max weber's analysis of the unique american civil sphere [its origins, expansion, and...

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Journal of Classical Sociology

Copyright

@

2009 SAGE Publications Lor Angelel. London,

ew

Delhi. Singapore and W ashington DC Vol 9 1): 117-141

DOI: 10.117711468795X08098980 www ragepublitdtions Com

Max Weber s Analysis of the Unique

American Civic Sphere

Its Origins Expansion and Oscillations

STEPHEN

KALBERG Boston University, USA

ABSTRACT

Max Weber s analysis of the A merican civic sphere has been seldom

investigated. Inde bted to the ascetic Protestantism of the seventeenth and e ight-

eenth centuries, his major concepts and analytic framework are summarized here.

An unusual symbiotic dualism between the civic arena and a world-maste~yndi-

vidualism, as well as an antagonism between this value-grounded indi\lidualism

and p rac tica l-rati on al individualism, reillain pivotal throu gh ou t his analysis.

Nonetheless, althou gh powerful, the Weberian il lode1 is seen t o be foreshortened .

Thre e comp lementary constructs, groun ded in his rich set of concepts, extend

Weber s analysis. Taken in con ~b ina tio n,all four models provide a Weberian


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among his European colleagues. Nearly all understood modernity as tantamount

to atomizat ion.

A thick civic sphere1 was introdu ced in th e American colonies by ascetic

Protestant sects and churche s in the seventeenth an d eighteenth centuries, Weber

~ o n t e n d s . ~ften invisible to Europ ean s, its singular political-ethical action

injected a decisive com mun ity-building energy into American society. Mo reover,

these Protestant religious groups, Weber maintains, called forth deep cultural

strains that fostered the growth of innumerable solidary organizations in the

nineteenth century: civic associations.

This investigation sum ma rizes Weber s major con cep ts and analytical

framew ork, reconstructs a Weberian m ode l, and utilizes his rich set of ideal types

to form complementary constructs. In doing so, i t aims to define clearly the

American civic sphere s u niqu e features, origins, expansio n, and oscillations across

a demarcated spec trum . By both drawing upo n Weber and extending his analysis

in this manner, his distinct voice will be delineated. Above all, distinguishing

features of his sociology he systematic attention to subjective mea ning, the deep

cultural contexts of social action, the perpetual influence of the past upon the

present and the formation of hypotheses will becom e apparen t. Weber s str ict

opp osition t o Tocqueville, as well as to all mode rniza tion, neo -functionalist, an d

neo-Marxian approaches, will become evident in this study.

Weber s exploration of the civic realm s religious origins and grow th must

be first summarized. This section articulates concepts and an analytic fi-amework

that define this arena s parameters (p p. 119-27) . Two themes remain important

throughout: an unusual symbiotic dualism between this sphere and a world-

mastery ~veltbeherrscbende) ndividualism, and the teilsion between this value-

grounded individualism and practical-rational individualism.


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These models, combined with the Weberian construct, offer a eberian

analysis that traces the oscillations of the civic realm across a spectrum from more

thick, expansive, and indep enden t manifestations t o mo re po rous, circumscribed,

and dependent forms. Taken together these models provide a unique portrait of

the past and present mukidimensionality of the American political culture. This

man ner of summ arizing, recons tructing, and utilizing \Veber7s heuristic concepts

and framework enables his co n~ ple x nalysis of the civic sphere t o offer a singular

contribution to the on-going quest to define American particularity. This study

also seeks t o fill in par t

a

large gap in the Weber l i te ra t i~ re .~

Weber s Concepts and Analytic Fram ework: The

Origin and Expansion o f th e Civic Sphere

Th e capacity of sevente enth-ce ntury Protestant sects and churches to initiate and

nourish the distinct type of action at the foundation of the American civic realm

political-ethical action inus t be first addres sed. Civic associations in the

nine teen th cen tury effectively cultivated the gro wth of this type of action.

World-

maste ry individualism became allied with, an d ul tin ~a tel y ustained , the civic

arena s values, Weber con tends.

The Origins o f the Civic Sphere: Ascetic Pro testant Sects

and Churches4

Weber7s three -m onth journey through out the Un ited States in 19 04 offered the

op po rtu nit y for first-hand observ ation of the Ainericail civic realm s \vorkings.


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among the fai thful , ones that oriented all toward both exemplary personal

cond uct a nd allegiance to Hi s comm unity. Should their place of residence change,

members of these tightly knit congregations required only a certificate from a

hom e pastor to be welcomed into a new sect or church and, indeed, to acquire

throu gh membership the immediate t rust of residents throu gh out the new region.

Moving now radically beyond i ts tradit ional locus in the blood bond of the

extended family and the tribe, trust extended into these congregations, Weber

contends (1985 : 7 ; 2009 : 186-90 , 1 9 3 4 , 198-9) . I t ass is ted the format ion of

communities.

All ascetic Protestan t sects and churches cultivated this broth erho od

ethos and comm uni t~l -b ui lding nergy, and the sect spi ri t expanded di ff ~~s ely

into every corn er of American society. He nce , rather than a sandpile of uncon-

nected individuals, the Unite d States was consti tuted from innumerab le exclusive

organizations, W eber insists. Ro ote d firmly in constellations of values and the ascet-

icism of the fai thful , these groupings imprinted American poli t ical culture

comprehensively. They comprised the early social carriers of the extensive

interpersonal bonds that pushed aside atomization, nourished social trust , and

gave bi rth to pol it ical-ethical act ion and a civic sphere (2 00 9: 18 5 - 9 9 ,2 0 2 4 ; see

IZalberg, 199 7: 213-16; 200 3b: 4-6).

Furth ermo re, amid nineteenth-century urbanizat ion and indust rialization,

the frame o f mind (Ges innun g) created by ascetic Protestan t sects and c hurches

proved a menable t o the form ation of associations. O n the basis of membership

procedures rooted in sect-like exclusion and inclusion practices, and an emphasis

upon high standards for con duc t, these groups he Lyons, Rotary, and IGwanis

clubs, for example, and ot he r secular social clubs and societies perpetuated th e

cultivation of social trust, community service ideals, and high standards of


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comm unism ) became viable (Weber, 19 68 : 1204-10; 200 9: 185-204; see also

Kalberg, 2003b).

In su m, ascetic Protestantism s legacies form ed a conducive found ation and

context, Weber maintains, for the growth of civic associations throughout

American society in the nineteenth century. A thick civic sphere appeared.

Uniquely located, its political-ethical action, he affirms in opposition to

Tocqueville s stress up on free institution s, a widespread public spirit, and a pursuit

o f commmon eco non~icnterests, developed o ut o f the sect spirit and its direct off-

spring: the civic association. Thus , rejected f i~ndain entallys

all

characterization of

the American respo nse to industrialization and u rbanization as involving a sandpile

atomization. The United States diverged unmistakably from the nineteenth-cen-

tury Europ ean historical experience, Web er con tends: in the absence of

a

sect and

civic association heritage, Europe promoted societal integration, solidarity, and

social trus t thro ugh an extension o f the state s protection and care services, the

world-view ideologies o f political parties, an d labor unions (19 68 : 1381 -14 69).

Web er s investigations of t he American civic sphere s religious origin s

stoo d almost alone in th e scholarship of his generation in E urope.5 H e defined its

co nto urs and location in just this way namely, by exploring the long-r ang e

influence of ascetic Protestant groups and their sociological descendents: civic

a s s ~ c i a t i o n s . ~ow eve r, an explanation for this sphere s uniquely thick consistency

requires attention to a filrther theme, he emphasizes. In unexpected ways, the

particular form of individu lism widespread in Colonial America and the U nited

States reaffirmed and bolstered the civic sphere.

The G row th o f the Civic Sphere: Wo rld Mastery


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creaturely drives yet this proved a difficult task. Mo reov er, lacking legitimacy to

absolve sins thro ug h the Confession, the Protestant clergy could n o longer offer

assistance regarding salvation. Standing alone before a wrathful, om nip oten t, and

vengeful O ld Testament God and responsible solely to H im , the de vout were

forced t o rely exclusively o n themselves; they alone could create the evidence of

their predestination. T he excruciating anxiety that accompanied the most imp ort-

ant ques tion to every believer Am I am on g the saved? could be ameliorated

only in this way (Weber, 19 68 : 1198-200 ; 200 9: 106-7, 119-20).

How ever, the injunction of asceticism thro ugh steadfast discipline to

focus

all

energy upon God s Com man dme nts, the salvation quest , and a taming

of

all

physical desire mu st be understood as only one demand placed upo n

believers. The faithhl were required in addit ion to create on earth His just

king dom for evil must be overcome rather than tolerated. All believers were

expected to abide by

a

world-mastery obligation: following God s com ma nd-

ments, to act aj ai ns t evi l. Even secular authori ty a nd popular op inion mu st be

opp osed if viewed as illegitimate.

Th e alteration of society as a whole no w became

a

rel igious requirement.

Accordingly,

a

world-oriented individualism focused upon values and oppos ed to

compromise, caution, and contemplation became indispensable. A robust energy

now infused the devout to serve God, oppose unjust tradit ions and actions, and

remain resolute in pursui t of aims (Weber, 19 68: 1207-9; 20 09: 109-10, 198-9,

2 0 2 4 , 491-2). Only st rong individuals could navigate innumerable mu ndan e

obstacles and attain these difficult goals. However, an intensification of world-

mastery individualisnl toolc place in

a

further manner.

As note d, rather than residing with

a

c h ~ ~ i - c hfficia1,or

a

c h ~ ~ i - c hierocracy,

the responsibility for alleviating the extreme anxiety that accompanied salvation


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calling the mean s o f do in g so could never exclusively serve utilitarian an d

egocentric motives. Rather, the necessity to praise God s glory required the

fa i thh l t o labor on His beh lf nd to create the just and hum ane ear th ly k ingdom

that wo uld extoll His majesty. He nc e, work became intensified and oriente d t o a

significant extent beyond practical-rational c ondu ct an d the rand om flux of daily

life and toward civic tasks.

Labor now tied believers s~~stematicallynto a configuration of fixed reli-

gious goals and o ccurred o n behalf of a purpose divorced fro m th e self-interested

accumulation o f material g oo ds. Indee d, methodical work not only nourished

social trust an d comm unit)l-buildin g; it also sustained a civic dimension.

A

clear

dualism n ow became apparent to Weber: a world-m astery individualism focused

upon the capacity of the faithfill to shape and re-shape their salvation destinies

thr ou gh work and th e search for profit became accentuated; however, the same

salvation quest pushed the devo ut toward engagem ent in their communit ies and

soc ia l refo rm o n beha lf o f God s commandments and honor . N ow n o longer

exclusively anchored in the blood bond,

ethical

action became oriented to civic

activity inde ed, in a systematic mann er. Political ethical action was born and

acqu ired a dynamic mom entu m.

Fu rth erm ore , a firm a nd en durin g organization crystallized as the social

carrier of the ps)lchological rewards that ascetic Protestan tism bestow ed upo n

both world-mastery individualism and community part ic ipat ion: the congrega-

tio 11 .~ ecause it was a tightly Itnit family o f trust and helpfi~lness, his org.aniza-

tion co ~llprised of God s children served as an effective training gro un d for

behavior in conformity with th is Deity s abstract principles and for instruct ion in

group participation skills. In this secure milieu of certified believers and honest


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in the mid- ninete enth century, the econo my and political dom ains became infused

in America with these ideals. The demarcation of a civic sphere of public ethics

placed elected officials and private businesspersons alike under an obligation to

uphold

its

high standards.

This sphere proved indispensable for the origin and expansion of civic

associations, Weber maintains. Moreover, it established firm patterns. Although

civic activists in the nineteenth century infrequently viewed their participation as

'doing God's

work' or as an effort to acquire His favor by confronting evil and

creating an ethical community on earth, social standing and esteein was still

awarded t o then]. N o longer a mark of devoutness but sti ll one of trust and social

honor, membership in civic associations was accon~paniedby a secular 'badge' of

respectability and a 'status elevation'; certification of.'persons as trustworthy and

as 'gentlemen' followed (Weber, 1968 : 12 07; 198 5: 7-8; 200 9: 192-3). In this

man ner, the legacies of ascetic Protestantism, now manifest as comm unity no rms

of participation and service, as well as ideals of public ethics, strongly assisted the

formation of diverse civic associations, Weber argues. The capacity of these

legacies to assist the fo rmation of such associations o n a b road scale is evident t o

him : 'Th e old sect spirit hold s sway with relentless effect in the internal

character of these organizations' ( 20 09 : 20 4) . And:

Today, large numbe rs o f 'orders' and clubs of all sorts have begun to assume

.in part the hn cti on s of th e religious community. Allnost every small

businessman w ho thinks som ething of himself wears some kind of badge in

his lapel. However, the archetype of this form, \vhich

all

use to guarantee

the 'honorablene ss' of the individual, is inde ed the ecclesiastical community.

(19 85: 8; see a lso 2009: 191-2, 19 7)


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dom ain of activity .antagonistic t o all utilitarian action ro ote d in instrumen tal

calculations. Conv ersely, a civic -orien ted individualism,12 because characterize d by

a self-confidence capab le of cting on behalf of values, principles, and rights even

against great obstacles, perpetually rejuvenated th e civic realm's auto nom y. In

turn, reinvigorated civic ideals placed high expectations upon persons to reform

com mu nities in accord ance with ethical values and thus an intensification of

world-mastery indi\~idualisrn occurred. However,

this

indi\~idualism remained

locked within th e civic arena's parameters an d hen ce in opp osition to all practical

rationalism, utilitarianism's interest-based calculations, and egocentric striving,

Weber ins is ts . A m ~it ~i al l y~is taining yn mic developed in this manner o ~ i t f this

str on g individualism civic sph ere dualism (see IZalberg, 19 97 : 209-1

6 . A

sym-

biosis was apparent. Finally, the sheer pervasiveness of innumer ble (and in part

conflicting) civic associations, societies, and clubs itself created a continuous

jostling whereby each organization's values because loyalties and comm itme nts

to specific groups had to be repeatedly justified wer erejuv ena ted.

T h e b irth a nd exp ansion o f an American civic sphe re occurred in this way,

Web er holds, rathe r tha n as a coilsequence of free institutions, a developed public

spirit , or the pursuit of co m m o ~ l conomic interests, as Tocqueville maintains, or

as an o utgro wth of an evolutionary com comitant of industrialization and differ-

entia tion processes. This deliinited realm implied t o him constellations of cohesive

groupings , a con~inuni t ) lorination elenlent, and c ross-c utting conflicts.

Far from 'unconnected atoms, '

Americails lived deeply within, although

not subordinated to,

a

i n ~ i l t i t ~ i d ef gro up s. civic realm of activism an d ideals,

indebted to ascetic Protestant d octrine, the congreg ations of Protestant sects and

ch ~i rc he s, nd civic associations, potentially oriented action. Mo reover, this sphere


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become independent and lose their symbiotic character, abandon their capacity effi-

ciently to orient action. The civic sphere then becomes exposed and vulnerable,

expanding or contracting depending upon domination constellations, the irregular

flow of power, and multiple alignments. A routinization of political-ethical action to

practical-rational orientations follows directly upon any weaken ing o f this realm.

Originating in the agrarian a nd religious landscapes of the seventeen th and

eighteenth centuries, the American civic arena confronted severe challenges in the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Weber holds. Deeply anchored in ascetic

Protestantism , would this thick civic sphere retain an ind epe nde nt influence? T he

frontier s rugge d individual, wh o survived against grea t od ds an d even con que red

a vast landscapc, bccamc mythologized. American society, rendered conducive by

ascetic Protestantism to the values of an expanding bourgeois class, became per-

meated far and wide by the orientation o f action to com peti tion, achievement, an

optimistic fram e of mind in respect t o th e individual s ability, and an energe tic

approach to problems and tasks. By the 187 0s, heroes in Hor atio Alger s mo ld,

severed from binding tradition and on the basis of their own talent, energy, and

will, climbed from rags to riches. Urban ization, industrialization, and m ode rn

capitalism implied a massive societal metamorphosis. Standing alone, the individ-

ual became in major circles legitimate, worth y o f praise, and placed o n a pedestal.15

These developments reaffirmed a practical-rational individualism directly

antagonistic to the civic realm, Weber maintains. Would the dynamic reciprocity

that s t rengthened the world-mastery individual ism-civic sphere d~ ~ a l i s mema in in

place in the twentieth cen tury? O r would a rejuvenated practical

rational is^^^

shatter this civic-oriented individualism? Would civic associations continue to

permeate Anlerican society and supply the integrat ing and comn~uni t )~-bui lding


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The W ebe rian M od el The Dissolution of the Civic

Sphere

Th is mod el reco nstruc ts the several ways in which W eber viewed th e course of the

American civic realm s twen tieth- an d twen ty-first-century weaken ing and dissol-

u t ion . Three sub-mode ls cons t i ru~ e h is T tkbe~iart onsci-uc~.Each formula tes

hypotheses regarding challenges to the civic

arena.17 Brief scrutiny o f each mu st

suffice.

The Privatization of W ork and t he Expansion of Practical

Rationalism

According t o th i s sub-mode l , the sanct i f icat ion of weal th an d methodical w ork in

the e igh teen th an d nineteenth centuries faded and , as asceticism and disciplined

labor moved away from the center of the salvation quest, individualism became

routin ized back to its interest-based, practical-rational form . Th is construct, th at

hyp othesiz e a d epletion and circumscription of the civic sphere followed. A vicious

cycle ensued.

Non e the le s s , and a l th ough weakened w i th the waning of a sce ti c ism, the

a i m o f bu i l d i ng G od s k i ngdom e ndu r e d i n r ou t i n i z e d f o r m , t h is s ub - m od e l

pos tu la te s : c i t i zens s ough t i n t he e i gh t e e n t h a nd n i ne t e e n t h c e n t u ri e s t o e s t a b -

lish the ju s t a n d ~ o o d ivic society Unsurpr i s ingly in l igh t of the ina jor

Anler ican re l igious her i tage , work became viewed as the centra l means toward

th i s end . Thus , a fur the r nur tur ing of the ea r l i e r symbios i s be tween the c iv ic

s phe r e a nd world- master)^

ind i \~ idua l i smoccur red , th i s cons t ruc t ma in ta ins .

How eve r , as the n ine teenth ce nt ur )~ rew to a c lose, the c iv ic r ea li ll corn-


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workplace tempo of 'victorious capital ism' imposes upon all within i ts reach an

organized m od e of li fe . Within this 'grinding m echanism' characterized by an

.

~n es ca pa ble etwo rk o f pragm atic necessit ies, ' survival of businesses, as well as

th e individual 's capacity to earn a l ivelihood, requires n oth ing less. Ac cor ding

to thi s sub-co ns t ruc t , t he foundat ion tha t g ro und s the modern era is no t ' sp i r-

i tual, ' bu t 'mechanical ': 'The idea of an obl igat ion to search for and then

accept a vocat ional cal ling i low wanders arou nd in ou r lives as the gh ost of

bel ie fs n o longer an chored in th e subs t ance of re lig ion ' (Weber , 2009: 15 7) . In

on e o f his m ost famou s passages, Weber tersely captures this s igni ficant t rans-

forma t ion at the level of subject ive me aning a nd mot ives: 'The Puri tan

nted

to be a person wi th a vocat ional cal l ing; we

must

be ' (2 00 9: 157 , see a lso

1 5 7 4 , 4 4 6 - 8 ) .

O f central significance for the fate of the civic arena, w ork is eviscerated of

its prior religious and civic underpinnings, as well as all community-building and

integrative capacities, even th ou gh it remains at the cen ter of daily life. He nc e, this

sub-model hypothesizes a massive alteration of meaning away from the world-

mastery individualism-civic sph ere dualism and tow ard unsanctified labor and

practical rationalism. Accordingly, the civic realm's political-ethical action is

pushed to the margins. A sub-po stulate follows: ci tizenship, in i ts broader sense as

the regular orienta tion o f persons to the civic arena's ideals and to en gagem ent in

communities, also reaches a final stage. It becomes re-defined as a hobby activity

and re-located within th e realm o f leisure.

The Circumscription of the Civic Sphere

by

th,e Power of

M ateria l Goods


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the U nited States, this sub-co nstruct hypothesizes, displacing the vocational

calling s spirit of asceticism and religious-ethical meanin g. Reign ing now are

purely competitive passions, and this quest in the twentieth centu ry assumes the

character of a sports event (20 09: 1 58; see Bell , 1996 ).

W hat consequences followed fi-om this developm ent for the Am erican civic

arena? Th e ubiquitous cons~un erist thos of this new cosmos, according to this

sub-m odel, invigorated practical rationalism f~ ~ r th e r.o the same extent, an

acceleration of th e civic realm s porousness followed. Its independence waned, as

did that of political-ethical action. Again, a vicious cycle ensued.

The Circumscription of the Civic Sphere

by

Europeanization

This Weberian sub-construct postulates a gradual Europeanization or bureau -

cratizatio n of American political cult ure. It views large-scale bureaucracies as

indigenous to industrial societies and expects this development to whittle away

and constrict the ci\~ i c

arena.

Th e constraints acco n~p any ing ndustrialization rende r this alteration

likely, this sub-model indicates. Characteristic is a centralization of power and an

increase in the prestige and authority of civil servants and managers. Their

specialized knowledge o f the ~l ork iilg s f the state and the econom y lead in these

directions and this aggran dizem ent is accompanied by

a

diminution in the

authority of elected politicians over polic~l-ma king ecisions. With ever-widening

bui-eauci-atization, this sub-m ode l hypothesize s, a civic realm dom ina ted by c on -

tending political parties, open debate, pluralistic and coinpeting values, and


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These three sub-constructs have offered a Weberian conceptualization of the

American civic sphere in the twentieth century. Each postulates its dissolution.

Taken together, they consti tute

th

Weberian model namely, an updated

construct that demarcates likely parameters of the American civic sphere accord-

ing, on the one hand, to the analyt ic f ramework and r ich set of concepts

summarized above, and, on the other hand, to a variety of Weber 's writ ings.

Rather than being intended as an accurate depiction of empirical reality, this

model, as uti l ized here, has sought to formulate hypotheses and guidelines for

empirical research today.

This investigation must pursue fi ~r the r ts orientation to\vard mod el-

building rather than searching for a confirmation or rejection of the hypotheses

formulated by each Weberian sub-m ode l (a task far beyond th e scope of this stud y).

It n ow formulates three comp lementary constructs, all of which are indebted t o his

conce pts and analytic framework. They expand th e conce ptual grid provided by the

Weberian model, and hence demarcate the civic arena's wider parameters.

Complementary Models: Updating and Extending

the A nalytic Framework

In combination, the Weberian, generalization, professional associations, and

conflict models form an extended spectrum that allows conceptualization of a

broade r range of the Am erican civic realm's m ajor features, tensions, dynamics, and

developmental pathways. More thick, expansive, and independent mailifestations

stand

a t

one end of this spectrum and Inore porous, circumscribed, and depend-

en t forms stand at the othe r. This expand ed analytic fi-amework captures th e oscil-

l a t i o n s f o l l o ~ ~ e dy poli tical -ethical act ion in the ~ n ~ e r i c a i lolitical culture.'


15/26

and electoral politics. I n gen eral, civic realm values, political-ethical action , and a

world-mastery individualism are transferred to a broad pluralism of socializing

groups and independently cultivated. A notion of 'service to a community'

remains viable. Finally, the shee r nu m be r and wide dispersion of civic associations,

by injecting a pluralistic dyna mism , resist societal stagnation. Instea d, these organ-

izations support political-ethical action and form a bulwark against the value con-

figuration carried by civil servants, fi~n ction aries, nd ma nagers.

As is the case for th e Weberial1 mo de l, the enlpirical app eara nce o f all these

aspects of the generalization model requires the presence of facilitating arrays of

cohesive carrier groups. Wherever they acquire authority, status, and power \is-A-

vis opposing groups, the civic sphere retains its thick consistency and independ

ence, this model postulates. Rather than expanding exclusively into the arenas of

work a nd politics, it then spreads generally across the breadth of Am erican society:

its political-ethical action extends into families, neighborhoods, schools, civic-

oriented charities and foundations, volunteer groups, universities, the military,

and o ther mainstream organizations a nd insti tutions.

As discussed above, the Weberian model's secularization weakened both

the civic sphere and world-m astery individualism ndeed it postu lated a dissolu-

tion of the civic realm. On the other hand, according to the generalization

construct, work retains far longer its sanctified, or quasi-sanctioned, aspect.

Hence, to a greater or lesser extent, all of these organizations and insti tutions

t ransmit a con~muni ty-bui ldingnergy.

In sum, the generalization inodel hypothesizes, and despite nineteenth-

and twentieth-century transformations, the civic sphere substantially maintains its

earlier intensity and influence. In direct contrast to the Weberial1 construct, it


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According t o this mod el, generalization o f the ascetic Protestant heri tage

t o the same magn itude as characterist ic of the ninetee nth century is n o longe r

apparent in this era. Moreover, sect legacies become significantly separated from

civic associations

which become more porous and internally less rigorous, i t

maintains. A

se tor

of American society become s the hom e for these legacies: i ts

upper-middle c l ass profess iona l ass~cia t ions .~~ere they are cultivated and

sustained, this construct contends. As carried by these secular organizations, a

methodical and value-based o rientation t o work and vocations com petes directly

with practical-rat ional and util itarian orientations. H ow d o post-w ar professional

associations manifest sect legacies, according to this construct?

Acceptable behavior and appropriate moral conduct for members are

prescribed. An orientation to high standards must characterize behavior. The

admission c andidate s suitable co nd uc t is testified to by certificates of educa tional

attainment (rath er than a minister s let ter of recomme ndation); they provide the

basis for m emb ership. In tur n, behavior is mo nitore d formally and informally for

i ts conformity t o the organization s standards . T o do so , the sect s external form

is adop ted: observational m echanisms a nd discipline are apparen t. Articulated in

codes of con duc t, rules and statutes becom e enforced by designated committees

empowered to punish violators. Penalt ies can be imposed, including the loss of

membership, and severe sanctions may bring careers to a sudden conclusion.

Finally, professionals measure their self-worth and dignity against a set of moral

codes. Does the me mb er l ive up to the association s standar ds? Ha s professional

integrity been maintained thr ou gh ou t the career? A sincere professionalism and

the professional career, substantively bound ed and separate from oth er realms,

here acquire leg it in~a cy nd pi-est ige. T he professional association in this m anner

maintains i ts integrity and that o f i ts melnbers (Ab bott , 1 98 3; Abel and Lewis,


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civic sphere, its rejuvenation in a man ner parallel to previous centuries as politi-

cal-ethical action s precluded. Furth erm ore, as a conseq uence of the internal

orientation of professional association members, these organizations, compared to

civic associations, sects, and churches in earlier eras, demoilstrate a weakened

capacity to challenge practical rationalism, the power of goods, and bureaucrati-

zation. A vacuum appears in the civic realm. Indeed, this nlodel maps a dr-

coupling of the sect legacy from the civic arena an d hypothesizes the incapacity of

ascetic Protestantism and its secular legacies to nourish civic life.

This absence of a linkage between professional organizations and the civic

sphere implies no t only an exclusive orientation o f memb ers behavior to stan-

dards and codes of co ndu ct internal to these associations. In a ddition, a relation-

ship of antagonism develops between these realms, this construct hypothesizes,

wherever a methodical work ethos among professionals acquires

a

halo of self-

fulfillment an d self-realization : itself a legacy of ascetic Pro testan tism, this legit-

imating aura bestows filrther au ton om y upon professional life . O th er activities,

such as civic engagement, are curtailed not only owing to scarce energy and

time, according to this model, but also as a result of their loss of meaning to

professional^.^^

In sum ,24 this construct postulates that th e gro wth in th e nineteenth and

twentieth centuries of practical rationalism, the p ower of goo ds, and bureaucra-

cies never eradica ted ascetic Protestantism s legacies. Ho wev er, their manifestation

narrow ly in t he p ost -w ar era s professional associatioils failed to convey p olitical-

ethical action int o the civic realm o f sufficient intensity t o co unte ract th e spread

of utilital-ian and interest-oriented activity. In stark opposition to the generaliza-

t ion model , the professional associations co n st r~ ~ c tlppotllesizes a curtailment of


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world-mastery individualism continue to be nourished amid regular confronta-

tions and culture wars. Service to a com mun ity and a comm unity-building

elemen t remain of sufficient expanse to c onta in practical rationalism.

He nce , in str ict opposition t o the Weberian con struct, the conflict model

postulates tha t th e civic sphe re con tinue s to exist, albeit to a less substantive exte nt

than hypothesized by the generalization model and although perpetually beset by

tensions. Powerful carrier organizations, whether families, schools, or volunteer

groups, for example, sustain this arena. According to this construct, the civic

realm permeates influential organizations.

Nonetheless, the conflict model hypothesizes also unceasing challenges

and threats t o the civic sphere. I ts boundaries becom e less f irm. Interest-oriented

activity develops mo re intensively than postulated by the g eneralization co nstru ct,

and persons, unconstrained by political-ethical action, are more frequently

oriented by utilitarian considerations. Furthermore, secularization has weakened

world-mastery individualism, the halo of sanctity around work, and all God-

oriented com mun ity-building, this mo del postulates. Thu s, th e civic arena s thick

quality is deplete d. Accordingly, fewer hindranc es ob stru ct the pe rme ation of daily

life by the po wer o f go od s and b ureauc ratization c onte sts the civic realm s inde -

pendence o n a regular basis. In this context, a generalization of the ethical action

cultivated in professional organizations is precluded; rather, it retains its exclu-

sively intern al focus.

Conclusion

The generalization, professional associations, and conflict models expand and

upd ate Weber s foresh orten ed analytic fi-amework. Th is remains th e case even


19/26

the rational choices of individuals, the economic interests of powerful actors in

gro ups , structural factors, o r this arena s filnctions identifies only surface-level

factors. Influences from the past, when carried by cohesive and effective groups,

must be acknowledged in

a

systematic manner in

all

sociological investigations of

the present, Weber holds. Once an chored in firm carrier organizations, strata, and

classes, pivotal values, traditions, and interests seldom entirely fade from a soci-

ety s landscape. As evident above, he embraces strongly the n otion that cultural

influences may endure despite broad structural transformations. For this reason,

all

global dichotomies (for example,

Gemeinschaft Gesellschaj

and tradition-

modernity) are rejected entirely (Icalberg , 2003a : 1 3 8 4 0 , 164-8) . Th i s cen tral

tenet of Weber s sociology underpins all four models above.

Secon d, Weber s writings o n the American civic sphere stress th at its

viability will fade in the absence of an initiative-taking individualism. Persons must

no t on ly take cognizance of the civic arena s values, he argues, but also possess

capacities that allow ction consistent with them. How does the delicate balance

indispensable for th e unfolding of a thick civic realm congeal in certain g rou ps an d

in certain societies? Weber s analysis maintains that a practical-rational individual-

ism, because lacking consistent intern l guidance by values, must be rationalized

and sublimated into world-mastery individualisnl if a viable civic sphere is to

crystallize for civic orientations are inhe ren t to this individualism. How ever,

accord ing t o his analysis this value-based individualism proves rare, and frequently

undergoes routinization back to interest-oriented action. Practical rationalism, the

privatization of work, the power of goods, and bureaucratization present significant

challen ges t o this world -mas tery individualism as well as to th e civic sph ere itself.

Finally, Weber s models indicate th at an indep enden t civic sphere end ures


20/26

I would like to thank Nancy T Ammerm an, Robert

J

Antonio, Julia Michaels, John Torpey, and Peter C.

Yeager for helpful comments.

1

This

is

my term.

2

That is, the Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, Quaker and Mennonite sects and churches. Weber

distinguishes these Protestan t groupings sharply from Lutheranism . His generic term Puritanism

(see 2009: 141-59) will be sparingly used synonymously.

3

His writings on the Ame rican civic arena have been examined only in frequ ently . See above all Kim

(2004); see also Kalberg (2003b, 2009b); Loader and Alexander (1985).

4

This section

is

partially indebted to Kalberg (1997, 2005).

5 Jellinek (1979) constitutes a clear exception

6 The origins and forma tion of th e civic sphere are addressed here in a m anner that opposes radically

Alexander s posit ion. An analysis gro unde d historically or in carrier groups is no t to be found in his

long study. Rather, for him (as for Parsons), the civic sphere emerges out o f a macro differentia tion

process tha t gives rise to differe nt kinds of ins titution al spheres and discourses one of whic h is

the civic sphere. This perspective neglects nation-specific differences (see Alexander, 2006: 195).

7

This section draws upon Kalberg (2001b: 185-9).

8 Weber s e xtremely co mplex analysis has been no ted here only in abbre viated form (see Kalberg,

1980: 1151-2; 2003a: 148 -52; 2009a: 21-7).

9

Weber saw Ame rican individualism (unlike the more inwa rd-loo king German ~ndividuallsm ) s

fundam enta lly loca ted in groups, even in those groups especially sects ha t expect strict adherence

to firm norms. Rather than losing the capacity for decision-making when In groups, Americans hold


21/26

example, quite aware of widespread corru ption in American cities. See 1968 : 1397-8; 2005 :

108-1 2.

On the American world-view, see, for example, Bellah et al. (1985); Hartz (1955); Hofstadter

(1955); Kalberg (2001a: 310-14; 2001b; 2004); K onw itz and Kennedy (1960); Lipset (1963); Lynd

(1 967); Miller (1961); Parrington (1954); W hite (1957).

The com mun itar~a n and bow ling alon e discuss~ons an be seen as recent revisitations of the

classic American world-mastery individualism-civic sphere dualism. See, for exam ple, Bellah et al.

1

985); Etzioni (1997, 1998); Hall and Lindholm (1999); Putnam (2000); Selznick (1992).

Thus, the co nce ptu al y~ el d f W eber s analysis is stressed rather than its emprrical accuracy. In

opposition t o the position taken here, many may argue tha t the three models, all recognizable to

readers of Weber, const itute for h ~ mctual depictions of reality. This complex questlon cannot be

resolved in a study of limited length . Suffice ~t o say, the orientation in thls investigation tow ard

Weber is purely conceptual: utilizing his concepts and analytic framework, it seeks to offer an

analyticalconsideration that maps the full spectrum in reference to wh ich th e civic sphere, accord-

ing t o Weber, oscillates across the American political culture. Such clear conceptualization and

model-building, according to Weber s methodology, must always const~tute he first step in the

research process that is, a stage prior to com mencem ent of the emp ~rica l nves t~ga tion see

Weber, 19 49: 90-1 04).

Again, the Weberian sub-models are constructed here as hypothesis-forming aids for research

rather than as constructs designed to capture empirical reality. Interpreters have generally

comprehe nded Weber s Europeanizatron thesis as an empirical deve lopm ent-an doffered trench-

ant cr~ticisms see Momm sen, 1974, 1998, 2000; Roth, 1985, 2005a, 2005b).

It is here maintained that these constructs, altho ugh n ot exhaustive, con st~ tutehe mos t plausible

models to be derived from Weber s concepts and conceptual g r~ d .

This model approximates the m ajor pres uppo slt~o ns f the Parsons~an lslon of A me r~c an ociety.


22/26

to mon itoring and. effective pun ishing than their A merican counterparts. Moreover, in other

nations, the power t o impose penalties for unprofessional conduct usually lies wi th legal

authorities and outside the association (see Abel and Lewis, 1989; Parsons, 2007; Rueschemeyer,

1973; Savelsberg, 1994).

25 To def ine the Am erican civic sphere constitu tes inhere ntly a comparative excercise. A full-scale

isolation of its uniqueness can be achieved only throu gh th e systematic utilization of comparative

cases. In this manner alone can an assessment occur of, for example, th e extent t o w hich the sect

spirit plays a central part in the forma tion of t he civic sphere. Such tasks, of necessity, must b e

omitted from this short, and purely conceptual, study. For a demarcation of a uniquely German

civic sphere and contrasts to the uniquely thick Am erican civic sphere, see Kalberg (1987, 1992,

2001 b, 2003b, 2006). These studies emphas~ze he diverging lo cation of the civic realm in these

nations an d some consequences thereof.

References

Ab bo tt, Andrew (1 98 3) 'Professional Ethics',

American Journal of Sociology

88:

855-85.

Abel, Richard L. (1985) 'Comparative Sociology of Legal Professions: An

Exploratory Essay', American Bar Foundation Research Journal 10: 1-79.

Abel, chard L. (1 98 6) 'The Transform ation of the American Legal Profession',

Law and Society Review

20: 7-1 7.

Abel, Richard L. and Phi l ip S.C. Lewis (eds) (1989) Lalvyers in Society:

Comparative Theories Berlteley: Unive rsity o f California P ress.

Alexander, Jeffi-ey C . (2 00 6)

The Civic Sphere

New York: Oxford Universit);

Press.

Barber , Bernard (19 78-9) 'Contr ol and Responsibi li ty in the Powerful


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Jellinek, Georg (1979) The Declaration of the Rights ofMan and of Citizens, trans.

Max Ferrand. Westport, C T: Hyperion.

Icalberg, Step hen ( 19 80 ) Max Weber's Types of Rationality: Corn erstones for the

Analysis of Rationalization Processes in History', American Journal of

Sociology 85 : 1145-79.

Icalberg, Stephen ( 19 87 ) 'The Origin and Expansion o f

I


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N nv Centu ry: Understa nding and Accepting our Mu tual Differences.

Lanharn, MD: Lexington Books Rowrnan Littlefield.

Icalberg, Stephen (2009a) 'Introduction to

The Protestant Ethic ,

pp. 7-58 in Max

Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism with Other

Writin gs on the Rise of the West,

trans. and introduced by Stephen Icalberg.

New York: Oxford University Press.

Icalberg, Stephen (2009b) . Introduction t o The Protestant Sects in America ',

pp. 163-85 in Max Weber,

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of

Cap italism w ith Other Writings on the Rise of the West, trans. and intro-

duced by Stephen Iblberg. New York: Oxford Uni\lersity Press.

IGm, Sung Ho (2004) M ax Weber s Politics of Civil Society. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press.

I


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Protestantismus un d der GeistJ des modernen I


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max weber's analysis of the unique american civil sphere [its origins, expansion, and...

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