Luther and Savonarola: Anticlericism and Heresy in Florence

Michael Crews

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While Lutheranism was taking off in Germany and other parts of Europe,

northern Italy seemed to be impervious to this movement. Among these city-states stood

Florence, the Lily of the Arno, which had its fair share of anticlerical humanists and

heretics that threatened the authority of the Catholic Church. Why then was Florence not

overrun with Protestants in the wake of Luther’s reform? This paper attempts to answer

this question by exploring another dissenter that predated Martin Luther by only two

decades, Girolamo Savonarola, beginning first with a brief comparison of how he related

to Luther, an analysis of his doctrine and his career in Florence, and what elements led to

his downfall. These elements included the city’s proximity to Rome, both geographically

and authoritatively, its unique political and religious ties, and its highly concentrated

distribution of power among the patrician families. Over the course of this paper I intend

to prove that these elements not only led to the downfall of Savonarola, but also later kept

Lutheranism from taking shape in Florence.

Although Savonarola’s career reached its highest point between the years 1494

and his death in 1498,1 roughly twenty years before Martin Luther’s famous “95 Theses,”

many parallels have been drawn between the two dissenters. As was Luther, Savonarola

was, according to Rachel Erlanger, author of The Unarmed Prophet: Savonarola in

Florence, “a preacher of the millennium who combined religious fervor with the promise

of earthly rewards,” he “declared that a pope could err, and emphasized the superior

authority of scripture,” and he “wished to summon a council and was excommunicated by

1 Donald Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence: Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 67.

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the pope.”2 While not actively supporting a new church to replace the old one, he was

opposed to the excesses that many other dissenters, both those that believed in

reconciliation and those that felt that such a thing was impossible, felt that the Catholic

Church and its members were guilty of committing. These charges included simony,

sodomy, adultery, ignorance, mendicant hypocrisy, ruthless ambition, or any of a number

of charges that fell beneath the broad category of “sheer malice.”3 Allegations such as

these appeared from many sources throughout Europe at this time, and were not exclusive

to one particular region or segment of society. Two decades later in Germany, these

same public accusations were what caused Luther to incur the wrath of the Church during

his own very famous instance of dissent.

To further stress the similarities between Luther and Savonarola, it must be

mentioned that Luther himself had been an admirer of his Florentine forerunner. In fact,

“Luther hailed the friar as a precursor of Protestantism and a martyr of the Reformation, a

man put to death ‘solely for having desired that someone should come to purify the

slough of Rome.’”4 Whether or not Luther’s own actions were spurred in large part by

the outcome of Savonarola’s foray into dissent is not particularly clear, although there is

some debate over how successful Luther’s movement would have been if Savonarola’s

had been more effective. One modern historian, Joseph Schnitzer, has argued that “If

Rome had fulfilled what he proposed, the fervent desire of Christianity would have been

satisfied. Luther, Calvin and all the reformers could have come but they would have

found no echo. With Savonarola sounded the last hour for the legitimate reform of the

2 Rachel Erlanger, The Unarmed Prophet: Savonarola in Florence, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988), 298.

3 William J. Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 274.

4 Erlanger, The Unarmed Prophet, 298.

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Church.”5 While it is impossible to prove this argument with certainty, it would certainly

seem that the outrage felt against the Church at the time of Luther might have been

mitigated somewhat if it had only made some concessions to the Florentine. In any case,

while one could theoretically view Luther and Savonarola in terms of parallels, insofar as

their careers, their complaints against the Church, and the Church’s excommunication of

them are concerned, it is also possible to consider a cause and effect association as well.

With this unique relationship in mind, we can now dive into the heart of the matter and

discuss the conditions of Florence during this period, how Savonarola’s doctrine

resonated with the populace, and how the same modes of resistance that met the prophet

led to the difficulties that Lutheranism later faced.

Florence at this time was, like many others on the Italian peninsula, a besieged

city. The French-Italian Wars, led by Charles VIII, had begun in 1494 and would last for

several years.6 According to John Jeffries Martin, in his article “Religion, Renewal, and

Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” “These wars served as “the most decisive factor that

led to an intensification in the desire for religious change;” all too common were the

marauding armies that threatened to destabilize the order of Italy, and whose vicious

attacks had led to widespread devastation throughout the countryside, leading the general

populace to question the effectiveness of their political and religious institutions and to

the belief that their woes were the result of moral corruption within these same

institutions.7 When faced with rampant chaos and the threat of annihilation, it is easy to

see how religion would have served a vital role in assuaging the fears of the populace.

5 ? Joseph Schnitzer, quoted in Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 9.6 ? John Jeffries Martin, “Religion, Renewal, and Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” in Early Modern Italy:1550 – 1796, ed. John Marino (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 32.7 ? Martin, “Religion, Renewal, and Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” 32.

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As an increasing number of doubtful minds began to question whether God had deserted

them, new spiritual leaders began to emerge claiming to have the solution to all of the

problems facing the people. As fears grew, spiritual panic began to take hold and

prophets from outside the city appeared in the streets and piazze, preaching for the

renewal of piety and the resulting cataclysm that would unfold according to ancient

prophecies that seemed on the verge of fulfillment.8 In this chaotic environment,

religious dissent ran freely and without restraint from Rome, which was also affected by

the wars. Savonarola’s ascendancy into power, from abbot to city leader, could not have

been timed more perfectly.

At the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s death in 1492, Savonarola, as the abbot of

San Marco in Florence, had become one of the most influential religious figures in

Florence.9 His message appealed to the frustrated masses that increasingly believed that

the problems facing them were caused by the corruption of the clergy. In this climate of

disaccord, Savonarola “seemed indeed to be the prophet of God, sent to save this

particular city from the cataclysm.”10 Like a messiah, Savonarola had appeared and

brought a promise of hope to the people of Florence. Though his message was one of

impending calamity, it contained the reassurance of ultimate triumph that depended

entirely on the purification of the city and its people. “The world, he said, would soon

enter the Fifth Age, when Antichrist would appear, but a renewed Christianity would

vanquish Antichrist…In all this Florence would have a crucial role: she would be a new

Zion, the center of the reform that would spread to all of Italy, to all Christendom, and

ultimately to all the people of the earth.”11 In order to make this happen, Savonarola 8 ? Martin, “Religion, Renewal, and Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” 33.9 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 107.10 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 29.11 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 29.

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urged the people of Florence to prepare a spiritual and temporal renovation. The

rationale behind his teachings were, simply put, that the wealth and prosperity of a

government was directly related to its devotion to morality and spirituality.12 Thus

ensued a period of religious frenzy, during which many works of art and other materials

deemed decadent were cast into the purifying flames of Savonarola’s infamous bonfires,

all for the sake of restoring order and the glory formerly held by the city and to lead it on

its way to becoming the new center of Christianity. Considering these scandalous

teachings and prophecies, it is no surprise that the Church would have been less than

impressed with the prophet and the ideas that he preached.

Savonarola’s insistence on cleansing the church of its moral corruption had

serious consequences that even he may not have expected. Instead of fostering a reform

movement from within the church, his criticisms incited outrage from it. In the end,

Savonarola’s insistence on a morally renewed clergy ended up turning into one of the

most outspoken proponents for anticlericalism.13 Serving as the mouthpiece for the ever

growing anticlerical sentiment gained him few friends in Rome, least of all Pope

Alexander VI. To punish him for his disobedience, Alexander first banned Savonarola

from preaching and ordered him to rejoin San Marco to the Tuscan-Roman

congregation.14 After both of these orders were ignored, the Pope charged him with

“spreading pernicious doctrine,”15 defying the prohibition and disobeying the papal order.

The Pope then, in 1497, excommunicated him and everyone that associated with him,

listened to him, or gave him any form of support.16

12 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 29.13 ? Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 273.14 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 281.15 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 281.16 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 281.

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Unlike in the case of Luther, who was also excommunicated but lived far from

Rome, Savonarola’s excommunication hurt him tremendously. The damage was not

done all at once but over time, and acted as a slowly working poison that gradually

dissolved old loyalties, broke down unity amongst his supporters, and spread a blanket of

doubt over the entire movement and everyone that had participated in it.17 Doubt and

suspicion arose as Savonarola’s promises for civic glory remained unfulfilled and his

followers were faced with discipline from the Church. Before long Savonarola’s tiny

empire within Florence had crumbled. Defeated, Savonarola was arrested the following

year, forced to sign a confession, and burned along with two of his closest associates, Fra

Domenico da Pescia and Fra Silvestro.18 Clearly, dissent so near the Catholic

headquarters was a costly mistake; Francesco Guicciardini, in the mid sixteenth century,

voiced similar thoughts in his writings when he explained that “the Florentines had ‘the

church as a neighbor, which is powerful and never dies.’”19

Savonarola’s enemies did not exist exclusively in Rome, however. Florence, in

all of its political complexity, had a unique blending of politics and religion. This

fostered a landscape which, as William Connell describes in Society and Individual in

Renaissance Florence, “in few societies have religion and politics been woven together

so intimately.”20 With the wealthy families vying for both political power and religious

authority, there was not much room for dissent. In addition, the blurring between these

two spheres within Florence, as well as many other cities of Italy, proved to be a major

deterrent for movements deemed subversive by the patricians. Compared to other

European societies and the rise of Luther and Calvin, it can be noted that there was no 17 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 281.18 ? Erlanger, The Unarmed Prophet, 287.19 ? Francesco Guicciardini, quoted in Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 176.20 ? Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 176.

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possibility of such a schism on the Italic peninsula because of the intricate involvement of

the upper classes with wealthy ecclesiastical sector, and that all of the institutions,

revenues, and careers that were associated with it were held as a monopoly by these

oligarchs and their children.21 The church, thus, was not just a body of spiritual doctrine

and a center for prayer, it was also a sort of fraternity for the very wealthy. Just as

marriages and civic appointments were closely regulated by the patricians, so too was the

institution of religion. Members of the most influential families could be promoted to the

highest of clerical positions, including the Pope. It is no small wonder then that religious

activity would have been guarded vigorously by those families that had held it and

intended to keep it.

Not only was most of the political and religious power held by those on the higher

end of the wealth spectrum, this power was highly concentrated and held by only the very

richest members of the population. This segment included the popolo grasso,

constituted by the wealthy merchants, bankers and professionals that governed the larger

guilds within the city, and who viewed the tradesmen from lesser guilds with disdain,

seeking to contain their political power as much as possible.22 This elite class jealously

fought to keep power away from the masses, instead guarding it for itself at the expense

of the vast majority of citizens. Particularly deserving of the disdain of these

“intransigent oligarchs” were the citizen followers of Savonarola, who they considered as

nothing more than “credulous, priest-infested fools.”23 The patricians, galled by the fact

that these impoverished individuals were asserting a form of self-authority to which they

had no claim, as far as they were concerned, also hated the fact that they were attempting

21 ? Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 273.22 ? Erlanger, The Unarmed Prophet, 11.23 ? Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 273.

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to give authority to a prophet who was an outsider. Having so much mistrust in other

Florentines, one can imagine how cold the treatment of a foreigner might have been.

Coming from Ferrara, the elites of Florentine society were wary of Savonarola’s

influence from the beginning, the basis of their objections having been the unease that

was commonly felt at the prospect of a foreigner taking control of the city, particularly

the thought of one intent on seizing power over both the political and religious spheres

for the sake of his own ambitious desires instead of the well being of the city.24 The very

idea would have been outrageous to a patrician, who would have likely felt that the

prophet was attempting to usurp their patrimonial right, and duty, to rule.

After Savonarola’s death, measures were taken to ensure that a similar uprising

would never take place again. Cosimo I took power in Florence several years later and

with the return to power of the de’ Medici came a renewed trust in the Church. As Rome

began to take more seriously the organized Protestant movements that had begun

appearing throughout Europe, many of Italy’s northern and central territories, including

Tuscany, generally clamored to its side and relinquished near total authority over the

prosecution of heresy to the papal inquisitors with very little objection.25 Inquisitions

were carried out and religious control was ruthlessly regulated, as much as it could be, by

the Church. Still, anticlerist sentiment remained, although all visible elements of it were

wiped out and what remained had been driven underground. Lutheran ideas still

managed to penetrate the Italian peninsula, and there were many that outwardly

supported the Church but clung to clandestine Protestant ideas. For instance, Francesco

Guicciardini also wrote in his twenty-eighth maxim that “I don’t know anyone who

24 ? Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 238.25 ? Martin, “Religion, Renewal, and Reform in the Sixteenth Century,” 43.

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dislikes the ambition, the avarice and the sensuality of priests more than I do…

Nevertheless, the position I have enjoyed with several popes has forced me to love their

greatness for my own self-interest. Were it not for this consideration, I would have loved

Martin Luther as much as I love myself.”26 Although this passage implies that these

opinions were somewhat widespread, it would be impossible to know just how popular

they were considering that voices such as these were stifled out of self-preservation and

never gave way to any action.

The late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries were dramatic times filled with

war, famine and political upheaval in Italy. As the citizens of Florence braced for what

they considered to be the end of the world, brought on by the failures of the church, many

turned to the preaching of prophets from outside of the city, including Savonarola,

instead of the local clergy. However, due to the authority that Rome still exercised over

Florence, the political/religious network that controlled all aspects of the city, and the

uneven power distribution that favored the wealthy patrician families, the anticlericist

rebels could not organize into a lasting movement. Savonarola, like Luther, ended up

being excommunicated but was later burned for his crimes against the Church. In the

end, the forces that brought an end to Savonarola’s crusade to purify the city of Florence

ended up being the same forces that endeavored to keep Luther’s movement from taking

off in the city. As a consequence of Savonarola’s attempted coup, those parties that had

barred the prophet from gaining a political foothold in Florence became even stronger

and worked to prevent the organization of any later Protestant movements in Italy. Yet,

by cracking down so ruthlessly on the Savonarola’s movement in Florence, the Church

26 ? Francesco Guicciardini, quoted in Connell, Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence, 176.

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may have also provided the Protestants with more sympathy in other parts of Europe by

offering it yet another martyr.

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Bibliography:

Martin, John Jeffries. “Religion, Renewal, and Reform in the Sixteenth Century.” In Early Modern Italy, 1550 – 1796, ed. John A. Marino, 30-47. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Erlanger, Rachel. The Unarmed Prophet: Savonarola in Florence. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988.

Connell, William J. Society and Individual in Renaissance Florence. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

Weinstein, Donald. Savonarola and Florence: Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970.

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