mahapratiharya pp ms leaves cat 058

8/6/2019 Mahapratiharya PP Ms Leaves Cat 058

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,}~LEAVES FROM THE BODHI TREE:

The Art of Pala India (8th-12th centuries)and Its International Legacy

Susan L. Huntington and John C. Huntington

1990Published byThe Dayton Art Institute

in Association with the University ofWashington Press,Seattle and London


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58a.Leaves from a Buddhist Manuscript of theA$tasahasrika Prajiiaparamita Text. Part A: India,Bihar, Nalanda, ca. 1073; Part B: probably India, Bihar(?), ca. mid-twelfth century.

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etails, Buddhist Manuscript of the A$tasahasrika Prajiiaparamita Text.A: India, Bihar, Nalanda, ca. 1073.


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S8c.Details, Buddhist Manuscript of the A$tasahasrika Prajnaparamita Text.Part B: probably India, Bihar (?), ca. mid-twelfth century.


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These paintings, rendered ina very skillful yet freeand uninhibited manner, convey the sense of a folk arttradition rather than the work of a highly trained artist ofthe highest rank. The long, lanky figures of the twoBuddhas and the monkeys and the happy facial expressionsprovide a sense of charm and humor, even though thismight not have been the conscious intent of the artist. Thedraftsmanship is characterized by a slight unevenness ofthe line, and the coloration lacks the subtlety seen in thefinest Pala paintings. Charming, direct, and visuallyexciting, these paintings document the breadth of the Palapainters' art.

JCH andSLHPUBLISHED:

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, The Arts of India andNepal: The Nesli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection(Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1966), 106, no. 112; SarasiKumar Sarasvati, Pliljuger Chitrakiila [Painting of the PalaAgel (Calcutta: Ananda Publishers Private Ltd., 1978),143; Pratapaditya Pal, "A Forgotten Monastery of AncientBihar," South Asian Studies 4 (1988): 83-88.

I. This practice continues to the present day. It is unknown whether therewas a Pala period precedent for the practice.2. Regrettably, most of the manuscripts that have reached the art markethave not been kept intact. I llustrated leaves, which normally commandhigh prices, are general.ly sold, while the less lucrative, but historical.lyinvaluable, leaves of text are often simply destroyed. This tragicsituation has resulted in the loss of important historical and religiousinformation and has led to the inaccura te perception of these paintings

as decorative, rather than sacred, objects.3. Edward COl1.Ze,rans., The Perfection 01 Wisdom in Eight ThousalldLmes &its Verse Summary (Bolinas, California, Four SeasonsFoundation, 1973), 299.

4. The second leaf from this manuscript is also in the collection of the LosAngeles County Museum of Art, but could not be included in theexhibit ion. At one time, apparently four leaves from this manuscriptwere known. See Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, The Arts o/lndia aIldNepal: The Nesli end Alice Heeuunsneck Collection (Boston: Museumof Fine Arts, 1966), 106, no 11 2 In addition to the two leaves now in theLos Angeles collection, one more was i llustrated and another wasurullustrated, The present locat ion of the lat ter two leaves is unknownFor an il lustration of the second Los Angeles leaf , see Pratapaditya Pal ,"A Forgotten Monastery of Ancient Bihar" Sou th Asian Studies 4 (1988),8 3 .5. Published in the Bengali scrlpt by Sarasi Kuma r Sarasva t i in PiiljugerChitrq!:ala [Painting of the Pala Agel (Calcutta: Ananda Publishers,1978), 143, and transliterated into Devanagari script in Pal, "A Forgo ttenMonastery of Ancien! Bihar," 83. Modifications to Pal's transliterationhave been made to conform to standard practices.6 For discussion of this monas tery, see Pal, "A Forgotten Monastery ofAncient Bihar," 84. The Apanaka monastery is also mentioned ininscriptions on four metal images from Kurkihar, See 5. Huntington,The "PaliJ.-Sena"Schools oi Sculptuie, 211 , no. 16a; 215-216, nos. 21-23.The image inscriptions record the name as Apanaka, while theman uscrip t spell ing is Apanaka, but the variation in the 11 or n ligatureprobably reflects variations inorthography rather than a reference totwo different institutions. Pal suggests that Apanaka (Apru:rnka)waslocated at Kurkihar.7. The methodology applied in S. Huntington, The "Piila~ella" Schook; 01Sculpture, to define the schools of stone and metal sculpture was basedon significant numbers of examples insimilar styles found at specificsites or in l imited regions Stylist ic definit ions must be based onstatistically significant numbers inorder to determine trends anddistinctions among various schools. A few surviving examples from onesite cannot provide the breadth necessary for the identif ication of

schools.8. For some discussion of this complex problem, see D . C. Sircar, Studies inthe Geography al Ancient and MedJeval Indi,,~2nd ed. (Delhi; Mollial

Banarsidass, 1971), 243-244, 325; S. M. Ali, The Geography 01thePuranas (New Delhi; People's Publishing House, 1966),179-181. Alidiscusses the possiJ:>i_lityhat Malaya may refer to one of the dvjpas(islands) that supposed] y protrude into the "southern ocean" off ofIndia; however, he discounts the idea that itis an island and concludesthat it is a reference to the southern tip of India i tself . However, thesuggestion that i t is an island, Orat least a land in the "southern ocean,"cannot be dismissed completely in light of the possibility that Malaya,like others of the six d vipas in the list , might be located outside of Indiaproper, for example. in Southeast Asia. The relationship between thename Malaya and the Malay Peninsula may be only coincidental; Aliidentifies Anga dvtpe as the Malay Peninsula (p. 179).

9. The subjects of the paintings on the third illustrated leaf are unknown.to. It seems clear that the scene shown here is a pre-parinirva,:,a scenerather than the actual death. According to the Mahiiparinibbiina-su Ita,several teachings took place while SJ.kyamuni was on his death-bed. InSou theast Asia and Sri Lanka, distinctions are made between the actualdeath ofthe Buddha and representations ofhimwhile alive but recliningon the couch.11 . He is green in the taming of N.iliigiri scene in this same man uscrip I, thussuggesting that Ananda is specifically green inthis particularmanuscript.12. This is also the case in the depictions of the descent from Trayastrimsaand the taming of NltUgi.r ion the leal that is no! inthe exhibition.

58LEAVES FROM A BUDDHIST MANUSCRIPT OF THEA$TASAHASRII


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empowering. Restored, conserved, and ultimately passedon to disciples, such manuscripts were cherished as part ofthe physical legacy and religious authority of distinguishedindividuals.

The palm leaf manuscriptof the A.~tasahasrikaPrajiiaparamita, or Perfection of Transcendent Wisdomin Eight Thousand Verses, scripture to which these leavesbelong is an example of just such a treasured object.Apparently renewed at some point in its history by theaddition of replacement pages, the manuscript was thepersonal possession of such renowned individuals as SakyaSri and Bu stan. The historical, cultural, and religiousvalue of this manuscript is therefore immeasurable.Further, because it circulated in Tibet, particularly in thegTsang District, it may have been a specific instrument bywhich the Paia style was disseminated in gTsang, makingit a significant art historical document as well. Presentlyconsisting of about one hundred leaves, of which four bearillustrations, the manuscript reveals its remarkable historythrough the style of its paintings and the informationcontained in its colophon inscriptions.'

Although the paintings on the four illustrated foliosform a complete iconographic group, they are executed intwo distinct styles that are recognized easily by theirdifferences in treatment of line, coloration, and otherelements. The leaves of the first style, herewith designatedPart A, are the two upper leaves as mounted for displayand illustrated here. The two illustrated leaves beneaththem are herewith designated Part B . While a difference instyle might indicate that more than one artist helped tocreate the original manuscript, in this case it is more likelythat the two styles reflect different phases of work, that is,the initial creation of the manuscript and a subsequentrestoration. As will be discussed below, at some point inits history damage apparently occurred to this manuscriptand new pages were inserted to replace lost or damagedleaves.

The fifth leaf included in the exhibition (mountedand illustrated as the lowermost leaf) bears inscriptionsthat help unravel the mystery of the two distinct artisticstyles. Unillustrated itself except for two floral motifs, thisleaf was the final text page of the original manuscript andbears a Sanskrit inscription recording the originaldedication, a second Sanskrit inscription noting a laterrededication, and three Tibetan inscriptions that reveal thehistory of the manuscript through about the fourteenthcentury.

The earliest Sanskrit inscription records the donationof the manuscript by an individual who is identified as agreat Mahayana follower named Nae Suta Soha Sitna.Written in the same script as the majority ofthe manuscript,this inscription appears to be contemporaneous with thePart A illustrated leaves. The offering was made on thesecond day of the dark half of the month of Phalguna in the

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-fifteenth regnal year of King Vigrahapala, who is identifiedin the inscription as the son of Nayapala, The only fatherand son pair with these names in the Pala lineage are KingNayapala (reigned ca. 1042-1058) and his son KingVigrahapala III (reigned ca. 1058-1085). The fifteenth yearof Vigrahapala's reign occurred around 1073, thusproviding an approximate date for the creation of theoriginal portion of the manuscript. The non-Sanskriticname of the donor suggests that the donor may have beena foreign visitor to India. The inscription further states thatthe scribe (bha.r;taka) was Ananda of SrI Nalanda[monastery). Although it is not mentioned explicitly, it islikely that Ananda' s work was carried out at Nalanda. Thename of the painter is not given, but it may be inferred thatthe artist was also associated with Nalanda, The fact thatthe name of the painter is not mentioned suggests that inthe culture of the time it was the copying of the sacred textthat constituted the most important achievement.Ironically, today it is generally the illustrations that aremost highly prized in western cultures. Perhaps the leastimportant part of the manuscripts to their creators, thepaintings are often preserved while the texts are discardeddue to their perceived minimal monetary value.

The second Sanskrit inscription is in ligatures thatare almost identical to those of the previous inscription,although minor differences in the hands are visible. Itrecords a dedication of the manuscript that took place, during the eighth year of the reign of King Gopala,Although there are three kings named Copala in the Palalineage, only one of them, King Copala III, lived after thefather and son pair Nayapala and Vigrahapala, which isnamed in the first inscription. The eighth regnal year ofKing GopaIa ill(reigned ca. 1143-1158) occurred around1151.

The three Tibetan inscriptions record informationabout the subsequent history of the manuscript throughabout the fourteenth century. The presence of these threeinscriptions, as well as their contents, makes itclear that itwas brought to Tibet for Tibetan use, thereby serving as anextremely important document of the transmission of Palaperiod Buddhism and Buddhist art to Tibet.

The first Tibetan inscription immediately followsthe two Sanskrit inscriptions and isessentially a rerecordingof the information about the original scribe that is found inthe first Sanskrit inscription. Consisting of an extremelycarefully written line of Tibetan dbus med (pronouncedumay), or "headless," script, this record states that theBuddhist scholar Kun dga (Ananda), who was a residentof SrI Nalanda [monastery], wrote/ drew (bris) [thismanuscript]. This confirmation and reiteration of the firstSanskrit colophon translates this important informationinto Tibetan for the benefit of those who could not read theSanskrit. The Tibetan word btis does not distinguishbetween writing and drawing; however, the Sanskrit term


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is specific and makes it clear that Ananda was the scribe.Judging from the form of the letters, the inscription is notlater than the thirteenth century. Itis significant that of theinformation contained in the earliest Sanskrit inscriptiononly the section pertaining to the scribe and his monasticaffiliation is included, The information about the Palalineage, the date, and the name of the donor are notrecorded. To the Tibetans for whom this inscription wasmade, itwas the name of the scribe and the fact that he wasassociated with Nalanda that were of the greatest interest.The association with the renowned Nalands monasteryprobably was especially important in establishing thepedigree and authoritativeness of the manuscript.

The second and third Tibetan inscriptions, which arealso written in the headless dbus med script, occur on thereverse of the same leaf. The second inscription describesthe lineage of ownership of the manuscript among Tibetanteachers up to the time that it came into the hands of anindividual named sTang (or, more likely, s'Iong), whoapparently either wrote the lineage or had it inscribed onthe leaf. The record of ownership from the time of thecreation of the first part of the manuscript in the lateeleventh century until it came into the possession of thefirst individual named is not provided. The third inscriptionnotes a dedication of the book for the benefit of a deceasedindividual. The second inscription is written ina verytight sc[tolaI's hand, while the third is executed in a large,loose running hand more like popular correspondencethan a Buddhist scholar's writing.

The second Tibetan inscription has been translatedas follows:"This volume was the precious possession of the Great

Pandit Sakya Sri.Then it was the precious possession of the translator

Byams pa dpaLThen it was the precious possession of the teacher

bZhang rings.Then it was the precious possession of Bu stan Big

Mouth.Then it was the precious possession of the Great Abbot

Chos dpal bzang po.Then it was the precious possession of mKhas grubbLo gros brtan pa.Now this volume is mine=-s'I'ang (s'I'ong?) the

translator."?The lineage of ownership may be interpreted further:"1) Mahapandita Sakya Sri (1127-1225) was an Indianfrom Kashmir who was active in Tibet from 1204 to1213. He is also known as the Kha che Pal). chen(great pendite of Kashmir). One of the greatproselytizers of Indic Buddhism in Tibet, he wasvery active in both gTsang and dBus districts,

travelling extensively and frequently teaching andcommenting on the A$tasahasrika Prajnaparami ta ,presumably from this very book. Sakya SrI's earlybiography is not well recorded (the Blue Annalsbeing concerned primarily with his sojourn in Tibet).It is unknown whether he ever visited the Palalands, and therefore it cannot be determined if themanuscript came into his possession there or if ithad already been transported from the Pala lands toanother place before it carne into his possession.Sakya Sri was ordained in 1149 , two years beforethe date of the second Sanskrit inscription,' and it istherefore possible that he was the owner of themanuscript from around that time,later carrying itwith him to Tibet.

2) Byams pa dpal (Khro phu Tshul khrims shes rabsbyamspa dpal) (1172-1220). The third holder of theseat of Khro phu, he went to Nepal and India in 1204by way of sKyid rang and mvited.Sakya Sri to Tibet.He became the chief disciple of Sakya 5r15 In 1212he dedicated the Khro phu Byams pa, a giganticimage of Maitreya that became a famous site ofpilgrimage in the area. Although the exact locationof Khro phu is difficult to pinpoint, it is in theimmediate vicinity of Phun tshogs (see following).

3) bZhang6 rings was active in the late thirteenth andearly fourteenth century and taught at Khro phu.

4) Bu ston (1290-1364) was the well-known compiler ofthe first great Tibetan canon, which was housed atZhwa In monastery. He belonged to the mebsmudrt:lineage as taught by bZhang rings? but it is not dearwhether he was a direct disciple. He was also amaster of the Kalacakra tantric system,"

5) Chos dpal bzang po is unknown, but undoubtedlylived during the fourteenth century. His name isprobably a short form of the name of one of Buston's disciples, who passed the book on to dPangLo tsa ba.

6) mKhas grub bLo gros brtan pa, or as he is moreproperly known, dPang Lo tsa ba bLo gros brtan pa(1276-1342), was a renowned translator and masterof the Kalacakra, He and his brother Shang stan rdorje rgyal mtshan are the founders of the discipline ofphilology in Tibet. He is known to have travelled toNepal seven times in search of texts and training.He taught at Sa skya,?

7) sTanglOLa tsa ba is unknown, but probably livedduring the fourteenth century.The third inscription is a dedication of the book for

the benefit of an unknown nobleman. It reads:"This Indian book has been offered as a means for

fulfilling the funeral rites of Kun dga' dge legs dbangphyugand in order to gain merit for Kun dga' dpal 'byor

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dbang phyug and his entourage and is given to thepowerful, perfect Chos kyi rgyal po from 'lang phuntshogs (Phun tshogs). Mayall obtain happiness and attainthe rank of the mind."!'

Phun tshogsl2 is on the gTsang po River just north ofLha rtse (see Map 3 at back of catalogue showing dBus andgTsang districts), and the individuals mentioned areunknown but were probably local rulers. The sphere ofactivities of several of the individuals who possessed themanuscript and the location of Phun tshogs suggest thatthis manuscript was directly instrumental in creating theearly Pala-based style in gTsang District in Tibet.Specifically, Khro phu Tshul khrims shes rabs byams padpal was active at Khro phu, it is known that Bu ston wasactive at Zhwa lu, dPang Lo tsa ba taught at Sa skya, andthe manuscript later was dedicated at Phun tshogs. Therelationship between this manuscript and these fourlocations in Tibet, either at or within a fifty-mile radius ofSa skya, one of the great artistic centers of early Tibet, isextremely important in helping to trace Pala artisticinfluence in the region.

The text of the Tibetan inscription that provides thelineage of owners is essentially a validation anddocumentation of what would normally have been an oraltradition associated with a manuscript. For whateverreason, sTang (sTong?) La tsa ba wrote down this lineage.Although other manuscripts may have had equallyinteresting histories, their stories are not known to us. Itispossible that the manuscript was about to pass out of thehands of clerics who would have been trained to remembersuch lineages and into the hands of laymen who, whileprobably suitably impressed by its auspicious pedigree,might not have remembered its details. This eventimmedia tely may have preceded its rededication on behalfof the deceased Kun dga' dge legs dbang phyug.

Although the hundred or so pages of the manuscripthave not been studied to determine how many of thembelonged to the original manuscript dedicated during thereign of King Vigrahapala, it is likely that at least the PartBi llustrated leaves are replacements. A probable time forsuch a repair would have been when the manuscript wasrededicated during the reign of Gopala III, for rededicationis a common practice when an image or other religiousobject has been restored.

Another possibility for the occasion of the restorationis suggested by a passage in the Blue Annals. A sectiondiscussing Sakya SrI, the first owner named in the secondTibetan inscription of the manuscript, describes his sojournin Tibet. Apparently, once, while preaching a commentaryon the PaiicaviIizSatisahasrika (Prajfiaparamita) at sNar(thang), portions of Sakya SrI's book of the A$tasalJ.asrikaPrajiiBparamita were taken away by "Tara." Referring toboth a raven and the Buddhist deity, the term Tara hasbeen interpreted to mean that a manifestation of Tara in

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the form of a raven snatched away some of the pages of thebook during the recitation. The leaves stolen by the birdlater were discovered at sPo khang, where they werepreserved." But in the meantime, the great pendit wasleft with only part of a manuscript, which, though the BlueAnnals does not report, may have been supplementedwith new pages to replace those that had been 10st.14However, tempting as it might be to relate thismanuscript to the incident recorded in the Blue Annals, thearguments against this possibility cannot be ignored. First,the reason for the rededication of the manuscript duringthe reign of Gopala III would need to be explained bysomething other than a restoration. Further, if this werethe very manuscript that had been seized by the raven, itis curious that this incident would not be recorded in thesecond Tibetan inscription, which gives the pedigree ofthe lineage of owners. The style of the paintings on the PartBleaves is also of great importance in determining the da teof the restoration; however, until more is known about theschools of Pala painting and the early Pala-based styles inTibet it is difficult to be certain whether the Part B pageswere executed in India during the reign of Gopala III orwere done in Tibet by artists replicating the Palastyle, Itis also possible that the paintings were done by a Pala artistwho had travelled to Tibet.

The four illustrated leaves are in the typical Palaformat, which consists of three paintings per page. Thecentral composition on each leaf shows a Buddhist deity,while the two side illustrations depict life events ofSakyamuni Buddha. The eight events are the standarda~tamahapratiharya set. The iconography may bediagrammed as follows (Buddha life events are numberedin sequence):

Part A1)Birth of Gotama Prajfiaparamita 2) Maravijaya3) First Sermon Mafijusri 4) Miracle at SravastfPartB5) Descent from Avalokitesvara 6)Taming of NalagiriTrayastrimsa

7) Gift of Honey Syarna Tara 8) Parinirvana

Except for Prajfiaparamita and Mafijusri, who arepersonifications of the text, the illustrations of the eight lifeevents, Avalokitesvara, and Sya.ma Tara do not directlycorrelate with the text. It may be suggested that thesesubjects, along with the book itself, express three of themajor aspirations of the layperson: to gain merit (causingthe book to be made), to attain rebirth in a heavenly realm(the production of the a$tamahapratiharya scenes)," andto receive safe passage through one's present life (thedepictions of Avalokitesvara and Syama Tara, who are


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renowned as protective deities).The illustrations in Part A relate very closely to many

of the well-known Pala paintings of the eleventh andtwelfth centuries in terms of palette, draftsmanship, use ofcolor, composition, and figural style. Displaying the fullrichness of Pala painting at its best, the illustrations areexquisitely drawn, finely detailed, and beautifully colored.The skin tones of the green figures attending the Buddhain the first sermon scene, the female upon whom QueenMaya leans in the birth scene, and the two females attendingPrajfiaparamita are especially subtly rendered, giving theimpression that their skin glows. The refinement of thefacial features, the precision with which the hands aredrawn, and the rich detailing of elements such as textilesand foliage all reflect the highest level of craftsmanshipthat flourished at Nalanda, where the paintings presumablywere created, during the apogee of its influence and power.

In contrast, the illustrations of Part Bare executed ina radically different hand that is far less skilled andsophisticated. Schematically rendered in comparison withthe Part A paintings, some of the compositions even seemto be unfinished. For example, in the representation ofSyama Tara some details, such as the lotus pedestal or thefigure to her right, only seem to have been sketched out butnot completed. The style of the figures in this compositionseem to reflect the attempt to capture the rich coloration ofthe greel! skin tones of various green figures in Part A, butin an abbreviated, shorthand manner. In particular, theharsh black outline around the figure of Syama Taracontrasts with the subtle renderings of the green figures inPart A.

Another feature that distinguishes the two sets ofleaves is the use of a white sky or white background in allbut one of the Part B compositions. This feature, whichincreases the unfinished appearance of the paintiIlgs, ishighly unusual in the known corpus of Pala manuscriptpain tings.16

Just as those things that had been used or touched bythe Buddha were venerated as peribbogike objects, thismanuscript-associated with a series of importantindividuals-is imbued with spiritual power beyond thereligious message of the words it records. A vehicle bywhich a distinguished line of individuals transmitted theBuddhist teachings, this manuscript is a powerful reminderthat religious objects are made for religious purposes.Establishing historical information about the creation of awork, such as its date and the names of its artists andpatrons, is only the preface to its story. The subsequenthistory of the work and its service in fulfillment of thepurposes for which itwas made isthe story itself. Tragically,such information too often is lost, casually discarded, oreven purposely destroyed. jcn and SLH

PUBLISHED:Susan L. Huntington and John C. Huntington,

"Leaves from the Bodbi Tree: The Art of Pala India (8th-12th Centuries) and Its Interna tional Legacy," OneIl ta hans20, no. 10 (Oct. 1989),35, fig. 11.

1. The inscriptions originally were read by an expert whose name we donot know. The information was supplied to the Asia Society at the timethe manuscript was purchased and given to us by the Asia Society forour study of the manuscript. We would l ike to acknowledge the work ofthis anonymous individual, to whom we are greatly indebted.2. Transla tion by an anonymous transla tor, provided by the Asia Society.Tibetan spellings have been changed to the Wylie system oftransliteration.3. Compiled primari ly from George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, vol. 1(Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1949),voL 2 (CalcuHa: AsiaticSociety, 1953);reprint, 2 vols, in 1 (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979).Hereinafter Blue Annals.4. The date of ca ..1151for the second rededication is subject to futurerevis ions of Pala chronology that migh t alter the presumed date ofGopala ill 's eighth regnal year.5. Blue Annals, 708-711.6. Spelled bZhan in the inscr iption.7. Blue Annals, 335.8. Blue Annals, 786-787.9. Blue Annals, 634.10. Vowel uncertain because ofdamage to leal. The anonomyous translatorhas read it as sTong, but it could also be sTang. The name means "thetranslator from sTang (or s'Iong)." and there are a number of individualswho used either of these regional designat ions. The term is therefore notspecific enough to allow an identification.11. Following the al10nymous translator with substitution of Wylie systemof transliteration.12. Phun tshogs is famous for the Jo nang monastery, which is renownedbecause it was the home institution of Taranatha (1575-[after 1631[),author of the famous rGya gar chos 'byung (literally, ''His tory of theDharma in India," but usual ly translated as "History of Buddhism inIndia"). The Io nang became an important subsect of Tibetan Buddhismand had as its major monastery the rTag brtan phun tshogs gl ing, whichmaintained a major printing establishment. Itis quite possible that this

copy of the A$tasiihasrika Prajii1iparamitii. served as the consecrating textfor one of the monaster ies in the area.13. Blue Annals, 1068.14. In order to determine whether this manuscript could be the very onedescribed in the Blue Annals, it would be nereary to study thecomplete text to determine whether some pages are missing and howmany might be replacements. Considering the historical importance ofthis manuscript, thiswould be a worthwhile project.15. See Appendix I.16. Itis interesting that some fragments ofa palm leaf manuscript presentlyhoused at the si te museum in Pagan, Myanmar (Burma), also bear thisdistinctive fea ture. Itis unknown whether this fragmentary manuscrt piwas produced by a Pala artist or one elsewhere, perhaps in Myanmar.

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mahapratiharya pp ms leaves cat 058

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