Reconstructing Womanhood: How Japanese and American Gender Roles and Educational Policies Affected

Japanese Women Who Studied in the United States from 1868 to 1930 and from 1980 to 2008

Paige Danielle Cunningham

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies

University of Washington

2008

Program Authorized to Offer Degree:

Department of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences - Tacoma

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master’s degree at the University of Washington, I agree that the Library shall make its copies freely available for inspection. I further agree that extensive copying of this thesis is allowable only for scholarly purposes, consistent with “fair use” as prescribed in the U.S. Copyright Law. Any other reproduction for any purposes or by any means shall not be allowed without my written permission.

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University of Washington

Abstract

Reconstructing Womanhood: How Japanese and American Gender Roles and Educational Policies Affected Japanese Women Who Studied in the United States

from 1868 to 1930 and from 1980 to 2008

Paige Danielle Cunningham

Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Associate Professor Mary Hanneman

Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences

This thesis analyzes how the Japanese women who studied in the United States

during the periods from 1868 to 1930 and from 1980 to 2008 were affected by

Japanese and American educational policies, practices, and principles, and by the

roles assigned to women in each culture. This analysis first studies the pre-1868

Japanese and American social and educational systems which helped to establish

the patterns of socialization and education found in those countries between 1868

and 1930. Beginning in 1871, Japanese women travelled to the United States to

seek educations. The cultural differences between Japan and the United States

had a profound impact on the women, as well as on the attitudes towards

womanhood with which they returned to Japan. Their time in the United States

made some of them determined to change the social conditions of their

countrywomen to more closely resemble their own, more liberal experiences in

the United States.

The thesis then assesses the ways in which the divided path between

marriage/motherhood and a full-time career remains the norm in Japan. Since

marriage/motherhood does remain the norm, this thesis considers what that

division between marriage/motherhood and career might mean for the current

and future societal status of Japanese women educated in the United States.

Japanese women who have come to study in the United States since the 1980s

have tended to indicate a preference for certain aspects of American society. They

have appreciated the fact that in America women are less constrained and have

more freedom to choose when or whether to marry, when or whether to work,

and when or whether to have children. In defiance of cultural norms, some

Japanese women have now begun refusing to marry, and if married, to have one,

two, or no children. These women are instead pursuing careers and seeking

education beyond the previously-expected junior colleges level, including earning

4-year or higher degrees at both Japanese and foreign, especially American,

colleges and universities.

The number of educated women who are now refusing to marry and have

children has caused Japan’s birth rate to plummet. By 2040, the elderly will

outnumber children nearly four-to-one. The total population is expected to

decline by one-third within the next fifty years and by two-thirds within the next

one-hundred years if the birth rate remains as low as it is currently. This thesis

proposes that input from progressive Japanese women, particularly American-

educated Japanese women, is needed in order to begin to change Japan’s social

expectations and social structure, helping to solve both the career/family and

population crises before Japanese society ages out and disintegrates.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Glossary ..................................................................................................................... iii Preface ...................................................................................................................... ix Chapter I: Introduction ......................................................................................... 1

Methods ......................................................................................... 4 Data Collection and Analysis ................................................. 5 Limitations of Methods ......................................................... 7 Theoretical Framework .................................................................. 8

Chapter II: Social Expectations and Educational Patterns of Women in Japan and the United States before 1868 .................................................... 16

Women’s Roles in Japanese and American Society before 1868 18 Women in Japanese Society before 1868 ........................... 19 Women in American Society before 1868 .......................... 30 Comparisons and Conclusions ............................................ 33

Japanese and American Educational Policies, Practices, and Principles before 1868 ................................................................. 34

Education in Japan before 1868 .......................................... 34 Education in the United States before 1868 ....................... 39 Comparisons and Conclusions ............................................ 44 Societal Implications for Japan and Japanese Women ............... 46 Chapter III: Social Expectations and Educational Patterns of Women in Japan

and the United States between 1868 and 1930 ................................ 50 Women’s Roles in Japanese and American Society between

1868 and 1930 .............................................................................. 51 Women in Japanese Society between 1868 and 1930 ....... 52 Women in American Society between 1868 and 1930 ...... 57 Comparisons and Conclusions ............................................ 60

Japanese and American Educational Policies, Practices, and Principles between 1868 and 1930 .............................................. 61

Education in Japan between 1868 and 1930 ...................... 62 Education in the United States between 1868 and 1930 ... 68 Comparisons and Conclusions ............................................ 76 Societal Implications for Japan and Japanese Women ............... 77 Chapter IV: Experiences of Japanese Women Students in the United States

and Japan between 1868 and 1930 ................................................... 80 Tsuda Ume ................................................................................... 82 Oyama (née Yamakawa) Sutematsu ............................................ 95 Kawai Michi ................................................................................ 103 Mishima (née Seo) Sumie .......................................................... 111 Comparisons and Conclusions ................................................... 121

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Chapter V: Social Expectations and Educational Patterns of Women in Japan and the United States between 1980 and 2008 .............................. 125

Women’s Roles in Japanese and American Society between 1980 and 2008 ........................................................................... 126

Women in Japanese Society between 1980 and 2008 ..... 127 Women in American Society between 1980 and 2008 .... 136 Comparisons and Conclusions .......................................... 142

Japanese and American Educational Policies, Practices, and Principles between 1980 and 2008 ............................................ 143

Education in Japan between 1980 and 2008 .................... 144 Education in the United States between 1980 and 2008 . 153 Comparisons and Conclusions .......................................... 159 Societal Implications for Japan and Japanese Women ............. 161 Chapter VI: Experiences of Japanese Women Students in the United States

and Japan between 1980 and 2008 ................................................. 164 Crown Princess Masako (née Owada)........................................ 165 Japanese Women Students in the United States in the 1980s .. 172 Japanese Women Students in the United States in the 1990s .. 178 Japanese Women Students in the United States in the 2000s .. 185 Comparisons and Conclusions ................................................... 190 Chapter VII: Implications and Conclusions of 140 Years of the Effects of

Changing Educational Patterns and Social Roles in Japan and the United States on Japanese women and Japanese Society .............. 193

Social Evolution and Women’s Roles ......................................... 193 Current Society and Women’s Education .................................. 205 Effects of Paradigms, Culture, Power, and Feminism on Japanese Women’s Socialization and Education ...................... 211

End Notes .............................................................................................................. 216 Bibliography .......................................................................................................... 238

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GLOSSARY

Academy: A type of school common to the United States during the colonial and pre-Civil War periods. The schools offered a wide range of curricula, some being more scholastic than others. They accepted diverse student bodies, some accepting only boys, some only girls, and some both.

Bakufu: Literally “tent government,” the samurai-based administrative branch of the Tokugawa Shogunal government before 1868. The metaphor implies a tent around the Shogun, or a private government.

Buddhism: A religious tradition arising from India, which is based on the goal of attaining enlightenment and then potentially sharing one’s accomplishment with others in order to help them attain enlightenment as well. According to religious tenets in some Buddhist sects, women are fundamentally incapable of reaching the higher states of enlightenment as they are messengers from hell.

Bushido: Literally “way of the warrior,” the samurai code of honor which was comprised of seven virtues, including rectitude, courage, benevolence, respect, honesty, honor, and loyalty, as well as the values of filial piety, wisdom, and care for the aged. Elements of this ethical system continue to be valued in modern Japanese culture.

Chrysanthemum Throne: The Imperial Throne of Japan. The throne is believed to have been occupied by an unbroken string of male heirs descending from Amaterasu Ōmikami since the line’s founding over 1500 years ago. In the case of the few women who served as reigning empress, their children had no right to inherit, and the throne passed to male heirs of their fathers’ families, maintaining the male-centered descent pattern.

College: American institutions of higher education which initially only accepted men, though female institutions bearing the name appeared in the early to mid- 1800s. The first women’s institution to approximate both the curriculum and facilities of men’s colleges was Vassar College, founded in 1861. After the end of the Civil War, many other colleges, both single sex and coeducational, also offered a full male-equivalent curriculum to women.

Confucianism: A Chinese philosophical tradition originated by Confucius (551-479 B.C.) who posited that a good society required good governance and harmonious human interactions. Harmony was to be achieved by following hierarchical relationships at all levels of society.

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Daimyo: The feudal lords of Japan who ruled over various regions of the nation from the 12th century to 1868. They oversaw the Tokugawa bureaucracy and retained samurai as both functionaries and warriors.

Daigaku: A Japanese college or university which requires a four- or five-year course of study. The highest level of education attained by most Japanese students, this class of educational institution includes both coeducational national universities and coeducational and single-sex private colleges and universities.

Dame school: A type of Colonial-era American school in which girls and boys were taught to read and cipher by older married and widowed women.

Dutch Learning: The Western science and technological materials taught by specialized schools during the Tokugawa era, so named because only the Dutch were permitted to trade with Japan during that era and thus most related materials were written in Dutch.

Equal Employment Opportunity Laws: Japanese laws passed in 1986 and 1999 which have begun to reduce gender-based workplace discrimination, but which are poorly enforced by the national government and have thus proved only minimally effective.

Futsu no michi: Literally “the normal path,” in this case, the socially expected life path of Japanese women, from junior college student to Office Lady, to marriage and motherhood.

Gakusei: The Fundamental Code of Education. The 1872 version mandated the replacement of the existing Japanese educational systems with a new, centralized form which incorporated elements of the American and European school systems under the control of the Ministry of Education.

Hanko: Tokugawa-era fief schools operated by various daimyo at multiple locations around the Japanese islands in order to teach young male samurai Confucian morality and administrative skills.

Ie: The Tokugawa and Meiji-era male-centered Japanese family unit or household which was often comprised of three or more generations and could also include servants.

Ijime: Bullying, generally carried out in Japanese schools by large groups of students against individual students, often with a teacher’s unspoken permission.

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Imperial Rescript: A national policy directive issued on behalf of the Japanese emperor. The 1873 educational edict indicated that women were to be educated equally with men, but also that women were fundamentally without understanding.

Iwakura Mission: A diplomatic and educational delegation headed by Iwakura Tomomi sent to the United States and Europe by the Meiji government in 1871 to learn about the West and to attempt to renegotiate the unequal treaties.

Joshi Eigaku Juku: Literally “Women’s English School,” the original name of Tsuda Ume’s Japanese school for young women founded in 1900. Currently the school is called Tsuda Juku Daigaku, or “Tsuda College.”

Juku: A type of private Japanese cram school which primarily instructs those students attending elementary, lower secondary/middle, and upper secondary/high schools who wish to better their grades or pass school entrance examinations.

Kana: The Japanese syllabary, or syllabic writing system, developed from Chinese characters during the ninth or tenth century with the assistance of Japanese court women. This type of writing remained the form most commonly taught to Japanese women until the Meiji Restoration. Today, the category of kana includes hiragana, primarily used as a syllabic accompaniment to Chinese characters, and katakana, primarily used to transcribe foreign loanwords.

Kariyu uman: A strong, confident, but childless career woman. This woman is likely to be marginalized within Japanese society.

Keisen Jogaku-en: Literally “Fountain-of-blessings Girls’ Learning-garden,” the name of the young women’s Christian school founded by Kawai Michi in 1927. Since its founding as a lower secondary/middle school, the institution has expanded to include a women’s college, known in English as “Keisen University,” though it has retained its original name in Japanese.

Koné: From “connections,” the interpersonal networks which students in Japanese colleges or universities form with faculty and other students to help them to find jobs after graduation.

Kyoiku Mama: Literally “Education Mother.” The Kyoiku Mama is completely fixated on her children’s educational prowess to the point of dedicating her life to ensuring that nothing interrupts her children’s studies and

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catering to their every whim. Her sense of self-worth may come to be defined by how well her children do on examinations and to which schools her children are accepted.

Meiji Restoration: The 1868 samurai-organized government takeover carried out in the name of the young Emperor Meiji, which reclaimed political and military control of Japan from the Shogun and returned it to the emperor and his advisors. The Restoration marked the beginning of Japan’s 19th century program of modernization.

Neo-Confucianism: A philosophy which arose in China between the 10th and 13th centuries, combining elements of traditional Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism (a Chinese philosophy concerned with the “way” of the universe).

New Woman: The more liberated but still domestic 1890s model of American womanhood which gave value to both family and career.

Normal school: A school in the United States designed to train primary/elementary school teachers.

Office Lady (OL): A common title for a female Japanese clerical worker, whose job duties include filing, photocopying, and serving tea to male coworkers.

Onna daigaku: A treatise written in 1729 by Kaibara Ekken, a member of the samurai class, which explicated Neo-Confucian ideas of womanhood. The text was written in kana, making it readily accessible to most of the samurai women for whom it was intended. Since a large percentage of the peasant population was also literate, women of other social classes also read and attempted to follow its guidelines.

Republican Motherhood: A post-Revolutionary War American conception of womanhood which promoted the educated woman’s role in raising educated and socially responsible male citizens in order to help ensure the success of the nascent American Republic.

Ryōsai kenbo: The Meiji-era ideology of “good wife - wise mother,” which, like Tokugawa-era ideology, taught women to submit to their husbands, but also mandated female education to enable women to raise their children to be good, productive subjects of the Emperor.

Samurai: A member of the Japanese warrior class, which, by the Tokugawa-era, was the most elite level of the social system and which provided educated

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bureaucrats for all levels of the government, from the local levels to the central bakufu.

Seitōsha: Literally “Blue Stockings,” an early 1900s Japanese feminist movement which named itself after a 19th century Englishwomen’s literary group. The members of the Seitōsha created and distributed feminist women’s literature and propaganda until 1916, when the group was disbanded due to government charges of subversion.

Seminary: A type of specialized female academy which prepared women to be teachers and Republican Mothers. Typically, a seminary offered a more advanced curriculum than was available at other female academies.

Senmon gakko: A Japanese technical college or training school which provides a 5-5 ½ year course of vocational study. It is typically entered directly after completion of lower secondary/middle school.

Shinjuku: An 18th century private school in which both samurai and peasant children might study such subjects as Confucian morality, medicine, and Dutch Learning.

Shinto: Japan’s native religious tradition. It is both polytheistic and animistic. The customary mythological explanation for the founding of the Japanese imperial line is based on the Shinto belief that the emperors are descended from Amaterasu Ōmikami, the revered Japanese Sun Goddess.

Shogun: The warlord or general who controlled the military powers in Japan. The position was originally appointed by the emperor in times of war, but by the 12th century, the position had become both constant and hereditary. The title of shogun evolved to represent the defacto head of both the military and the political bureaucracy, a status which was maintained until the Meiji Restoration in 1868, at which point both military and political leadership were returned to the Emperor and his advisers.

Tanki daigaku: Literally “half college/university.” The post-World War II Allied Powers set up these “junior colleges” to provide half of the regular college/university curriculum at various locations around the nation. Over time, they have become 98% female institutions which primarily train young women for clerical and sales positions.

Terakoya: Literally “temple school,” though this type of Tokugawa-era school was only rarely situated at Buddhist temples. More commonly, the schools were staffed by religiously-unaffiliated individuals and offered at homes

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and stores in towns. These schools often taught both boys and girls, though the curriculum varied according to the school’s location and teachers, as well as by the gender of the students.

Town school: A type of Colonial American school which operated at the individual town level and primarily taught boys the information and skills needed to enter college.

True Womanhood: The Victorian-era ideal of American womanhood which emphasized piety, purity, submissiveness, and domesticity. This ideal helped to reinforce the secondary position of women within society.

Wagamama: Literally “selfish,” the term often refers to a woman who prioritizes her own goals over the needs of her family.

Yobiko: A type of private school which primarily prepares those students who failed to gain entrance to college or university upon graduation from upper secondary/high school for the next round of college entrance examinations.

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PREFACE

In this Master’s thesis, I examined some of the effects that different cultural and

educational systems and policies have had on Japanese women who chose to

study in the United States during two historical periods. The first period lasted

from 1868 to 1930 and the second from 1980 to the present. Despite my interest

in the conditions of Japanese women, I am not one myself. So why am I interested

in this topic? There are many factors that have influenced my decision to study

Japan and others that led me to focus on this aspect of Japanese culture.

First, I am the daughter of a former diplomat, and therefore I spent my childhood

moving from country to country, experiencing a variety of social and cultural

situations. At the same time, I experienced comparatively consistent educational

systems, as I primarily attended international schools. Despite the similarity of the

schools, as they were generally based along American or British models, I was

surrounded by students of a wide and changing range of nationalities. Upon

returning to the United States at the age of sixteen years, I continued my

association with students of multi-cultural backgrounds by attending a boarding

school where one-fourth of the high school students were also international.

Second, prior to my birth, my parents were posted to Kobe, Japan. My parents

still remember Japan fondly, and certain phrases, art objects, and pieces of

furniture are part of their and my daily lives. Because Japanese culture has always

been at least a small part of my everyday experience, I developed a strong interest

in learning more about Japan once I grew older.

Third, as an undergraduate student, I received a Bachelor’s Degree in

Anthropology, a choice which was related to the interest in foreign cultures that I

acquired through my traveling childhood. Some, though only a small part, of my

focus was on Asia. This led me to want to learn more about Asia in general, Japan

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in particular, and therefore to enroll in multiple classes on East Asia as a graduate

student.

Fourth, my Bachelor’s degree is from Bryn Mawr College, the school which Ume

Tsuda, one of the women in my study, attended in the late 1880s and early 1890s.

I feel a particular kinship with the early women students, as they served as

pioneers at American women’s colleges, studying subjects deemed by society to

be inappropriate or unnecessary for women to understand.

Fifth, I have been a fan of Japanese comic books and animation for years, am

always interested to see how they reflect and distort reality and social conditions

within Japan itself, and would like to learn more about the culture of which they

are a part. My undergraduate thesis discussed the effects of Japanese animation

and comic books on an American college community, but only provided a minor

opportunity to examine cross-cultural influences directed towards Japan rather

than the United States.

Sixth, as a female Master’s candidate, I strongly support women’s rights to

education. In Japan, having more than a junior college degree can hinder a

woman’s ability to marry or to take a positive and active position within society,

and as a result, many women are effectively prevented from fully developing their

intellects. I was interested to learn how women who have studied in the United

States during both the historical and more recent time periods felt about the

expected female Japanese social roles, as well as what they might do to help other

women to more easily gain an education in Japan, if the other women so desire.

Finally, I am deeply interested in understanding how Japan’s social system is

changing, particularly due to the declining birth rate, the decreasing labor pool,

and the aging population. I want to understand how educated women contribute

to worsening Japan’s socio-demographic dilemma as well as to potentially solving

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the dilemma, and to see how women who receive an education in the United

States play into the changing Japanese society. Clearly there is a connection, and I

would like to explore it further.

In the course of writing this thesis, I began to probe into the history of Japanese

women’s social and educational experiences. After having completed this

particular study, I can see myriad ways in which I could further my explorations

into this topic in the future. In the meantime, I feel that this thesis provides a

solid beginning for understanding the complexities of the cultural situations of

Japanese women, past and present.

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Chapter I: Introduction

Women in Japan have, historically, been under intense social and structural

pressure to marry and to have children. In the contemporary world, this pressure

means that educated women are expected to resign from the workforce upon

marriage or childbirth, and are usually unable to return to work once their

children are in school as they are no longer competitive candidates for

employment.1 Educated women are, therefore, typically left with one of two

choices: to refuse to marry in order to remain in the full-time workforce, or to

marry, have children, and leave the full-time workforce completely. If they choose

to leave the workforce, they are usually left with only the potential of poorly paid

part-time work available to them when their children enter school.2 This gender-

specific struggle between career and motherhood has existed in Japan since the

1880s, when the first female students returned from the United States where they

had studied for ten years at the behest of the Japanese government.

Of the earliest students, the two most emblematic of the dilemma of

contemporary Japanese women are Tsuda Ume3 and Oyama (née Yamakawa)

Sutematsu. Tsuda Ume chose to remain unmarried and founded a school which

still educates young Japanese women today.4 Oyama Sutematsu chose to marry

an aristocrat and raise a family, rather than to work for a living. As later became

accepted in Japanese culture, she participated in various volunteer activities and

assisted in the founding of Tsuda Ume’s school.5 Prior to the 1930s, and the

general Japanese turn against the West, other women followed these first young

women to the United States. These later women, too, faced this divided path.

1 Jayaweera, “Higher Education,” 253.

2 Jayaweera, “Higher Education,” 253.

3 In this thesis all Japanese names are rendered in the Japanese style, family name first. I primarily refer to Tsuda Ume by her birth name of Ume, as it was not until the year 1900 that she legally changed her name to Tsuda Umeko.

4 Furuki, White Plum, 141.

5 Kuno, Unexpected Destinations, 136-7, 142.

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Some remained unmarried and had a lasting impact on other Japanese women’s

educational opportunities and a short-term impact on women’s social roles; the

others married, but still made valuable contributions to the changing Japanese

society.

After 1930, the general Japanese societal rejection of Westernization had a strong

negative impact on the number of Japanese women choosing to study in the

United States.6 It has only been since the 1980s that Japanese women have again

come in relatively large numbers to study in the United States, a nation with many

educated, working mothers.7 Most of these students come with the intent of

returning to Japan after graduation, but their exposure to the American

motherhood-career relationship, which is very different from the relationship

typically seen in Japan, makes their reassimilation into Japanese society more

difficult than they may expect it to be.8 The most famous Japanese woman to

recently study in the United States is the current Crown Princess, Masako, who

gave up a promising career in the Japanese Foreign Ministry in order to marry the

Crown Prince of Japan.9 Despite Masako’s example, many other women students

hope to find ways of integrating their educations and experiences in the United

States with their lives in Japan after they return.

The students’ goal of integration is very important, because many Japanese

women are beginning to rebel against the traditional social expectation that

dictates that women, particularly educated women, leave the workforce upon

marriage or childbirth, as Masako did. As more and more women have rejected

the current Japanese construction of womanhood, the Japanese birthrate has

fallen far below replacement rate. Within one-hundred years Japan is predicted

6 Robins-Mowry, Hidden Sun, 110.

7 Matsui, “Gender Role Perceptions,” 356.

8 Matsui, “Gender Role Perceptions,” 357.

9 Collison, “Can a Careerwoman.”

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to lose two-thirds of its population. Some members of Japanese society favor

increasing the pressure on women to marry and have children, however a growing

trend favors changing the social expectations. At the end of the 18th century

American-educated Japanese women helped to increase educational

opportunities for their countrywomen because they had experienced a different

way of seeing the world and their place in it. Therefore, it seems plausible to

propose that American-educated Japanese women could help to solve Japan’s

current demographic crisis, as they too have experienced an alternative social

system which could help them to reconstruct Japan’s models of womanhood and

begin to rebuild the faltering Japanese society.

The first purpose of this thesis, therefore, is to analyze how the Japanese women

students who crossed back and forth between Japan and the United States, during

the periods from 1868 to 1930 and from 1980 to 2008, were affected by Japanese

and American educational policies, practices, and principles, and by the roles

assigned to women in each culture. To conduct this analysis, in chapter two I

explain the pre-1868 American and Japanese social and educational history which

created the 1868 to 1930 patterns of socialization, education, and women’s

experiences which I discuss in chapters three and four. Chapter five then assesses

the ways in which the divided path between marriage/motherhood and a full-time

career remains the norm in Japan. Since marriage/motherhood does remain the

norm, chapter six considers what that division between marriage/motherhood

and career might mean for the current and future societal status of Japanese

women educated in the United States. In conclusion, chapter seven examines

what changes to Japanese society might make it more feasible for Japanese

women to more fully and easily integrate the disparate responsibilities of

education, career, and marriage/motherhood, and how American-educated

women might help to make those changes happen.

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Methods

As I analyzed the views and social conditions of Japanese women who studied in

the United States from both 1868 to 1930 and 1980 to 2008, I used a multi-part

approach. I conducted both textual analyses on primary source materials and

secondary data analyses on the journal, book, and documentary sources. My

textual analyses involved close reading of primary source materials such as

memoirs, letters, and newspaper and journal articles either written by or directly

quoting Japanese women students to learn what they themselves had to say

about their experiences. I also used additional primary materials written during

the relevant times to put the women and their experiences into context.

Secondary source materials helped to provide the necessary context and broader

picture. These secondary materials supplied valuable additional information on

historical and cultural backgrounds and circumstances.

To formulate my argument, I incorporated research on both the primary and

secondary English-language source materials, including memoirs, letters, books,

journals, newspaper articles, documentaries, and existing published and doctoral

research studies. Specifically, the literature on the historical period includes

memoirs, letters, books, journal articles, dissertations, and newspaper and

magazine articles from historical and current authors, as well as recent

documentaries. Literature on the more recent period includes books, journals,

newspaper and magazine articles, and dissertations written in the last thirty years.

For both eras, I searched for information on students’ probable aspirations, as

well as their expected social roles within Japan and the United States. Moreover, I

traced the development of women’s education in both Japan and the United

States, focusing particularly on the two relevant time periods. Finally, I looked for

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information on how specific women have or have not fit back into society, as well

as their impacts upon that society, following their returning to Japan after

studying in the United States.

Data Collection and Analysis

To find source materials, I searched both online catalogues and online databases.

The University of Washington Libraries catalog was a valuable source of

Congressional committee hearing reports, published books, and unpublished

dissertations. For additional books, I consulted the Orbis Cascade Alliance union’s

Summit catalog and OCLC’s WorldCat catalog. To find historical journal and

newspaper articles, I consulted ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The New York

Times (1851-2003) and American Periodicals Series (APS) Online. To find

contemporary journal and newspaper articles, and additional unpublished

dissertations, I consulted AnthroSource, Expanded Academic ASAP, JSTOR,

LexisNexis Academic, ProQuest Databases, Readers’ Guide Retrospective,

Sociological Abstracts, and Web of Science. For cataloging information, I also

consulted the Library of Congress Online Catalog. Keywords included: Japanese

Women Students, Japanese Students America, Japanese Students United States,

Foreign Students United States, and Ume Tsuda. For the purpose of my study,

foreign students are defined as non-American students studying in the United

States who intend to return to their natal countries after graduation.

My inclusion criteria for selecting sources were the following: being written in

English, being written within one of the relevant time periods or about one of the

relevant time periods, discussing Japanese women in society or Japanese women

in education, discussing American women in society or American women in

education, discussing lived experiences of women, and discussing foreign

students. Primary sources, particularly those written by the women themselves,

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were used to provide information about women’s actual experiences in both the

historical and contemporary time periods. My secondary sources included

background material and analyses of the role of women within historical periods.

My exclusion criteria for sources were the following: being written in a language

other than English, being about a period outside of the relevant time periods, and

focusing on male students. Not relevant to overall inclusion or exclusion were

either age of student or region of the English-speaking world to which a student

travelled. I also excluded studies where a student travelled to a non-English

speaking country.

After gathering information on motivations, social conditions, types of education,

and future goals of both historical and contemporary students, I examined what

similarities and differences of responses existed between the two time periods, as

well as within the time periods. I combined elements of anthropological and

historical approaches to determine what information useful to contemporary

education might be extracted. In terms of anthropology, I utilized existing

ethnographies, thick descriptions, comparative case studies, and lived experiences

to consider both the specific experiences of the students and the students’

cultural backgrounds. For a more historical analysis, I focused on examining the

progression of greater contextual and sequential events that affected Japanese

women’s social roles and abilities to study in the United States, such as Japan’s

opening to the Westernized world in the 1860s, its later rejection of the

Westernized world in the 1930s, and its resurgent interest in internationalization

over the past thirty years. I applied elements of four different theoretical

perspectives to both the anthropological and historical analyses; the theories

included Kuhnian paradigm shifts, cultural relativism, Foucaultian power

relationships, and feminist standpoint theory.

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Limitations of Methods

Limitations of the methods included the following: only being able to include

studies and source materials written in English or that had been translated into

English; and not being able to talk with students myself, as the existing timeframe

for my study precluded human subjects application to the Institutional Review

Board (IRB). Still, being restricted to existing materials and analyses allowed for

close textual analyses and provided an opportunity to look at print media as

cultural data.

Additionally, I was unable to find contemporary sources that directly paralleled

the historical journals, letters, and autobiographies. The documentation for the

students between 1868 and 1930 provided in-depth information on the four

students I discuss in this thesis, as I was able to draw on articles, letters, memoirs,

and biographies. For the students between 1980 and 2008, I collected information

on many more women, but I was able to learn less about them, as I have little

material in their own words. Crown Princess Masako is the only Japanese woman

from the latter period to be well-documented in English, yet all material about her

is from secondary sources. Much of the information on the other contemporary

students is based on doctoral dissertations, which, while informative, are limited

in terms of the types of data they can provide. Nevertheless, I was able to

assemble enough useful material to note trends for the contemporary period, if

not specific cultural particulars as with the women from the period between 1868

and 1930.

8

Theoretical Framework

My approach for this study was informed by aspects of the following theoretical

perspectives: Kuhnian paradigm shifting, cultural relativism, Foucaultian power

relationships, and feminist standpoint theory. These theories lead to one another,

becoming narrower in focus as they shift from global to more contextually

specialized. I applied no theory in its entirety, but I found that elements of each

theory helped me to understand how the combined influences of Japanese and

American social and educational models affected the Japanese women who

studied in the United States between 1870-1930 and 1980-2008.

The broadest perspective I took was that of Kuhn’s paradigms. Although his

theories were only intended to be directly applied to science, the concept of

paradigms as being “universally recognized scientific achievements that for a time

provide model problems and solutions to a community of practitioners,” can be

applied to more than just science.10 If researchers determine the question which

forms a model, then every decision that they make must somehow be informed

by a particular perspective of the world that can be changed if their worldview is

jarred enough to cause them to create a new worldview.11 This understanding of

paradigm makes sense with regards to cultural contact. The students whose lives I

studied grew up understanding the world through a particular model, i.e. a

particular set of cultural norms, but then through a collision of cultures had to

evaluate their respective gendered positions within their existing model, and

eventually change that model.

This theory of paradigms also applies to interactions between the Japanese and

the Americans in Japan itself. Of the women who studied in the United States

10

Kuhn, Structure of Scientific Revolutions, x. 11

Kuhn, Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 27.

9

before 1930, the educations of both Kawai Michi and Mishima Sumie were,

directly or indirectly, affected by American missionaries. Michi attended a

missionary school before entering school in the United States, and Sumie’s mother

was taught by missionaries, though she herself remained in Japan.12 Missionaries

introduced their students to a worldview based on Judeo-Christian principles,

which were vastly different from the principles of Japan’s traditional

Confucianism.13 As shown by the fact that Sumie’s mother encouraged her own

daughter to continue on to higher education that she herself was forbidden, the

new, American, cultural values were changing the way Japanese women

interacted with and saw their world and their society.14

The women students generally experienced a double paradigm shift, the first

when they initially travelled away from Japan, and the second upon their return.

First, they left the culture in which they had been raised for one that was alien to

them, as the first women clearly indicated in recollections from their train trips

across the United States to the East Coast.15 They experienced a second shift when

they moved back to Japan. Having grown accustomed to the Christian, American

way of seeing the world, they now were thrown back into the formality of

Westernized, but still Confucian Meiji Japan. With time, they were able to

integrate their different perspectives on the world into wholes, but their eventual

modified perspectives were very different from the perspective promoted by their

government. Contemporary women experience similar shifts, though their own

models look very different from those of both the current Japanese government

and society and from those of their predecessors a century ago.

12

Kawai, My Lantern, 42-43; Mishima, My Narrow Isle, 18. 13

Robins-Mowry, Hidden Sun, 49. 14

Mishima, My Narrow Isle, 19, 49, 91. 15

Kuno, Unexpected Destinations, 67; Mishima, My Narrow Isle, 100.

10

Cultural relativism, a theory which encourages taking cultures on their own merits,

though in many ways denounced by the field of anthropology today, can also

provide some insight into the experiences of the Japanese women students.

Keane’s explanation of how different groups offer different explanations for the

same event or phenomenon is particularly relevant. He points out that one of the

interpretations of cultural relativism is that:

...kinship or gender categories, for instance, cannot be compared across cultures because the apparent biological referents do not reflect their articulation with other components of a given culture...[Historically, some theorists] shared an underlying vision that human projects are more than aleatory only to the extent that they are identified with a cultural, and thus collective, enterprise. 16

As he described, women who have remained in Japan see their world through the

eyes of the Japanese collective. Women who have left Japan and evaluate it from

a distance enter into a different group, one which is more critical of the original

perspective. The women who travelled to the United States crossed cultures,

moving from one worldview group to another. Cultures may share similarities, but

must also be taken on their own terms.17 Thus, only by truly submerging one’s self

in a new culture can one ever hope to understand it. The first girls who studied in

the United States were young enough to relatively uncritically internalize the

American culture, but many subsequent students have not done so.18 They have

spent enough time in the United States to get a surface view of American culture,

and thus have their perceptions altered, but not enough time to achieve full

acceptance even if they wish to do so.

Cultural relativism proves useful in some ways, simply because its goal is to take

cultures on their own merits. For the women discussed in this thesis, the practice

16

Keane, “Estrangement, Intimacy,” 71. 17

Keane, “Estrangement, Intimacy,”71. 18

Matsui, “Gender Role Perceptions,” 373-5.

11

of letting cultures stand on their own was not a possibility because the women

lived in two cultures and became enmeshed in the cultures’ values, although they

themselves were often aware that they did not fully fit into either culture once

they departed Japan. However, for me as researcher, aspects of relativism

provided an interesting spotlight onto the difficulties that these women

experienced as a result of shifting back and forth through such different cultures.

As someone who is not a member of the class of American-educated Japanese

women, I could see ways in which the women both fit and did not fit into

Japanese and American societies, as well as ways in which they changed both

Japanese society and themselves, even if I did not fully understand the cultures

themselves.

Tsuda Ume, for instance, arrived in the United States at such a young age that she

became very American in her outlook on the world, but she continued to consider

herself wholly Japanese.19 After her return to Japan, however, she discovered that

she was hardly Japanese at all, and was actually much more American than she

had realized.20 Yet, with time, she internalized more Japanese social expectations

and submitted to many of them. She also changed Japanese society by continuing

to promote her own ideas and stand up for herself in a more “American”

fashion.21 Because she was so determined to accomplish her goals, she changed

the society in which she lived, at least in a small way. All of the women I studied

eventually proved to be neither fully Japanese nor fully American in their views,

and formed groups of their own whose members shared much more similar

worldviews with each other than they did with members of either the American or

Japanese cultures.

19

Rose, Tsuda Umeko, 40. 20

Rose, Tsuda Umeko, 40-41. 21

Robins-Mowry, Hidden Sun, 44.

12

Foucault’s conception of circulating power proved significant in my analysis, as

well, because of the differences in apparent relative power between the Japanese

students and American and Japanese societies. He wrote:

Power must be analyzed as something which circulates, or rather as something which only functions in the form of a chain. It is never localized here or there, never in anybody’s hands…Power is employed and exercised through a netlike organization. And not only do individuals circulate between its threads; they are always in the position of simultaneously undergoing and exercising this power.22

If power is both a net and a chain, then everyone has some degree of power at

some time, because it is impossible for any part of the net or chain to have no

power; rather than being powerless, one can merely give up or yield one’s ability

to exercise one’s power to another part of the net or chain. Tsuda Ume exercised

power and defied the Japanese social power net when she started her own school

for young Japanese women after her return in order to help them alter the social

roles into which Japanese society cast them.23 Owada Masako, on the other hand,

voluntarily chose to accept the current Japanese social power net, as she

submitted herself to the authoritarian power of the government and cultural

expectations.24 Both historical and contemporary students have claimed the

power to make their own decisions, either by choosing to return and not marry,

despite social pressure, or by marrying and accepting a subordinate position

within the power structure.

It is a particularly important consideration that women choose to take or

relinquish decision-making power; Foucault argued that no matter how

centralized power seems to be, the governed must consent to submit to that

22

Foucault, “Two Lectures,” 36. 23

Rose, Tsuda Umeko, 102. 24

Collison, “Can a Careerwoman.”

13

power.25 A major aspect of power within the Japanese net is social pressure, as

Japan has proven hostile to those who do not fit in, especially if they are

Japanese.26 Another force of net-type pressure in Japan is the government which

exerts an enormous force on the Japanese people in order to mold them all to its

standards. The structural gender-inequality in Japan is also due to consent of the

governed. While some women, and some men, stand up for women’s rights, the

vast majority of Japanese have proven apathetic and unwilling to do so, perhaps

consciously, perhaps unconsciously, ceding control of the issue of women’s roles

in society to popular pressure and subsuming themselves to the net.27 Tacitly,

therefore, no matter how much they might care about the issue of women’s

rights, many women have accepted secondary positions within the current

system.

The final theory which informed my analysis was feminist standpoint theory.

Feminists in the field of cultural studies noticed that their field lacked records of

“lived experience,” the type of qualitative testimony where people tell what

actually happened to them, as compared the more common evidence based on

quantitative statistics.28 Feminists must also remember that masculine and

feminine gender roles are socially constructed and therefore can be very different

in other parts of the world. 29 Feminism has a strong presence in Japan, but its

composition and goals are different from Western, second-wave feminism. By the

1960s, Japan’s feminist movement had declined to the mere organization of

women into Marxist-style labor unions.30 In contrast, the 1970s women’s

liberation movement in Japan “developed out of a critique of modern Japanese

capitalism, a dissatisfaction with the sexism of the New Left, and the need of 25

Foucault, “Two Lectures,” 34-37. 26

Hendry, Becoming Japanese, 145; Yoneyama, Japanese High School, 169. 27

Foucault, “Two Lectures,” 34-37. 28

McRobbie, “Es and the Anti-Es,” 170. 29

Hollows, Feminism, Femininity and Popular Culture, 36. 30

Tanaka, “Work, Education,” in Fujimoto-Faneselow and Kameda, 344.

14

women in Japan to theorize their place in East Asia.”31 This new movement aimed

to raise the consciousness among women of the dual oppressions of class and

gender. Men, both business owners and workers alike, were seen to be active

oppressors under this perspective, and therefore women were told to reject the

system and the social values that gave primacy to men.32

As a consequence, the feminism which arose in the 1970s represents distinctly

Japanese interests based around the Japanese social system, partially because

most Japanese women have never been in a position to directly compare their

own culture with others and therefore have no reason to question the existing

base paradigm.33 What this means is that women who travel to the United States

to study and learn about American-style feminism, which focuses on gaining legal

and fiscal equality and improving women’s access to careers, may find themselves

out of step with Japanese feminism, which focuses more on improving national

social conditions, although both groups are working towards the goal of the

expansion of women’s opportunities.34 To understand both Japanese and

American feminists’ arguments, it is necessary to understand their backgrounds.35

Autobiographies and letters are useful media for learning about women’s own

viewpoints when they cannot tell their stories themselves, as the materials are

representative of their actual lived experiences, what some feminists believe has

been missing from the field of feminist cultural studies.

In summary, Kuhn provides a means for understanding ways in which people

develop new paradigms to integrate new and contradictory information. Keane

shows how cultural groups develop and redevelop as they encounter new ideas

and situations. Foucault demonstrates how power can be both exercised and 31

Mackie, Feminism in Modern Japan, 4. 32

Tanaka in Fujimura-Fanselow and Kameda, 345-356. 33

Robins-Mowry, Hidden Sun, 249-250, 288-291. 34

Robins-Mowry, Hidden Sun, 268-269, 292-297; Horowitz, Campus Life, 20. 35

Collins, “Black Feminist Epistemology,” 259.

15

yielded by individuals and can be shared within and by a group that may not even

be aware of its power. Finally, feminist standpoint theory pulls together women’s

own experiences and perspectives, to reveal how cultural and historical contexts

construct femininity and to explain how a more unified perspective about women

and women’s roles can result from understanding each woman’s unique point of

view. The Japanese women who have come to study in the United States in the

periods between 1868 and 1930 and between 1980 and 2008 have had life-

changing experiences that altered their perceptions of the world and their places

within it. These theoretical frameworks can help shed light onto how these

women have interacted with the two cultures and how they have begun to

integrate their experiences into a coherent, though distinctly altered, worldview,

as well as how Japanese women educated in the United States may impact their

own society in years to come.

238

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