologist seeks ways to study human

experience and gain an understanding of what those experiences mean

(McPhail, 1995). I choose to rely up a mixture of observations, semi-formal

interviews, and informal dialogue.

The analysis of these data required me to transcribe the interviews then

code them into themes, then use the themes to build categories, and finally use

these categories to identify attributes of the studied experience (Jasper, 1994).

To conduct phenomenological analysis a researcher must engage in epoche, or

refrain from judgment and the ordinary way of perceiving things. This requires

the researcher to undergo self-study and identify personal bias and involvement

and clearly identify preconceptions (Patton, 2002). In this study, the heuristic

elements served as the means of bringing to light my experiences as they related

to the study. Bracketing allows for data to be considered in its own right (Patton,

2002). But rather than being set aside, I have included them as part of the study

results.

The process of separating out personal experience from that which is

researched and then finding the essence of the studied matter is referred to as

phenomenological reduction (Giorgi, 1997). This allowed me to consider the

data as it is presented so that it may be considered on its own merit exactly as it

was presented (Giorgi, 1997). Once themes and clusters of themes are

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identified, the researcher performs what Patton termed ‘imaginative variation’ and

develops expanded versions of the unchanging themes (Patton, 2002). This

involved me taking the words said by co-researchers, coupling them to my

observations and then considering what various meanings these things might

indicate. This gave me insight into the phenomenon of police academy

attendance from multiple perspectives.

Phenomenological analysis also involves a description of the researched

experience that includes the ‘bones’ of the experience for the group studied,

again looking for the deeper meaning of it (Patton, 2002). In this case the deeper

meaning of how the co-researchers experienced the phenomenon of the police

academy. Important considerations included the varying backgrounds of the

cadre, as they were known, the overt and perceived hidden curriculum, and the

stressors placed on students whether they are emotional, intellectual, or physical.

The phenomenological analysis provided another layer of input for the

heuristic process. The understanding of what the academy process meant to its

students was overlaid on to my experiences as a recruit and as an instructor. I

contend I re-entered the immersion and incubation stages again as I considered

how these new recruits’ experiences may be different or similar to my

experiences as a recruit and instructor. When these common themes formed

from the intermingling of my observations and reflections coupled with my lived

experience, I entered the heuristic stage of illumination.

When I began to be able to articulate what I believed I knew, entrance into

the explication stage was gained. This new knowledge required reflection as to

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how it may be explained, described, and used. I had to consider how what I had

learned might be put into the context of what I had experienced. As I entered the

creative synthesis stage of the heuristic process, I worked to distill out the

essences of the academy experience in three distinct layers, as student, as an

instructor, and as an observer.

The theoretical frameworks applied to this study served as lenses.

Through these lenses I attempted to view what the police academy is to both

new recruits and me. The frameworks allowed me to gain insight into the

process by which police officers are formed and awareness as to how this

process may have affected me. The phenomenological attributes afforded me

the opportunity to delve deeply into the meaning of the police academy

experience and perhaps gain understanding as to how that meaning is made.

This has implication for those involved in both police training and police research.

If greater understanding of the police academy experience is acquired then ways

to improve might be found.

The heuristic side of the study was filled with largely personal benefits for

me. I came to know better why I am as I am. This will help me in future research

endeavors by already having a readily accessible inventory of personal bias and

baggage. Through immersion and incubation I built my personal knowledge

base with both fact and understanding of my own tacit knowledge. I believe this

greater understanding of self will aid in improving how I train future police

officers.

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Site and Participants

The study was conducted at a regional police academy in Indiana. The

majority of students came from a two-county area that consists of a metropolitan

area made up of several cities situated contiguously and the sheriffs’

departments of the two counties. The academy is housed in a recently

renovated city-owned building where it occupies one floor of a former middle

school. Fulltime academy staff included the director, two full-time staff

instructors, along with one full-time and one part-time clerical worker. Instruction

is supplemented through the use of instructors from area police departments and

social agencies. The academy offers two sessions of basic police training per

year, each lasting 15 weeks. The recruit class on which this study was based

was the twenty-fifth session conducted by the academy. The recruit population

consisted of 17 individuals. There were two white females, one black male, with

the remainder white males. Originally, nineteen recruits were enrolled however

two failed the initial physical fitness assessment mandated by the Indiana Law

Enforcement Training Board and were therefore barred from being accepted as

students.

The selection of this academy was based on several factors. One

principle reason for its selection was its relative close proximity to my home

thereby allowing for frequent observations. Additionally, it is a commuter

academy, whereas I attended an academy that required recruits to stay in

dormitories during the week. This difference allowed me to consider how the two

academy styles compared to one another. Furthermore, this particular academy

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accepted recruits who paid their own tuition rather than having already been

hired by a police department. The academy I attended trained only officers

already selected for employment by my department.

With one of the guiding research questions dealing with learning outcomes

stemming from militaristic/pedagogic instructional practices, I had to describe

how military-like the academy I was to study appeared to be. Characteristics that

indicate whether a particular training program is militaristic in nature are

admittedly subjective and likely to fall into some sort of continuum and not an

‘either-or’ situation. For example, the wearing of uniforms may be associated

with the military, but uniforms are a part of policing. Police have been organized

along military lines since Sir Robert Peel organized the London Metropolitan

Police in 1829 (Paul & Birzer, 2008). Vodde (2008) described the military model

as one that “emphasizes structure, regimen, discipline, and curricular content,

with little, if any, deliberation on the transactional processes associated with

learning. (p. 22). But this definition of a military model does not reflect the

current idea of military training as evidence by military training documents

(United States Army, 2003).

I found no rubric in the literature that might provide a format for evaluating

or categorizing a given academy’s teaching methods. In order to determine a

police academy’s relative ‘military-ness’ I purposed to use the following two

question sets as a guide in determining where an academy falls along a

continuum line ranging from ‘Very military-like’ to ‘Very college-like.’ The more

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affirmative responses, the more military-like the setting is. My appraisal for each

point as it applied to this academy is included in parentheses.

1. Are recruits required to move in-step while traveling in groups?

(No)

2. Are recruits required to sing cadence while marching? (Yes, during

exercise)

3. Are guidons or other related symbols carried or displayed? (No)

4. Are recruits expected to maintain traditional military courtesy

whenever addressing staff or superiors? (Yes)

5. Are recruits required to ‘give way’ when approached by superiors

while traveling in corridors? (Yes)

6. Are recruits required to preface all conversations with superiors

with rank, sir, or ma’am? (Yes)

7. Are recruits subjected to physical exercise punishments? (Yes)

8. Are recruits required to come to attention when a superior enters a

room? (Yes)

9. Are recruits subjected to personal/uniform inspections? (Yes)

10. Are recruits expected to acknowledge they are entering a warrior

class? (Yes)

In order to gauge a police academy’s ‘college-ness’ I purposed using the

following questions. The more affirmative responses recorded, the more college-

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like the academy. My appraisal for each point as it applied to this academy is

included in parentheses.

1. Are recruits allowed to ask questions during classroom activities?

(Yes)

2. Are recruits nearly free of supervision after class hours in a

dormitory setting? Or, is the academy commuter based? (Yes)

3. Are recruits able to leave the academy grounds at the conclusion of

the training day (liberty perpetually granted)? (Yes)

4. Are recruits free to leave academy grounds during the training day?

(Yes)

5. Are recruits free to dress as they wish after class hours? (Yes)

6. Are recruits provided unrestricted Internet access? (No)

7. Are recruits free to organize their equipment, personal items, and

dorm room, if applicable, as they wish? (No)

8. Are recruits able to sit with whom they wish during meals? (Yes)

9. Are recruits able to attend classroom activities in casual street

clothes? (No)

10. Are recruits free from unannounced schedule changes and start

times? (Yes, mostly)

By subtracting the number of positive responses from the college set from

the total number of positive responses from the military set, one could gauge the

relative style of an academy. A positive number would indicate the format is

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more military in nature and a negative score would suggest a more college-like

atmosphere. This rubric might also be applied in a situation where academy

styles are compared to one another. This academy scored a +1; therefore I

considered it to be a blend of the two styles being only slightly militaristic in its

overall style.

Interview Questions

Two separate groups of questions were constructed; one group was

designed to probe the thoughts and feelings of recruits and the other to inquire

into the thoughts and feelings of the lead instructors. Each group of questions

consisted of three sub-groupings that corresponded to approximately the

beginning, middle, and end of the academy session. An additional question-set

for recruits was also utilized post-graduation.

Following committee approval, these questions were submitted along with

a proposal for research to Purdue’s Internal Review Board (IRB) and it was

approved. A copy of the proposal acceptance may be found in Appendix A. The

interview questions were used as a guide and not a strict script. Follow up

questions were added to stimulate further discussion. The delivery of a given

question was done so conversationally and not necessarily verbatim from the

submitted questions. The actual questions presented to co-researchers follow.

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Academy staff questions, beginning

1. What drew you to police training?

2. Why did you enter police work to begin with?

3. Do you find training as satisfying as actual police work?

4. What do you think the role of the academy is?

5. What is one of the strongest memories you have about your academy

experience?

6. What is your biggest fear or concern about this group of recruits?

7. If time and money were not problems, what would you add or change

about the academy curriculum as it stands now?

8. What qualities do you think it takes to be a good police officer?

9. Is there something about your time here at the academy that makes you

the most proud?

10. What kind of research do think would be most beneficial in regard to police

training?

Academy staff questions, mid-session:

1. How do you think this session is progressing?

2. Do you think the class is functioning as group or as individuals?

3. Is there anyone in the class that you are worried about and why?

4. Is there anything you wish you could change about this session, so far?

5. Have I been a distraction to the training process?

6. What has been the best moment for you so far in this session?

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7. How would you assess the overall quality of the recruits so far, do they

seem to have what it takes to be police officers, why or why not?

8. How do you think the instruction has been so far and why?

9. What do you think of the class’ attitude, how do they seem to you?

10. Are they progressing as you would expect, why or why not?

Academy staff questions, conclusion of the session:

1. What do you think, has it been a good session, why or why not?

2. Has my being here caused any problems?

3. Can they all do the job; is there someone that you are worried about?

4. Is there anything about this session that stands out, good or bad?

5. What block of instruction worked best and why?

6. Is there something you think needs changing before next session, why?

7. What do you hope the recruits take from here, beside just how to do the

job?

8. Are they ready?

9. Are you proud of what you helped to make?

10. What does it take to get you ready to do it again in a few months?

Recruit questions, beginning:

1. Who do you hang around with when you are not at work?

2. Why did you want to do this?

3. What were you thinking during that first introductory lecture?

4. What do you think the hardest part will be?

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5. If you couldn’t do this, what would you do?

6. Not to sound corny, but who is your hero? Why?

7. How do you think most people view the police?

8. What do you think of most people?

9. What is more important, personal honor or loyalty to a group?

10. What do you think of when you hear someone talking about the ‘Blue Line’

and what does it mean to you?

Recruit questions, mid-session:

1. Are you glad you are here?

2. Do you get trouble from your classmates over meeting and talking with

me?

3. What has been hardest for you?

4. As a whole, what do you think of your classmates, are you proud to a part

of this group?

5. What do you think, is policing a job or a lifestyle?

6. Have your family members treated you differently since you have been in

the academy?

7. Who do you hang around with when the academy is not in session, have

you hung with classmates?

8. Is there a difference between loyalty and the ‘Blue Line?’

9. When this is done, what do you think you will be the most proud of?

10. What would you like to change about the academy so far?

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Recruit questions, conclusion of the session:

1. Do you feel ready?

2. What do you think of your class?

3. What is the best thing about the academy, besides being done?

4. What was the best lesson and why?

5. Was it what you thought it would be (the academy experience)?

6. Looking back, do you think they prepared to be a warrior or a public

servant?

7. Do you think you have changed from what you were that first day? How?

8. Would your family and friends agree?

9. Who did you hang out with more during the academy, old friends or

classmates?

10. What do you think of most people and what do you think they believe

about us?

11. What is your most vivid memory about the academy and what made it so

special? (Excluding graduation)

Recruit questions, field training time:

1. Were you ready?

2. Was it worth it?

3. Are you having fun?

4. What were you thinking when you got pinned at graduation?

5. What should they have done to prepare you better?

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6. How are you being treated by your department, are you a near equal, or

still a recruit?

7. Was the academy as militaristic as you thought it should have been? Is

that good or bad?

8. What part of the job tightens you up the most?

9. What kind of people are you dealing with the most?

10. Why do we have police and what is our function?

Data Collection

Data were collected over the course of the fifteen-week academy session

with on-site visits each week. Means of collection included weekly class

observations, informal interviews with staff and recruits, and formal semi-

structured interviews with staff and recruits.

The academy director introduced me during the opening lecture of the

session. The recruits were told that I was a graduate student at Purdue

University researching police training and a first sergeant with the Indiana State

Police. I was allowed to read from a prepared script approved by the IRB (see

Appendix B) where the purpose of my research was described.

During the third week I provided an IRB consent form (see Appendix C

and D) to recruits and staff. They were invited to read it and if they agreed to be

interviewed, sign and return it. Of the seventeen recruits, twelve agreed to

formal interviews; ten actually made themselves available for interviews. The

two lead instructors also agreed to formal interviews.

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Early in the data-collection process it became clear that given the rigorous

time constraints on the recruits, face-to-face formal interviews would not be

possible and the telephone interviews seemed the best alternative. To review

the changes in the participant consent form, see Appendix E.

Interviews for recruits and instructors corresponded to roughly the

beginning third, middle, and final week of the session. The interviews were semi-

structured in nature with specific questions for each group and of the process.

Follow up questions were also used to draw out the thoughts and feelings of the

participants. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed for review and

analysis.

Observation of academy instruction included classroom lessons and

hands on activities such as Standardized Field Sobriety Testing (SFST) and

mock traffic stops. Observation of psychomotor skills included handgun

qualifications and physical (defensive) tactics.

Data gathering for the field observations was approached in a manner that

has served me as an investigator for the last nearly fifteen years. Field notes

during classroom observations consisted of hand written notes on a bound pad.

Notations included estimation as to the level of engagement of the recruits,

methodologies used by instructors, and any factual errors I noted in a given

presentation. These field notes were then used as a means to jog memory when

I constructed a written report of the day’s events, usually within 48 hours of the

observation. Included in the typed version were sections detailing my personal

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reflections, concerns, thoughts, and emotions as they related to the observations

of the day.

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CHAPTER 4. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

Introduction

In the first part of this chapter I describe briefly the salient experiences in

my life that I believe brought me to the police academy as a recruit. As it turned

out, my experiences were not especially unique.

The bulk of the chapter details and interprets various themes and

connections noted during analysis. These themes were distilled further until a

qualitative assertion could be made at the conclusion of each section.

Interspersed among the reported data I have included excerpts from my research

journal and occasionally, recollections of my own academy experience (identified

by italics).

The data revealed other assertions not brought forward here. The

assertions discussed are those I believed had the greatest meaning for police

training by way of being potentially more generalizable. It is important that

readers know the recruits interviewed for this study spoke highly of this

academy’s training and its practices. Some of the information discussed below

might lead someone to believe this academy’s practices are problematic when at

most they are perhaps symptomatic of current police training. The staff is proud

of the work they do and that will be evidenced below. They were not hesitant to

have me study their practices and me unfettered access to do it.

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Personal Journey Through the Heuristic Process

The first steps in determining what this study might indicate had to begin

with a consideration of how, through the six steps of the heuristic process

discussed in Chapter three, my experiences related to and quite possibly

influenced my perceptions of the academy session observed and the interviews

done concerning it. If this study were to describe the academy experience

observed in a way consistent with the principles of phenomenological method, I

had to first be able to articulate that which my past experiences as a high school

teacher, police academy recruit, police officer, and trainer of police officers had

instilled in me, whether it be for the good or the bad. By knowing what baggage I

carried into the study a reader would be able to make a personal judgment as to

if my history clouded my understanding of what I saw, heard, and felt.

Initially trained to be a teacher for what was then known as vocational

agriculture, my preparation included having instilled in me the importance of

experiential learning. While I have no specific recollection of ever reading his

works as an undergraduate, the name Dewey was prominent in classroom

discussion. We knew that our type of teaching involved more than books and the

classroom; it required us to be willing to demonstrate practical skills and mentor

our students in their application. Our type of teaching was to not only impart

knowledge but also impart how that knowledge might be used. We were also

taught the importance of developing the whole student, not merely just a set of

skills and knowledge. The building of leadership qualities and the importance of

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honor and ethics played a part as well. It was not enough for our students to

have the skills needed in agriculture, they must also be able to speak and

conduct themselves with honor and dignity in all things.

As a teacher for four years, I tried my best to follow this model. It was not

enough to learn about animal nutrition; students also needed to know how to

balance a ration. The life cycles of plants were not only discussed, but also

demonstrated and experimented upon in the greenhouse. Our teaching was not

simply about passing information, but rather about the application of that

information. Lessons were not simply something on which to be tested. Our

lessons were, or at least intended to be, meant to build a knowledge and skill

base not only to be recalled but also to be used in a practical way.

Mythology tells of sailors being called by the Sirens’ song onto the rocks.

In much the same way, the song of a siren seduced me. But instead of being

lured unto the crags of a coast, I had been tempted to step away from the

security of what I knew and knew how to do, and enter a foreign place that would

forever change me. It was only recently that I have begun to fully understand

why that came to be. Surely it made no sense for me to leave a teaching job that

I enjoyed to take a substantial pay cut and become a police officer. Why would I

do such a thing?

I was never really much of a thrill seeker in my youth. I had no desire to

ride roller coasters or drive particularly fast. I liked to ride horses but at seldom

more than a controlled lope. I never really liked confrontation. I showed no real

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athletic ability. I was never in the service. I was surely destined to teach school

and maybe farm.

What I did have was the subtle witness of my parents. I can remember no

conversations on patriotism or duty, but I cannot remember ever not sensing

them both. Ours was a modest home with me as the only child. Looking back,

we did not have a lot of extras, but I had everything. In my home right and wrong

were not preached but lived. I learned the way human beings were to behave by

the way my parents lived their lives, and it is constantly reinforced by their

example today. It was through this witness and the way they lived their lives that

I came to believe I was in fact formed with the requisite mindset to become a

police officer.

As a child, there were signs that might have been noticed by a skilled

observer. When schoolyard play turned to ‘cops and robbers’ I refused to be the

bad guy. My favorite TV show was Gunsmoke. As I grew older, something

always was in the back of my mind about being a police officer. Of course, I

ignored it and went to college and became a teacher. But it was still there, subtly

at first and then more loudly. I tried to quell it by becoming a reserve officer with

my sheriff’s department. I saw it as a chance to quiet the call and honor the

commitment to service that had been instilled in me. But the call seemed only to

grow louder.

But there was more than this that brought me to a career in law

enforcement. I had always had a fascination with military service even though I

never joined. It might have been that I was too timid to think that I could ever

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survive in that environment. It might have been that I was, as an only child, too

uneasy about being that far from home. Probably, it was both. I will forever

wonder if that is a hole in my history. College was my path and I achieved in a

most average fashion. From there, teaching became my career with my off-time

most often spent helping my father on the farm and the remainder working with

my reserve police unit.

An opportunity for a graduate assistantship came my way, and I spent two

years to that end. In my final semester as I was busy in my office, I received a

call from an old childhood friend from my 4-H and FFA days. We had often

talked as kids about wanting to be state police officers. He had done it. He had

called to tell me that the state police was accepting applications and that he

wanted me to know it. I responded by reminding him that my eyesight would not

allow me to pass the physical requirements. This had always been a way of not

having to follow through and actually applying. But, he told me the American’s

with Disabilities Act caused changes in the requirements, and that I only needed

to have correctable vision. I had no more excuses.

Nearing graduation and having no job to go to, I thought this could be the

chance to do something about which I had only fantasized. I applied, tested,

interviewed and was promptly told “no thank you.” I secured a teaching position

at a wonderful school with magnificent facilities and supportive parents. It

appeared my path led to the classroom.

But the itch persisted, so I scratched it once again and applied a year

later. I made a promise to myself that if I were not accepted this time I would

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need to be content as a teacher. A few months later on August 1, 1994, I walked

through the doors of the state police academy as a recruit.

How Did I Get Here?

The session I observed began on January 18, 2011. Before any recruit

can be admitted into a police academy he or she must demonstrate physical

ability through the following exercises: Vertical jump; pushups, maximum effort;

Sit-up, one-minute time limit; 300-meter run; and the 1.5-mile run (Indiana Law

Enforcement Academy, 2010). Nineteen people were scheduled to attend and

seventeen were admitted. My first observation began as the recruits made their

way to the classroom after showering and getting into their recruit uniforms.

The academy director introduced me nearly straightaway, and I gave the

class my pitch. When finished, I took a seat in the rear of the classroom. The

director quoted from Henry the V and the St. Crispin’s Day speech, reminding

them that this was a band of brothers. The message to the recruits about

classroom behavior seemed clear: Speak freely and question deeply, just

remember where you are.

The recruits were shown a wall where there were posted the death

announcements of officers killed in the line of duty during the previous recruit

session. They learned of the academy tradition of clearing the wall at the

beginning of each session and then honoring each officer killed in the line of duty

throughout the country during the current session.

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They were told that they were to come to attention whenever an instructor

entered the room. They were also briefed on the use of the break room and that

this was their space where they did not have to come to attention when

instructors entered.

As I looked around the room I could see seventeen pairs of wide eyes

obviously anxious about what was to come. Each recruit gave a brief

introduction, and as I listened I could feel the mixture of excitement and

apprehension. For a moment I felt I was there again.

I felt compelled to stand when instructors entered. It was like I was back at recruit school… (Researcher Journal, 1/18/2011)

By now I had begun to understand, at least in part, why I chose a career in law

enforcement. I wondered to myself if it was the same for these recruits as it was

for me, or if I was some strange outlier in a pool of applicants. I wanted to find

that answer.

The interview protocols for my co-researchers included questions meant

to uncover recruit motivation to enter the police academy. Recruit responses to

these questions were considered and triangulated with other’s responses from

co-researchers to form themes. The lead instructors were also questioned

similarly and their responses were also part of the triangulation process.

When asked why they wanted to attend the police academy, most

answers fell into two general categories. The first was that policing was a long-

held interest and that they were pursuing the goal of becoming a police officer.

Some had come to law enforcement from nonrelated positions or the military,

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while others had taken an intermediate step of working as a reserve officer or in

corrections before coming to the academy. The following interview selections

illustrate this:

Being a police officer is something I’ve wanted to do for a long time and other careers just didn’t seem to fit me. I spent a lot of time in the food industry and I liked it but it wasn’t I’d wanna make a career out of. I just wanted to take it a step further and I started studying criminal justice at college and did an internship with (a local police department) and loved every minute of it so, I knew it would be a good fit. (Interview with Matt, 2/7/2011)

*****

I worked a couple of jobs where, you know, growing up, I had a good job iron working and I made a lot of money but I didn’t like it at all. So I decided I wanted to try something else so I got into the jail and decided, you know, I really liked it and wanted to take it from there kind of. (Interview with Bart, 2/7/2011)

*****

Well, being a police officer is something I always, I mean, my mom always jokes it’s something I’ve wanted to do since I was in second grade and she’s probably actually right about that. It’s something I always wanted to do. I went to college for it and kinda went into the private sector doing loss prevention and then got into a really good environmental job and got lost in the idea of, hey, I’m making good money, You know, I got discouraged taking some tests for departments and didn’t get hired, then got back into the reserves police aspect of it and eventually got hired…(Interview with Paul, 2/7/2011)

***** For two others, it seemed that a career as a sworn police officer was also

about remaking their family name. For one, it was a plain admission, but for the

other his at least partial motivation became more clearly seen later in the

interview process. Interview excerpts follow:

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Well, actually that is a long story… Growing up, you know, I, my father had some pretty serious things around [our] area. So growing up really wasn’t too great, you know, people judge by last names and you know, as a kid I was taken away from my parents. I was hanging around a lot of police officers, ATF, FBI type people and if there’s one thing I learned out of that whole entire experience, it was how not to be. And I looked up to these people everyday as a kid. I’m talking 5-6 years old. They really, I mean, they, just riding in the cop car, they were taking me out to breakfast, they were just talking to me about police stuff, what I was gonna do when I got older, how they were gonna make sure I was gonna be a police officer. They just set such positive influence in my life and I’ve never forgotten it. You know, to this day, you know, I want to be on that side, you know, and be like them, you know. Maybe I’ll run into a situation down the road where I find someone like me when I was that young, you know, and I can be an influence on him. So, that’s why I want to do it. (Interview with Mark, 2/7/2011)

***** Silas: So, I mean like, everybody happy for me. And the academy gives them hope, you know. Me: Seein’ you kind of heading in a direction some people wouldn’t have thought folks from where grew up would’ve headed? Silas: Right. Me: Gotcha. Silas: See like, I got an older brother that, you know, he started off, you know, he calmed down a whole lot, he been calm for years, he did a little jail time or whatever. That was like one of my problems where just because we had the same name, you know, like people was kinda like, you know, kinda puttin’ us together, I mean, and that’s not the case. We’re totally different, we might have the same last name but got totally different name too, two different first names, you know. I’m my own person, I make my own decisions. He chose his life and chose and dealt with it and he’s livin’ his life. But don’t hold me back; just give me a chance, you know. And that’s one thing I love about (my department), I mean they give you opportunities, a chance to prove yourself and they not judge you when you come through the door. (Interview with Silas, March 23, 2011)

***** While two recruits interviewed conveyed the importance of proving their

personal worth compared to a questionable family past, for the rest it was

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unclear. There must be more to what brought these recruits to law enforcement

than some undefined internal desire to be a police officer. I wondered if there

were common characteristics in the way some or most see the world. Was there

something about the people in their lives that they found worthy imitating or using

as role models? Did they have a set of core values or beliefs that might have

shaped them toward law enforcement? A few claimed to have no hero in their

life, but the majority did. After considering the interviews, I believed that many

commonalities could be found in the people recruits would call their ‘hero’ and

the characteristics these individuals exhibited. The following interview segments

stemming from the question, ‘Who is your hero and why?’ demonstrated this:

Peter: My grandfather... Me: Any particular reason? Peter: He came from being one of 13 farm kids, to joining, he was in military during Korea, he got out. Got his bachelors in English, his masters in math and physics and taught, and was head of the math department in (a local school system) for a long time. And created all the parks there and with that salary retired to be very well off. He was hard working, you know, family. Me: So, the whole work ethic thing that he demonstrated? Peter: Yeah. Because the man is 79 years old and can still put me under the table when it comes to work. He builds barns because he is bored. (Interview with Peter, 2/8/2011)

***** My parents for, for they’ve always been there for me, they never let me down, so to speak, and I think that might be a bit of a corny answer, probably a lot of people would say that, but the other that I would say had the hero status to me, the moment that sticks out in my head is 9/11 and being an eighth grader at 13 or 14 years or however old I was and seeing those fireman, cops, other responders going into those buildings and doing things that that no human should ever have to face. But they did anyways. That, that was a major act of heroics and something that I look up to. (Interview with Tim, 2/7/2011)

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***** John: Probably my grandfather because he’s been in this already. Me: As a policeman? John: Yes. And so it’s something to strive for. (Interview with John, 2/8/2011)

***** I would have to say, you know, its my deceased father would be my hero. Because he, for many reasons, just the way he lived his life and the way he brought his family up, the way he sacrificed for his family and then when he got cancer, had esophageal cancer, when faced with his own mortality wasn’t worried about that, he was more worried about who he was leaving behind. He wasn’t worried about him, it wasn’t feel sorry for me, he was more worried about my mom being taken care of, his kids being taken care of, so to me, that would be my hero, just the way he acted and lived his life. (Interview with Paul, 2/7/2011)

*****

These interview clips clearly show that these recruits came to the police

academy with ideas on what it meant to be successful. Things such as wealth

and notoriety were not seen. Instead, self-sacrifice, commitment, hard work, and

loyalty were the characteristics viewed as worthy of imitating. While one recruit

did mention a famous person as a hero, it was not due to that person’s fame and

fortune, but rather his determination and ownership of past mistakes.

From these interviews it was clear to me that duty and loyalty were things

that held great importance to these recruits. They hoped to emulate people that

had lived lives of dignified hard work and they honored family members who

demonstrated it. As the director told them in his opening remarks, policing is

considered a brotherhood. The term The Thin Blue Line was used in class to

symbolize this bond. I was curious to know more about how this group perceived

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loyalty and honor. I asked them, ‘What is more important, personal honor or

loyalty to a group?’ The answers left little ambiguity as demonstrated by the

interview sampling below:

Personal honor. Because, personal honor, loyalty to a group get you in trouble. I mean that’s just that. How you was brought up, how you raised, how you live your life, you can’t go along with something just ‘cause this group said it was OK. No, you got to live with it. I mean, if it is wrong, its wrong and you made the mistake so you deal with it. (Interview with Silas, 2/7/2011)

***** I would say, I would say personal honor. I don’t know, at least I don’t think, I don’t tend to be influenced by what the masses are doing. I still don’t have a Facebook page. It’s pretty insignificant, but I don’t see the need for it. I don’t know, I don’t jump on bandwagons like that. I like to be able to sleep at night. I’ve always lived by the definition of integrity is doing the right thing even when people aren’t looking. While I don’t always do the right things, I sure try. (Interview with James, 2/7/2011)

***** Personal honor. I personally really believe that, its, I can’t… I want to be able to get up and walk with my head high. Not, I sold myself out, you know, for something. You know, I couldn’t live with that. (Interview with Mark, 2/7/2011) With the way recruits expected to live their own lives coming into focus, I

next considered how the recruits viewed the society they were to police. Did they

come to the profession with the idea that the public was populated by evil?

Some believed that people are flawed and do not think about the consequences

of their actions. Others contended that most people were inherently good.

Sample responses follow:

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I think most people don’t think about their actions. I, you know, I don’t have a large group of friends because I think I usually think a lot different than the rest of them. A lot of people act without thinking about the consequences or, you know, they live in the moment and it gets them in trouble or, you know, who’s gonna catch me if I do this? From the people I’ve grown up around, that’s the impression I get from them. (Interview with Mark, 2/7/2011)

***** I mean, I don’t stereotype nobody or whatever. Coming from prison, from the jail, I mean everybody do make mistakes. A lot of people out there, I mean, you know they just got caught, really. To be truthful, a lot of people maybe could have been in jail just didn’t get caught, you know. So, I, you know, everybody’s a human being, I feel they’re all the same. I mean as far as murderers or child molesters, something like that, they just leave a bad taste in my mouth as far as that, but like normal crimes or whatever, I mean we are all human, you know, so… But I don’t think I’m higher than or above nobody. We all equal to me. But if you break the law, it’s a job I have to do, that I swore that I would do, and I got to do it. (Interview with Silas, 2/7/2011)

***** I’m always happy but some people just run into problems in their life. I’m not very judgmental; I basically give everyone their fair chance… Yeah, yeah. I think most people are good people but there are people that you can’t trust, obviously. (Interview with Bart, 2/7/2011)

***** I think most people, standardly, are good. It just, you know, they’re struggling to make it through life. Certain people make mistakes and it’s how you handle those mistakes and deal with it that makes you a better person. Everybody’s got problems but you just got to work through ‘em. (Interview with Barney, 2/7/2011)

These recruits viewed society as populated mostly by people who were

inherently good but also flawed human beings who sometimes fail to consider the

ramifications of their actions. As I heard their responses during the interview

process and read them during analysis, my recollection turned to my time in the

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police academy and particularly to something our Criminal Law instructor said to

us, “People fuckin’ stupid.” He did not say people were evil or something to be

feared in total. He was simply telling us that people in large part do not think

before they act. Years later I told him that that was one of the academy lessons

that has probably meant the most to me. It was the realization that logic and

reason are often lost on many parts of society.

I also considered how the recruits thought society viewed their profession.

Most acknowledged that the police were something that was often feared or

hated, and a thing they only wanted around when needed. It was also

acknowledged that at least some parts of society held respect for police officers.

Perhaps most importantly, many of these recruits believe that they can change

public opinion of the profession. Interview clips follow:

I would say most people view the police as a pain in the ass. That’s kind of a crude answer but I think most people look at us as you know those guys are a pain in the ass and nobody wants them around, but you know, you always hear where’s a cop when you really need one? They’re always around when you don’t. You know, I think there’s, the majority of the people out there view us as a kinda pain in the ass, you know, we’re either showing up writing them a ticket or taking someone to jail or blocking traffic. You know, I think that’s the way most people view the police. Kind of a pessimistic way of looking at it but if you think about that then when you go out there and show up to a call and know that these people are gonna have a certain perception, but if I can show up and kind of change their perception and go, you know what, I wish more cops were like you. Well, you know what, there’s a lot of us that are like me. It’s kind of a challenge then, if you kind of go into it thinking that way. (Interview with Paul, 2/7/2011)

***** I, there is a lot of negative on what people see as a police officer. Just, you know, hearing all you do is write ‘em tickets and arrest people. Mostly a negative feedback but except, you know, you get a few people that, you

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know, can do the good and help ‘em out and they’ll feel the difference and where not all bad guys. Try and make a difference and help people. (Interview with Barney, 2/7/2011)

***** I think they look up to them but I also think that it kinda scares them which isn’t good. You know, I mean its good a little bit, but I think most people view them as, some are, some give them a bad rep and, you know, they think all of them are like that but I definitely don’t, I disagree. (Interview with Bart, 2/7/2011)

***** Very, very negative. Very poor. I don’t talk to many people that think highly of the police. Whether it’s because so and so let this guy go when he got pulled over or the why should we do this, you know, police do it all the time. You know, a lot of that. Not too many police officers from the area that I’m from anyway, have good reputations and that’s something I kinda want to change getting on a department hopefully in [a town near where I grew up] to kind of change that tone. (Interview with Mark, 2/7/2011)

The recruits interviewed presented a picture of a student population that

values hard work, and honor. They have found role models in their own family or

elsewhere not so much because of what the person did or the riches they gained

but how they lived their lives. They saw the society that they were in training to

serve as populated mostly by good people who did not always think about the

consequences of their actions. These recruits acknowledged that often times the

community they serve will not have a high opinion of them, yet many enter the

profession believing that through their good works this opinion might change.

This group did not mention job security as a motivating factor in wishing to

become a police officer as was found in other studies (White, Cooper, Saunders,

& Raganella, 2010).

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Now I could see pieces of my own story intermeshing as the thoughts and

feelings of others were overlaid with my own. Perhaps mine was in no way

unique, but a part of the norm. Through the intermingling of their stories and

mine, a truth became evident and I knew I could make my first qualitative

assertion:

Assertion one: Recruits enter the police academy with attitudes

concerning policing and society already in place.

Do We Really Need To Be Here?

As discussed previously, Indiana law does not require a fulltime police

officer to attend a certified training academy for up to one year of service. One

could be left wondering if the police academy was even a necessary thing, after

all; if it were so important, why can someone do the job for so long without it?

There has been argument among scholars as to whether policing is even a

profession but rather a trade or craft (Bumgarner, 2002). I asked the co-

researchers actively engaged in policing upon graduation if they thought the

police academy was worth it. Their opinions were quite clear as the following

transcript selections demonstrate:

Yeah. From me lookin’ back now and me thinking that I know what I’m doing and for what the academy had taught me, yeah people need it. It ain’t no slide-by class. They just want you to have things that will help you. (Interview with Silas, 5/19/2011)

*****

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Oh, yeah, I think it is. I feel a lot more confident in what I am doing. I’m more educated in what to do. I’d say it’s worth it, definitely. (Interview with Matt, 5/23/2011)

***** Oh, absolutely, I mean I just, everything they taught us, you like they said, you know, put it your tool bag, take what you want but, you know, it’s great to have that knowledge and to learn this stuff from master instructors and you know, people who have been doing the game a long time, you know. So I would say definitely its, it was definitely worth my, you know, my 15 weeks to go there. (Interview with Steve, 5/20/2011)

***** Phil: Definitely, I learned a lot. Me: How so? Phil: The two guys we have that haven’t been there, you know, they’ve been there for, you know, they been there for a few, we’ve had one guy who’s been there four years and I know more than him after going through the academy so it was a great, you know, opportunity and I learned a lot. Me: You mean he’s been there as a reserve but not fully sworn? Phil: Yeah. (Interview with Phil, 5/20/2011)

***** Oh yes, definitely. It gave me a huge platform to build on. (Interview with Peter, 5/19/2011)

*****

Before coming to our academy I had four years experience as a reserve sheriff’s deputy. I thought I knew something until that first day in the academy. Looking back, I can’t imagine ever learning what I needed to know without having the basic skill set taught at the academy.

*****

Every co-researcher concurred that the academy is an endeavor worth the

time and effort. My own experiences supported their conclusion. While it will be

left for administrators and politicians to decide when, how soon, or if a person

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acting with police powers must attend a basic academy, these practitioners knew

that their experiences left them something with true benefit. From this I was

confident that my second assertion had great strength:

Assertion two: The police academy experience is a worthwhile thing.

I Understand What You Are Saying, But How Do I Do It?

In Indiana, a person may work as a sworn police officer for up to one year

with only a forty-hour pre-basic training course (Indiana Law Enforcement

Academy, 2010). Unpaid reserve officers may work for municipalities with only

this same training. Because of this, the academy I observed had students with

vast differences in their past policing experience. Some had worked for a

department for some time in a paid capacity and were only now attending the

academy. Others had worked as reserve officers prior to attending. Others still,

had no real police experience. A few had combat experience in the War on

Terror.

Having been an instructor in our academy, I had some sense of the

instructors’ task. Instructors must present basic-level material in such a way as

to engage the experienced students without losing the inexperienced ones.

I was curious if the class would see me as a nuisance or something more

positive. I knew as a researcher I could not allow myself to be pulled into a

teacher role, but I doubted that would be a problem. I wondered if my presence

would cause problems for the instructors and if I was going to be accepted or

suspected. Throughout the interview process I asked recruits and instructors if

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my presence was causing problems and everyone assured me that it was not.

But hearing it and knowing it can be two different things. By the second week I

was becoming convinced of the answers.

I think this is going to work. I seem to have been accepted by the majority of the class as a police officer wanting to improve training and not a researcher looking to find faults in the police. That could be an interesting study right there into police culture. It is going to be hard not to answer their questions. I find it hard not to coach them and help them. Turning off my LEO instructor self is harder than I thought it would be. When I have been asked pointed questions I have struggled to not give the ‘right’ answer. I will keep saying that it will be more clear as training goes on and to ask your instructor. They have gotten into my heart already. I want them to be good and know I can’t help them get there. This is going to be tougher in a direction I had never considered. (Researcher Journal, 1/24/2011)

*****

It has been suggested by authors (Birzer, 2003; Charles, 2000; McCoy,

2006; Vodde, 2008) that the application of adult education techniques would

strengthen police recruit training. It has also been suggested in the literature that

adults need relevant demonstrations and accurate simulation scenarios in order

to maximize learning (Gilley, 2004). I wondered if the recruit cadre would echo

this scholarly conclusion. I came at this issue from several different directions.

Mid-way through the session co-researchers were asked what they would

like to change about the academy thus far. Many took great pains to say that

there was nothing that they wanted changed. One wished that it were more

military-like, although by the end of the session he had changed his mind. Those

who had an opinion that they were willing to share desired greater opportunities

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for hands-on practical exercises and better time management as the following

transcript segments show:

You know, I’m not sure about that one. I’m not sure what I’d like to see changed. In terms of the way we kind of run things, we seem to keep a pretty tight ship. But I’d like to see more interactive things. I feel like we sit in the classroom too long sometimes. Classroom and lecture is important but I feel like sometimes we’re beatin’ a dead horse with some of the info the instructors are giving to us. So, if I could change anything I would switch it in the classroom a little bit… (Interview with Tim, 3/20/ 2011)

***** That’s, that’s an easy one. The way things are presented at the academy, to me, is very boring, to me. Anybody can get up there and read a PowerPoint. Through my full time career I’m an instructor for the apprenticeship and I went to training [out of state] for quite a few years as a train the trainer kind of thing, how to teach adults and, you know, some people learn by hearing, some learn by seeing, and most learn by doing. I feel that a lot of time we’re very rushed in class… (Interview with Paul, 3/17/2011)

***** (After some earlier discussion) …Better time, maybe that’s what I’m trying to get at overall. Especially towards the end of the day where some of the instructors are like what time do you guys get out of here and you know, couple like you know three, and a couple say like four, and some will say four thirty. Just better timing so were here until at least four or four thirty not just kinda, you know, get through and its three fifteen and then the director just comes in there and talks to us for an extra forty-five minutes to kill that time… (Interview with Barney, 3/17/2011)

*****

Participating recruit and instructor co-researchers were also asked which

lesson or block of instruction was the best in their estimation. One instructor

mentioned Criminal Law as being best, but did so along with citing a block of

instruction that required active participation. Two recruits mentioned Criminal

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Law as well, but they too discussed other blocks of instruction that required

physical participation. A sampling of responses follows:

I would have to say EVO and the reason that I say that is because they’re behind a wheel of a car for 8 hours, 12 hours a day anyway so I think that’s probably the most important. Watching ‘em drive, watching ‘em obtain skills that they never thought they could do in a vehicle. (Interview with the first sergeant, 5/26/2011)

***** (After a discussion on Criminal Law) Then I think when we get into the physical tactics block I think they, a big wake up call for them. Maybe I’m a little biased towards that because I’ve been doing that program for so long, but I think its very real for them, especially for those who have never been involved in any type of physical altercation. They realize that there is a point in this career where you’re gonna have to put hands on people and some people aren’t going to like that. They’re not going to say well you’ve got the gun and badge and I’ll do exactly what you say. There’s gonna come a point where they’re gonna have to make people do their will and I think that was a wake up call for a lot of ‘em… (Interview with the lieutenant, 5/16/2011)

***** I would think the best block of instruction …so much that I learned that’s going to be vital to what I am going to do; it’s hard to pinpoint one. I would have to go back to DTs because that block of instruction, not only did it teach me what, I mean teach me a small portion of basics, but it helped me to realize that I need to continue on my own because I have to take care of myself, and there’s people out there who are scary dangerous on the ground… (Interview with Peter, 4/27/2011)

***** The best block, I mean obviously for education, was the criminal law, but besides that was for me was the STOPS I think, stop school. I’ve done so many traffic stops prior to coming here, and to see that I was actually doing it wrong every time, and really doing it to put myself in harm’s way constantly, because I had no training on it, it was just kind of put me out on the road, my department, and with the traffic stops on the highway, and that was a big eye opener to see the different things to do, and the way to

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perform your job the safest way. I think that really was like for me my favorite class, besides the criminal law. (Interview with Matt, 4/27/2011)

***** From these interviews, I could tell that this group of recruits did have an

appreciation for academics, but they tended to find those parts of the academy

that were taught in a hands-on manner more to their liking. Curiously, of all the

various academic subjects covered in the academy, Criminal Law was the only

one to garner specific praise.

In interviews with co-researchers who were performing police functions

after graduating from the academy, the idea of how their academy training might

be improved was explored further by asking them what the academy could have

done to prepare them better. In their responses I found commonality as the

selections below highlight:

Anne: You know, I, when I tell people about the academy I tell them I had such great amazing instructors, I wish it could be longer. I wish we had more time with certain fields instead of cramming it all in. I don’t, you know, like physical tactics would have been a great to have another couple of days to go through, especially for myself with not having any experience prior to that. Firearms as well, like I felt like I could have done better with firearms. I think you know, everyone wants longer for the fun stuff but that’s pretty much all I can think of. Me: But it sounds like then you’re talking about more time with the psychomotor skill if I’m pulling out what you are saying. Anne: Absolutely, yeah, the psychomotor skills and like more time with the mock scenarios that we did. We only got a day of that and I wish we could have had more time with that too Me: I’m trying to make sure I understand what you’re meaning. So, more hands on? Anne: Yes. Me: Is that what you mean when you talk about scenarios? Anne: Yes. Like we did like the bar scene where we walked into a bar and there is people selling or trying to sell dope. We walked into a domestic. We only did each of those scenarios once or twice for our

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group and I think we should have done more scenarios, more hands on where we had to be the officers walking to the situation where we had no idea what was going on. (Interview with Anne, 5/20/2011)

***** Um, okay, yeah, I would have to go back to just more practical applications, the more on the job things. Hey, this is the kind of stuff that you’re gonna actually see. That skill day that we did shortly before graduation, then we had to write reports on it, was excellent because that was somewhat of a real world application, and you know one of it was there was a bar room drug deal going on, and it was chaotic, and that was important because that’s how it is out there. We had, got a call a couple weeks ago [in my town], a fight in a bar, the mayor’s involved and I ended up showing up off duty and that’s what it was. It was chaotic and you just kind of gotta get everything riled up and sorted out, so practical applications I think would help a little bit more. There’s a lot of sitting in the classroom and, you know, being taught, but not as much as, you know, it’s like (inaudible) I guess more time with those. I think that would help out just a little bit more, but overall I think they did an excellent job. (Interview with Paul, 5/20/2011)

***** (After some discussion) You know, if they sit in the classroom and go through the PowerPoints is one thing but to actually apply it to real-world stuff, night and day. I really wish that they could have more, more hands on, you know, drills and scenarios. The scenario training we had was the greatest especially when you get goin’ through a domestic situation, try to control the situation, really gets you thinkin’. And especially these guys that have no experience at all, its kinda interesting for me to see, you know, what they do on ‘em and what they thought they should have done. It always kinda helped me to mold the way I handle things. But if there’s anything that I can suggest to the academy at all is definitely more hands on, more practical applications, stuff like that. (Interview with James, 5/19/2011)

***** Peter: One week of practical ride alongs. Me: So, getting out in the field or scenarios? Peter: Random department, not your department, just a random department and riding with a different guy, maybe three times in a week, maybe four times, just doing a shift, maybe one or two shifts. I mean, I would say three or four but practically for the academy, maybe one or two. Each individual in the academy goes on a shift and you know, you put

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your gear on, you know obviously, you put the gear that you have on and you know, you go out and they ask you questions, how should we pull over here, why? Make you think about it, make you use your brain while you’re there so when you get to FTO you don’t feel so overwhelmed. When you get to FTO, it’s a little bit overwhelming. I thought I needed to know so much stuff and on patrol I don’t use that stuff until a situation calls. So, its kinda like being able to learn how to open a file cabinet for the information I need for that call. (Interview with Peter, 5/19/2011)

***** Shortly after the session began, I asked the lead instructors to talk about

how they would like to change the academy if time and money were not points of

concern. Both suggested adding more time for psychomotor skills training.

I think the major things are probably; my concerns would probably be the psychomotor skills. I think that adding more time, I’m not really sure how much more time, I would probably have to do some research on that, but anything is better than nothing at this point in the critical skill areas of firearms, EVO, and physical tactics. As it seems now after teaching for all these years, it seems like right as they’re starting to feel comfortable with a skill and kind of wake and ah, I’m getting this we move on to something else. And I would love to have that extra time for them to really feel comfortable in working that skill set in more of a comfort zone than more of ah, how they are in the beginning where they are really unaware of what’s going on. (Interview with the lieutenant, 2/5/2011)

***** F/Sgt.: Perfect example, being a physical tactics and EVO instructor, increasing them from one week to two weeks because you are giving them a lot of information to obtain in one week. Sometimes I think it is too much and they don’t absorb as much. Probably need more time with hands-on training. Me: So, stretch some of the psychomotor stuff out? F/Sgt.: Yeah, including firearms, all the way across the board: Firearms, EVO, and also physical tactics. (Interview with the first sergeant, 2/5/2011)

*****

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These data clips, along with the full data sets from which they came,

indicated recruits desired more hands-on practical skill development, and they

preferred that type of learning modality. Instructors recognized the importance of

practical exercises. By midsession of the academy recruits, were recognizing a

need for more hands-on activities. As the academy concluded, instructors and

recruits recognized the lessons involving active participations as among the

academy’s best. After the academy had ended, those co-researchers actively

engaged in policing believed their training could be improved through the use of

more practice-based hands-on activities. These findings were consistent with my

experiences as a teacher, a recruit, and a police instructor. I remember vividly

that I had no idea what the instructor was talking about as she taught us how to

take fingerprints. But it all became clear when we went to the lab and

fingerprinted one another. I was prepared to make my third qualitative assertion:

Assertion three: Practical, scenario-based teaching that includes active

participation from learners is the preferred method of police recruit

instruction whenever possible.

Is This the Military Police?

Even the most casual observer can note similarities between police and

military organizations. Both generally have their members attired in uniforms and

wearing symbols of rank. The rank structures are often times similar and both

have chains of command. All ultimately answer to an elected official whether that

person be the sheriff, mayor, governor, or president.

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As discussed earlier, police training practices are often seen as imitating

what is perceived to be military-style methodologies. It has been argued that

these stress-inducing academies may cause recruits to form maladaptive means

of coping with the stress (Violanti, 1993). Using the rubric described in the

methodology, I estimated this academy to be only slightly militaristic in its overall

style and approach.

Few would argue that police officers need ability to follow the direction of

their superiors. Conversely, it would seem advantageous for police officers to

have the ability to think, reason, and problem-solve. What is the correct

balance?

In order to gain some perspective on the matter, participating recruits were

asked questions that dealt with their perceptions of what the academy was and

what it taught them. I considered first whether recruits believed they had been

prepared to be a warrior or public servant. Sample recruit responses follow:

Peter: I think they prepared me with the knowledge to keep myself out of trouble, the ability to keep myself from getting hurt, and the mindset of doing the same. Me: Of doing…I’m sorry? Peter: Of keeping myself out of trouble, helping myself (inaudible) just try to get home every night. They instilled that into us. If that is what you define as a warrior, then yes, but I think it’s, I think it’s more, less of a public servant, and more, I mean maybe a little bit of public servants but not as much warrior. There’s a middle ground there that’s…there’s a middle ground there. (Interview with Peter 4/27/2011)

***** I’d say a public servant, but in the back of your mind, knowing that something can go wrong at any time, to where you’re a public servant, but just know that you can be a warrior when need be. (Interview with Barney, 4/27/2011)

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*****

I would say, well they bring out a warrior in you, that’s for sure, but I don’t, whew, actually that’s a hard one. If I had to choose one, I’d say a warrior, you know, never quit, they instilled that. Never give up, you know, you’re going home that night no matter what. I’d have to say warrior. (Interview with Mark, 4/30/2011)

***** I think they prepared us to be a public servant. That’s just kind of the way I look at it. Public servant with, you know, if we need to be warriors, we have that knowledge and we have that mindset we can go home at night, but there’s a common thing. You know what, treat people the way you want your family to be treated and serve the public, and when it comes down to the nitty-gritty, make sure you go home at night, so I think they trained us to be public servants overall, but be a warrior when you have to. (Interview with Paul, 4/28/2011)

*****

From this mix of responses I concluded that the academy had equipped

this class with the requisite skills and attitudes not only to function as a public

servant, but to also act as warrior when the situation dictated. I wondered if the

warrior ability could only be forged under military-like conditions. This academy

had a slight military bend so that was still possible. It was also possible that my

appraisal was not in line with the recruits’ notion of the academy’s style.

Recruits’ reflections on the militaristic nature of the academy are below:

Matt: I mean I didn’t feel it very militaristic by any means. I went to military boot camp before and it was nothing like what I went through. I think it’s a little more laid back, it puts for a good learning environment, I guess, ‘cause you’re not very high strung and worried about getting yelled at. So, I guess it does make it a little easier to learn things and take on that education in class. Me: So, you think it was a good thing, if I’m understanding you right; that it wasn’t a full-on militaristic-type atmosphere?

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Matt: Yeah, they could’ve been a little stricter on things but I guess I’m happy in the end that it wasn’t that bad. Going through it once, I was very nervous about goin’ to it this time, having to do all that over again. Its kinda sigh of relief that I didn’t have to that whole attention thing all day long and being stress out. It makes just relax and to understand things a lot better. Me: Would there have been some advantages if it had been more strict? Matt: Yeah, I mean obviously some people need it. There are a few people that could have handled being kinda came down on a little harder and understanding that stuff ‘cause we are police officers now so you’ve taken on an ultimate responsibility right now to life and I think some people could’ve used it. I think we were a pretty squared away class, you had a few, four or five recruits in the class that were not ready for it by any means. It was kind of a joke to ‘em. But, I don’t know if it would have mattered, actually, for ‘em. (Interview with Matt, 5/23/2011)

***** Anne: Well it definitely was a lot different than I expected Me: What were you expecting? Anne: Well, my husband went to, [another police academy in the state] and I really wasn’t expecting the whole formation aspect or the military aspect of it. I knew we were gonna PT and I knew if got in trouble we’d have like you know we’d have to PT and punishment PT but I didn’t realize the whole military, like military aspect of it. Like the whole formation and the walking and the lining up and like that kind of format, I never expected that, I guess. Me: Well, was it good or bad, or what do you think? Anne: I thought it was excellent. I thought that the instructors definitely gave the feel for that and it kinda scared me at first, like it was just intimidating. I don’t have any military background, I never really had anything like, I mean group activity that I would have to stand in line and stand at attention like that. Or, run in formation and like that. I thought it was neat to experience that but like I said it was kind of intimidating at first to get used to. (Interview with Anne, 5/20/2011)

***** Steve: I mean, like me personally, coming from a military background, I heard like these war stories from like guys in the department that are friends of mine that have gone to the academy and I would say definitely it isn’t as strict as I thought it was going to be. For other people who don’t have that military background are unfamiliar, they may think oh my gosh this is really hard, this really tight, but I mean, it was good. I mean I think they could’ve possible choked up on the leash a little bit more.

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Me: How so? Steve: I don’t think you want to choke up too much, you know, you kinda want to let people relax into a relaxed learning environment opposed to a stressful learning environment ‘cause its hard to learn when you’re, you know, you’re stress out. Me: How do you mean choke up a bit more? Steve: I mean, you know, not let us be so relaxed. I mean they definitely did, you know, anytime we kinda got a little too relaxed, you know, they kinda choked up, you know, and they, you got to get your bearing together, you know. (Interview with Steve, 5/20/2011)

*****

Phil: I actually thought it was really easy going, myself. I was expecting it to be drill sergeants yelling in your face everyday, pushups, and it kind of started out that way a little bit, you know, the two instructors, first sergeant and lieutenant, were, you could tell they were just nice guys in general and they didn’t like it bad if they didn’t have to and I guess it’s because we had such a good group of guys that they didn’t have to correct us, punish us. But, it was really easy going which I guess made it easier to learn but it was not as military as I thought it was going to be. It was pretty laid back, I thought. Me: Was that good or bad? Phil: I think it was, I mean it could be looked at two different ways. I thought it was, you know, good if you were, you know, straight-laced already and didn’t have an attitude problem but for a few guys that were kind of like, smart-mouthed and stuff like that, I think if it was stricter it would have maybe straightened them out a little bit but, you know, its only 15 weeks, they’re gonna go back to their old ways afterwards anyway but… I mean personally, for me, what they did I thought was good, the way they taught it, so… (Interview with Phil, 5/20/2011)

***** Peter: It was less militaristic than I thought it was going to be. Me: Is that good or bad? Peter: I can’t say that it needed to be more or not since I’ve never really, I haven’t been a policeman long enough, a police officer long enough, or even know about that job and what it entails long enough to think how you would teach it. I really couldn’t say that. Me: Well, you were in the army long enough to have an idea of what skill sets… Peter: Yeah, but that is so much different than the police department. I mean in the army it was you had a mission and you accomplished it. In the police department it’s a lot different. There’s more to think about.

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There’s more repercussions, there’s more collateral damage. (Interview with Peter, 5/19/2011)

*****

Silas: Yeah. Me: Or did you even think it was militaristic? Silas: It was different for me, you know, like I said, I’m a happy go lucky person and I guess they want you to be more serious. I get serious when its time, you know, but even when I’m serious I’m still smiling so, I don’t know, I think they had a little problem with that. But they figured me out and realized that was me, you know, so, but… It makes you, the little things, you know, like they kinda train your mind to, presence do play a good part in job duties so you gotta be lookin’ professional, you know, this like, they train you, like don’t forget nothing, make sure you got all your equipment, you know what I mean and so you come home at night… (Interview with Silas, 5/19/2011)

***** This academy is so very different than what I had or have been a part of as an instructor. The class is so much more relaxed and than I can remember ever being or remember ever seeing. What I can’t decide is if this is good or bad. My heart says that this method is robbing the class of something good, but when I try to determine what that something is I draw a blank. I guess it comes down to whether they have the required skills when they leave. When I reflect on my academy time and particularly the military-ish type of stresses I can’t really come up with a tangible benefit other than rite of passage and learning to acquiesce to authority. There’s a touch of military in the air: Shined shoes, inspections, squared corners, and other such things. But I have seen no butt chewing, no degrading. The idea of being part of a warrior class is present with the LEO fallen board, some of the signage, and other things. I am thinking at this point that maybe they are doing largely what I would if I could. (Researcher Journal, 2/9/2011)

From the responses, I decided that my assessment of the academy style

was probably accurate. There seemed to be consensus among co-researchers

that the academy did have some military-like characteristics. How military-like

one thought it was apparently depended upon personal experiences. If one had

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no experiences of military-style training then that person tended to see military-

like aspects of the program. Those with military experience did not find the

training style particularly militaristic.

But did the academy and its style of instructions meet the expectations of

the recruits? As the session neared completion, the recruits were asked if the

academy was what they expected it to be. The answers were illuminating,

especially in the light of the question dealing with training styles. Excerpts from

interview transcripts follow:

Was it… it was... I really did… I really had no idea what to expect when I went into it. I thought I was going to go in there and every day I was going to get chewed out, I was going to be miserable every day, and it wasn’t the case. I went in there, did what I had to do, to the best ability that I could, and I walked out okay. I learned a lot. It turned out to be more than what I expected. It was better. I had a wonderful time… (Interview with Mark, 4/30/2011)

***** Well actually better than I thought it would be cause I thought it was (going to be) old, dry, boring, (inaudible) and I liked the way they introduced information to you by actual people that’s you know kind of specialize in these fields so they can tell you, you know, instead of reading everything from the books. Words get boring, you know? (Interview with Silas, 4/27/2011)

***** Peter: I know that at times I’ve been different opinions on what it was, and in all it flew by pretty fast and I learned so much and the little dramas here and there don’t mean anything at the end obviously; the way it always is, but yea, I enjoyed it. It was… Me: But was it what you expected? Peter: It was what I expected. Me: And I guess what were you expecting, or how did it come together in your mind?

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Peter: I think I had a notion of it originally being more militaristic, and it ended up not being so, but where it lacked in that it made up for the quality of information we learned. Me: So, if I’m understanding you right, it was not the militarism that you expected, but the overall quality of instruction was maybe better than what you expected? Peter: It went beyond. Right, it was beyond. (Interview with Peter, 4/27/2011)

***** Actually no. I thought it was going to be a lot, and this goes back to what I think of our class. I think the result of that is directly our class. I thought it was going to be a lot more regimented. I thought we were going to get yelled at more, you know, a lot more paramilitary, but I think because of our class and I believe we were so squared away from day one, we went up to a different standard and they didn’t need to do those things, so we were, you know, we were kind of squared away so we didn’t have that. We just had, go in there and learn, do what’s expected of you, and you won’t have any problem. (Interview with Paul, 4/28/2011)

***** Yes and no. Yes in the respect that there was a lot of hands-on, you know, a lot of course practicum, but I expected more course practicum. There was a lot of people just get up and reading Power Points, and that got pretty mundane, but aside from that, it was everything I expected. Yeah, I’m happy I did it, and I’d do it again in a heartbeat if I could, or if I had to. (Interview with James, 4/27/2011)

***** Yeah, it was what I thought it was. I thought it was going to be a little bit more… I didn’t think it’d be… I thought it was going to be more like the old yelling and drill instructor in your face, you know, like military style, what you see in the movies. I didn’t think it’d be like, it’d be the way that it was, but overall, it was what I expected; it was challenging, it was hard, learned a lot, and definitely gets you ready. (Interview with Barney, 4/27/2011)

*****

These co-researchers were largely convinced that while the academy was

not as militaristic as they had envisioned it would be, they learned much. In

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many cases, the academy exceeded the expectations of the recruits. In

essence, while there were some things that some recruits would like to have

changed about the academy, overall they were pleased with how they were

trained.

From these data, I reasoned that although the academy was not as

militaristic as many of the recruits and I thought it would be, the recruits seemed

satisfied with the style. I wondered though, what this style did to the attitudes of

recruits toward the public. I had already established that recruits had entered

this academy with a more-or-less positive outlook on the people they were to

serve. I wondered if the academy experience had changed those perceptions. I

took a direct approach on this and asked co-researchers what they thought of

most people and what they believed most people thought about the police. A

sampling of responses follows:

People, I look at people, they all the same. I mean as far as, I mean I don’t look down on them ‘cause they all, you know, innocent or whatever. I mean, like I said if they do something then I mean, they know they have to be punished and (inaudible) whatever, so you know, I have a job to do. Let me do my job. I mean you did the crime, so you know it’s time for me to come in. I think the public looks at us as assholes, maybe think we’re better than somebody or so much we get away with murder, and we think we above them… (Interview with Silas, 4/27/2011)

***** I don’t really, I think people respect us as police officers and they like us for the most part, but I do see a difference in how people talk to us and interact. I know my wife’s family doesn’t like me as being a cop now. They don’t like police officers on her side, so like I’ve already seen the outside of being kind of ousted a little bit more because you’re a police officer now. You’re kind of one of those guys that writes tickets and arrests people for whatever. They don’t really get the job. It’s not just about writing tickets and arresting people. It’s about promoting safety and issues, and I

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mean I try to see the good in most people and that’s the way I look at them for the most part, so I think most people are good-willed, but don’t understand how to do it I guess. (Interview with Matt, 4/27/2011)

***** I think most people are inherently good. I would like to think that. It may be a romantic idea that most people are inherently good and don’t want to do bad. I would like to think the majority of people respect what we do, and the minority of people who do not, and the minority of people who aren’t inherently good are a small group, and it just so happens that they have a loud voice. (Interview with Peter, 4/27/2011)

***** Bart: I think most people have good respect for us. I don’t think most people dislike us or anything. I think a lot of people are probably scared of us ‘cause they don’t know that a lot of us are really good guys, you know, and girls, but I think for the most part they do respect us and look up to us a little bit, but that’s really about it. Me: What do you think of people in general? I mean you talked about what you think they believe about us; what do you believe about them? Bart: I believe most people are good. Most people, you know I worked in the jail before this and I know a lot of people just make little mistakes. I don’t think bad about anyone until they give me a reason to think bad about them, and even then, I still know that some people make mistakes, so I think pretty good of them. (Interview with Bart, 4/27/2011)

***** Paul: I think, and I was just discussing with the lieutenant yesterday; I surround myself with a lot of people that are in ‘like’ fields, I would say like emergency services, but I started as a fireman, and there’s definitely, you know, the fireman/cop…what I would consider a friendly rivalry so, you know, the perception of everybody likes firemen, nobody likes cops, that’s you know most people are like oh you know, cops. They’re always, they’re the fun killers, they’re there to be…whenever you’re having fun, they’re here to stop it, so, you know I always get that. Everybody’s not always emergency services oriented, or not into that; they’re always giving me a hard time about that, but most everybody, all my other friends, they get what it’s all about. They know what I’m out there doing. Me: So what do you think of most people though? Paul: I still, I still believe most people are good. I haven’t got to that point and I hope I never do, get to the point where I can’t feel like I can trust any of them. I’ve heard that over the years from different cops, and you know

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what, I just got to the point where I thought everybody were lying because that’s who they deal with, and I don’t want to see that…see myself become that way because it can affect you so much in your personal life. You know you’re going to get paranoid and think everybody’s lying to you, and I don’t want that. I think most people are generally good. There’s bad aspects all over the place. (Interview with Paul, 4/28/2011)

***** These responses indicated to me that the co-researchers left the academy

with largely the same attitudes about society and society’s perceptions about law

enforcement as they had when they entered. Did this academy affect change in

how recruits saw their profession? The answers to these questions may be

found in the interview transcript segments below:

Yeah I’m ready. I learned a lot through the academy. I know it’s going to be a lot of things that you probably just don’t go out and use, but there’s a lot of things you have to use cause now days, I mean, like they say, a lot of police officers is getting hurt and killed and a lot of people ain’t respecting the badge now, so you really have to know your Ps and Qs and they really opened my eyes to a lot of things… (Interview with Silas, 4/30/2011)

***** I’d been on the road since July and I definitely think it gave me, it was an eye opener and it gave me a lot of more, like, skills in handling calls and stuff like that. (Interview with Anne, 5/20/2011)

***** I feel like my eyes are opened a lot more to just different things where before I would never think about a situation or where if I sat in a restaurant to where sitting like where you can see people enter, just in case something does happen, just be more aware of my surroundings. I definitely feel a change in that, just an overall view of just people in general I guess. I don’t know, just kind of opened my eyes to that whole area, just hearing stories of just the things that police officers have experienced around here to where, you know, you hear of a police officer shootings and officer-involved shootings and you don’t think of this area,

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you know. I don’t think of like [my local towns] hearing that stuff does happen around here a lot. It definitely opened my eyes to the whole police world. (Interview with Barney, 4/27/2011)

***** I believe I have. Going in there I was very scared, shy, nervous. You would think I was a statue standing there, you know. I wouldn’t move if I didn’t have to. My confidence has been brought up so much more. (Interview with Mark, 3/30/2011)

***** Bart: Yes. A lot of the experiences they showed us, a lot of the videos, you know, it opens your eyes a little bit more that what you’ve seen, you know and I think everyone has grown as an individual since we started. Me: In what way? Bart: For the better, just, just more positive, more you know, greater outlook, greater respect, and realize some of the real things that we’ll be dealing with, so yeah I think everyone got a good change. (Interview with Bart, 4/27/2011)

***** Um, yes. I feel, I feel more confident in myself, just simply from the instruction and being in that environment all the time, I definitely, and I’ve experienced this already on traffic stops, I do things differently. (Interview with James, 4/27/2011)

*****

It appeared that the co-researchers were convinced that the academy had

not only trained them in practices, it had also imbued them confidence, positive

attitude, and a clearer understanding what policing really was. But had these

changes in skills coupled with the more intangible personal changes produced a

police officer ready for the next step in his/her career?

The purpose of the police training is to help an officer perform the job

(Ness, 1991, p. 181). By using Ness’s definition, the police academy should

benefit all of those who attend, even those who came to it with considerable

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experience. While issues surrounding the academy had been posed to co-

researchers throughout the study, ultimately it came down whether these

academy recruits believed they were ready for the next point in their policing

careers. Those co-researchers actively in policing were asked, in light of now

working as a police officer, if they were in fact ready when they graduated. Some

responses follow:

Yeah, oh yeah. I felt good. You know, we learned a lot of good stuff at the academy and I think, you know, (the lieutenant and first sergeant) you know, taught us well, you know. (Interview with Steve, 5/20/2011)

***** Oh, I think they prepared me very well. Like I said the last time we talked, what really kind of drove it home for me was the criminal law. It really kinda brought things together so I know how to approach things differently now, the correct way I should say. And I’m much more confident in what I do, at least I feel that I am. (Interview with James, 5/19/2011)

***** Yeah. They teach you the smarts of it but come, it gotta be common sense too. (Interview with Silas, 5/19/2011)

***** Peter: Yes, and no. Me: Obviously, that needs to be explained. Peter: I was mentally ready. I knew what I needed to know but I’m learning how to practically use what I know now. Me: What does that mean? Peter: I’m learning how to use the knowledge I obtained in the academy, how to put it into action. Me: OK, I think I understand. In other words, you learned some core skills but now you are learning how to truly be a policeman through your FTO time? Peter: Yes, in FTO, I’ve learned more in a short time in FTO. I mean I learned a lot in the academy but the way you learn in FTO is hands on and you either you know it or you don’t and you learn quick.

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***** I did but I think because the few months I had on the road already, I think if I didn’t have that, just the academy alone, I wouldn’t have felt as comfortable. But, me personally, yeah, I felt pretty good after the academy. (Interview with Phil, 5/20/2011)

*****

This academy was certainly different than I had experienced as a recruit.

While the purpose of this study was never to evaluate this academy, nonetheless

some appraisal, at least of the overall style, was likely imminent. There were

times when I wondered if the lack of militarism might be lending itself to a lower

level of motivation among the recruits.

My paradigm continues to crash around me. I was so sure that a greater level of learner-centered instruction would make for a sounder training environment. Now I think a higher level of militarism would be beneficial here. The class as whole, James, Peter, and a few others excepted, seem to have little heart. Would a more stringent training environment help…? (Researcher Journal, 3/3/2011)

But as I watched the group mature and the class progress over just a few weeks,

I came to believe that the style was working and the class was learning.

Once again, I leave the place thinking they generally do things the right way here. [The first sergeant] took the time to recognize the combat veterans experience and I think they appreciated it. It also made it a learning point for the class, as whole as even these folks were receiving coaching and correction…(Researcher Journal, 3/23/2011)

Based on the responses of co-researchers and my observations as to how well

we perceived the academy to have prepared the recruits and the manner by

which it was accomplished, I was prepared to make my fourth qualitative

assertion: Assertion four: Police recruits may be effectively trained using

non-militaristic methods.

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What Does It Mean?

One purpose of this study was to determine how recruits make meaning

while attending the police academy. Of course each person will take away

something different from a given situation or circumstance. But the possibility

existed to find some commonality in what recruits found important or what they

found their strongest memory to be. As the academy was concluded, I asked my

co-researchers about their strongest academy memory. I had asked a similar

question of the staff at the beginning of training. Sample responses follow:

Probably about half way through the academy when I remember we all got smashed or dropped as a group for failing as a group our inspection. I think everybody kind of had a big wake up call and kind of came together at that point. I think that was probably about week 5 or 6 when our academy was a twelve-week academy. I think that for me that was interesting because guys from up north and the guys from down south, everybody was on a level playing field at that point. We were all suffering equally and kind of all came together and I think there was a lot of unity after that point. That’s probably the most memorable for me that I can really remember. (Interview with the lieutenant, 2/5/2011)

***** Just the camaraderie. The teamwork and meeting new people within my class at that time. At that time there was a 130 recruits in there and just, I think everybody had their own little bond, who they bonded with whether it was from up north or down south. I think all together in the end I ended up becoming best friends with a [distant] County Sheriff’s officer and we’re friends to this day so it’s been the best memory. Did everything through the academy then, you know, 15 years later we’re still friends and we visit, so that’s probably the best memory so… (Interview with the first sergeant, 2/5/2011)

***** I would say…you know what, I had this same question last night at dinner, and everybody at the table thought I was weird (laugh). I told them that it was the time that all the recruits had, during PT, and just before class started, you know. The camaraderie, the guys that just came together

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and, you know. I’ve heard of classes where so and so hates so and so, and this department don’t, you know, they don’t get along with this department. That wasn’t the case in our class. Everyone got along. I wasn’t excluded from anything. I never excluded anyone else, be a team together, and you know, we relaxed together, we joked together, you know. We pushed each other and it went a long way to me. Those are things I’ll never forget. (Interview with Mark, 4/30/2011)

***** Um I guess I’d have to go with the yea, ethics, the ethics was the one. That was pretty much one thing that got pounded a lot, and I’ve noticed it through my police interviews that I just did the other week. Ethics was the big one that they pushed onto me and I think about the most now actually. Prior to being a cop I had ethics. I didn’t think about it the way I think about it now. I’d have to say that that would be the one best thing that they really put in your head to stand by your ethics. They talked about it a lot. They always brought it up in every one of our motor skills and hold that one probably the strongest actually. To me ethics is everything in this job, so that’s probably my biggest thing I like to push. (Interview with Matt, 4/27/2011)

***** I think it’s going to be me being one of the three oldest people in the academy when it comes to being recruits, and being the top three fastest in the 300 because it just mentally makes me feel younger than I am. (Interview with Peter, 4/27/2011)

***** Um, my most vivid memory of the academy is when [Paul], he was one of the students, we were talking about drug interdiction, a class on that, and the instructor grabbed his name tag and he was talking about hidden compartments, and he was waving his name tag around, and out shot a candy wrapper, and I just thought it was the funniest thing, and we all busted out laughing because he was talking about hidden compartments and you know it was his little hiding spot for his candy, but it was really funny, and that was on a funny note I think of that and other than that, you know, the physical, on a serious note though, the physical training and everything I think is what I remember most about that, about the academy, just stuff I enjoyed. (Interview with Bart, 4/27/2011)

*****

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My most vivid memory is the first day, coming up there, walking into the place and, you know, still torn apart yet, and we went up to the classroom and we’re sitting there and director was very short and to the point. This is what we expect from you this morning. This is how you’re going to do it, and if you don’t do it, you don’t get in, and that’s it. And it was just like vivid, you know, your anxiety just ran, oh my gosh, this is it. I gotta perform this morning the way they want me to, to the expectations they want me to, or I don’t get in and there goes my career. My most vivid memory is that first day and you know, I would have to say that’s the most vivid memory; you know what, they’re taking this seriously. This is the level that I need to be at for this. (Interview with Paul, 4/28/2011)

***** When I think about my strongest memories about my time as a recruit I have two things that come to mind. One is my last fight with the Red Man. We ended up on the ground and he took my pistol. That really made an impact on me realizing that if it had been a real situation, I would be dead. The other is a more general one. It is of sitting with classmates in the evenings as we talked about the day, life, or whatever and polished our brass and leather.

***** This day (Red Man fight day) brought back so much of my academy that I can’t even begin to describe it all. The fear and apprehension in everyone’s faces made me feel what I felt all those years ago. Many of the recruits had never been in a fight, had never been hit, and had no idea what to expect. It felt good to see them grow. Most found that they could be hit and still fight. Knowing that you can still function even when you are hurt is perhaps the most important lesson anyone in this game can ever learn. (Researcher Journal, 4/22/2011)

*****

When I took my co-researchers’ responses and combined them with my

own memories and triangulated it all with the total data set, a story about

meaning took shape. Meaning is made in the police academy through multiple

processes. Meaning comes to a recruit as he/she realizes the gravity of the

position sought and the potential consequences that come with it. Meaning is

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also made through the social interaction between classmates as they come

together to form that ‘band of brothers.’ As recruits actively participate in realistic

job-based scenarios, more meaning is distilled as they come to understand truly

what is to be expected of them. I was prepared to make my fifth assertion:

Assertion five: Meaning is made in the police academy through recruit

interaction and the actual application and practicing of skills.

Study Findings

Through the use of qualitative research methods, I concluded police

recruits enter the academy with personal attitudes toward policing and society

already in place. I asserted that spending time in formalized police training at an

academy was a worthwhile thing even when a recruit has considerable

experience. I also concluded that recruit training is most impactful when it is

presented in a realistic, practical, and hands-on fashion. Meaning was made

while at the police academy, I determined, through the interaction with fellow

recruits and in the practical application of skills. The implications these findings

may have for law enforcement training will be discussed in the following chapter.

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CHAPTER 5. SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMMPLICATIONS

Summary

The purpose of this study was to explore how police recruits made

meaning during their time at the police academy. With a greater understanding

of this, it was the goal to then search for ways to improve police training through

the introduction of andragogic/adult education practices. I reasoned that if a

more holistic understanding of the police academy experience could be obtained,

then I could take that knowledge of ‘what is’ and find ways to move training

closer toward perfection. To provide boundaries for the study I used the

following research questions:

1. What professional characteristics does the current

pedagogic/militaristic training model develop in its police recruit

students?

2. What police academy events or circumstances are most impactful to

police recruits and why?

3. What strengths and weaknesses are exhibited in police recruits

trained under the current pedagogic/militaristic practices?

4. How can these weaknesses be mitigated and strengths accentuated

through the use of andragogic techniques?

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I reviewed the academic and trade literature I believed germane to the

task. Through this I gained a fuller understanding of scholarly thought on the

matter. The review began with a task analysis for police officers, and it showed

the vast competencies required of today’s police officers.

Literature from the field of curriculum theory was also reviewed, particularly

writings that dealt with reproduction theory, race, and gender concerns were

considered. Writings that explored the police subculture were reviewed. Various

authors demonstrated that a subculture exists inside of policing.

Police training and its treatment in the scholarly and trade publications

were considered. From this review, it was clear that academics favored a police

recruit training system that embraced adult learning techniques and strategies. I

found it to be equally clear that many police academies embrace training

methods that are patterned off of military basic training. Finally, writings dealing

with modern military training were considered. Key among this literature is that

military embraces a teaching that focuses on demonstration and practice.

The study was conducted at a regional police academy in Indiana and

spanned a fifteen-week basic academy session. Data were collected through

observations and semi-structured interviews with staff and recruits. Staff and

recruits were interviewed three times during the session. A fourth round of

interviews was conducted after graduation with recruits who were actively

engaged in policing. I also kept a researcher’s journal where I recorded my

observations and the thoughts and feelings that came with them.

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I conducted the study using a combination of qualitative research

methodologies. Phenomenology was joined with heuristic inquiry so my own

experiences as they related to the police academy could be intertwined with the

thoughts and feelings of the co-researchers. This mix of methodologies was

intentional and not a matter of method ‘slurring’ (Baker, et al., 1992).

Phenomenological research is concerned with how we come to know and

what the nature of reality is (Donalek, 2004). The application of phenomenology

involved the collecting of lived experiences of the co-researchers through

interviews and observations while still preserving the spontaneity of the

experience (Jasper, 1994). Phenomenology looks beyond the actual experience

under consideration and toward what the experience meant to the participants

(Patton, 2002). To conduct phenomenological analysis a researcher must

engage in epoche, or refrain from judgment and the ordinary way of perceiving

things (Patton, 2002). This requires the researcher to undergo self-study and

identify personal bias and involvement and clearly identify preconceptions

(Patton, 2002).

The self-study required for phenomenological study was accomplished

through the six-step process of heuristic inquiry. In that process I was able to

reflect on what brought me to law enforcement and deeply consider what my

police academy experience meant to me. Rather than bracketing these things

aside as would be the practice of phenomenology, I included them in the analysis

as part of my triangulation of the data. Triangulation is used to increase the

validity of qualitative research (Wray, Markovic, & Manderson, 2007).

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Through the analysis of data that included interview transcripts,

observation notes, my researcher journal, and my own experiences outside of

the study I was able to develop five assertions:

1. Recruits enter the police academy with attitudes concerning policing

and society already in place.

2. The police academy experience is a worthwhile thing.

3. Practical, scenario-based teaching that includes active participation

from learners is the preferred method of police recruit instruction

whenever possible.

4. Police recruits may be effectively trained using non-militaristic

methods.

5. Meaning is made in the police academy through recruit interaction

and the actual application and practicing of skills.

When these assertions are overlaid with the research questions I must

admit that I was not able to determine, based on the academy session observed,

the qualities produced in a highly militaristic setting, as this academy was only

slightly militaristic in its operation. But the other questions are more fully

answered.

Police recruits make meaning from and are most impacted by personal

interaction and the building of camaraderie when they have the opportunity to

apply new knowledge and skills in a hands-on and active fashion. Recruits

craved more opportunities for practical skill application. These events are the

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most impactful to police recruits because they are where and when they come

together to form the spirit camaraderie associated with policing.

As for strengths and weaknesses exhibited by recruits, this academy

session produced officers who believed they were ready to begin work or field

training had they not already completed it before the session. These recruits left

the academy with their belief that society was generally good still intact. As for a

weakness, the recruits left the academy longing for more practical hands-on

training.

These strengths may be accentuated through the use of a holistic training

program that recognizes that the police academy and its associated experiences

are more than simply the passing of skills and competencies. Increasing the

amount of scenario-based training and giving recruits more opportunities to

practice the skills learned may mitigate weaknesses.

Recommendations

The public may wish to reconsider what minimum level of training is

required. Police hold awesome power and great discretion. Even those with

considerable policing experience found the academy a worthwhile thing.

Police trainers and administrators have a responsibility to both the

profession and the public as they prepare recruits for police service. They can

increase the effectiveness of the training by recognizing that the police academy

has not only the capacity to impart skills, but attitude as well. By viewing recruit

training as a process of formation and not merely the passing of skills, instructors

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can produce an officer better suited for today’s society. The fact recruits left this

academy with their belief that society is made up of generally good people is a

testament to both the instructors and the recruits.

Police trainers have a great opportunity to strengthen police training by

seeking greater understanding of how adults learn. If police trainers were to gain

greater proficiency in the use of adult learning methods they would be better able

to meet the needs of their recruits and the public. It is not enough to know about

adult learning strategies, they must be applied.

One way to increase confidence and help recruits understand what their

profession requires (make meaning) is to increase the amount of scenario-based

training. Planners and instructors have the ability to increase confidence as well

as hone skill through the introduction of more scenario-based training. Greater

use of such training would also allow for instructors to more fully evaluate recruit

performance and attitude. It might well allow for the chance to catch ‘problem

children’ before they hit the street. This too, relates back to the idea that police

academy is a place of formation and not just training.

Implications for Future Research

This study was conducted to identify how recruits in a police academy

make meaning and to find ways to improve training, possibly through the use of

adult learning strategies. As I prepared for and conducted this study, I realized

that there were many tangential lines of research that could benefit police

training:

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1. While a possible rubric is offered here, I believe it is important to be

able to characterize the nature of a police academy’s teaching style

so that valid comparisons may be made across academies.

Improvement of this rubric or the design of a better one seems to

be a logical first step in any comparative research.

2. There needs to be longitudinal studies comparing officers trained

under militaristic and adult learning models that search for

difference in complaints, disciplinary problems, job satisfaction,

retention, and other related concerns.

3. As Shannon (2002) points out, there is no model to use to define

police professionalism. I believe it is time that scholars come to

consensus on this matter so that there is a more clear means by

which to measure change.

4. Some researchers such as McCoy (2000) have pointed out that law

enforcement officers are sometimes reluctant to embrace change in

practice. I believe a greater understanding why and the

development of strategies to change that mindset could go a long

way in the improvement of police training.

5. Research should be conducted to identify what strengths a

militaristic training model may have compared to a more learner-

centered one so that these facets might be incorporated into

academies utilizing more andragogic techniques.

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6. I believe it would be beneficial if the recruit co-researchers in this

study were interviewed again in a year to see if their opinions on

how they were trained changed with more street experience.

Concluding Remarks

The title of this dissertation is: ‘They Are Old Enough to Carry Guns;

Should We Teach Them Like Children?” After reviewing the data, the answer is

an unequivocal, ‘No.’ Educational researchers and other social scientists have

been saying for many years that adults learn differently than children. I found no

caveat in the literature to suggest that police recruits were somehow different

from other adult learners. I found nothing in the data collected at this academy

that would indicate they are different. And I have no experience, neither as a

recruit nor as an instructor, that would lead me to believe they are different.

The subtitle of this dissertation is: ‘The application of adult learning

strategies in police training.’ The advantage of applying andragogic/adult

education techniques to law enforcement, especially the idea of more hands-on

activities, has been discussed in depth. What was not discussed was what

weaknesses a more learner-centered approach may have. I sensed a lack of

esprit de corp. Some journal clips follow:

I remember at the time how much I hated the idea of screaming and yelling and showing motivation during PT. Yet, when I watch these kids PT I want to yell and scream and get them fired up. They all seem like they get along fine but they do not seem like a motivated unit. They are cooperators not inter-operators. (Researcher Journal, 2/9/2011)

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***** …I think what I am craving is the sense of motivation from the class. They seem to have no sense of tradition and not much esprit de corp. Is it because they are from so many departments? They are friendly to one another but I just don’t see people coming off as polished. Is it the polish and crispness that I am looking for? (Researcher Journal, 2/17/2011)

*****

I doubt that education researchers will ever find an all-encompassing

theory to explain precisely how all types of learning take place. Practitioners are

left to pull pieces from each theory that appear to have merit for their

circumstance. Proponents of andragogy should realize that theirs is not a theory

of everything. As stated in the previous section, the strengths of a more military-

like system should not be ignored. Ways must be found to integrate the best

aspects of all methodologies into a system that forms recruits into police officers

rather than simply just training them.

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A

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Appendix B

For solicitation of recruits to be given in a classroom setting: Hello, I am Don McCay. I want to thank the academy staff for giving me a couple of minutes to talk to you. I am a first sergeant with the Indiana State Police at the Bremen Post. I am also a graduate student at Purdue working on my PhD. My research interest is police training and the staff as graciously allowed me to observe your training over the next few months. In addition observing, I hope to be able to meet with whoever is willing to and learn even more about your training and development as new officers. Of course, participation is voluntary and you may decline to answer any or all of the questions. If you tell me you don’t want to talk, then I will not approach you unless you tell me different at a later time. I know your time will be limited during the academy. The interviews will be casual and will only last a few minutes. Also, I hope we can talk casually during breaks, lunch, and such. Whether you end up talking to me or not will not have any affect one way or the other on how staff scores your academy performance. All participants’ responses will be assigned a random four-digit number that will be used to identify the respective transcripts. Any audio recordings of interviews will be destroyed when transcription is completed. When it comes time to write my final report, pseudonyms for all participants and this location will be used. If you have any concerns, I may be reached at dmccay@purdue.edu. If you prefer, you may contact my advisor at: Jerry Peters, Ph.D. Agricultural Administration Building Room 220A West Lafayette, IN 47907-2053 peters@purdue.edu

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Appendix C

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Appendix D

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Appendix E

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VITA

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VITA

Donald Alan McCay was born and raised on a family farm in St. Joseph

County, Indiana. Active in 4-H and FFA, he subsequently attended Purdue

University and earned a Bachelor’s of Science Degree in Agriculture Education.

After teaching high school agriculture for three years, he returned to Purdue

where he received a Master’s of Science in Curriculum and Instruction. After

returning to high school teaching for an additional year, he left education to

become a member of the Indiana State Police. The bulk of his policing career

has been spent in the area of criminal investigations. Additionally, McCay is a

regular instructor at the Indiana State Police Academy where he teaches Crimes

Against Children Investigations, Sexual Assault Investigations, and Police

Writing. McCay is member of the Department’s Clandestine Laboratory Team

and is a former Hostage/Crisis Negotiator. He currently holds the rank of first

sergeant and serves as District Investigative Commander at District 24 located in

Bremen, Indiana.