major subculture essay final
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major subculture essay for soc206 on the punk movementTRANSCRIPT
SOC 206 MAJOR SUBCULTURE ESSAY 2000 words
THE PUNK MOVEMENT
Theory has traditionally been approached from an objective orientation. We can trace a
progression however throughout the 19th and 20th century in the apparent evolution of
social scientific theory from objective through to more subjective approaches. The
question remains though, does the theory accurately reflect change in society or does the
'perspective' of theory and theoretical approach of the researcher only tease out
particular aspects of a social phenomenon. By holding the topic of 'subculture'
constant, social scientific theory can be put into question. This essay examines
subcultures from the 1950's to the present in order to revisit assumptions about theory.
The Punk subculture is examined specifically through semiotic analysis within a
broader Sociological framework in order to find out what a more subjective approach to
theory over this time period can reveal.
Subcultural theory in the past described subcultures as fairly uniform and static.
Theorists referred to the 1960's and 1970's within a Modern paradigm which was
objectivist in nature understanding subculture as a problem to be fixed. Subcultural
delinquency was seen as noise and as unnatural, '...a temporary blockage in the system
of representation.' (Hebdige 1997, p130). More recent subcultural theory describes
subcultures as transient, informal and hybrid. But subcultures have always been about
'youth', about times of economic uncertainty, employment pressures and reliant on class
distinction (Van Krieken et al. 2006, pp517-518). Meanwhile, in Postmodern society
we see the so called 'disappearance' of subcultures which have become dispersed and
commodified by a youth distracted by consumerism and media images (Muggleton
2000, pp48-50). Subcultures are defined as subordinate to the dominant culture and as
having alternate beliefs. The groups that rebel are often referred to as reflective
subcultures because they are reacting within the philosophy of the dominant culture,
unlike 'outlaw' motorcycle gangs for example or the 'alternate' hippie movement
(MSpapers 1998, p6).
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The subcultures of the 1950's began in Britain with the Teddy Boys who challenged the
notion of stereotyping by 'appearing' imminently respectable yet behaving contrary to
public expectation with fighting and burglary. They also challenged certain notions of
class by wearing suits reminiscent of 1930's high culture and yet behaving in a way
usually associated with the working class (MSpapers 1998, p8). Moral panics were
instilled by the media in the 1960's and 1970's providing a target for youth rebellion
(Weinzierl 2003, pp16-19). The Teddy Boys were followed by the Mods and Rockers
of the 1960's which centred largely around contradicting values of consumerism. The
Mods aspired toward the upper class by wearing suits, collars and ties. They didn't
accept the traditional representations of these items however, they rather fetishisized
them as objects within themselves. The Rockers on the other hand stood for working
class values. The main conflict between the Mods and the Rockers was expressed as a
struggle over space to 'hang out'. The Skinheads were another subculture around the
1960's which stood for a militant-style and often violent form of nationalism. This
came out of a reaction to declining economic conditions and increased competition with
immigrants for jobs (MSpapers 1998, pp8-9).
The Punk movement came about in part as a reaction to the Skinhead movement and in
part centralising the dichotomy of the Mods and Rockers, but also due to harsh
economic conditions. Mid 1970's Britain saw an economic recession which exposed
prolonged poverty and inequality with a government which seemed at a loss to create
any positive change. The Punks grew as a reaction to the lack of security provided by
the State and evolved as a contempt for society, tradition and authority, especially the
government. They expressed themselves by doing the opposite to what was perceived
to be the norm and 'performing it' in public spaces. As an expression of this sentiment
they internalised 'struggle' by deliberately contradicting their core values with the
opposing visual symbols. For example, they stood for anti-racism yet wore the
Swastika, they were anti-religion yet wore crosses. They dressed outrageously by
mainstream standards and 'hung out' at train stations and bus stops to shock everyone
and to mock tradition. They had lost all faith in the government and institutions of
society. They sought to create anarchy by attempting to disassemble the existing
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structures and allowing society to be rebuilt in a more natural order (MSpapers 1998,
pp9-11). Similar economic conditions were prevailing in the United States at this time
and the Punk movement grew here also but was more focussed on music and image
rather than substance. Punk in America become commercialised and in reaction moved
to a more hardcore era in the 1980's which also had an effect on British Punk subculture
(MSpapers 1998, p6). This angst is what triggered the DIY concept within the punk
movement and the negation, mockery and reappropriation of fashion. Punks wore
garbage bags as clothing and used safety pins to hold together ripped or torn clothing,
ripped clothing traditionally being a cue to buy something new and unblemished
(MSpapers 1998, p11). The punks also went 'dumpster diving' in order to retrieve
discarded supermarket food for example, which served to negate the market mechanism
of quality product branding and the economic mechanism of demand and supply.
Health food shops were also relieved of products without conventional means of cash
exchange in order to thoroughly cleanse the corporatised product which had disguised
itself as 'natural' (Clark 2004, pp26-28).
But not only did the Punk subculture attempt to tear down all forms of traditional
societal institutions such as the State and religion they also had their own culture,
values, structure and philosophy. They endeavoured to uncover the world in its natural
state without the corruption and ideology of the parent culture. Punk culture and style
was highly arranged and consistent. Punk music provided the opportunity to reinforce
Punk philosophies and clubs provided a place to rally. The music emulates the clothing
style, it is raucous, untidy and focusses on the underlying message and rhythm rather
than the obvious chords. The music demonstrates a desire for change, it demands not to
live as an object in the capitalist world but rather to live as a subject of history and yet
feel that DIY action can make a difference (MSpapers 1998, pp 11-14). They don't want
'inspiration' they want pure 'creation' from within the subculture and the individual and
not determined by the externalities imposed by society (Derrida 1998, pp114-117).
That said, Punks have still been accused of selling out to the mainstream due to the
popularity of Punk bands like The Clash and Sex Pistols. However, the Punk subculture
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clearly defines its grievance; they don't outright reject capitalism, they specifically
reject how it's become 'mass culture' and lost its sense of imagination, skill and hard
work. They want to return to nature, authenticity and truth (MSpapers 1998, pp14-15).
This return to authenticity, however, plays into capitalism. From a normative
perspective, this is the contradiction because as Punks pursue authenticity they are
setting a criteria for belonging to their subculture and thus outcasting poseur or
inauthentic Punks who have 'the look' but not the cultural sentiment (refer post 2
reference). Thus their focus on authenticity both places the individual front and centre
and yet negates any individual manifestations of punk identity outside hardcore punk
values. But from a Punk perspective this makes sense. Jacques Derrida outlines the
process of this concept in 'under erasure' by outlining the detachment and change of
meaning through a metaphor of language (Deoxy 2009). Clark also outlines this idea in
terms of space at the Black Cat Cafe where he uses a metaphor of the Nation State
system saying that the cafe is demarcated by an American border sign which has been
moved 2000 miles north of the actual American border. The cafe is symbolically, but
not geographically, situated just outside the US jurisdiction (Clark 2004, p19). In true
DIY style, Punk subculture effectively inverts mainstream hierarchies by placing Punk
subculture as ontologically greater than the individual which are in turn both greater
than society. It inverts all traditional theoretical value outlined by the social sciences
and previous conceptions of subcultural theory (Hughes et al. 1995, pp145-159).
The Punk movement has effectively used the individual to reflect Punk values back onto
society and mass culture through symbolic interactionism (Van Krieken et al. 2006,
pp653-664). As soon as any form of Punk style is taken up by the mainstream the
Punks refashion themselves and make the mainstream version anti-fashion. They
constantly work to maintain their own distinctive style. This creates a constant source
of authenticity for the mainstream and at the same time a constant injection of Punk
subcultural value into mainstream culture (MSpapers 1998, p17). 'True' Punks state that
being a Punk has allowed them to move out of the 'system' and experience absolute
freedom. Punks nurture what mainstream society rejects. The pursuit for authenticity is
maintained within the movement through internal 'policing' and dialogues. These
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mechanisms of surveillance are enacted through the continually questioned dedication
of younger members and through monitoring the behaviour of the older members by the
subculture itself. This is further internalised within individual Punks as they both
believe the group to embody a kind of essence of God and nature, and yet practice self-
mutilation, drug addictions and self-loathing exhibiting their mortality (MSpapers 1998,
pp18-24).
In this sense then, it could be viewed that the Punk subculture has in fact emulated a
subset of the traditional values of mainstream society with the 'Punk group' representing
what mainstream theory perceives as 'society' or what Durkheim refers to as society
being greater than the sum of individuals. Followed by corresponding interpretations of
objective and subjective reality fulfilled by the Punk subculture as both its 'group entity'
and what it represents as individuals (Hughes et al. 1995, pp145-159). The Punk
subculture views itself as being 'outside' society while theory informs us that it is rather
'inside' society right at the very centre, like the eye of a cyclone (MSpapers 1998, p24).
In this sense, the Punk subculture has created a kind of 'bubble' maintaining Modern
capitalist structures and hierarchies but without the mass cultural aspects of Postmodern
society. This can be evidenced by the hierarchies of power that exist within Punk
subculture produced through gender stereotypes and patriarchy which emulates
mainstream society (Profane Existence 2009). For example, female Punks tend to
reside only on the fringes of the subculture by still living at home with their parents but
performing nursing duties or a housekeeping roles for the male Punks who are at the
centre of the culture (MSpapers 1998, p22).
Through the Punk subculture, social science theory has been able to be formulated
which, through a combination of Sociological theory and semiotic analysis, has created
a kind of logical anti-logic or dialogic. The Punk subculture has effectively provided a
theoretical framework which challenges the 'order' of Western capitalism and
completely inverts all forms of logic as the mainstream understands it (Brokaw 2010,
pp117-120). What remains missing in the cycle is academia's 'pure' theory or 'pure'
ethnography from the perspective of the Punks themselves. Novel ways have been
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suggested by enticing them 'in' through their music (MSpapers p28). But the logistics
of this are difficult to conceive. If Punks were to contribute their perspective, then what
would be the form of the language and how would it correlate with the conceptual
frameworks and language of academia? And if it were expressed through the language
and understanding of academia then how pure or real would the Punk perspective still
be? How would this scenario be possible and how is it that theoretically this seems so
close yet in practicality it seems world's apart? The Punk subculture shows that without
the existence of God the Western system of logic as we know it falls down (Derrida
1988, pp114-117). Our notions of space are also challenged here, because the Punks
seem to be in two places at the same time. The theory tells us that they are at the 'centre'
yet from the Punk perspective they are 'outside' society. Space seems to become
unhinged from physical boundaries and by becoming internalised is a reflection of
where we imagine or believe ourselves to be. Both conceptions of space are equally
legitimate in liminal space (Boellstorff 2008, p117).
Postmodern society reflects Punk sentiments of romance and sensibility. Weber's
verstehen of 'cause' and 'meaning' have collapsed into an aesthetic of hedonistic
consumerism. Muggleton states that characteristics of sensibility and aesthetics were
readily apparent in the 1960's though, he states that Postmodern aesthetics is nothing
new but just an intensification. Further, he demarcates the advent of the punk
movement as a turning point in subcultural behaviour (Muggleton 2000, pp44-46).
Postmodernism can be seen as a return to roots or origins, a rebirth of when the universe
was created from Big Bang, an atomisation and dispersal. From this position, the Punk
subculture is held constant and it is rather theory which is put into question (Van
Krieken et al. 2006, pp600-612). When looked at in this way, evidence of similarities
begin to emerge between lived Modernist conceptions of life expressed through
subcultures and aspects of Postmodern society that we see today. This is evidenced in
primary research recently conducted in the form of a semi-structured interview outlined
in Appendix 1. The interview demonstrates evidence of a romantic sensibility and a
lack of clearly demarcated subcultural boundaries even in the 1960's (McQuilty 2010).
Further, an interview between Jim Morrison and Ray Manzerek in 1969 talking about
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the music and contemporary society on Youtube exemplifies the hallmarks of
Postmodern culture in extraordinary detail and can be accessed at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OoVJ-55ZloE&feature=related (Youtube 2006).
Over longer periods of time subcultural behaviour can be mapped onto larger economic
cycles seeming to emerge always when economic conditions are in decline. This is
outlined in the Kondratieff Wave which outlines economic cycles of around 54 years
over the last 200 years. Each part of the cycle where the economy is in decline
subcultural behaviour correspondingly emerges (Fisher 1998). Subcultural theory cites
1860's, 1920's and 1960's as being significant periods of subcultural behaviour and
subsequent periods of hedonism and sensibility. This places the cycles of society within
a larger economic frame outlining cycles of social activity (Van Krieken et al. 2006,
pp514-538). Both Marx and Weber discussed the inescapable effects of capitalism.
Youth are always implicated because they are the weakest point in the hegemonic
system (Van Krieken et al. 2006, pp538-548). Weinzierl comments on this phenomenon
by pointing out that since the 1980's and 1990's subcultural moral panics have now
become about the entire generation of youth (Weinzierl 2003, pp16-19).
It is clear that we can benefit from a subjective approach to research and that the
inclusion of 'culture' is essential to gain a more complete picture of society. Such a
multidisciplinary approach utilises a broader spectrum of available data. It is clear that
subcultures have made an impact not only on society but also on social scientific theory.
The Punk contribution to the academic community is complete and they have 'done it
their way' because in order to study phenomena we cannot help but become implicated
in it. The Punk subculture informs us, from a researcher perspective, that the richer the
data the more we lose our objectivity. The Punk subculture is evidence of the great
resources of information available which can inform theory through a balanced
approach to research.
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APPENDIX 1
Primary Research – Semi-structured Interview
Interview with Linda Riede on 1960's Subcultures
– Friday, 23 April, 2010, 2.15pm – 2.45pm
Conducted over lunch at the club, Linda is my Mum and she gave consent to do the
interview aware that I was researching subcultures for uni. I explained that I was trying
to find out what she thought about subcultures in the 1960's while she was a teenager
growing up in south eastern Sydney. I asked Mum if she would mind reading over the
interview once I'd typed it up to see if she felt that it accurately reflected what we'd
discussed, to which she agreed.
Q. What subcultures do you remember when you were growing up?
There were the mods, they were more upper-class. I don't know whether they were but
they tried to act like they were. There were the rockers. The rockers and the mods
didn't get on. The rockers were like the westies, they were lower class and didn't live
near the coast.
Q. Did you belong to a group?
Well we lived near the coast so I guess I was a surfie. I also went through a 'modish'
period too I think. The surf culture was fantastic, it was like an escape from reality, or a
return to nature or something.
Q. What was it like back then, could you be in a few subcultures or did you mainly stick
to one?
No, you could change, you could be one during the day say, and then another one when
you went out on the weekend or out at night. You could sort of dress up and experiment
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with things. You could try different combinations of fashion, there was more scope to
do that than there previously was. Everyone would try different things.
Q. Could like a rocker become a mod or a surfie become a mod?
There were certain classes that you stuck to. A rocker wouldn't become a mod because
they were more lower class. Classes didn't really swap but you could swap sort of in the
same class.
Q. Were there any revivals ever of old subcultures?
No, there weren't really any previous subcultures. There weren't really any subcultures
in the 1950's just the 60's.
Q. Nothing to revive?
No, there was only the 1950's and the war, it all really just started in the 60's.
Q. What bands were popular around then?
The Beatles and Elvis were really popular, they took over from the surfie music.
Q. Weren't the Beatles and Elvis really straight?
No, they were right into drugs. The Beatles weren't at first, they were really clean cut
and a bit naïve but then they changed. Yellow Submarine was really sort of D & M and
Indian influenced. I think they were fairly heavily into drugs when Yellow Submarine
came out. And then Elvis had the movies also, he was really popular.
Q. What did the Brady Bunch seem like then?
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Really 1950's, really idealised. People knew it wasn't serious. Families weren't really
like that. There was Happy Days as well, but that had Fonzie, he was quite rebellious,
sort of like a rocker.
Q. Did you ever go to political rallies or protests or anything like that?
No not really, but my friend and I used to go into Hyde Park a lot and listen to Webster.
We'd both wear our white sneakers with the Australian flag painted on them.
Q. What was Webster?
This guy, he used to talk in Hyde Park and everyone would sit around and listen.
Q. What did he talk about?
Oh all sorts of stuff really, about life. He was like a kind of advisor. He was older, in
his 30's or 40's maybe but he didn't talk down to you like other adults did, he sort of
talked to you like an adult or like an equal. He seemed like he wouldn't judge you and
seemed really open minded and accepting of difference sort of. He gave you a good
feeling. He talked about the war in Vietnam and about freedom and that sort of thing. It
was all sort of about peace not war. Sometimes there'd be religious speakers in the park
but everyone would laugh at them and wouldn't listen to them.
Q. What do you remember most about those times?
It was a time of amazing change, you don't see it like that today. It was an amazing
time. The Vietnam war had a big impact on people. People became more aware. They
had actual live footage of the war on TV. People were conscripted then spat on when
they came back. And that agent orange, so many of them came back with so many
health problems that they passed on to their children. So many of them committed
suicide in the first year after they got back, a lot of them ended up with really bad
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psychological problems. I think mainly because they were treated so badly when they
got back, not like the ones that came back from WWII, they were treated like heroes.
Q. Did people blame them or the government?
Both I think. People were angry with the government because they felt that we
shouldn't have been there. But people were also angry with the ones that went over
there because they didn't take a stand against the government. They didn't have a choice
though, they would have ended up with a jail record for the rest of their lives.
Q. What do you remember most about the Vietnam war?
It was different to other wars, it was the war without a cause kind of because we didn't
really know why we were there or really what they were fighting about. They said
communism but it seemed so far away and remote sort of. And it was a war without
rules. In the other wars they fought out in the open but the Viet Cong would go
underground in all these tunnels they'd built and women and children would be carrying
bombs and guns too, civilians got involved.
Q. What did Nan and Pa think about it all?
Oh, they thought it was all pretty crazy I think, it was so different from when they were
growing up. They didn't really talk about things much though or show their feelings,
they just always pretended to be happy. Our generation talked about their feelings
more, they were more open. Not rebelling just expressing their feelings, but I think it
looked like they were rebelling authority. Yer they just acted happy all the time.
Q. Like the Brady Bunch?
Yer, I think because they lost Dad's brother in the war (WWII), they had his death.
Mum said she'd never seen Pa cry before. They never really talked about it that much
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though. They talked about him, but never really said how they felt about it.
Q. What did The Doors seem like compared to the Brady Bunch?
Oh, they were amazing, they were so ahead of their time. They were really inspiring,
like an escape. They were against authority and sort of encouraged people to question
things. There was a strangeness though, they were really black.
Q. Is there anything else you can think of that was significant at the time?
Yer, the moon landing was pretty big.
Q. Do you think this may have been timed or even staged to take people's focus off the
realities of the Vietnam war?
Yer, they made a movie about that and said the moon landing was filmed in the desert or
something. It could have been, it made people start to think about space travel, they had
all the Apollo launches and the Russians were launching satellites.
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