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Madhesi Movement in Nepal: Implications for India

Nihar R NayakMay 28, 2010

Event: Fellows' Seminar

Dr. Nihar Nayak began by offering some basic facts about the Madhesi movement. Although there

exist a number of versions about what the word Madhes stands for, the most popular or accepted

version is that it refers to Madhya-desh, a region between the hills and the plains. Also known as

Terai, Madhes region consists of twenty districts, all of which share their borders with India. Many

Madhesis are of Indian origin and thus have strong socio-cultural ethnic linkages across the border.

In the paper, Dr. Nayak flagged three questions: Is the Madhes issue likely to bring in deep-rooted

conflict in Nepal? Can external forces take advantage of the situation to Indias detriment? How will

Madhesi politics determine the future of Nepal politics and India-Nepal relations in the future?

Over the years, Madhesis have suffered from a sense of discrimination and consequent deprivation.

They also feel exploited and discriminated against by the upper caste Pahadi migrant communities.

Hindi-speaking Indian Madhesis particularly feel discriminated against by the Nepali state due to the

following factors. Firstly, Indian Madhesis, under the Citizenship Act of 1964 and the Constitution of

1990, were debarred from citizenship certificates, due to which they could neither acquire land

ownership nor could avail government benefits. Although the Citizenship Law was amended in

November 2006 making it possible for people born in Nepal before 1990 and those residing there

permanently to acquire Nepali citizenship, it has been alleged that many Madhesis and Dalits are stilldeprived of citizenship. It has also been alleged that instead of taking into consideration the

Madhesis cultural affiliation with India, the Nepali government has adopted a discriminatory attitude

towards this group by trying to introduce com pulsory Nepali language for both official work and as

the medium of education in the Madhes region. Despite the fact that the Madhesi population

constitutes nearly one-third of the Nepali population, their share at the level of gazetted level

employees is merely 9.9 per cent. Madhesi people have also voiced concerns about the economic

exploitation of the resource-rich Madhes region by the Nepali government. Although Madhes

contributes 70 per cent of the agricultural production of Nepal, 65 per cent of the GDP, and 76 per

cent of the countrys total revenue, the infrastructure in this region is considered to be much poorer

than in the hill areas. Allegations have also been made regarding how during the monarchy, in the

name of land reform, land belonging to Madhesi people were given away to Pahadis.

A feeling of deprivation and exploitation made the Terai or Madhes region a hub of the pro-

democratic movement during the 1950s and 1960s. During that time, perceiving India as anti-

establishment and the Madhesis as Indias agents, and fearing that Indian immigrants in Terai

might prompt India to claim it as Indian territory, the Nepali elite adopted stringent policies to curb

the Madhesis activism. But this led to the emergence of identity-based movement in Madhes,

particularly with the formation of two groups: the Nepal Terai Vongress led by Vedanta Jha in 1951and the Madhesi Mukti Andolan led by Raghunath Thakur in 1956. At present, numerous political

parties and non-state actors are involved in the Madhesi cause. In this context, examples of Madhesi

Janadhikar Forum (MJF), Terai Madhesh Loktantrik Party (TMLP), etc., can be particularly cited.

There also exist a number of major armed groups in the Terai region, such as the Janatantrik Terai

Mukti Morcha (JTMM), Terai Cobra, Nepal Defence Army (NDA), Nepal Janatantrik Party (NJP), and

Chure Bhawar Ekta Samaj (CBES). Although all these forces are involved in armed revolution in

Nepal, there seems to be a divergence in the goals each of them aspires to achieve. While JTMM

demands the establishment of an autonomous Terai region, and Terai Cobra aspires to launch an

armed separatist struggle for a sovereign Terai state, the objective of NDA is to form a Hindu army

with suicide bombers to fight against religious extremism, conversion, as well as Maoists. Similarly,

while as a royalist outfit, the NJP aspires to retain constitutional monarchy and multiparty

democracy in Nepal, the CBES basically demands the establishment of a Chure Bhawar federal

region in Terai and is opposed to one Madhesh one Pradesh demand.

There are reports of internal tensions and lack of clarity on immediate demands and long term

strategy of Madhesi groups. While the Madhes-based parties take a soft stand on the issue, the

armed groups are demanding nothing less than sovereignty. Moreover, the Madhesi political parties

are in a dilemma especially regarding whom to take sides with among the major parties. They

cannot support a liberal democratic government in Kathmandu as their autonomy demand would be

lost. They cannot really support the Maoists basically due to the prevailing fear of losing a multi-

party democratic system in Nepal under a Maoist led government. In the meantime, due to their

involvement in kidnapping, killing and extortion, some armed groups involved in the Madhesi cause

are often dismissed as criminals by most Madhesis themselves. In this scenario of diffused leadership

and objectives, the future of the Madhes cause remains uncertain.

In his presentation, Dr. Nayak tried to draw attention to the fact that unstable Nepal, particularly

the border regions of Terai, can provide avenues for both China and Pakistan to encourage anti-India

elements there, through arms and fake currency trafficking, madrasas, terrorist outfits, etc.

Reportedly, China has already extended its support to the faction of the MFJ led by Upendra Yadav.

In recent time, the United States too has taken particular interest in the developments of Madhesi

region. Although it has listed JTMM on the US terrorist list, it granted a visa to Upendra Yadav to

attend the Terai Diaspora event held in Washington.

Over the years, while treating Madhesi issue as an internal matter of Nepal which can be resolved by

accommodating minority rights within the new Constitution, India has largely taken a stance of

non-interference. Even then, the Pahadis often allege India of encouraging the one Madhes, onePradesh demand. According to Dr. Nayak, if such perceptions gain further ground, it would

aggravate the prevailing anti-India sentiments in Nepal and consequently give more space to China

and Pakistan to use Nepal as a hotbed for anti-India activities. Ironically, the Madhesis accuse India

of neglecting the Madhesi movement. Recently, in June 2009, allegations were raised regarding

Indias involvement in engineering divisions in the MJF. Debate has also been brewing in the Terai

that the Madhesis have failed to take any concrete decision about their future because of Indias

support for the liberal democratic parties opposed to ethnic-based federalism.

Strategic Himalayas:Republican Nepal and

External Powers

Strategic Materials: AResource Challenge for

India

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According to Dr. Nayak, anti-Indianism of the Madhes movement is likely to affect Indias economic

interests in Nepal. Frequent protests will affect Indias trade and commercial relations with Nepal. It

will also affect Indias hydroelectric projects and the business operations of Indian investors in Nepal.

Since the Terai is the link between India and northern Nepal, a troubled Terai may affect every

major highway, custom point. The industrial, economic, and other fertile resources of Nepal are in

Madhesh, helping circulate trade relationship.

Under the prevailing circumstances, India is faced with certain difficult choices. Any constructive

attempt by India to salvage the Terai situation through proactive involvement is likely to be

interpreted as unnecessary intervention in the internal affairs of Nepal and upset its Pahadi

constituency and Nepal Army. At another level, passive indifference to developments in Terai will be

misconstrued as shirking of responsibility by observers at home as well as by the Madhesis

themselves. India cannot possibly afford to ignore developments in Nepal and especially the

discrimination in Terai. At present, the best approach for India seems to be to work as a positive

facilitator to strengthen the capacity of various democratic institutions to resolve the social tensionsin Nepal in general and in Terai in particular. Given Indias leverages in Nepal, India could also make

an earnest effort to bring all political parties together to have a dialogue on the contentious issues.

Important points raised during the discussion of the paper:

i. From a topographical point of view, Nepal is vulnerable to both In dia and China. Terai is notonly important for India, but also for Nepal itself. Over the years, the Nepali government hasbeen trying to make this place inhabited by people friendlier to them and people who looklike them. The sentiment behind taking such stance by the Nepali government should berespected by the Indian government.

ii. In th is paper, more space should be devoted to analyse the impact of the Madhesi movementon India.

iii. Indias concern about the Madhesi problem cannot be anything more than neighbourly.iv. Nepal suffers from paranoia of being encircled by India. But it does not seem to have a similar

problem with respect to China. India has to understand this psyche among the Nepalese.v. The Madhesi problem should be studied in relation to the challenge of governance that Nepal

is currently facing.vi. The strong sense of opportunism among Madhesi leaders makes it difficult for India to get

involved in this movement.vii. Indian policy vis--vis Nepal since the Maoist uprising in 1997 has been to keep other players

out of it. But this policy seems to have misfired particularly because of the involvement of somany external actors in it.

viii. Geo-strategic importan ce of the Terai region should be analysed in the paper.ix. There is a need to mention the Jan Andolan III.x. The clash between Madhesis and Maoists in which 21 Maoists were killed should be

mentioned.xi. Due to Madhesi identity, Maoist influence in Terai has weakened considerably. Madhesis are

expected to become future kingmaker of Nepal. India needs to take that factor into account.xii. With th e advent of democracy, the Muslim vote bank in the Terai has become important.

xiii. The paper needs to clarify the significant factors for the potent ial of conflict in Terai. Thosefactors are basically identified as intra-Madhesi conflict, Pahadi-Madhesi conflict, and elementsof communal violence.

xiv. India should try to harmonize Madhesi politics. It should particularly take interest in briningabout economic development in Terai region.

xv. Indias role in brokering the 8-point agreement between th e Madhesis and the governmentshould be highlighted.

xvi. Future of Madhesi politics should be analysed in the paper.xvii. The paper also needs to bring out ordinary Madhesi peoples perception about India.

Report prepared by Pranamita Barua, Research Assistant, IDSA

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