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LOCAL KNOWLEDGE, SOCIAL MEMORY
AND PUBLIC POLICIES:
Recovering Disaster Memory of Riverfront Dwellers and their
Implications for Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Policy in
Angat River Basin and Watershed Region, Philippines
A Thesis by
BENIGNO C. BALGOS, ID NUMBER 11193816
Student Master of Arts in Development Policy
DR. FRANCISCO MAGNO
Adviser
JULY 2014
POLITICAL SCIENCE DEPARTMENT
DE LA SALLE UNIVERISTY
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DECLARATION
I hereby declare that the thesis is my original work and it has been written by me in
its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information, which have
been used in the thesis.
This thesis has also not been submitted for any degree in any university previously.
______________________________
Benigno C. BALGOS
July 22, 2014
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First of all, I wish to extend my deepest gratitude to my adviser Dr. Francisco
Magno for his guidance in writing this research. Also, there are not words sufficient
enough that could aptly convey my appreciation to the members of my thesis panel
who have taken time to review and provide interesting and insightful comments
toward the completion of this work. They are: Dr. Divina Gracia Rolda (Panel
Chair), Dr. Eric Vincent Batalla (Panel Member), and Dr. Sherwin Ona (Panel
Member).
This work would be completed without if not for my Papang, Nanay and Mark
Andrew Elepano who served as the inspiration in carrying out this work.
In doing this research, a number of people have shared their valuable time and
insights. Allow me to enumerate them:
My colleagues from the University of the Philippines – Diliman: Dr. Manuel
Sapitula (Sociology Department), Professor Kerby Alvarez (History Department),
Professor, Edwin Valientes (Anthropology Department), and Professor Louward
Zubiri (Department of Linguistics), Ping Pangilinan, John Edison Ubaldo, and John
Ariel Rojas.
My mentor and colleagues from the Ateneo de Manila University: Dr. Hiroko Nagai
(Japanese Studies Program) and Jaja Barriga (History Department).
My colleagues from the De La Salle University: Mean Tesoro, Amie Tucay
Villareal, Isabel Lanada, Ysa Mendoza, Mei Guanzon, Louie Betinol, Alfonso
Hermoso, Edz Barcilla, Gerard Razo, and Bembie Girado.
My colleagues from the Center for Disaster Preparedness: Lorna Victoria, Loreine
dela Cruz, Fe Andaya, Fatima Gay Molina, Jesusa Grace Molina, Mayfourth Luneta,
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Jelyne Gealone, Michael Mercado, Nikki de Vera, Lui Morada, Love Jimeno, Cis
Doctolero, Baden Escalente, Celia Brioner, and Sister Lilet.
Similarly, I would like to mention Res Tyan Dito (our Pastor in the Yogyakarta
International Congregation), my cousin Shirley, my auntie Gamay and my siblings,
Nerwin, Princess Anna Marie, Peter Janmes, Raymart and Reymond for serving as
my prayer warriors as I carry out this research. I also thank my pamangkins for
always making me joyful most especially in moments when I am stressed: Bea,
Raven, Carresse, and Abby Jade.
I am also indebted to the officers of the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Office of Calumpit and Hagonoy, Bulacan who facilitated and ensured
that my fieldwork will ran safely and smoothly.
Of course, this research would not have been possible without the academic
guidance of Dr. Nora Angeles and the fund support from the University of British
Columbia (UBC).
Last but most importantly, I thank the Lord for allowing me to accomplish this
gargantuan task to the best of my abilities
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT
ACROMYMS
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS
LIST OF PLATES
PART ONE
THE RESEARCH FRAMEWORK:
HISTORY, THEORY AND METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY
Chapter 1: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
1.1 Introduction 2
1.2 Statement of the Problem 5
1.3 Research Objectives 9
1.4 Scope of the Study 10
1.5 Significance of the Study 12
1.6 Limitations of the Study 13
Chapter 2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE
2.1 Introduction 15
2.2 Disasters: Conceptual Definition 16
2.3 Social Memory: From Autobiographical Memory to
Social Memory 19
2.4 Local Knowledge 22
2.4.1 Local Knowledge in Disaster Risk Reduction
and Management: Illustrations from Asia 29
2.5 Local Knowledge and Social Memory: The Current Stand
in Public Policy 31
2.6 Local Knowledge and Social Memory: Its Significance
in Public Policy 36
2.6.1 Integration of Local Knowledge and Social Memory
in DRRM Plans: The Case of Dagupan City 39
2.6.2 Integration of Local Knowledge and Social Memory
in DRRM Plans: The Case of Barangay Banaba,
San Mateo, Rizal 43
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Chapter 3: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
3.1 Introduction 46
3.2 A Conceptual Framework toward a Local Knowledge
Social Memory-Driven Disaster Risk Reduction
and Management Policy 46
Chapter 4: METHODOLOGY
4.1 Introduction 51
4.2 Research Methods 52
4.3 Procedures in the Conduct of the Research 53
4.3.1 Site Selection 54
4.3.2 Social Preparation 60
4.3.3 In-Depth Data Gathering 61
4.3.4 Data Processing 64
PART TWO
VULNERABILITIES AND LOCAL CAPACITIES:
THE CASE OF CALUMPIT AND HAGONOY, BULACAN
Chapter 5: VULNERABILITIES TO FLOODING: THE CONTEXT
OF FLOODING IN THE PROVINCE OF BULACAN
5.1 Introduction 67
5.2 Flooding in Bulacan 67
5.3 Angat Watershed and River Basin Region: The River of Life and
Aggravating the Flooding Phenomena in Calumpit and Hagonoy 81
Chapter 6: “SANAY NA SA BAHA ANG MGA TAO”: NARRATIVES
ON THE SOCIAL MEMORY ON DISASTERS AND THE
DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE IN DRRM
6.1 Introduction 84
6.2 Social Memory of Disasters: Narratives
on Significant Disaster Events 86
6.2.1 The Great Flood of 1972: Typhoon Edeng 91
6.2.1.1 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives
from Riverfront Dwellers 91
6.2.1.2 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives
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from the Community Leaders 95
6.2.2 Flooding Events from 2009 Onwards:
Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat 100
6.2.2.1 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives
from Riverfront Dwellers 100
6.2.2.2 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives
from the Community Leaders 112
6.3 Learning from Calamities: Local Knowledge on Disaster Risk
Reduction and Management 119
6.3.1 Anticipate: Local Knowledge on People’s
Identification and Monitoring of Environmental
Indicators 124
6.3.2 Adjust: Local Knowledge on People’s
Coping and Adaptation Practices 127
6.3.3 Communication: Local Knowledge on People’s Ability
to Transfer Knowledge among themselves
and between Generation 134
Chapter 7: HOW ARE LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL MEMORY
ON DISASTERS INTEGRATED IN LOCAL LEVEL POLICY
AND PLANS ON FLOODING? THE CASE OF CALUMPIT
AND HAGONOY
7.1 Introduction 139
7.2 Disaster Risk Reduction and Management/Contingency
Planning Process in the Philippines 140
7.3 Integrating Local Knowledge and Social Memory on Disasters
in Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction
and Management/Contingency Plans 143
7.3.1 Key Features of Calumpit and Hagonoy Barangay
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plans 146
7.3.2 Local Knowledge in the Existing in the Barangay
DRRM Plans: Anticipating, Adjusting,
and Communicating 156
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PART THREE
CONCLUDING CHAPTERS
Chapter 8: WHERE ARE WE IN THE PLANS?: TOWARD A LOCAL
KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL MEMORY-DRIVEN
DRRM PLANS
8.1 Introduction 163
8.2 Culture of DRRM in the Philippines and the Space of
Local Knowledge and Social Memory
DRRM Plans 164
8.3 How the Recovered Local Knowledge and Social
Memory Improved the DRRM Plans? 168
8.4 Bringing Local Knowledge and Social Memory in the
Plans: Toward a Local Knowledge and
Social Memory-Driven DRRM Plans 172
Chapter 9: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
9.1 Conclusions 178
9.2 Recommendations 184
Bibliography 186
Appendix
1 List of the Respondents in the Study 195
2 Community Risk Assessment Tools 200
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ABSTRACT
Communities perennially hit by disasters have a wealth of social memory
about the calamities they had experienced in the past. The social memory imprinted
by the sheer impact of disaster events on life, property, and livelihood has enabled
the high-risk communities to learn from these calamities. In turn, the integration of
such learning into a community’s way of coping gives rise to what is known as local
knowledge.
The research examines how the recovery of social memory and local
knowledge on disasters can improve local-level disaster risk reduction and
management policy, specifically in the context of the Angat watershed and river
basin region. The research draws from fieldwork interviews with the riverfront
dwellers of communities in the municipalities of Calumpit and Hagonoy in Bulacan.
It is argued in this study that the integration of social memory and local
knowledge has improved the local level disaster risk reduction and management
plan, particularly in three ways: First, the recovery of local knowledge and social
memory brought to the fore the inherent capacities of the communities at the heart of
local-level public policy. Second, the recovery of local knowledge and social
memory and its integration to disaster risk reduction and management policy gave
the community a sense of ownership of the policy giving it more clout. Finally, the
recovery of local knowledge and social memory made the policy context-specific,
which better suited the needs, situation, vulnerability, and strengths of the
community.
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ACRONYMS
ADB Asian Development Bank
ADPC Asian Disaster Preparedness Center
BDRRMP Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan
BFP Bureau of Fire Protection
BSU Bulacan State University
CBDRRM Community-Based Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
CC Climate Change
CCA Climate Change Adaptation
CDCC City Disaster Coordinating Council
CDP Center for Disaster Preparedness
CDRC Citizens Disaster Response Center
COP Conference of Parties
CRA Community Risk Assessment
CRED Center for Research for the Epidemiology of Disasters
DENR Department of Environment and Natural Resources
DepEd Department of Education
DLSU De La Salle University
DOST Department of Science and Technology
DRR Disaster Risk Reduction
DRRM Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
DRRM CEP Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Capacity
Enhancement Program
DRRNet Phils. Disaster Risk Reduction Network Philippines
EO Executive Order
EWS Early Warning System
FGD Focus Group Discussion
KII Key Informant Interviews
HFA Hyogo Framework for Action
ICIMOD International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency
LDRRMO Local Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office
LDRRMP Local Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan
LGU Local Government Unit
MDRRMC Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council
MDRRMC Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office
MGD Mines and Geosciences Bureau
MHO Municipal Health Office
MPDO Municipal Planning and Development Office
MSWD Municipal Social Welfare Department
MWSS Manila Waterworks and Sewerage System
NAPOCOR National Power Corporation
NCCAP National Climate Change Action Plan
NDP National Development Plan
NDRRMC National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council
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NDRRMP National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan
NEDA National Economic and Development Authority
NGO Non Government Organization
NIPAS National Integrated Protected Areas System
NSCB National Statistical and Census Board
OCD Office of Civil Defense
PAGASA Philippine Atmospheric Geophysical and Astronomical
Service Administration
PD Presidential Decree
PHIVOLCS Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology
PNP Philippine National Police
PPDO Provincial Planning and Development Office
PROMISE Program for Hydro Meteorological Disaster Mitigation in
Secondary Cities in Asia
RA Republic Act
TWG Technical Working Group
UBC University of British Columbia
UN United Nations
UN IDNDR United Nations International Decade for Natural Disaster
Reduction
UN ISDR United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction
UN OCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WB World Bank
WCDR World Conference on Disaster Reduction
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LIST OF TABLES
Table No Title
Table 1 Typology of local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and
management
Table 2 Coding for the local knowledge in DRRM
Table 3 Matrix of significant disaster occurrence
Table 4 Coding for the social memory on disasters
Table 5 Types and causes of floods
Table 6 Areas in Bulacan most prone to flooding
Table 7 Parameter of the DENR-MGB Geohazard Assessment
Table 8 Communities in Bulacan susceptible to flooding
Table 9 Adjust: Local Knowledge on People’s Coping and Adaptation
Practices
Table 10 Barangay San Miguel, Hagonoy DRRM Council Task Force
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LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS
Figure No. Title
Figure 1 Conceptual framework of the study
Figure 2 Schematic diagram of the research methodology
Figure 3 Flood hazard map of Calumpit, Bulacan (Open Source Map)
Figure 4 Flood hazard map of Hagonoy, Bulacan (Open Source Map)
Figure 5 Summary of Social Memory on Disaster and Local Knowledge
on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management by Riverfront
Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy
Figure 6 Contingency Planning Process
Figure 7 The reconstructed version of the Barangay DRRM structures of
San Miguel in Hagonoy
Figure 8 The reconstructed version of the Barangay DRRM Structure of
Sta. Monica, Hagonoy
Figure 9 Summary of the Integration of Social Memory on Disaster and Local
Knowledge on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management of
Riverfront Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy in Barangay
DRRM Plans
Figure 10 Local Knowledge and Social Memory Integration to Barangay
DRRM Plan Model
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LIST OF PLATES
Plate No. Title
Plate 1 House near the waterways in Sapang Bayan, Calumpit
Plate 2 Researcher with the Municipal Administrator and the DRRM Officer
of Calumpit, Bulacan
Plate 3 Researcher with Municipal DRRM Officers of Hagonoy, Bulacan
Plate 4 House in Hagonoy, Bulacan submerged to water due to high tide
Plate 5 Structural mitigation in Barangay Caniogan, Calumpit
Plate 6 Calumpit Bridge
Plate 7 Shot of Calumpit Bridge taken from Sapang Bayan Bridge
Plate 8 Road water
Plate 9 Tampok water
Plate 10 News clipping on the 1972 Great Flood of Luzon published in the
Philippine Free Press
Plate 11 Comparative picture of 1970s and 2011 flooding in Hagonoy,
Bulacan
Plate 12 Rooftop
Plate 13 News clipping and picture of 2011 flooding in Bulacan
Plate 14 The mark of this house in Barangay Captain Medina's compound in
Sta. Monica, Hagonoy shows how deep the flood was brought by
Pedring in 2011
Plate 15 Flood marker
Plate 16 The entrance
Plate 17 Barangay Hall near the river
Plate 18 Road improvements in Hagonoy Bulacan
Plate 19 Modern ruler
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PART ONE
THE RESEARCH FRAMEWORK:
HISTORY, THEORY AND METHODOLOGY OF
THE STUDY
Chapter 1: Statement of the Problem
Chapter 2: Review of Literature
Chapter 3: Conceptual Framework
Chapter 4: Methodology
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Chapter 1
STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
1.1 Introduction
When the United Nations International Decade for Natural Disaster
Reduction (IDNDR) ended in 2000, the Philippines was put on top of the list of
countries with the most number of reported disasters in the past century. This fact
highlights just how the Philippines is highly exposed to natural hazards. Recently,
the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) 2012 Global
Focus Model ranked the Philippines as the most hazard-prone region in the world.
The most common hazards in the Philippine include typhoons, storm surges,
flooding, drought (El Nino), volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and landslides.
Amongst the hazards, Jose (2012: 6) notes that typhoons are both the most frequent
and most damaging hazard in the country. It is estimated that 88 per cent of total
damages of the disaster as well as 79 per cent of total lives claimed are due to
typhoons (Jose, 2012: 6). The Philippines’ exposure to disaster is mainly a
consequence of its being located in the Circum-Pacific seismic belt and the West
Pacific Basin (CDRC 1992: 127 as cited in Heijmans & Victoria 2001: 2). In the
same way, it is estimated that 60 per cent of the land area of the Philippines is
exposed to a variety of geological and hydro meteorological hazards, putting 75 per
cent of the population at risk (Jose, 2012: 6). According to the Philippine
Atmospheric Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA),
the country’s weather bureau, around 20 tropical cyclones pass through the
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Philippine Area of Responsibility (PAR) annually, a quarter of which are considered
to be strong typhoons. Similarly, according to the Philippine Institute of
Volcanology and Seismology (PHIVOLCS) more than 20 earthquakes occur in the
country on any given day. Given its high frequency of exposure to various kinds of
hazards, the Philippines was even dubbed the “convenience store of disasters”
(Ubac, 2010). True enough, a study of history shows that disasters in the country
have occurred perennially.
As a result of the Philippines’ exposure and vulnerability to disasters,
countless of landmark policies have been formulated in the name of risk reduction
and climate change adaptation. Among them, the ones that are widely known are
Republic Act 10121 or the Philippine Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Law of 2010 and Republic Act 9729 or the Climate Change Act of 2009.
Policies are essential because they are statements of what the government
intends to do regarding a certain matter that the country faces (Birkland, 2011: 9;
Anderson 2011: 6; Kraft et al., 2007: 5- 6; Colebatch 2002: 10). They are ubiquitous
and may take the form of texts, practices, symbols and discourses (Schneider and
Ingram: as cited in Birkland, 2011: 9). They have significant consequences in
people’s well-being and happiness, may either be advantageous or disadvantageous,
and cause pleasure, irritation, or pain (Anderson, 2011:1).
Birkland argues that disasters instantly carry out what years of interest
groups, policy entrepreneurship, researchers, and lobby groups may not be able to
do: elevating an issue on the agenda where one or more policy domains will take it
seriously (2010: 6). He further argues that catastrophes could lead to policy change
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(2010: 4) and the larger the damage (i.e. loss, lives claimed, property), the larger the
potential for policy change (2010: 5). This is true in the case of Republic Acts 10121
and 9729, which were signed and ratified after Tyhpoon Ketsana (local name:
Ondoy) inundated Metro Manila.
However, as scholars such as Gaillard argue that Philippine policies on
disaster risk reduction and management are based on a hazard paradigm or disasters
are seen as results of extreme events rather than socio-economic and political
vulnerabilities (2011: 62). Another scapegoat of the Philippine government is the
reasoning that disasters happen because people are unmindful of the risks they face
(Gaillard, 2011: 62). Furthermore, the government’s response to disasters is often
characterized as being very technocratic – a manifestation of the Filipino allegiance
to the technology and knowledge superimposed by the developed world to
development societies (Gaillard, 2011: 33-34). Concurrently, Denkens (2007a)
argues that the integration of people’s age-old knowledge, experience, and
adaptation practice in local level policies on disaster risk reduction and management
has been very slow.
Almost ten (10) years ago, on 26 December 2004, the dwellers of a small
island community in Simeulue, Indonesia were saved and spared from the
devastating impact of the 9.2 magnitude earthquake that triggered an injurious chain
of tsunamis because of the reliance on community memory on disasters. Due to the
islanders’ prior historic knowledge on the behavior of the sea and the sounds created
by buffaloes, which passed onto them through folklore, the island dwellers were able
to evacuate to the nearby hill before the actual tsunami (McAdoo et al., 2006;
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Victoria, 2007: Gaillard et al., 2008; Donovan, 2010). As a result, only eight (8)
people died on the island compared to the 167,000 people killed in the other affected
areas. By contrast, when Typhoon Haiyan (local name: Yolanda) hit Tacloban in
November 2013, thousands died because people did not have a memory nor a sense
of history of previous disasters in their locality. This comes particularly perplexing
given that the city experienced a similar disaster in 1898 and 1912. Further
compounding the problem, typhoon survivors have reported that many locals did not
know certain technical terms (e.g. storm surge) used by the government to warn
them of the impending calamity. Also, many residents underestimated the early
warning given by the national and local governments. Based on these accounts, it
seems that the memory, impacts, and lessons from the said disasters were not
effectively passed down from previous generations unlike in the case of the
Simeuleans of Indonesia.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The overarching research question is: how can the recovery of local
knowledge and social memory on disasters improve local-level disaster risk
reduction and management policy, specifically in the context of the Angat watershed
and river basin region?
Over the years, there has been a growing interest in the human dimension of
the apocalyptic destruction brought about by disasters, particularly in poor
communities (Shaw 2014, Gaillard 2011, Donovan 2010, Lavigne et al., 2008). This
can be considered a significant milestone in disaster research, which is often
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considered to be a highly scientific and technical domain. Likewise, this has shifted
public thinking about disasters from merely a function of external events or the
hazard paradigm to a focus on socio-economic vulnerabilities and very low adaptive
capacities that exacerbate disaster impacts. In reducing, understanding and
appreciating disaster risk, a holistic approach and comprehensive knowledge on
disaster risk reduction and management is imperative. This entails a thoughtful
consideration of the phases of disasters: prevention/mitigation, preparedness,
response, and recovery/rehabilitation. Interest groups have widely and strongly
criticized the very technocratic and science-centric disaster management approach.
This means that states need to shift their approach from a very reactive or
emergency-oriented mode to a proactive one. More lives, properties, and resources
would be saved if the funds for response and rehabilitation were invested in
prevention, mitigation, and preparedness activities.
It is only recently that vulnerability and low capacity are given utmost
attention. Since the 1990s when the so-called post-Washington consensus
highlighted the micro-foundations of macro-economic development and other
macro-trends such as disasters there is a strong challenge to increase the capacities
of high-risk communities; thus, the focus on local capacity building became
paramount.
In the face of natural hazards, communities have local capacities that can be
utilized to withstand the stresses and shocks brought about by disasters. Wisner,
Gaillard, and Kelman (2012) developed the Circle of Capacities to underscore the
capacities communities have that enable them to cope and prepare for disasters. One
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of the capacities identified by Wisner et al., is the people’s strength, knowledge and
skills to face hazards. One of the examples of this form of local capacity is local
knowledge. The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction
(UNISDR) refers to local knowledge as the “sets of methods and practices
developed by a group of people from an advance understanding of the local
environment, which has formed over numerous generations of habitation” (2009).
Concurrently, Baumwoll (2008) describes local knowledge as something that
originates within the community, has been maintained through non-formal means of
dissemination, collectively owned, developed over several generations and subject to
adaptation, and embedded in a community’s way of life as a means of survival. In
the same vein, Shaw and Sharman (2009a) held that local knowledge, besides
coming from within communities, is also based on local needs and presents a clear
foundational understanding of communities’ adaptation strategies. That said, local
knowledge is considered a critical facet of disaster risk reduction and management.
Nonetheless, even though local knowledge has been existent since time immemorial,
its appreciation in development and disaster management policies has been very
slow (Dekens, 2007a).
There are different types of local knowledge. However, in the literature,
technology-based local knowledge has been predominantly identified with disaster
risk reduction and management, due to its visibility (Dekens, 2007a) and usability.
According to Dei (1993), cultural traditions, values, beliefs, and local peoples’
worldviews are also considered as local knowledge.
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Concurrently, social memory of catastrophic events is likewise considered a
form of local knowledge. Cronin et al., (2004a) highlight that local oral histories and
memory of disasters not only facilitate the reconstruction of previous disasters, but
also provides culturally acceptable and effective mitigation techniques toward risk
reduction. In fact, traditional culture (such as oral histories) has the ability to reduce
vulnerability by strengthening community resilience as seen in the case of Simuleu
Island in Aceh in the wake of the 2004 tsunami (Gaillard, et al., 2008; McAdoo et
al., 2006; Donovan, 2010)
Birkland (2010), in his book entitled, Lessons of disaster: policy change after
catastrophic events, argues that disasters, depending on the scale and magnitude,
create the propensity for policy change. Taking the aftermath of the 2004 Indian
Ocean tsunami as a case in point, in January 2005, the World Conference on
Disaster Reduction was held in Kobe, Japan. The 168 participating countries of the
said event adopted a non-binding policy document known as the Hyogo Framework
for Action (HFA). This is the current global strategy in building national capacities
in risk reduction and disaster resiliency being employed by the parties to the
convention. In the same way, filling in the gaps of the earlier United Nations
framework on disaster management became the priority actions of HFA, namely: (1)
ensure that DRR is a national and a local priority with a strong institutional basis for
implementation; (2) identify, assess, and monitor disaster risks and enhance early
warning; (3) use knowledge, innovation, and education to build a culture of safety
and resilience at all levels; (4) reduce the underlying risk factors; and (5) strengthen
disaster preparedness for effective response at all levels (UNISDR, 2005). The case
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in point and the memory of the Simulueans in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami
became instrumental in the formulation of HFA, particularly in priority area three
(3).
Capitalising on the usefulness of memory in disaster resiliency and in
building the adaptive capacities of communities in disasters, the research argues that
if the occurrence of disasters can facilitate policy change, then the retrieval of the
memory of disasters are both substantial inputs and crucial in bringing about this
change.
1.3 Research Objectives
The study seeks to answer the overarching question of how can the recovery
of local knowledge and social memory on disasters improve local-level disaster risk
reduction and management policy, specifically in the context of the Angat watershed
and river basin region. Corollary to this, there are three (3) objectives of the study,
namely:
1. to document the local knowledge and social memory on disasters of the
riverfront dweller of Angat watershed and river basin region;
2. to examine the local level plans and community practices on disaster risk
reduction and management in the Angat watershed and river basin region;
and,
3. to determine how local knowledge and social memory on disasters are
integrated in the local level plans and community practices on disaster risk
reduction and management in the Angat watershed and river basin region.
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1.4 Scope of the Study
This section defines the scope of the research. There are four variables that
will be examined in the research: local knowledge, social memory, disaster risk
reduction and management policy, and disasters. The concepts are rather general.
That said, the study needs to qualify what forms of local knowledge, what kind of
social memory, what disaster risk reduction and management policy, and what
specific type of hazard will it examine.
As to social memory, the study will be take into consideration the narratives
from the residents near the river, community officials, and the municipal
government officials on the following themes:
impacts of the disaster events to people, household and community
structures, community facilities and services, livelihood and economic
activities, and environment;
responses of the community, non-government organizations, the local
government and private institutions to the disasters; and,
programs and initiatives undertaken by different stakeholders in the
aftermath of the disasters.
The local knowledge that will be taken into consideration in the research are
how the riverfront dwellers learned from the disaster events as embodied in the
development of concrete individual, family level, and community level ways of
coping and adapting to the flood hazard. More specifically, the following typology
on local knowledge and disaster risk reduction and management will be
underscored:
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anticipate or people’s identification and monitoring of environmental
indicators;
adjust or people’s access to assets; and,
communication or people’s ability to transfer knowledge among
themselves and between generation.
The following comprise local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and
management related to anticipate: signals (i.e. interpretational knowledge of
changes in animal behavior, knowledge of local weather forecasts using celestial
bodies observation). The local knowledge associated in adjust include physical
assets (i.e. infrastructural safety arrangements such as boats, housing, embankments)
developed to cope and adapt to the risk that people face. Finally, the local
knowledge associated with communication are early warning systems (i.e. use of
visual signals such as markers, fire or audio signals like drums; having dreams of
natural hazards in advance) to share information on disaster.
In relation to the disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM)
policy, the study will look into the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Plan as mandated by the Republic Act 10121. In its absence, the
Municipality’s Contingency Plan will be considered. In the same way, the Barangay
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plans will be examined. DRRM plan and
Contingency plans are different. The DRRM Plan is the mother plan of a local
government unit, while the other is hazard-specific plan. This entails that a
contingency plan is a component of DRRM plan.
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Finally, the study will examine only the disasters that are water and climate-
related. This includes coastal flooding, tropical storms, flash floods, and flooding
brought about by dam release. The primary reason for this is riverfront-dwellers are
more prone to those types of hazards given their residential locations.
1.5 Significance of the Study
The researcher deems that there are six (6) reasons why the study is timely
and relevant. First, the study will help elucidate and determine what informs and
influences local level policies and programs on disaster risk reduction and
management in the context of watershed and river basin region.
Second, the study will help us understand and see how local capacities and
communities’ memory on previous disasters are portrayed and reflected in local
level plans and practices on disaster risk reduction and management in the context of
watershed and river basin region.
Third, the study will allow for the documentation of local knowledge and
social memory on disasters that would feed into disaster risk reduction and
management in the context of watershed and river basin region. One of the key
arguments by policymakers as to why the integration of local knowledge and social
memory in policies are slow is due to the lack of substantial and comprehensive
documentation of such local level practices. It is further argued that how can such
knowledge be advanced to policies if there is a dearth of information and
documentation. That being said, the recovery of memory is so critical to local
knowledge documentation and utilization particularly at the policy level.
13
Fourth, the study will help us examine whether local knowledge and social
memory on disasters can facilitate policy change at the same time improve local
level plans and community practices on disaster risk reduction and management in
the watershed and river basin region;
Fifth, through the study, concrete policy recommendations can be distilled in
relation to mainstreaming and integrating local knowledge and social memory in
disaster risk reduction and management in the watershed and river basin region.
Last, the research will generate topics for future research in the field of local
knowledge, social memory, and public policies on disaster risk reduction in the
context of watershed and river basin region.
1.6 Limitations of the Study
Although the study intends to provide an in-depth description of the Angat
riverfront dwellers’ local knowledge and social memory, the proposed research has
three (3) limitations.
First, the research will only cover the water and climate-related hazards such
as coastal flooding, tropical storms, flash floods, and flooding brought about by dam
release. This means that experiences on volcanic eruptions and earthquakes will be
given little to no importance in the study;
Second, the study would only highlight the communities within the 5-meter
easement of the selected communities in along the river. This is due to fact that those
near the river are high risk to disasters;
Lastly, the concept of local knowledge and social memory cut across
14
disciplines such as sociology, philosophy and psychology among others. The study
deals only on the policy aspect of local knowledge and social memory on disasters.
15
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
2.1 Introduction
This chapter presents the extant literature that lays the foundation for the
theoretical framework of the study. Four themes will be focused on in this chapter.
First, the chapter looks into the conept of disaster. The section highlights that
disaster is predominantly viewed as a result of an external event (i.e. typhoon,
earthquake, tsunami), but the section underscores that it also important to examine
why people are perrenially hit by disasters. Moreover, the section undescores that in
facing calamities, people have inherent capacities to overcome disasters. The
capacities include social memory and local knowledge that people have developed
overtime in relation to the risk they are facing.
Second, the research looks into the concept of social memory. This will be
done by providing the discourse on social memory in the literature. Third, the
researcher examines the concept of local knowledge. This will be accomplished by
addressing two general tasks: (1) exploring the definition and typology of local
knowledge; and, (2) providing illustrations of local knowledge in disaster risk
reduction and management in selected Asian countries. Finally, the researcher
analyses where local knowledge and social memory stand in the current discourse in
public policy. Likewise, it examines the significance of local knowledge and social
memory in public policy, specifically in the context disaster risk reduction and
management. This will be approached in two ways: (1) presenting the arguments
16
against local knowledge and social memory; and, (2) providing the arguments for
integrating local knowledge and social memory on disasters in public policies by
highlighting the experiences of Dagupan City and Barangay Banaba in San Mateo,
Rizal. Both are highly susceptible to flooding being a catchment basin of two river
systems - the Agno River Basin and the Marikina Watershed, respectively.
2.2. Disasters: Conceptual Definition
Over the years, the world has witnessed large and small scale disasters that
tremendously impact people (their lives and health), household and community
structures, community facilities and services (houses, access roads, bridges, schools,
hospitals, water, electric, communication facilities), livelihood and economic
activities (jobs, crops, livestock, equipment), and the environment. Given this,
disasters are becoming the new normal and one of the key defining development
issues of our time.
The definition and understanding on disaster have evolved over the decades.
The dominant approach is the view of disaster as a function of hazard. Wisner et al.,
(2003: 10) note that the physicalist approach view disaster as “the violent forces of
nature” or “nature on the rampage”. However, the most dominant mindset in
relation to the cause of disaster is the stress on the role of a “trigger” resulting from
the natural activities related to geophysical, climatological or biological (notable
examples cited by Wisner et al., 2003: 10 are the works of Bryant 1991, Alexander
1993, Tobin and Montz 1997, and K. Smith 2001). However, over the last thirty
years, social scientists and scholars proposed an alternative paradigm in relation to
understanding disasters and why they happen (Wisner et al., 2003: 10). From hazard
17
paradigm, O’Keefe, Westgate, and Wisner (1976) proposed to take “naturalness” out
of “natural disasters”. They argue that disasters are not “natural” because they
happen due to political and socioeconomic factors (O’Keefe et al., 1976).
Subsequently, in 1970s and early 1980s, approaching disasters from vulnerability
perspective began (Wisner et al., 2003: 10). Wisner et al., (2003: 10) argue only
until the emergence of the concept of vulnerability that the social conditions of
people are brought to the fore. Prior to that, the hazard paradigm was the dominant
framework that significantly influences and informs policies and programs on
disaster management.
The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR)
defines disaster as, “the serious disruption of the functioning of society causing
widespread human, material or environmental losses, which exceed the ability of the
affected communities to cope with using their own resources. Disasters occur when
the negative effects of the hazards are not well managed” (UNISDR, 2009). The
Asian Development Bank defines it as a natural or man-made event that can be
sudden or progressive (ADB, 1991: 3). Concurrently, even before the current
universally accepted definition given by UNISDR, Stephenson (1991: 4) highlighted
that disasters has the potential to, “ disrupts the basic fabric a community.
In the current definition of disaster, three elements are greatly emphasized:
presence and exposure to hazards, vulnerability of the community, and the low
capacity to withstand the impacts of a hazard event. Hazards can be categorised into
natural, human-induced, and the combination of the two. Natural hazards include
tropical storm, earthquake, tsunami, volcanic eruption, storm surge, and coastal
18
storms among others. While human-induced hazards include fire, pollution, oil spill,
industrial accidents (such as leakage of toxic waste). Moreover, socio-natural
hazards are flooding and drought due to deforestation (DRRNet Philippines, 2014).
On the other hand, Blaikie and Brookfield (1978 as cited in Wisner et al.,
2012: 22) defines vulnerability as “… denoting the degree to which one’s social
status (e.g. culturally and socially constructed in terms of roles, responsibilities,
rights, duties, and expectations concerning behavior) influences differential impact
by natural hazards and the social processes, which is there and maintain that
status…” Aysan (1993 as cited in Wisner 2009: 126) describes vulnerability in the
following terms: lack of access to resources (material/economic vulnerability),
disintegration and social patterns (social vulnerability), degradation of the
environment and inability to protect it (ecological vulnerability), lack of strong
national and local institutions (organisational vulnerability), lack of public
awareness (attitudinal and motivational vulnerability), certain beliefs and customs
(cultural vulnerability), and weak buildings or weak individuals (physical
vulnerability). Cuny (1983: 14) argues that the primary causes of poverty are the
prevalent reasons for people’s vulnerability to disasters. Cuny (1983: 39) notes that
disasters can be classified into two, namely: rapid on-set cataclysmic and long-term
or continuing. Cataclysmic include earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, cyclonic storms,
and floods. Contrariwise, long-term or continuing disasters are droughts, crop
failures, and prolonged civil strife. Carter (1991: 10) enumerates the typical effects
of disasters. These include: loss of life, injury, damage to and destruction of
property, damage to and destruction of subsistence and cash crops, disruption of
19
production, loss of livelihood, disruption to essential services, damage to national
infrastructure and disruption to governmental systems, national economic loss, and
sociological and psychological after-effects.
In the same way, a community’s capacity needs have to be considered in
understanding why disasters happen. Capacity is the, “combination of all the
strengths, attributes and resources available within a community, society or
organization that can be used to achieve agreed goals” (Republic Act 10121). To be
able to fully understand what makes people and communities resilient and
vulnerable to disasters, Bankoff (2012: 37) argues that there is a need to examine
what makes them act that way over a long period of time. In doing so, the social
memory of people on previous disaster events and the local knowledge they have
developed over the years should be looked into as a forma of capacities in disaster
risk reduction and management. But what are social memory and local knowledge?
Why are they important in risk reduction? What is their current stand in public
policy on disaster risk reduction and management? The following section will
address the said questions.
2.3 Social Memory: From Autobiographical Memory to Social Memory
Olick & Robbins (1998: 106) the study of social memory is a non-
paradigmatic, transdisciplinary, and centerless enterprise. However, social memory
studies has often been viewed as a subdiscipline of sociology (Swidler & Arditi,
1994: as cited in Olick & Robbins, 1998: 105), and generally conceived as the
20
“connective structure of societies” (Assmann 1992: as cited in Olick & Robbins,
1998: 105).
The works of Hofmannsthal in 1902 (Schieder 1978), Halbwachs’ Social
Framework of Memory in 1925, Marc Bloch’s interrogation of the feudal society
from the lens of collective memory in 1925 (Bloch, 1925, 1974), and the investation
of art historian, Aby Warburg, in looking at art pieces as reservoir of human history
are considered as the hallmarks in the social memory studies (Olick & Robbins,
1998: 106). Given this, Olick & Robbins (1998) argue that it is only around the 19th
to earlier part of the 20th century that memory became a “distinctively social
perspective.”
In Memory as a Cultural System: Abraham Lincoln in World War II,
Schwartz (1996), argues that the memory has generational roots. Using “memory as
a social frame” he posited three significant reasons in relation to the interest in
reconstructing what had happened in the past. First, Schwartz (1996) argues that in
the attempt to establish a dominant historical narrative, there are memories that are
being repressed. Second, Schwartz (1996) contends that there is a strong connection
between the concepts of power, history, and memory. He maintains that history has
very selected memory. History then is a tool for power, and the dominant power can
construct social reality. Third, in connection to the second argument, Schwartz
(1996) holds that memory making is not free from politics. There are contestations
in memory making and the popular memory serves politics as instrumentalization of
the past. In hindsight, we can find strands of Foucault in Schwartz conception of
memory, history, and power.
21
Halbwachs (1992: as cited in Olick & Robbins, 1998) made a disctinction of
different types of memory: autobriographical memory (memory events we
experienced ourselves), historical memory (memory that can be found in the official
records/documents), history (remembered past, but is longer an important part of our
lives), and collective memory (active past that forms our identities). Halbwachs
(1925: as cited in Fentress & Wickham 1992) argues that in memory, it is primarily
the individual who obtained it, so what is social about it? Fentress and Wickham
(1992: ix) note that much of individual memory is attached to his/her membership to
a particular social group. That said, a memory is socially constructed. That being
said, an autobiographical memory becomes a social memory because a person’s
memory happened in a particular context and in a given period of time. Halbwach
argues that all social memory is, “structured by group identities: that one remember
one’s childhood as part of a family, one’s neighborhood as part of a local
community, one’s working life as part of a factory or office community and/or
political party or trade union, and so on – that these memories are essentially group
memories, and that the memory of the individual exists only in so far as she or he is
the probably unique product of a particular intersection of groups” (Halbwachs,
1925: cited in Fentress and Wickham, 1992).
Foer (2011) in his influential book entitled, Moonwalking with Einstein: The
Arts and Science of Remembering Everything, asks: how many worthwhile ideas
have gone unthought and connections unmade because of memory shortcomings?
Utilizing this question in the context of disaster risk reduction and management, one
would ask if people really learn from their memory of disasters events?
22
Bankoff (2012: 37) suggests that to be able to fully understand what makes
people and communities resilient and vulnerable to disasters it is imperative to
examine what makes them act that way over a long period of time.
2.4 Local Knowledge
Local knowledge, local wisdom, traditional knowledge, and indigenous
knowledge are often used terms to connote community-based knowledge developed
by a particular group of people to withstand disaster threats in their localities. For
the purpose of the research, the term local knowledge has been used to avoid
confusion. Across the disaster management literature, there has been no unified
definition for local knowledge. This implies an ongoing discourse. Nonetheless, over
the years, there were attempts to define and come up with its descriptions,
characteristics, and its contours. This endeavor is vital as various groups advocate
for its recognition in disaster risk reduction and management policies.
Rationalizing the significance of local knowledge, Velasquez (2008) argues
that various communities in the world have prepared, operated, acted, and responded
to disasters utilizing their own indigenous systems, even before modern societies
were able to come up with their scientific-based early warning systems (EWS). In
disaster risk reduction and management, local knowledge has four (4) pillars
namely: (1) observe; (2) anticipate; (3) adjust; and, (4) communicate. Each of the
four pillars has its specific elements. Table 1 provides the definition and the
components of the each pillar.
Although scholars and development practitioners define local knowledge
23
differently, a common fiber binds their understanding, according to the document
entitled, Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster risk reduction and management in
South Asia –“…it has to be understood from the communities’ viewpoint of the
physical environment where they exist, the natural resources they are richly blessed
with and the ways in which these capitals can be most advantageous for them to
withstand with the challenges of the natural world within the perspective of their
social and cultural milieu.
“There is compelling evidence for the Asia-Pacific region to recognize and
strengthen its wealth of [local knowledge] for providing local solutions to global
problems of increasing disasters and climate change impacts” – this is the main
message of the Policy Document on Local Knowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction
and Management produced during the International Workshop on “Indigenous
Knowledge and Disaster risk reduction and management: From Practice to Policy.”
The said event was held at the Kyoto University on July 2008 and was attended by
61 individual participants representing 15 countries (Shaw et al., 2009b).
The purpose of the said meeting was to discuss the following: (1) the
transferability issue of local knowledge and disaster risk reduction and management;
(2) the policy implication of local knowledge, particularly linking practice to policy
as well as to further the incorporation of local knowledge in decision-making
processes; and, (3) the next steps and future directions of local knowledge in terms
of research and implementation. The aforementioned event was deemed as the initial
step that created a core group of disaster risk reduction and management practitioner
24
and researchers whereby their works are focused on local knowledge and disaster
risk reduction and management (Shaw et al., 2008).
In hindsight, there are two (2) major reasons for the increasing interest in
local knowledge and its consideration as a potent local capacity. First, amidst the
huge investment of several governments in state-of-the-art technologies to
understand and assess natural hazards, frequently these modern technologies failed
to provide sufficient early warning information. As a consequence, the number of
people affected by disaster events is increasing, and worst, disaster events just get
repeated. In addition, as earlier mentioned, governments were always surprised by
the enormous impact of disaster occurrences. This is a consequence of investing
immensely in relief efforts (which are a post-disaster activity) when in fact they
should be capitalizing on the existing capacities of local people for disaster
preparation and resilience. Second, the experiences of several communities who had
survived terrible disaster events through age-old local practices gained attention
worldwide. Specifically, the Simeuleans in Aceh, Indonesia (UNISDR, 2007) and
the Mokens in the Surin Islands on the coast of Thailand and Myanmar who
survived the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami using the orally passed down community
disaster stories (Narumon, 2006) provided practitioners and policy makers new
perspectives on the significance of local knowledge in disaster preparedness and
risk reduction framework.
Victoria (2007) writes that local knowledge and other disaster-related
practices of various communities are essential in disaster preparedness, mitigation,
and prevention. Velasquez (2008), on the other hand, deemed that local knowledge
25
had to be understood, acknowledge, and respected as a formidable information
source and can contribute to reducing disaster risk in many parts of the world.
Baumwoll (2008) holds that there are several justifications on the usefulness
of local knowledge in mitigating and adapting to disaster events. Four (4) themes
have been extracted from her original list namely: First, it can advance and improve
disaster risk reduction and management policies. As DRR policies aim to address the
vulnerability of communities, incorporating and/or integrating local knowledge in
disaster risk reduction and management means recognizing it as an important
capacity. Additionally, acknowledging these local faculties signify the appreciation
of people’s culture and values. This further shows that people and their traditions are
being put at the core of the policy and not at the periphery. Moreover, Baumwoll
(2008) claims that local knowledge could be incorporated in socializing disaster (i.e.,
disaster education) to local people, as well as in building a strong early warning
system at the community level.
Second, it is independent from modern technologies. Since local knowledge
does not require very sophisticated and highly technical machineries, communities
can operate and/or perform it without any difficulties. In fact, recent technological
innovations in disaster assessments or predictions need to be melted with the local
26
Table 1: Typology of local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and management
(1) Observe
People’s experience of the local
surrounding
(2) Anticipate
People’s identification and
monitoring of environmental
indicators
(3) Adjust
People’s access to assets
(4) Communication
People’s ability to transfer
knowledge among themselves
and between generation
History of natural hazards
Examples: knowledge on the
location, time, duration, frequency,
intensity, predictability of previous
hazards
Nature of natural hazards
Examples: knowledge on the onset,
origin, and velocity of water flow;
knowledge of different types of rain
Evolution of social and physical
vulnerabilities to natural hazards
Example: life stories explaining the
impoverishment processes of
households following recurrent
natural hazards and other stresses
Early warning signals
Examples: interpretational
knowledge of changes in
animal behaviour, vegetation
patterns; knowledge of local
weather forecasts
Time thresholds
Examples: knowledge of when
it is time to buy and store food
in advance, leave the house,
move the cattle, and remove
important belongings
Escape routes and safe places
for humans and cattle
Examples: knowledge of the
safest and fastest routes
Human assets
Examples: specific skills such as
traditional carpenters and
masons
Sociocultural assets
Examples: knowledge of
different social groups
depending on occupational,
physical ability, ethnicity,
gender, caste, class, and age
characteristics
Institutional assets
Examples: knowledge generated
by local institutions and cross-
scale linkages
Oral & written
communication
Examples: local songs, poems,
proverbs which help the
younger generation and
outsiders to learn about
previous hazards; stories of
previous hazards encoded in
the names of specific places
Early warning systems
Examples: use of visual signals
such as mirrors, fire or audio
signals like drums; having
dreams of natural hazards in
advance
Other practices
Examples: taboos which
prevent people from going to
certain hazard prone areas;
ceremonies, local art which
helps the community to
understand and remember past
27
Key actors and skills
Examples: knowledge of who
knows what, who does what
and when, who stays behind,
who goes first
Financial assets
Examples: micro-finance
arrangements
such as credits and savings
Natural assets
Examples: natural resource
management strategies such as
intercropping and agroforestry
that conserve biodiversity and
protect soil erosion and can
contribute to reducing the
impacts of natural hazards
Physical assets
Examples: infrastructural safety
arrangements such as boats,
housing, embankments
natural
hazards, and relieve the
anxiety related to the threat of
future hazards
Source: Reconstructed and adapted from Denkens (2007b)
28
context where it is going to be used. As Baumwoll (2008) wrote, even though
scientists and other experts ignore local knowledge, which they associate with the
“backward” and “less-educated”, numerous communities have proven and tested its
usefulness even without the aid of state-of-the-art technologies.
Third, disaster risk reduction and management project implementation can be
improved by local knowledge. Giving value to local knowledge provides a venue for
people to participate in the project implementation process. Moreover, it also
enables the community to have a sense of ownership and self-confidence in the
initiative (Baumwoll, 2008). On the other hand, Dekens (2007a) held that local
knowledge promotes mutual trust, acceptability, common understanding.
Finally, it provides a model for disaster risk reduction and management
education. Having passed the local knowledge from one generation to another
through oral or non-formal ways, this offers us a perspective that transferring
technology (knowledge) to vulnerable communities need not to be prescribed in a
strict manner.
Synthesizing the imperative use of local knowledge in disaster risk reduction
and management, Wisner, an authority in disaster studies, stressed in the Side
Meeting on Local Knowledge and Disaster risk reduction and management during
the Global Platform for Disaster Reduction held at Geneva in 2009: “…local
knowledge is important in disaster risk reduction and management because it is the
lens through which people perceive and understand the world and work on the
world. People are constantly coping with threats. They share knowledge with
neighbors, may draw knowledge in from far away, boil it down and work out ways to
29
apply it locally. Local communities are workshops of knowledge production, not just
museums of tradition…”
2.4.1 Local Knowledge in Disaster Risk Reduction and Management:
Illustrations from Asia
In the 15-month period (2006-2007) project entitled, “Living with Risk:
Sharing Knowledge on Disaster Preparedness in the Himalayan Region”, the
implementer – International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development
(ICIMOD) - has produced eight (8) significant publications. One of which is the
Local Knowledge for Disaster Preparedness: A Literature Review, published in
2008. One of the key features of the aforesaid document was the section on the
classification of different types of local knowledge in disaster preparedness namely:
(1) technical knowledge; (2) environmental and agricultural knowledge; (3)
knowledge about development project; and, (4) socio-cultural and historical
knowledge (Denkens, 2007a). Denkens (2007a) argues that among these types of
local knowledge in disaster preparedness, the document reveals that only
technology-based knowledge has been often associated and emphasized in disaster
risk reduction and management literatures. While the environmental and agricultural
knowledge have been rigorously studied and has been linked with several
disciplines.
In 2009, the Policy Note on Indigenous Knowledge in Disaster Risk
Reduction and the book entitled, Indigenous Knowledge in Disaster Risk Reduction:
From Practice to Policy was published. Both were products of the 2008 Kyoto
University’s International Workshop on “Indigenous Knowledge and Disaster risk
30
reduction and management.” These materials capitalize as well in technology-based
local knowledge.
The abovementioned book highlights 19 case studies from countries in the
Asia Pacific Region that uses local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and
management. The book was an attempt to systematically study the link of local
knowledge in reducing disaster risk emphasizing on its applicability in the modern
world. The said book was intended for researchers and policymakers. For instance,
in terms of the use of local knowledge in flood preparedness and flood risk
management, illustrations from Eastern Terai of Nepal, Bangladesh, Japan, and An
Giang Province, Mekong Delta, Vietnam were discussed. On the other hand, on
natural resource, coastal, and water management, among the cases that were
highlighted in the report were the experiences of The Philippines, Maldives, China,
Sri Lanka, and Gujo-Hachiman, Japan. For the incorporation of local knowledge in
traditional housing, the book cites the experiences of India and West Sumatra and
Southern west Java, Indonesia. Furthermore, the practices in: UC Hilcot, Mansehra;
Pakistan; Ivatans in Batanes Islands, Philippines; Pacific Islands; tsunami early
warning in Simeulue, Indonesia; Tuvalu; and, the adaptability experiences and rural
tele-centers in India, were also cited in the book (UNISDR, 2008).
On the same vein, a year prior to the release of the abovementioned book, the
publication entitled, Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction: Good
Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Regions, was
released by the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction
(UNISDR, 2008). The said document highlighted as well the merging of local
31
technology and modern disaster assessments as key to disaster risk reduction and
management. It also calibrated a set of criteria for a certain community practice to be
recognized as local knowledge as relevant in disaster risk reduction and
management, namely: (1) origin of knowledge; (2) relative level of adaptation over
time; (3) relationship to local skills and materials; (4) success in surviving or coping
with disaster over time; and, (5) applicability to other societies facing familiar
situations.
The 2008 UNISDR publication is composed of technology-based local
knowledge practices from 13 countries in the Asia Pacific Region that include:
China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, The
Philippines, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Vietnam.
In hindsight, aside from capitalizing on technical local knowledge, if one
compares the list provided by both publications, it can be observed that some of the
experiences documented by one had been documented by the other as well. In the
final analysis, the recognition given to local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and
management is indeed encouraging. The importance accorded by international
organizations to local knowledge as a formidable local capacity is an indication that
these pools of knowledge will soon be reflected in disaster risk reduction and
management policies and plans.
2.5 Local Knowledge and Social Memory: The Current Stand on Public Policy
Since many communities in the region views local knowledge as imperative
in disaster risk reduction and management, why does Denkens argues that its
32
integration in disaster risk reduction and management policies is slow-moving?
Addressing this question, Denkens (2007a) argues that one of the factors that lead to
the marginalization of local knowledge is power relation. She explained this in three
(3) ways: (1) since local knowledge is a political issue, giving utmost importance to
it will change power relations; (2) institutional change is inevitable if local
knowledge will be incorporated in policy frameworks; and, (3) since knowledge is
power, then the one who holds the knowledge has direct command over the
resources as well as the discourse.
In the 1960s and 1970s, a very technical perspective in studying natural
hazards proliferated; subsequently, this has become the dominant approach. Given
this, non-technical approaches in studying and understanding natural hazards have
been put aside. Among the spheres that will be affected once local knowledge will
be recognized are the conflicts of interest between natural sciences and social
sciences, core and periphery, and north and south. The interest and political
structures, particularly of the authoritarian regimes, will be endangered by the
growing support in local knowledge and participatory approaches, Denkens claimed.
Finally, she underscored that the use of local knowledge reflects community-based
power.
In the same way, there are those who question reliability of local knowledge
and social memory in public policy. The publication entitled, Indigenous Knowledge
for Disaster Risk Management in South Asia, points out two (2) main concerns on
local knowledge. First, having originated from a single community, its being
culture-specific and difficult to be transferred to other context have been doubted.
33
Second, as local knowledge capitalizes on the knowledge that has been transferred or
passed down by previous generations, its documentation has been also questioned.
Proper documentation and the amount of existing records on this can provide a
perspective of its veracity, which can influence policies in favor of local knowledge.
To address these points, a publication entitled, Indigenous Knowledge and
Disaster risk Management: Policy Note (2009) reveals that possible tools to advance
local knowledge in policies would be through research and documentation. The
aforesaid publication writes that through research and documentation, the
undocumented practices will be documented and eventually be made into applicable
knowledge. The Policy Note proposed four (4) steps namely: (1) understand and
establish the value of local knowledge in present context, and build a foundation for
its integration with other knowledge and operational systems; (2) systematically
document the local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management in
traditional communities; (3) test the value of local knowledge and identify
appropriate practices for replication and scaling in the context of current science;
and, (4) demonstrate through national and regional pilot programs the applicability
of local knowledge with appropriate adaptation, as an input to awareness and
advocacy work.
It has been argued that local knowledge (particularly the socio-cultural and
historical local knowledge) is intangible and cannot be usually seen by outsiders for
the reason that it is embedded in a communities’ culture. To address this, Denkens
(2007a; 2007b) also recommends that thorough documentation is immensely needed.
Moreover, she writes that songs, stories, proverbs, dance, myths, cultural values,
34
beliefs, rituals, community laws, local language, agricultural practices, and
institutions of the people need to be explored and studied.
On the other hand, Douglas et al., (1982) and Lavigne, et al., (2008) claim
that social and cultural values determine how a particular community view natural
hazards. As an illustration, Lavigne et al., (2008) conducted a study on the
perceptions of dwellers living in the slope of several active volcanoes in Indonesia –
Sumbing, Sindoro, Dien, and Merapi. Particularly, their study looked at three
factors, namely: risk perception, cultural beliefs, and socio-economic constraints.
The study underscored that the communities have a very low risk perception and
repeatedly disregard scientific assessments as a consequence of strong attachment to
their cultural beliefs. Six (6) years prior to the conduct of the aforementioned
research, a study conducted by De Coster (2002) found out as well that the people of
Mt. Merapi have low risk perception. It was also attributed to the people’s belief
system. The study of De Coster revealed that eight (8) years after the 1994 Mt
Merapi’s eruption, the people of Turgo Village (the hardest hit during the eruption)
still believe that they would not be affected by potential volcanic eruptions.
Schlehe (2007) observes that the cultural dimensions of natural hazards are
immensely neglected. While Donovan (2010) and Swanson (2008) argue that local
traditions and belief systems can be extremely influential in volcanic regions
particularly it motivates people’s reactions during and prior to disaster crisis.
In a different study, Cronin et al., (2004a) highlight that local oral histories
and memory of disasters not only facilitates the reconstruction past eruptions, but
also provides culturally acceptable and effective mitigation techniques. In fact,
35
traditional culture (such as oral histories) has the ability to reduce vulnerability by
strengthening their resilience as seen in the case of Simuleu Island in Aceh in the
wake of the 2004 tsunami (Gaillard, et.al, 2008; McAdoo, et al., 2006; Donovan,
2010).
The study on Mt. Merapi conducted by Lavigne et al., (2008), concludes
with the observation that the Indonesian government overlooked culture and
communities’ belief systems in favor of hazard-related factors. Chester (2005) held
that culture and society should be given priority or included in the study of volcanic
risk management, and that the experience of Mt. Merapi should motivate or propel
the government to include local knowledge in disaster management policies.
Additionally, having rigorously studied the cultural dimensions of risk in Mt Merapi,
Michael Dove, an anthropologist said that (Dove 2008): “… there is a perceptual,
cognitive dimension of the concept of risk in Mt Merapi. However, the attention to
this subject has often disregarded in political ecological studies. Policymakers need
to be more attentive to the role of perturbations and change in the social life of the
communities, how this affects risk perception and management, and how state views
of risk are themselves socially constructed and thus contingent in value and
efficacy.”
The Hyogo Framework for Action emphasizes the “use knowledge,
innovation and education to build a culture of safety and resilience at all levels” as
one of its Priority Actions in building community resiliency to disasters. However,
as can be observed, both in the practice and policy advocacies on the use of local
knowledge in disaster risk reduction, there is an overwhelming emphasis on
36
technology-based types and the exclusion of socio-cultural and historical category.
But the case of Mt. Merapi and several other societies prove that the later form of
local knowledge merits recognition in policies as well.
Denkens (2007b) states that local belief systems are mixtures of people’s
beliefs (e.g., socio-cultural, religious belief systems), worldviews (i.e., ways of
perceiving the world), values/moral principles (e.g., respect, reciprocity, sharing,
humility), and ethics.
Various scholars who studied Mt Merapi, for example, found that
unquestionably what the dwellers believe in shapes and influences their knowledge,
perceptions, and response to volcanic eruptions. Although most view this as
fatalism, Denkens (2007a; 2007b), Dove (2006) and Hutton and Haque (2003) argue
that strong cultural attachment is a sign of humility and people’s search for peace
and harmony with nature.
2.6 Local Knowledge and Social Memory: Its Significance in Public Policy
Traditionally, development approach has always been top-down rather than
bottom-up. This remained evident in how communities are perceived to only rely
on development initiatives and predominantly seen as passive actors in the
development process rather than active agents of societal change. Communities,
particularly those which are poor and vulnerable, most of the time, do not have the
political clout and financial capacity to engage in the decision-making process. For
quite a long time, the poor are merely spectators in the process rather than active
participants in the development discourse and practice. Citizen participation is
37
imperative in development practice as it is the building block of contemporary
democratic society and sustainable communities (Cuthill and Fien, 2006).
Furthermore, Bloomfield et al. (1998) suggested that: “… there is a need to include
a wider range of knowledge in decision making and provide a context for calls for
a more participatory democracy where citizens are active and engaged in the
issues of the day rather than passive and withdrawn”
Freire (1970) maintained that the first step in facilitating citizen participation
in the development practice is through the process of conscientization or the
building of the critical consciousness of the individuals. He further explained that a
‘person who gains this consciousness better understands how their political,
religious, gender, ethnic or education perspectives are influenced by the dominant
culture.’ Arnstein (1969) also argued that, ‘the participation of the governed’ is the
cornerstone of democracy and that capacity building and citizen engagement are
means to facilitate citizen participation.
The Center for Disaster Preparedness (CDP), a nongovernment organization
(NGO) based in the Philippines has been helping communities, local and abroad, to
prepare for disasters as well as develop a people-centered and community-grounded
disaster risk reduction and management plans. Community-based Disaster Risk
Reduction and Management (CBDRRM) is the approach being utilized and
capitalized on by the organization in its DRRM efforts. Among the communities that
CDP was able to help using the CBDRRM approach are eight barangays in
Dagupan City, which are prone to flooding, and Barangay Banaba in San Mateo,
Rizal. The said communities were able to significant reduce their flooding
38
vulnerability as well as increase the capacities of the local government and barangay
officials and the residents, collectively as a community, in disaster preparedness.
Cuthill and Fien (2006) developed the Model for Collaborative Action. The
model begins by establishing a shared vision by the community and the local
government. For Cuthill and Fien (2006), the success of participatory process is a
result of early identification and articulation of an agreed vision and goals. They
deem that visioning offers stakeholders to come together and build understanding of
what a sustainable local community might look like. The shared vision of outcome is
a precondition for good planning practice (SCDC 2000), which is the second phase
in the framework. After the vision setting and planning come the evaluation. The
evident results for collaborative local action - process outcomes and project outputs
– are evaluated based on the framework. Cuthill and Fien (2006) mention that
evaluation of process outcomes provides an opportunity for participant reflection
and that reflective learning is key in developing learning communities. Also, they
argue that through participatory evaluation, the diverse range of perspectives,
knowledge, skills, values, needs, are acknowledged and provide direction for
evaluation. In this framework, Cuthill and Fien (2006) argue that, ‘citizen
participation in local governance operalizationalised through capacity building acts
as a catalyst, in a self reinforcing process that strengthens democratic governance,
helps rebuild social capital and provides a foundation for citizen and local
governance to work collaboratively towards a sustainable community.’
Unmindful of the Model for Collaborative Action, the Center for Disaster
Preparedness has been utilizing the core message of the model in its disaster risk
39
reduction and management work. Also. In its initiaitves, the CDP has been utilizing
remembering and uncovering of local knowledge and social memory of disasters and
feed those in the disaster risk reduction and management plans. The cases of
Dagupan City and Barangay Banaba are presented below:
2.6.1 Integration of Local Knowledge and Social Memory in DRRM Plans:
The Case of Dagupan City
Dagupan City is found in the province of Pangasinan located in the Northern
portion of the Philippines. Aside from being known as the Bangus (Milkfish)
Capital of the Philippines, the city has attracted people from nearby provinces due
to the increased in number of infrastructures built in area such as education
institutions, shopping malls and other business establishments. However, the city
faces the challenge of how to balance its urbanization vis-à-vis the safety of its
citizens. The city is prone to flooding for two reasons, namely: (1) it serves as a
catch basin to a number of river systems that surrounds the city; thus, whenever
there are heavy rainfalls the water overflows and goes to the city; and, (2) the poor
drainage system as well as the conversion of fish ponds into commercial and
residential areas contributed to the vulnerability of the city to flooding (Iglesias
2007).
As a result of the social memory of previous disasters such as the flooding
of 1935, 1972, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2007, 2008 (Molina,
2014), the residents of Dagupan City have habituated themselves in the perennial
flooding in the area. Also, over the years, high-risk communities have developed
coping mechanisms and adaptation strategies in relation to the risk they are facing.
40
For instance, residents of high-risk areas have elevated their houses. Moreover, the
communities have developed a community-based early warning system using
indigenous materials. More concretely, in Manguin, one of the high-risk
communities, people uses kanongkong, an indigenous early warning system to
signal the water level in the nearby river (Luneta & Molina, 2008).
In 2006, the project PROMISE (Program for Hydro-Meteorological
Disaster Mitigation in Secondary Cities in Asia) was introduced and implemented
in the city through the Center for Disaster Preparedness. The project was under the
auspices of the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center (ADPC), which is based in
Bangkok, and funded by the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) of the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID) (Luneta & Molina,
2008). Project PROMISE was also implemented in five other ‘secondary cities1’ in
Asia, namely: Chittagong (Bangladesh), Hyderabad (Pakistan), Salutary (Sri
Lanka), Da Nang (Vietnam), Jakarta (Indonesia).
Dagupan City was chosen to be its project site in the Philippines due to the
commitment of the local government units. Thirty one (31) barangays were
considered as the project sites. However, due to fund limitations, eight barangays
were chosen as the pilot areas, these are: Bacayao Norte, Bacayao Sur, Lasip Chico,
Lasip Grande, Mangin, Pogo Grande, Salisay and Tebeng. According to Luneta,
the selection of the aforementioned pilot areas was based from their vulnerability to
hydro-meteorological hazards. This means that these areas were the high-risk areas
of flooding in the City of Dagupan.
1 Cities experiencing rapid urbanization, which consequently endangers the inhabitants as
well as the environment
41
The very first step undertaken in the implementation of the project was the
formulation of the Technical Working Group (TWG). The TWG was comprised of
Dagupan City Government Officials and Luneta from the Center for Disaster
Preparedness and who served as the Project Coordinator.
The primary goal of the project is to increase the capacity of the
communities and the local government in risk reduction. Among the activities of
the project is the community participatory assessment of risk where the social
memory on previous disasters events and the lessons learned from it were
capitalized. From these, disaster management plans were produced based on the
needs, contexts, and vulnerabilities of the communities. Moreover, early warning
system in strategic areas in the communities was installed such as flood markers
and kanongkong. A small-scale mitigation project was also put up based on the
needs and resources of the high-risk communities. There were community members
that chose to sell agricultural and poultry products. The income generated was then
used as seed money to procure construction materials to build a safer evacuation
centers to be used in times of disasters. On the other hand, other communities opted
to use the seed fund provided to them by the project to rehabilitate and elevate their
barangay halls that serves as evacuation centers. Series of capacity building for
vulnerable communities and the city government officials were conducted.
Accoording to Conrado Moyalde, the then Chairman of Barangay Salisay,
said that people’s participation in the project was the most important factor. His
constituents participated in the project because it is beneficial for them. By
engaging them in the project, the citizens knew what to do before, during and after
42
the disaster, Moyalde added. On the other hand, Carbonell, one of the city officials,
said that if the City Government will not engage the people in the project and will
just be a mere recipients of it, the people will have no ownership of the project. He
added that since the approach of Project PROMISE was community-based and it
put premium on local capacities and the living experiences of the community, the
people participated. As a result of people’s participation, they were able to identify
their own problems in their respective communities, and not defined for them by
officials from the city. Moreover, by engaging citizens, they were able to identify
the feasible solutions to their own problems. With this, Carbonell said that in the
city’s future projects they would be using the community-based approach because
they have proven that it truly works.
During the assessment workshop with the communities involved in the
project, it surfaced that, without a tinge of doubt, Project PROMISE was able to
improve the lives of people living under the high-risk areas. The project not just
provided equipment for emergency, but it enabled citizens to be prepared during the
times of disasters. In the same way, through the participatory approach employed in
the project in which social memory and local knowledge on disaster were given
importance, the people became active in the disaster risk reduction and management
initiatives in their respective communities. Also, the disaster risk reduction and
management plan became effective because people have ownership on the plan and
they follow what is written on the plan.
43
2.6.2 Integration of Local Knowledge and Social Memory in DRRM Plans:
The Case of Barangay Banaba, San Mateo, Rizal
The San Mateo is of the municipalities in the Province of Rizal. The
municipality is one of the high-risk areas for flooding in the country. As a matter of
fact, the area is always affected by flooding whenever there is a strong tropical storm
that would hit Rizal and Metro Manila. The most recent flooding that tremendously
affected San Mateo and its residents are Typhoon Ondoy in 2009 and typhoon Gener
and unnamed Habagat in 2012. Garbage is considered as the pressing environmental
problem of the municipality. Likewise, many residents of San Mateo are dwelling in
high-risk areas such as the Marikina River. One of the vulnerable areas in San Mateo
is Barangay Banaba, which is situated between Nangka and Marikina Rivers.
Barangay Banaba is susceptible to flooding as well as riverbank erosion. Aside from
flooding, the area is located 1 kilometer from the Marikina West Valley Fault Line
and 5 -7 kilometers East of Marikina Valley Fault Line, which makes it at-risk to
earthquake too (CDP, 2014).
San Mateo is rapidly urbanizing. As a result of growing population in the
municipality, commercial establishments such as fast food chains and supermarkets
were built. In Barangay Banaba alone, approximately, there are 3,000 households in
which majority earns less that Php 1,000.00 per month or Php 50.00 a day (CDP,
2014). Aside from being prone to flooding and earthquake, the area is vulnerable to
soil erosion, fire, and communicable diseases such as skin disease, leptospirosis, and
dengue. When typhoons Ondoy and Gener as well as the Habagat hit the country,
Barangay Banaba is one of the areas badly hit. As a matter of fact, many people in
the area died and residents were left homeless and helpless. As a result of this, the
44
Banaba Disaster Risk Reduction Project was implemented in 2010. It was
spearheaded by a peoples’ organization in the area called Buklod Tao. The
organization reinforces the capacity of community people to respond to disasters and
undertake environmental enhancements. It is involved in disaster preparedness,
mitigation and sustainable livelihood projects (CDP, 2014). The said project was
implemented in partnership with the Center for Disaster for Disaster Preparedness, a
nongovernment organization. Concurrently, the fund support for the project came
from Christian Aid. The goal of the project is to address the need for safety as well
as the need to build the resiliency of the community, capability building towards
preparedness, mitigation and empowerment, livelihood towards reducing economic
vulnerability, and, advocacy towards short-term and long-term disaster risk
reduction (CDP 2014).
The project capitalized on the community participation. As a matter of fact,
the community engagement model employed in the experience of Dagupan City
served as a model in this project. Among the project activities in which the
communities vulnerable to flooding became involved were: producing a
participatory three-dimensional map of the areas high-risk to flooding. In this
method, using social memory of significant disaster events they were asked to plot
in the map the high-risk areas, families frequently flooded, and evacuation sites in
the community. Also, participatory risk assessment and planning involving the
children were undertaken. Based on the social memory on previous disaster events,
flood markers and early warning devices to monitor the water levels in the Marikina
River were also installed. Public awareness early warning and evacuation
45
mechanism using the language the can easily be understood by the members of the
community were also posted in several parts of the barangay . Finally, learning
from the previous causes of flooding in the community, which is garbage, the
community adapted the recycling of tetra packs and turning them into bags and
alternative to pots. In the same way, urban gardening, seedlings growing, tree
planning, and green charcoal trading serve among the disaster prevention/mitigation
measures employed in the community.
46
Chapter 3
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
3.1 Introduction
This chapter lays the conceptual framework of the study. In the previous
sections, the concepts of local knowledge and social memory have been unpacked
by examining its theoretical models, and definitions. Also, examples were provided.
Further, the theoretical issues dealing with the questions on the relationships of local
knowledge, social memory, and public policies were discussed. This was
approached by providing the current stand of local knowledge and social memory in
the context of public policy of disaster risk reduction and management. Finally, two
cases on how local knowledge and social memory was promoted and capitalized in
disaster risk reduction and management initiatives were presented. Following this,
the conceptual position and the contribution of the study in the prevailing discourse
will be emphasized in this chapter.
3.2 A Conceptual Framework toward a Local Knowledge and Social Memory-
Driven Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Policy
In the current understanding of disasters, it is believed that disaster risk is a
consequence of the exposure and presence of hazards, social vulnerability, and low
capacity. Also, literature on disaster risk reduction and management stress that
disaster events are becoming more frequent, its damages and losses more costly, and
its impacts more devastating. Needless to say, disasters hamper national
development. The implications of disasters to a country’s development proved that
47
disasters and development are strongly linked. Additionally, although disasters are
becoming a global phenomenon, it has been observed that there seems to be a
geographical concentration in relation to its frequency and its magnitude of impact
and devastation. Asia and the Pacific are considered the most vulnerable region,
while the Philippines consistently ranks as the most disaster-prone in the region.
Although disasters occur in a certain locality, the impacts transcend jurisdictional
boundaries making intra and inter-country cooperation imperative.
As stressed in the earlier chapters, disaster events serve as focusing events,
policy windows, policy agenda, and/or reform conjunctures. This is evident in the
passage of policies as a response to disasters. More specifically, global frameworks
such as the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) were produced that serve as the
blueprint for disaster risk reduction and management. The global frameworks are
then translated into regional strategies. Also, national governments, as signatories to
the global frameworks, are mandated to formulate national policies, plans and
frameworks aligned to the global agenda. It was underscored in Chapter 1 that
Typhoon Ketsana (local name: Ondoy) facilitated the swift ratification of two
landmark policies in relation to climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction
and management, namely: Republic Act 9729 or the Climate Change Act of 2009
and the Republic Act 10121 or the Philippine Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Law singed in 2010. If Typhoon Ketsana did not affected Metro
Manila, perhaps the said laws would have taken years to be passed.
As exemplified in the experiences of the residents of Dagupan City and
Barangay Banaba in San Mateo, Rizal, people and communities have inherent
48
capacities on disasters such as local knowledge and social memory. Local
knowledge have been existing in these communities which people operate on even
prior to the introduction of modern tools in forecasting disasters. On the other hand,
social memory is event-specific and serves as the basis for resiliency and
preparedness of the said communities. However, even though local knowledge and
social memory are significant bases of strong policies and plans for disaster risk
reduction and management, the integration of these are slow moving.
Gaillard (2011) argues that public policies on disaster risk reduction and
management in the Philippines are primarily premised on the belief that disasters are
results of hazard events and well as people’s low risk perception and risk denial.
Those are the elements that inform policy on disaster risk reduction and
management. This can likewise be said in the global frameworks and in the regional
strategies on risk reduction. Consequently, the approach of the state has been very
response or emergency-oriented. More importantly, the focus of initiatives is on the
hazard, but not on people’s inherent capacities that would enable them to cope and
recover from disaster events.
Figure 1 provides the conceptual framework developed for the study. The
framework underscores that local knowledge and social memory on disaster can
improve the existing policies on disaster risk reduction and management. This is
made possible in three (3) significant ways: (1) local knowledge and social memory
bring to the fore the people’s inherent capacities; (2) the recovery of local
knowledge and social memory and its subsequent integration in the disaster risk
reduction and management policy gives the community a sense of ownership of the
49
policy which in turn makes such policy more effective; and, (3) local knowledge and
social memory make the policy context-specific which better suits the needs,
situation, and vulnerability of the community. That being said, it is indispensable
that local knowledge and social are given utmost consideration in local level disaster
risk reduction and management policy. Gaventa (2009) argues that the power and
knowledge from below (the communities) are imperative. Gaventa (2006) further
holds that the power cube is "a useful way to consider the ways that people are
organising to contest the things that put them at risk and to gain control of resources
that will make them safer". In relation to disaster risk reduction and management, the
researcher contends that undeniably, the local knowledge and social memory or the
powers from below are substantial inputs to and can improve the local, national,
regional, and global policies, frameworks and plans on disaster risk reduction and
management.
50
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework of the Study
51
Chapter 4
METHODOLOGY
4.1 Introduction
This chapter provides the methodological approach of the research. The
study is highly qualitative in nature. The primary approach would be policy analysis
of disaster risk reduction and management programs and policies in the selected
communities. Anderson (2011: 2) defines policy analysis as an approach “… to
identify the most efficient alternative in relation to dealing with the problem.” Kraft
et al., (2007) argue that this approach is critical in relation to the formulation of
public policies as well in assessing programs after implementation (2007: 23). They
further hold that policy analysis is an attempt toward critically dissecting public
problems and providing appropriate solutions in a rational manner (2007: 23).
This study examines how can the recovery of local knowledge and social
memory on disasters improve local level disaster risk reduction and management
policy, specifically in the context of the Angat watershed and river basin region.
Corollary to this, there are three (3) objectives of the study, namely:
to document the local knowledge and social memory on disasters of the
riverfront dweller of Angat watershed and river basin region;
to examine the local level plans and community practices on disaster risk
reduction and management in the Angat watershed and river basin
region; and,
52
to determine how local knowledge and social memory on disasters are
integrated in the local level plans and community practices on disaster
risk reduction and management in the Angat watershed and river basin
region.
4.2 Research Methods
In gathering the relevant the study employed, four (4) methods by which the:
(1) key informant interviews; (2) focus group discussion, (3) community disaster
transect walk, and (4) documents review, content analysis and review of public
policies on disaster risk reduction and management.
The first method utilized in the study is key informant interviews. The key
informant interview was used as a key method to provide avenue for more in-depth
information gathering and reflects the experience of the informants/respondents.
There were four (4) groups of people to be interviewed in the study, namely:
culture bearers or the past and present community leaders;
residents within the 5-meter easement of the river who are considered the
most high risk dwellers in flooding;
local government officials of the municipalities; and,
academics, disaster risk reduction and management experts and
practitioners to provide an outsider’s perspective in relation to the focus
of the study.
Focus group discussion was employed in the study, particularly with the
officers of the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office. The said
53
method was employed to identify the collective knowledge in relation to how the
local government addresses the problem of flooding in the area.
In the same way, the municipality officials and the respondents in the first
and second group were invited to in a transect walk to show researcher the actual
water level and embodiment of the previous disasters that occurred in the
community. The transect walk enriched the remembering of the community
members of their previous disaster experience. In the transect walk, the respondents
were asked to point how high the water levels during the flooding and what are the
critical infrastructures in the community that were hit by the disasters among others.
This approach is called the community disaster transect walk.
Lastly, written documents were reviewed and analysed in the study. This
includes community ordinances in relation to disaster risk reduction, the Municipal
and Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan (BDRRMP),
Contingency Plans and other government reports and historical manuscripts that
highlight the disaster events that occurred in the communities covered in the
research sites.
4.3 Procedures in the Conduct of the Research
Shown in Figure 2 is the schematic diagram of the research methodology.
As provide in Figure 2, there were four (4) phases in the conduct of the study: site
selection, social preparation, in-depth data gathering, and data processing and
writing.
54
4.3.1 Site Selection
In selecting the research sites for the study, three stages have been
undertaken: review of documents, ocular survey of the municipalities and
communities, and courtesy call to local level officials.
Review of Documents. The study is undertaken under a larger research project
called Urbanizing Watersheds implemented by the University of the British
Columbia (UBC), De La Salle University (DLSU), and the Bulacan State University
(BSU). That said, it was recommended to the researcher to focus on the areas in
Bulacan susceptible to flooding. While reviewing the literature to find the best place
to carry out the research, the researcher found out that practically the entire province
is prone and have a long history of flooding. The research further studied the
literature and scaled down the municipalities into areas that are highly susceptible to
flooding, threatened by the water release of the Angat Dam, and have a population
living in and near the waterways. From 24 municipalities/cities of the Province of
Bulacan, the sample was scaled down to three: Calumpit, Hagonoy, and Marilao.
Calumpit is the oldest municipality in Bulacan and is comprised of 29 communities.
Hagonoy used to be part of Calumpit and is composed of 26 communities. On the
other hand, Marilao has 16 communities that are all prone to flooding. At first, the
researcher was tempted to cover the three municipalities. But taking into
consideration the coordination to the municipal government and to the selected
communities in each area, the process would take very long. The researcher decided
to focus only in two Calumpit and Hagonoy. From there, three community case
studies in each municipality were undertaken.
55
Figure 2: Schematic Diagram of the Research Methodology
SITE SELECTION SOCIAL
PREPARATION
IN-DEPTH DATA
GATHERING
WRITING
Courtesy Calls and discussions with
Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Office
Review of Documents
Ocular Survey
Review of Documents
Formal entry to the Selected communities
Courtesy Calls to the Barangay Officials
Ocular Survey
Semi-structured interviews with
Barangay Officials and community members
Community case studies
DATA PROCESSING
56
As mentioned above, Calumpit has 29 communities, while Hagonoy has 26.
All communities are flood-prone, but the level of susceptibility depends on the
geographical and topographical. That said, the researcher visited to two
municipalities to see the context on the ground.
Ocular Survey of the Municipality and Selected Barangays. On 12 April
2014, the researcher carried out an ocular survey in Calumpit particularly in
Barangay Poblacion, Frances, Gatbuca, Sapang Bayan, Balungao Central (see Plate
1). The visit provided the researcher the actual context and facilitated in coming up
with communities to carry out the study. However, the researcher do not want to
formally enter the communities and conduct the study without undertaking a
courtesy call to the local government unit of each municipality. In the same way, the
research thought that it would be best to involve the local government unit in
selecting the research sites for the study.
Plate 1: House near the waterways in Sapang Bayan, Calumpit (Taken during
the ocular visit on 12 April)
57
Courtesy Calls and Coordination with the LGU. On 21 April, the researcher
carried out courtesy calls to local government officials of Calumpit and Hagonoy
Bulacan. Also, a letter was provided to Mayor Jessie de Jesus of Calumpit and
Mayor Raulito Manlapaz of Hagonoy to formally introduce the research and the
objective of the study. The said letters were specifically provided to the Municipal
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Offices of both local government units. It
was specifically highlighted in the letters that the researcher needs the assistance of
the local government in selecting three (3) selected communities in each
municipality located near the Angat river basin as the research sites for study.
In the case of Calumpit, the researcher was brought to the Municipal
Administrator and the Municipal Planning and Development Officers (see Plate 2).
The officer then endorsed the researcher to the responsible unit to carry out the
study. In the same way, the DRRM and CCA consultant of the municipality
discussed the DRRM practice in the locality. He likewise recommended three areas
for the study:
Sapang Bayan: prone to coastal flooding as a result of the overflow of the
Pampanga River;
Caniogan: prone to coastal flooding as a result of the overflow of Angat
River and Pampanga River; and,
Iba o Este (but later changed to Corazon): Corazon is located near the
municipal office. It is not usually flooded as compared to Sapang Bayan
and Caniogan. In 2011, Corazon had experienced the worst flooding in
40 years due to the southwest monsoon.
58
Plate 2: The Researcher with the Municipal Administrator and the DRRM Officer of
Calumpit, Bulacan. Source: Author. 21 April 2014
On the other hand, during the 21 April coordination in Hagonoy, the Mayors
Offices directly endorsed the research to the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Office (see Plate 3). The said office then recommended the following
communities as cases for the study:
Tampok: prone to coastal flooding due to Angat River overflow.
San Miguel: prone to coastal flooding due to Angat River overflow
Sta Monica: prone to coastal flooding due to Angat River overflow
59
Plate 3: The researcher with Municipal DRRM Officers of Hagonoy,
Bulacan. Source: Author. 21 April 2014
As shown in Plate 4 is an example of a house in Hagonoy, Bulacan
submerged to floodwater all year round due to high tide.
Plate 4: A house in Hagonoy, Bulacan submerged to water due to high tide (21 April
2014)
60
4.3.2 Social Preparation
For the social preparation prior to the actual conduct of the study, four (4)
stages have been undertaken: review of documents, courtesy calls to the Barangay
Officials of the selected communities, ocular visits to the selected communities, and
formal entry to the selected communities.
Review of Documents. With the final roster of communities for the study, the
review of literature for the research sites had been scaled down. More specifically,
the experiences and impacts of flooding in Sapang Bayan, Caniogan, and Corazon in
Calumpit as well as Tampok, San Miguel, and Sta. Monica in Hagonoy were
examined.
Courtesy Calls to the Barangay Officials. On 25 April, courtesy calls were
conducted in Sapang Bayan, Caniogan, and Iba O Este. To smoothen the process of
coordination, an official of the local government unit joined the researcher in
carrying the said activity. On the other hand, the courtesy calls in Tampok, San
Miguel, and Sta. Monica were carried out on 28 April 2014.
Ocular Survey of the Barangays. After the courtesy calls, the researcher
carried out ocular visit in the selected barangays for the study. The previous ocular
visits were carried out to the communities initially targeted by the researcher. Plate
5 underscores the ongoing drainage construction in Barangay Caniogan taken during
the ocular visit. The picture shows the structural mitigation of the local government
in relation to the flooding problem in the area.
61
Formal Entry to the Selected Communities. After the series of courtesy calls
to the community officials, the researcher formally entered the research sites to carry
out the research.
4.3.3 In-Depth Data Gathering
In relation to the actual gathering of data for the study, three phases have
been employed by the research: ocular survey, community case studies, and the
actual conduct of the data gathering.
Ocular Survey. Even though prior ocular survey of the areas have been
undertaken previously, the researcher deemed that there is still a need to further look
at the areas to grasp and have a picture of the situation in the communities. This
further gave the researcher an opportunity to collect and gather date in relation to the
description of research sites.
Plate 5: Structural mitigation in Barangay Caniogan, Calumpit
Source: Author. 28 April 2014.
62
Community Case Studies. This enabled the researcher to examine the
vulnerability, exposure to hazards, and the capacities of the communities in relation
to disaster risk reduction and management. This provided the general picture and
description of the vulnerable situation as well as the experiences of the selected
communities on disasters. As mentioned above, the research sites for the study are:
Calumpit, Bulacan: Barangays Sapang Bayan, Caniogan, and Corazon (see Figure
3) and Hagonoy, Bulacan: Barangays Tampok, Sta, Monica, and San Miguel (see
Figure 4).
Figure 3: Flood hazard map of Calumpit, Bulacan (DENR-MGB Region III, 2012)
63
Figure 4: Flood hazard map of Hagonoy, Bulacan (DENR-MGB Region III, 2012)
Conduct of Key Informant Interviews and FGDs. In relation to the actual
conduct of the key informant interviews and focus group discussions, the table
below provides the respondents in each of the research method. Appendix 1
provides the list of respondents in the study.
64
4.3.4. Data Processing
In relation to processing the data collected for the study, the local knowledge
and social memory on disasters were coded using the following tables. For local
knowledge, the responses were processed using Table 2. Concurrently, Tables 3 and
4 were used to code the social memory on disasters.
Table 2: Coding for the local knowledge in DRRM
Responses Anticipate or
people’s
identification and
monitoring of
environmental
indicators
Adjust or people’s
access to assets
Communication or
people’s ability to
transfer knowledge
among themselves
and between
generation
Table 3: Matrix of significant disaster occurrence
1950-
1959
1960-
1969
1970-
1979
1980-
1989
1990-
1999
2000-
present
Significant disaster
events
Adapted from DRRNet Philippines (2014)
65
Table 4: Coding for the Social Memory on Disasters
YEAR/
DISASTER
IMPACT LESSONS LEARNED
People (their lives
and health)
Household and
community structures
Community facilities
and services (houses, access roads, bridges,
schools, hospitals,
water, electric, communication
facilities)
Livelihood and
economic activities (jobs, crops,
livestock, equipment)
Environment
66
PART TWO
VULNERABILITIES AND LOCAL CAPACITIES:
THE CASE OF CALUMPIT AND HAGONOY,
BULACAN
Chapter 5: Vulnerabilities to Flooding: The Context of
Flooding in the Province of Bulacan
Chapter 6: “Sanay na sa Baha ang mga Tao”:
Narratives on the Social Memory on Disasters and the
Development of Local Knowledge in DRRM
Chapter 7: How are Local Knowledge and Social
Memory on Disasters Integrated in Local Level Policy
and Plans on Flooding? The Case of Calumpit and
Hagonoy
67
Chapter 5
VULNERABILITIES TO FLOODING: THE CONTEXT OF FLOODING
IN THE PROVINCE OF BULACAN
5.1 Introduction
This section provides the vulnerability context of the Province of Bulacan.
The section is divided into two (2) parts. First, the geographical, political, and socio-
economic profile of Bulacan will be presented. Also, it discusses the Province’s
susceptibility to hydrometeorological hazards, such as flooding.
The second part discusses the Angat River Basin and watershed region. More
specifically, the discussion addresses the following questions:
1. Why are watersheds important?
2. What roles do they play?
3. What are examples of watershed and river basin local and international?
4. Why was the Angat River Basin established?
5. What roles does it play in the surrounding areas?
6. What institutions are governing the Angat watershed?
7. How does the watershed affect the disaster vulnerability of Calumpit,
Hagonoy, and other areas in Bulacan?
5.2 Flooding in Bulacan
Jha et al. (2012: 19) maintained that the risk to urban flooding is a growing
challenge worldwide and is causing devastation, economic damages, as well as
claiming human lives. Flooding can be a consequence of combination of
68
meteorological and hydrological extremes exacerbated by human activities (Jha et
al., 2012: 55; Schmuck, 2012: 244). From 1900 to 2010, approximately 3,686
flooding events occurred worldwide (EM-DAT, 2010 as cited in Schmuck, 2012:
44). Flooding is affecting particularly the dwellers living close to the flood plains
and coasts (Wisner et al., 2004 as cited in Schmuck, 2012: 245-246). Table 5
provides the various types and causes of floods.
As a result of varying levels of exposure and vulnerability, disaster risks
differ among provinces in the Philippines (Jose, 2012: 7). Bulacan is one of the
provinces in the country where 20 per cent of the total land area is susceptible to
flooding (Jose, 2012: 7). Many areas in Bulacan are at risk of urban flooding.
Schmuck (2012: 244) argued that flooding is a part and parcel of the hydrological
cycle and the life of rivers. It is further exacerbated by actions such as deforestations
or interference with the river channel (Schmuck, 2012: 244). In the case of Bulacan,
Francisco (2012) concluded that the flooding is a result of the massive deforestation
of the Sierra Madre mountain range as well as the forest area of Angat. The shows
other areas in the Philippines susceptible to flooding: Pampanga, Nueva Ecija,
Pangasinan, Tarlac, Maguindanao, Cagayan, North Cotabato, Mindoro Oriental,
Ilocos Norte, La Union, Davao del Norte, National Capital Region, Sultan Kudarat,
Ilocos Sur, Bataan, Leyte, and Compostella Valley (PAGASA, 2011)
69
Table 5. Types and causes of floods
TYPES OF
FLOODING
NATURAL
OCCURRENCE HUMAN INDUCED ONSET TIME DURATION
Urban flood Fluvial
Coastal
Flash
Pluvial
Groundwater
Saturation of drainage and sewage
capacity
Lack of permeability due to
increased concentration
Faulty drainage system and lack of
management
Varies depending on
the causes
From few hours to days
Pluvial and
overland flood
Convective
thunderstorms, severe
rainfall, breakage of ice
jam, glacial lake burst,
earthquakes resulting to
landslides
Land use changes, urbanization.
Increase in surface runoff
Varies Varies depending upon prior
conditions
Coastal
(Tsunami, storm
surge)
Earthquakes
Submarine volcanic
eruptions
Subsidence,
Coastal erosion
Development of coastal zones
Destruction of coastal natural flora
(e.g. mangrove)
Varies but usually
fairly rapid
Usually a short time however
sometimes takes a long time
to recede
Groundwater High water table level
combined with heavy
rainfall
Embedded effect
Development in low-lying areas;
interference with natural aquifers
Usually slow Longer duration
Flash flood Can be caused by river,
pluvial or coastal systems;
convective thunderstorms;
GLOFs
Catastrophic failure of water
retaining structures
Inadequate drainage infrastructure
Rapid Usually short often just a few
hours
Semi-permanent
flooding
Sea level rise, land
subsidence
Drainage overload, failure of
systems, inappropriate urban
development
Poor groundwater management
Usually slow Long duration or permanent
Source: Reconstructed and Adapted from Jha et al., (2012)
70
Bulacan derived its name from the term bulaklakan due to the proliferation of
green orchids in the province as seen by the Spanish colonizers (Bulacan PPDO, 2006:
21). Currently one of the fastest-growing local economies, it was once a small fishing
community along the Manila Bay coast (Bulacan PPDO, 2006: 21). It comprises twenty-
two (22) municipalities, two (2) component cities, and 569 barangays, which are
grouped together into five (5) congressional districts. The following are the
jurisdictional boundaries of the province of Bulacan (Bulacan PPDO, 2006):
District I Bulacan, Calumpit, Hagonoy, Malolos City, Paombong, and
Pulilan (comprises 153 barangays)
District II Balagtas, Baliuag, Bacaue, Bustos, Guiguinto, Pandi, and Plaridel
(comprises 124 barangays)
District III Angat, Doña Remedios Trinidad, San Idelfonso, San Miguel, and
San Rafael (comprises 155 barangays)
District IV Marilao, Meycauayan City, Obando, and Santa Maria (comprises
78 barangays)
District VI San Jose del Monte City (comprises 59 barangays)
Bulacan has a long-history of flooding dating back from the 1970s. Tomas
Martin, a 92-year old resident of Hagonoy, narrated that the area experienced massive
flooding in 1970, 1972, 1974, 1976, and 1978. Of these events, Martin recounted that
the 1972 flooding was the deepest, but the 1978 flooding was the worst in terms of
damages to property (Balado, 2013). On the other hand, Governor Alvarado noted that
the 27 October 1978 flooding was partly “man-made” since the Angat Dam was opened,
71
therefore releasing a huge amount of water due to Typhoon Kading (Balado, 2013). The
dam was opened to prevent the dam from collapsing that would have led to loss of lives
and property damage (Balado, 2013). This raised the need to install flood forecasting
and warning devices in major dams. Subsequently, the first ever Flood Forecasting and
Warning System for Dam Operations was established in April 1983.
Bulacan is located in the Central Plain of Luzon and forms a part of the
Pampanga River delta (Bulacan PPDO, 2006: 5). Angat, Ipo, and Bustos Dams, which
are also part of the Pampanga River Basin, form a big portion of the province. With
these dams located in the province, many of its areas are prone to perennial flooding.
Table 6 below lists down the areas in Bulacan which consistently experience flooding
(Bulacan PPDO, 2006: 32).
Table 62. Areas in Bulacan most prone to flooding (Bulacan PPDO, 2006)
Municipality(ies) Type of area Characteristics
Malolos Low lying areas Fishermen
Hagonoy Coastal areas Informal settlers
Calumpit Low lying areas Residing along river banks/creeks
Obando Coastal areas Residing along river banks/creeks
Meycauyan Low lying areas Houses made of indigenous materials
Marilao Low lying areas Houses made of indigenous materials
Bocaue Low lying areas Fishermen, houses made of indigenous
materials
Pulilan Low lying areas
2 The researcher designed the table for the purposes of the presentation.
72
The Mines and Geoscience Bureau (MGB, 2012) conducted a Geohazard
Assessment covering 24 municipalities and cities in Bulacan. The study assessed 565
barangays of the province. Table 7 provides the parameters by which each community
was assessed. Table 8 shows the specific areas assessed by the Mines and Geoscience
Bureau (MGB).
Table 73. Parameter of the DENR-MGB Geohazard Assessment (DENR-MGB, 2012)
High Presence of active and/or recent landslides
Presence of numerous and large tension cracks along slope
adjacent to the community and that would directly affect the
community
Areas with drainages that are prone to landslides damming
Steep/unstable slopes consisting of loose materials
Moderate Areas with indicative and/or old landslides
Presence of small tension cracks along slope and are located
away from the community
Moderate slopes
Low Low to gently sloping
No presence of tension cracks
In hindsight, the assessment carried out by the DENR-MGB (2012) underscores
two (2) things, namely: (1) Bulacan is extremely prone to water-related disasters
because of the geographical locations of the communities; and (2) in relation to the
3 The researcher designed the table for the purposes of the presentation.
73
earlier discussion on the impacts and projected scenario of climate change, it will
continue to be vulnerable unless structural and non-structural mitigation measures will
be undertaken to reduce its susceptibility.
74
Table 84. Communities in Bulacan susceptible to flooding
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
Angat 16 16 No community has the potential for landslide occurrence
Ten (10) out of 16 communities are susceptible to flooding, namely: Banaban,
Baybay, Binagbag, Donacion, Laoag, San Roque, Sta. Cruz, Sta. Lucia, Sulucan, and
Taboc
Balagtas 9 9 Six (6) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Burol 1st, Burol
2nd, Panginay, Gubat, Santol, and Wawa
Four (4) communities with low susceptibility to flooding with some areas or portions
that have moderate to high susceptibility
Three (3) communities with high susceptibility to flooding, namely: Dalig, Longos,
and San Juan
Baliuag 27 27 Most of the communities have low susceptibility to flooding
Eleven (11) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Tarcan,
Makinabang, Concepcion, Sto. Cristo, Subic, Bagong Nayon, Tangos, Piel,
Pinagbarilan, Pagala, and Sto. Niño
Six (6) communities with low susceptibility to flooding areas near the Bustos-
Baliwag River with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely: San Jose,
Sta. Barbara, Tiaong, Sabang, Tibag, and Poblacion
Seven (7) communities with low susceptibility to flooding but with portions that
have moderate to high susceptibility to flooding depending on the location, namely:
4 The researcher designed the table for the purposes of the presentation.
75
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
Virgen dela Flores, Concepcion, Matangtubig, Baranka, Hinukay, Catulinan,
Tilapayong, Calantipay – flooding usually in agricultural areas
Two (2) communities with low to moderate susceptibility to flooding due to heavy
rains associated typhoons, structures such as elevated roads, irrigation canals, water
impoundments, and dams among others, namely: San Roque and Suliban
One (1) community with low, moderate, high vulnerability to flooding due to
topography and adjacent to Candaba swamp: Paitan
Bocaue 19 19 Four (4) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Turo, Batia,
Bolacan, and Bunducan
Four (4) communities with low susceptibility to flooding but some parts have
moderate to high susceptibility
Three (3) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding depending on
the location, namely: Bunlo, Ogolot, and Taal
Eight (8) communities with high susceptibility to flooding, namely: Lolomboy,
Poblacion, Antipona, Bambang, Sulucan, Bagumbayan, Wakas, and Caingin
Bulacan 14 14 Two (2) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Balubad and San
Francisco
Three (3) communities with low to moderate susceptibility to flooding
Eight (8) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding depending on
the location, namely: Bagumbayan, Bambang, San Jose, San Nicolas, Sta. Ana, Sta.
Ines, Taliptip, and Tibig
76
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
One (1) community with high susceptibility to flooding: Perez
Bustos 14 14 Eight (8) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Tanauan, Bonga
Menor, Bonga Mayor, Tibagan, Talampas, Cambaog, Malamig, and Liciada
Three (3) communities with low susceptibility to flooding with areas that have
moderate to high susceptibility, namely: Malawak, Camachilihan, and Bauisan
Two (2) communities with low, moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely:
Poblacion and San Pedro
Calumpit 29 29 To be discussed separately
Doña
Remedios
Trinidad
8 7 Three (3) communities with moderate landslide susceptibility, namely: Camachin,
Kalawakan, and Talbak
Three (3) communities with low susceptibility to landslides, namely: Bayabas,
Pulong Sampalok, and Sapang Bulak
One (1) community with no landslide susceptibility: Camachile
Three (3) communities susceptible to flood and flashflood, namely: Camachile,
Kalawakan, and Talbak.
Guiguinto 14 14 Most of the communities have low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Tuktukan,
Panginay, Tiaong, Pulong Gubat, Cut-cut, Pritil, Sta. Rita, Sta. Ctuz, Tabang, Ilang-
ilang, and Tabe
Three (3) communities with different susceptibility to flooding depending on
location and topography, namely: Poblacion, Daungan, and Malis
Hagonoy 26 26 To be discussed separately
77
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
City of
Malolos
51 51 Fifteen (15) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: San Pablo,
Sumapang, Cofradia, Santor, Look 2nd, Bangkal, Santisima Trinidad, Banihan,
Bungahan, Ligas, Sumapang Bata, Mojon, Lugam, Look 1st, and Niugan
Six (6) communities with low susceptibility to flooding in most areas but other areas
have moderate to high susceptibility, namely: Caniogan, Bagong Bayan, San Juan,
Sto. Cristo, Altag, and Balite
Twelve (12) communities with low to moderate susceptibility for flooding, namely:
Mabolo, Sto. Nino, Sto. Rosarion, Guinhawa, Matimbo, Mambog, Balayong,
Pinagbakahan, Longos, Bulihan, Taal, and Panasahan
Two (2) communities with moderate susceptibility to flooding, namely: Caliligawan
and Caingin
Eleven (11) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely:
San Vicente, Namayan, Tikay, Dakila, Masile, Babatiran, Canalate, San Gabriel,
Liang, Anilao, and Bagna
Three (3) communities with high susceptibility to flooding due to national elevation,
high tides, and overflowing of water from river channels, namely: Pamarawan,
Calero, and San Agustin
Two (2) communities with low, moderate, and high susceptibility to flooding due to
topography, namely: Santiago and Catmon
Marilao 16 16 Eight (8) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Lambakin, Lias,
Loma de Gato, Prenza 1st, Prenza 2nd, Saog, Sta. Rosa 1, and Sta. Rosa 2
Three (3) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding depending on
78
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
the location, namely: Abangan Sur, Poblacion 2, and Tabing Ilog
Four (4) communities with high susceptibility to flooding, namely: Abangan Norte,
Ibayo, Nagbalen, and Poblacion
City of
Meycauayan
26 26 Nine (9) communities with low susceptibility to flooding but with areas having a
moderate to high susceptibility to flooding located near the creek, namely:
Bagbaguin, Bahay Pare, Iba, Pantok, Tugatog, Camalig, Pajo, Perez, and Libtong
Two (2) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely:
Caingan and Pandayan
Four (4) communities with low, moderate, and high susceptibility to flooding usually
topographic controlled, namely: Calvario, Lawa, Langka, and Malhacan
Nine (9) communities with high susceptibility to flooding due to the natural
elevation, high precipitation, and high tides, namely: Bancal, Bayugo, Huo, Lawa,
Longos, Poblacion, Saluysoy, St. Francis, and Zamora
Norzagaray 13 13 One (1) community with high landslide susceptibility: San Lorenzo
One (1) community with moderate landslide susceptibility: San Mateo
Four (4) communities with low landslide susceptibility, namely: Bangkal, Bigte,
Bitunggol, and Pinagtulayan
Six (6) communities with no landslide susceptibility, namely: Baraka, Matictic,
Minuyan, Partida, Poblacion, and Tigbe
Six (6) communities susceptible to flash flood nad flooding, namely: Bigte, San
Mateo, Matictic, Minuyan, Partida, and Poblacion
79
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
Obando 11 11 Four (4) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely:
Paco, Pag-asa, Palipas, and Panghulo
Sven (7) communities with high susceptibility to flooding, namely: Binuangan,
Catanghalan, Hulo, Lawa, Salambao, San Pascual, and Tawiran
Pandi 22 22 Most of the communities have low susceptibility. However, there are areas with low
elevation that are moderate to high susceptibility, namely: Masagana, Masuso, and
Manatal
Paombong 14 14 Three (3) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Kapitangan, San
Vicente, and Poblacion
Four (4) communities with low to moderate susceptibility to flooding, namely: Sto.
Rosario, Malumot, San Isidro 1st, and San Isidro 2nd.
Six (6) communities with moderate to high susceptibility to flooding, namely:
Pinalagdan, Sto. Nino, San Jose, Sta. Cruz, Binakod, and Masukol
Plaridel 19 19 Most of the communities have low susceptibility to flooding
Pulilan 19 19 Most of the communities have low susceptibility to flooding
Four (4) communities with different flooding susceptibility due to location, namely:
Inaon, Dulong Malabon, Dampol 2nd B, and Tabon
San Idelfonso 36 36 Six (6) communities with low susceptibility to landslide, namely: Akle, Buhol na
Mangga, Casalat, Pasong Bangkal, Mataas na Parang, and Sapang Dayap
Twenty-nine (29) communities with no susceptibility to landslide
80
Municipality/
City
Number of
Communities
Communities
Assessed Results of the Assessment
City of San
Jose del Monte
59 56 Five (5) communities have moderate landslide susceptibility, namely: Fatima I,
Fatima IV, Fatima V, Minuyan I, and Minuyan IV
San Miguel 49 49 All are susceptible to flood and flashflood
San Rafael 34 34 Two (2) communities with low susceptibility to landslide, namely: Sapang Pahalang
and Tukod
Twenty-seven (27) are prone to flood and flashflood, namely: Balagtas-BMA,
Banca-Banca, Caingin, Capihan, Coral na Bato, Cruz na Daan, Dagat-Dagatan,
Diliman I, Diliman II, Libis, Lico, Maguinao, Maasim, Mabalas-Balas, Maronquillo,
Paco, Pantubig, Pansumaloc, Pasiong Bangkal, Pasong Callos, Pasong Intsik, Pinac-
Pinacan, Poblacion, Pulo, Pulong Bayabas, Salapungan, San Roque, Sampaloc San
Agustin, Sapang Pahalang, Talacsan, Tambubong, Tukod, Ulingao
Sta. Maria 24 24 Eighteen (18) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, namely: Manggahan,
Sta. Cruz, Cayombo, Caysio, Pulong Buhangin, Magasawang Sapa, Silangan,
Balasing, Parada, Tumana, Mahabang Parang, Bulac, Catmon, San Vicente,
Camangyangan, Sto. Tomas, Buenavista, and San Gabriel
Five (5) communities with low susceptibility to flooding, particularly the areas near
the Sta. Maria River, namely: Sta. Clara, Lalakhan, Poblacion, San Jose, Patag, and
Guyong
One (1) community with low, moderate to high susceptibility to flooding: Bagbuguin
569 565
The researcher designed the table for the purposes of the presentation based from the data of MGB (2012)
81
5.3 Angat Watershed and River Basin Basin: The River of Life and
Aggravating the Flooding Phenomena in Bulacan
The Philippines has thirty nine (39) watershed forest reserves. Of these,
sixteen (16) are identified as significant source of water for hydroelectric power
generation, irrigation, and domestic use as, well as supplying water to surrounding
areas (Briones and Castro, 1986: 157). The Republic Act 7586 or the National
Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS) Act stipulate that there are eight (8)
categories of protected areas, namely: strict nature reserve, natural park, natural
monument, wildlife sanctuary, protected landscapes and seascapes, resource reserve,
natural biotic areas, and other categories (JICA, 2011: 8). The Angat Watershed
Forest Reserve District (55,709.10 hectares) and the Angat Watershed and Forest
Range (6,600 hectares) are part of the National Protected Areas (JICA, 2011: 8).
The Angat Watershed Reservation is said to be one of the last remaining watersheds
in the Philippines (NAPOCOR, 2010 as cited in Fresco, 2012: 20).
The Angat River Basin, the largest river in the Philippines, located in
Bulacan, is situated 40 kilometers north of Manila (Fresco, 2012). Its total
mainstream length is 153 kilometers, while the catchment area is approximately
1,085 square kilometers (JICA, 2011: 3). It is moderately steep and its highest
elevation is 1,219 meters; dry from November to April, while wet from May to
October (Briones and Castro 1986). It passes through eleven (11) municipalities and
covers four (4) major provinces in Central Luzon, namely: Bulacan, Nueva Ecija,
Pampanga, and Tarlac (NCSB, 2008). The Angat River system that passes and flows
through the Angat dam originates in the Sierra Madre Mountains (JICA, 2011: 3).
The economic potential of Angat River has been recognized in 1904. Subsequently,
82
the national government earmarked its full development and the Angat River
Multipurpose Water Project was completed in 1967 (Briones and Castro, 1986).
There are more than 30 agencies involved in water management in the
country. However, the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA)
serves as the highest policy making body. The Local Government Code of 1991,
though, stipulates that the local government unit will be the managing and enforcing
agency of the water management policies.
Angat River has many economical, industrial, and recreational uses. The
upstream section of the river is categorized as Recreation Water Class I and is used
for bathing, swimming, and diving. On the other hand, the downstream section of
the river is called the Fishery Water and Recreational Class II. It can be utilized for
propagating and growing fish and other marine and aquatic resources. In the same
way, this section is also used for bathing and manufacturing right after treatment
(DENR, 2005: as cites in Fresco, 2012: 21). Likewise, is it supporting the province’s
growing industrial and extraction business (fishing, quarrying, mining, and logging)
(Bulacan PPDO, 2010: as cited in Fresco, 2012: 21).
Angat River is also very important to Metro Manila residents in terms of
hydroelectric power and domestic and industrial supply (Briones and Castro, 1986).
In fact, the river is supplying the Manila Water and Sewerage System (MWSS) 500
million gallons of water per day. Furthermore, it helps irrigating 31,500 hectares of
rice fields under the National Irrigation Authority (NIA) in Bulacan.
The Angat Dam provides danger, too, as it has the possibility of breaking
once a 7.2 magnitude earthquake strikes. According to a study by Tonkin and
83
Taylor, if the Angat Dam breaks, it could lead to massive flooding in the entire
province of Bulacan. It is estimated that the water level will rise to 88 feet in
Matictic, Bulacan. This means affecting almost 300 residents in the area. To prevent
such disaster from happening, in 2012, the Philippine Government approved a
budget of 5.7 billion pesos to repair the dam. However, until now, no repair has been
undertaken.
84
Chapter 6
“SANAY NA SA BAHA ANG MGA TAO”5:
NARRATIVES ON THE SOCIAL MEMORY ON DISASTERS AND THE
DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE IN DRRM
6.1 Introduction
This chapter provides the narratives on significant disaster events as
remembered by the riverfront dwellers from six high-risk communities in the Angat
watershed and river basin region. The chapter is organized into two main sections.
First, the accounts on the social memory on previous events will be underscored.
The narratives are further categorized into the chronicles from the riverfront
dwellers and community officials of Calumpit and Hagonoy. The narratives from the
stakeholders highlight the following themes:
social memory on the impacts of the disaster events to people, household
and community structures, community facilities and services, livelihood
and economic activities, and environment;
social memory on the responses of the community, non-government
organizations, the local government and private institutions to the
disasters; and,
social memory of the programs and initiatives undertaken by different
stakeholders in the aftermath of the disasters.
5 Adapted from the interview with Vivian Galang, 40 years old, a resident of Sapang Bayan
in Calumpit, Bulacan. This narrative was adapted as the title of the chapter because the
researcher deems that the phrase is powerful in two ways: (1) it employs that people have a
wealth of memory on flooding; and, (2) it entails that as a result of being perennially
flooded, people have developed coping strategies and mechanisms for adaptation.
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On the other hand, the second part of the chapter talks about the local
knowledge the riverfront dwellers have developed in relation to disaster risk
reduction and management. The local knowledge highlights how the riverfront
dwellers learned from the disaster events as embodied in the development of
concrete individual, family level, and community level ways of coping and adapting
to the flood hazard. More specifically, the following typology on local knowledge
and disaster risk reduction and management will be presented in the chapter:
anticipate or local knowledge related to people’s identification and
monitoring of environmental indicators;
adjust or local knowledge related to people’s access to assets; and,
communication or local knowledge to people’s ability to transfer
knowledge among themselves and between generation.
The following comprise local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and
management related to anticipate: signals (i.e. interpretational knowledge of
changes in animal behavior, knowledge of local weather forecasts using celestial
bodies observation). The local knowledge associated in adjust include physical
assets (i.e. infrastructural safety arrangements such as boats, housing, embankments)
developed to cope and adapt to the risk that people face. Finally, the local
knowledge associated with communication are early warning systems (i.e. use of
visual signals such as markers, fire or audio signals like drums; having dreams of
natural hazards in advance) to share information on disaster.
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6.2 Social Memory on Disasters: Narratives on Significant Disaster Events
The narratives of Rodolfo Manubas, the Municipal Administrator of
Calumpit, during the conduct of the research, reveals that historically, Calumpit is a
flood-prone area and has a long history of flooding. According to Manubas, the
Spaniards founded the Municipality in 1572 and is considered as the oldest town in
Bulacan. In fact, the official records of the Municipality being kept by its Municipal
Planning and Development Office show that even the history of the naming of the
Municipality is linked to its vulnerability to disasters. Based on the Municipality’s
official documents, the name Calumpit was derived from Kalumpit trees, which
were uprooted and found scattered after a devastating super typhoon that hit the
Municipality in 1882 (Calumpit MPDO, 2010).
The Municipality of Calumpit is surrounded by different river systems. As a
result of this, much of the life histories of its residents are strongly tied and
identified with the rivers. A great number of residents of Calumpit heavily depend
on the river systems for livelihood. Also, bodies of water separate a lot of barangays
in Calumpit. With this, there are communities that are connected only by man-made
bridges. Plate 6 shows the Calumpit bridges connecting Barangays Poblacion,
Balungan to Barangays Frances and Gatbuca. The said bridge also connects Bulacan
and Apalit, Pampanga.
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Plate 6: Calumpit Bridge. Source: Author
Plate 7 shows the view of the Calumpit Bridge taken from the Sapang Bayan
Bridge. The Sapang Bayan Bridge connects Barangays Sapang Bayan and
Poblacion.
Plate 7: Shot of Calumpit Bridge taken from Sapang Bayan Bridge. Source: Author
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Being surrounded by creeks and river systems such the Pampanga River,
Angat River, Labangan River, Iba-Hagonoy River, Calumpit-Hagonoy River,
Sapang Mandasig, Kutyo Creek, Sapang Malaki, and Abalos Creek, Calumpit is
prone to flooding and other hazards such as riverbank erosion and siltation (MGB,
2012). Calumpit has a total land area of 5,623 hectares comprising of 29 barangays.
The study conducted by the Mines and Geosciences Bureau in 2012 reveals that all
barangays of Calumpit are susceptible to flooding, but at varying level. The
barangays considered as highly susceptible to flooding are Sapang Bayan, Gatbuca,
Frances, San Jose, Panducon, Bulusan, Calizon, Gugo, and Meysulao. Concurrently,
the barangays considered with moderate to high susceptibility are Longos, Sto.
Nino, Caniogan, San Miguel, Meyto, and Sta. Lucia. Two of the 29 barangays have
low to moderate susceptibility, which include Buguion and Corazon. On the other
hand, the barangays with low susceptibility to flooding are Calumpang, San Marcos,
Pio Cruzcosa, Sergio Bayan, Balite, Iba o Este, Iba Este, Palimbang, Balungao,
Pungo, Sucol, and Poblacion.
The accounts of Jojo Tomas, the Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate
Change Adaptation Consultant of the Municipality of Calumpit, revealed that
flooding in Municipality is trigged primarily by Pampanga River, not the Angat
River. After studying the characteristics of flooding, particularly when Typhoon
Pedring hit the area in 2013, he observed that Angat River was only an aggravating
factor. Also, based on this accounts, the overflow of Angat River can prolong the
flooding in Calumpit. He also narrated that the overflow of Pampanga and Angat
Rivers causes flooding mainly in Barangay Caniogan. In 2013, the 29 barangays of
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Calumpit were submerged to floodwaters due to Typhoon Pedring. In fact, five (5)
of the 28 communities were placed under the state of calamity, namely: Meysaulo,
Sapang Bayan, Gatbuca, Frances, and San Miguel (Gamas, 2013). During the
typhoon, 4,732 families or 8,528 individuals were evacuated (Gamas, 2013). The
flooding as a result of Typhoons Pedring and Quiel were said to be the deepest that
the province experienced in thirty (30) years because of the construction on the
Labangan Channel in 1979 and the Phase 1 of the Pampanga Delta Development
Project in 1989 (Balado, 2013).
One the other hand, Hagonoy is used to be part of the Municipality of
Calumpit, according to Manubas. The 10,310 hectares Municipality of Hagonoy is
subdivided into 26 barangays. Based on the 2013 official records of Hagonoy, the
Municipality has 126, 329 residents divided into 34,408 families (Hagonoy
Contingency Plan, 2013).
Plate 8: Road Water. This is a view at 12NN in Barangay Tampok. High tide
measuring around 3.5m causes this kind of water level on the road. This is still
considered by residents as lower level of tidewater. (Source: Author)
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Similar to Calumpit, the Municipality of Hagonoy is prone to flooding as a
result of the overflow of water from Pampanga and Angat Rivers. Also, many low-
lying areas in the Municipality experience flooding all year round due to high tide.
Plate 8 and 9 show the usual 12NN scenario in Hagonoy during high tide seasons.
The classification of flooding susceptibility of the communities in Hagonoy varies
depending on its geographic location. However, based on the 2012 DENR-MGB
study, the high-risk areas in Hagonoy include barangays San Miguel, Tampok, San
Pablo, Sagrada, San Nicolas, Mercado, Pugad, San Jose, San Pascual, San Roque,
Sta. Cruz, Sta. Monica, Sto. Rosario, and Tibaguin.
In hindsight, given the susceptibility of the municipalities of Calumpit and
Hagonoy, its residents have a wealth of memory on flooding. Also, it enabled the
people to develop coping strategies and mechanisms for adaptation known as “local
knowledge”. The following section provides the narratives of riverfront dwellers and
community leaders on disasters in relation to the significant disaster events that they
could still remember.
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Plate 9: Tampok Water. This is a view of a house in Barangay Tampok, Hagonoy
about an hour after 3.0+ high tide water subsided. Some roads were not accessible
when the water rose. The family seen vending here along the road was forced to use
boots to continue with their livelihood despite the water. (Source: Author)
6.2.1 The Great Flood of 1972: Typhoon Edeng
6.2.1.1 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives from the
Riverfront Dwellers
In the 1970s, the Bulakenyos had experienced a series of month-long
flooding events that are still etched in their memory. More pointedly, the Province of
Bulacan was inundated to floodwaters in 1970, 1972, 1974, 1976, and 1978.
According to Tomas Martin, the former Governor of the province, of the five flood
events, the deepest was in 1972, but the worst was in 1978 (Balado, 2013).
Among the flooding events in the 1970s, what was considered as the “Great
Flood of 1972” or Typhoon Edeng is what the residents of both Calumpit and
Hagonoy remember the most. The said flood submerged Central Luzon and
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happened before President Marcos declared Martial Law (Philippine Daily Inquirer,
2009).
Riverfront dwellers of Hagonoy vividly remembered the memory of the
flooding event in 1972. Among the residents who still recall the flooding is Rosario
Alejo, 50 years old and resident of Barangay San Miguel, Hagonoy. Although
Rosario shared that she was very young then when the 1972 flooding happened, but
by far she considers it as the most significant disaster event that happened in their
municipality.
Rosario recounted that when the 1972 flooding happened, they had to leave
their house due to rising water level. She accounted how hard there life was when it
came about. She said that, “there was no electricity and potable water. We get our
drinking water from Balabat. When it rained, we collected rainwater. We boiled it
and made it our drinking water as well as source of water for washing our clothes.”
In the same way she shared that during the flooding of the 1972, they mainly relied
in relief goods provided by the government that were usually given twice a day.
Rosario, however, observed that flooding in Hagonoy now are becoming more
frequent as compared before. She held that, “back in the early days, flooding would
occur every two years or so. Unlike now which happens yearly and even twice a
year at times.”
Another riverfront dweller recalled the Great Flood of 1972 is Arnel
Crisostomo, 51 years old and resident of Tampok, Hagonoy, remembered that the
1972 flood lasted for about a month. He also reminisced that there was no work for
duration of the calamity. That said, like Rosario, they only had to depend for relief
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goods to be given by the national government. Arnel narrated that there was plenty
of relief goods before because goods them were sold much cheaper as compared
than today. He vividly recalled that in 1972, the government just dropped bundles of
the relief goods to them from helicopters. Contrariwise, he observed that right now
they are only packaged in a simple package, roughly around 5 kilos. This is because
the market now sells much expensive than before.
Another narrative on the 1972 flooding were shared by siblings, Ildefonso,
56 years old, and Bienvenido Villanueva, 58 years old, both residents of Sta.
Monica, Hagonoy. Both were still very young when the flooding took place. For the
two, it was also the deepest flooding event in their community. Like Rosario and
Arnel who provided lucid description of the flooding event, both Ildefonso and
Bienvenido vividly remembered that they relied mainly on rasyon (relief goods).
Also, Ildefonso shared that as a result of the flooding, a lot people contracted
respiratory problems such as cough and flu. Additionally, he narrated that during
those times he was not afraid of the flood because he was still young then. Also, his
parents were still alive then to take care of him and his siblings. The 56 year-old
Ildefonso recounted that those families whose houses had second floors were very
lucky because they were able stay in their respective houses. However, those who
lived in bungalow-styled houses had to stayed in their rooftops.
Ildefonso also clearly remembered that trees were abundant in their
community in the early days, but over the years it decreased as a result of saltwater
intrusion due to floodwaters. Given this, as narrated by Ildefonso, the rice fields
were turned into fish ponds. Ildefonso particularly noticed the similarity of flooding
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events in his community after the 1972 flooding, he noted that the floods in their
community are just repeating the cycles – the impacts include damaged houses,
destroyed roofs, and the houses made from light materials were blown away.
Nilo Clemente, 45 years old and resident of Sta. Monica, Hagonoy, also
looked back at the 1972 flooding. Nilo called to mind that he was still a grade school
student when it occured. Moreover, he particularly shared that he did not know
much about disaster then due to his very young age. But he described the flooding
was very deep. Now, he knows very well that his barangay is a catchment basin
whenever there is an overflow of water is Nueva Ecija and Pampanga Rivers.
Josephine Atenta, 40 years old and also a resident of San Miguel, also
narrated that: “some of the houses were washed out. Roads were inaccessible. We
can only be reached by boat. It is also our only way to be able to get relief goods.”
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Plate 10: News clipping on the 1972 Great Flood of Luzon published in the
Philippine Free Press. Source YouScoop (2012)
6.2.1.2 Social Memory on Typhoon Edeng: Narratives from the
Community Leaders
Plate 10 provides the news clipping on the 1972 Great Flood of Luzon
published in the Philippine Free Press in 1972. The current community leaders of the
Municipality of Hagonoy also have not forgotten the impacts of Typhoon Edeng.
One of the community leaders who shared narratives that he acquired from his
parents concerning the Great Flood of 1972 is 44 years old Rolando Tolentino. The
current Barangay Captain of San Miguel, who was 2 years old when the flooding
happened, shared that during flooding houses were damaged and the their roofs were
blown away. He also shared that there was scarcity of drinking water and supply of
electricity then. Furthermore, he narrated that normal flooding events continued in
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the 1980s and 1990s. He also vividly remembered that before there was an
abundance of trees, in his community, but it slowly decreased and most of them died
because of the salt-water intrusion as a result of the regular high tide in the
community. Similar to Ildefonso, Kapitan Rolando observed that in the 1980s there
was a massive conversion of rice fields into fishponds because of the flooding
experience and susceptibility of their municipality. On the other hand, Kapitan
Rolando mentioned that flood-warning communication is far better now as
compared before. He narrated that: “now we can get information through cellular
phone. Also, the administrators of Angat Dam have identified measurements on the
water level.” He also narrated that now the Angat Dam administration will provide
early warning and information if they are going to release water from the dam. One
of the concerns of his constituents now is the Angat Dam break. He said that once it
happened, it is expected that it will create an enormous impact to the entire province.
However, Kapitan Rolando holds that people will be advised accordingly should it
came about.
As a community leader, Kapitan Rolando had observed how the Municipal
Government and the community responded to disasters over the years. He narrated
that currently, the Municipal Government invites the kapitans from different
barangays to ask what do the community leaders think should be done to effectively
address the flooding in their respective communities. Also, he shared that in times of
emergency, the Municipal Mayor sends boats to be used for search and rescue. On
the other hand, he observed that for his constituents, flooding is just a usual event.
Nevertheless, even flooding is a usual occurrence, he narrated that there were
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residents in his barangay who already migrated to Manila, while other residents
opted to merely repair their houses and still stayed in the same community. Kapitan
Rolando also shared that aside from the Municipal Government, non-government
organizations are actively helping his barangay. This includes World Vision and the
Philippine Red Cross.
Elisa Quinton, 46 years old and Barangay Kagawad of San Miguel, also
called to mind the deep flood of 1972. She said that it lasted about more than two
weeks. Elisa vividly recalled that there was no electricity, water or accessible roads.
Like other residents she remembered the terrible condition in 1972 even though she
was so young then. She narrated, “… we had to travel by boat. People had no
livelihood and were stranded in their roofs so we just had to wait for relief goods.
The rice fields were submerged in floodwater.” Similarly, Lamberto Lopez, 54 years
old and Barangay Kagawad of San Miguel, narrated that the 1972 flooding was
really devastating. He narrated that the flood destroyed bamboo bridges in the
barangay as well as damaging the rice fields. He particularly recalled how the crops
like sugarcane, corn and turnip were destroyed after being submerged into
floodwaters. On the other hand, he remembered that the water level in 1972 did not
rise that quickly. Also, he shared that the flooding lasted for weeks. See Plate 11.
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Plate 11. Comparative picture of 1970s and 2011 flooding in Hagonoy, Bulacan
(Source: Mabuhay Bulacan, 2011)
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Another community leader, Rogelio del Rosario, 50 years old and Barangay
Kagawad of Tampok, Hagonoy, reminisced the flood in 1972. He said that,
“everything was washed out because the barangay was submerged in deep water.
The flood here happens yearly then on but not as deep as in 1972. We also saw
about five people who were drowned by the flood. Communication was really hard
and the helicopter delivered relief goods.” He also recalled that during the 1970s, a
lot of residents in his community were working in the rice field, however, like other
residents, he vividly remembered how rice fields were converted to fishpond in the
1980s. That said, the flooding affected the livelihood of the residents. He also
brought to mind that before the high tide became a regular occurrence in his
community, people would plant crops from during sunny season then would go to
fisheries during the rainy season. Kagawad Rogelio also narrated that there were
flooding in the 1980s, but were not that serious as compared to the previous decade.
Although for him, Ondoy, Pedring and Habagat were the recent devastating ones.
According to Florentina Reyes Espiritu, 69 years old and the then Kapitana
del Barrio of Caniogan, Calumpit, Typhoon Edeng as the worst disaster that
happened in their community in the 1970s. He recalled that in terms of impact of
Typhoon Edeng to his constituents, a lot of people suffered from skin diseases and
high fever. Not only that, Typhoon Edeng destroyed community facilities and
infrastructures as well as interrupted a lot of basic services for the residents.
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6.2.2 Flooding Events from 2009 Onwards:
Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat
6.2.2.1 Social Memory on the Flooding Events:
Narratives from the Riverfront Dwellers
The Province of Bulacan was one of the worst hit provinces in 2009 when
Typhoon Ondoy dumped a month’s worth of rain in just 24 hours. More pointedly,
massive floods were experienced by the resident in the municipalities of Hagonoy
and Calumpit as well as in other towns in the province. Concurrently, thousands of
Bulakenyos were also affected by flooding due to Typhoon Pedring in 2011
(Sunnex, 2011). As a matter of fact, almost all the 29 barangays in Calumpit were
immersed in floodwaters. Gamos (2012) noted that thousands of the affected
residents opted to stay atop their roofs while others undertook preemptive measures
by evacuating to safer grounds. Based on the data of the Bulacan Provincial Disaster
Risk Reduction and Management Office (PDRRMO) (as cited in Gamos, 2012), 754
families or approximately 3,255 persons coming from various barangays in
Calumpit were rescued and evacuated. On the other hand, approximately 437
families in Hagonoy were also evacuated because of the flooding (PDRRM as cited
in Gamos, 2012). Sta. Ana (2012) discussed that when Typhoon Pedring struck, the
Provincial Government of Bulacan was not able to regulate the water released from
the nearby dams. As a result, both Hagonoy and Calumpit were submerged in 5-6
feet of floodwaters. Aside from Hagonoy and Calumpit, many other towns in
Bulacan were affected by the flooding: Bustos, San Miguel, Obando, Meycauayan,
Marilao, Bocaue, Malolos; however, Calumpit was the hardest hit (Gamos, 2012).
Subsequently, Calumpit was placed under state of calamity (Sunnex, 2011).
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Concurrently, in 2012, the enhanced southwest monsoon of habagat rains
caused the flooding in 116 barangays in 12 towns and 3 cities in the Province of
Bulacan (Gamos, 2012). This time, it was Malolos, which was the worst hit. Gamos
(2012) noted that 29 barangays were ravaged by floods up to 4 feet deep. The other
areas in Bulacan which were submerged in floodwaters brought by the southwest
monsoon were: 16 barangays in Calumpit (1-2 feet), 11 barangays in Obando (1-6
feet), 8 barangays in Marilao (1-6 feet), 7 barangays in Guiginto (1-2 feet), 6
barangays in Balagtas, Baliwag, Bocaue (1-2 feet), 5 barangays in Bulakan and
Pulilan (1-2 feet), 4 barangays in Plaridel (1-2 feet), 3 barangays in Meycauayan (1-
4 feet), 2 barangays in San Jose Del Monte (2 feet), and a barangay in Sta Maria (1
foot).
The following year, half of the Province of Bulacan was affected by flooding
during that year’s southwest monsoon (Diola, 2013). Two typhoons enhanced the
rains brought by southwest monsoon: Labuyo and Santi. When Labuyo struck in
August, approximately 61 barangays were submerged in floodwaters: 14 in
Meycauyan, 26 in Hagonoy (2 – 4 feet water level); 6 in Marilao, 8 in Obando, and 7
in Bulacan (4 feet water level) (Diola, 2013). In October, Santi brought flash floods
that affected 28 barangays in Calumpit; five of which were declared under state of
calamity: Meysulao, Sapang Bayan, Gatbuca, Frances, San Miguel (Gamos, 2013).
Hagonoy was likewise affected by the flashfloods. Lazaro and Pavia (2013) stated
that all the barangays in Hagonoy were under 3-4 feet of water.
The residents of both Barangay Calumpit and Hagonoy considered the
flooding brought by Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat as
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devastating. However, based on the narratives of majority of the residents asked to
share their memory on those disasters, Typhoon Pedring is the worst to have
happened in their respective communities in recent years. The following provides
the social memory of the residents of Hagonoy and Calumpit due to the flooding
brought by Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat.
According to the narratives of Len Marie Manansala, 36 years old and
resident of Tampok, Hagonoy, Typhoon Ondoy is one of the significant disaster
events that she can remember in the recent years. She shared that,“ I think that
(Typhoon Ondoy) was the biggest flood ever in my life here in Barangay Tampok,
plus we ran out of drinking water. Since our house has a higher floor, we stayed
there for a few weeks during the flood. We did not have drinking water. We were
only able to drink if it rains. There was also no electricity. We were not eating. We
can only feed ourselves if the relief goods arrive or if somebody sends us food. We
only eat once a day by then”. Len Marie also recalled that during Typhoon Ondoy,
her children kept on crying because they were afraid and were really hungry. She
likewise observed that in times of calamities, even if you are a millionaire, if nobody
is selling anything then your money is nothing. Len Marie also narrated that her
family was not able to receive relief goods from the Municipal Government. She
reasoned that perhaps because she lives in a house with concrete walls. She likewise
said that maybe those who were badly affected by Typhoon Ondoy managed to
receive assistance from the Municipal Government. In the aftermath of Typhoon
Ondoy, Len Marie observed that the Barangay Officials initiated clean up drive.
Also, a month after Typhoon Ondoy struck, residents as well as Barangay Officials
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cleared the blockage in the drainages. On the other hand, she shared that the
Barangay Council still lacks the needed equipment such as those that can be used for
search and rescue. In cases where people stayed atop of their roofs, the Barangay
Council did not have rubber boats to rescue the residents. She also noticed that still
they do not have an evacuation center in the community.
Herminia Anicente, 52 years old and a resident of San Miguel, Hagonoy,
uncovered the memory in which how her family had to evacuate due to Habagat and
Typhoon Pedring. She noted that, “we just evacuated at that time. We stayed in the
Barangay Hall (during Habagat). We stayed inside the elementary school in the
other one (during Pedring). Our house was damaged especially the bedroom side.
There was no electricity or livelihood. We could not sell our pandesal. We are just
hoping for the relief goods.” She also remembered that they received assistance
from different organization. She narrated that: “We received rice and canned goods.
We also had biscuits during Typhoon Pedring. Last flooding, we also received mat
and blanket. It was World Vision I think.”
Concurrently, Fabiano Anicente, 53 years old and resident of San Miguel,
Hagonoy, remarked, “I really cannot remember all the floods. But recently, there is
this Pedring and Habagat… If it rains here, surely our house will be submerged in
floodwater because we are beside the river. During the latest deep flood, it was fast
so we were not able to evacuate. We only stayed on our roof. All our appliances
inside the house were damaged… During the Pedring in 2011, it happened at night
and electricity was cut. I was left here and I stayed in our roof. I heard some
slamming inside of our house. I was afraid of what it was but it was our stuff all
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along. I thought an animal entered our house that why there were those sounds.
Fabiano also shared that during calamities, it is the Barangay Council who really
helps the resident. Aside from the local council, non-government organizations such
as the Philippine Red Cross also provided them mats, blankets, medicines, and
mosquito nets (See Plate 12).
Plate 12: Rooftop. The Pedring floodwater was said to be so high that the roof of
these houses from Barangay Tampok are the only ones visible. All residents without
second floors were forced to stay on their roofs for more than a week because of the
floodwater. (Source: Author)
Levi Felipe, 56 years old and a storeowner from San Miguel, likewise called
to mind her memory of Habagat and Typhoon Pedring. She said that, the two are
the memorable floods, which happened in her community. Although, for her
Typhoon Pedring can be considered as the biggest one. She held, “it was really
hard. You may have your money but still you cannot buy anything from the
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municipal market. There were still residents who buy from our store when the
floodwater starts to rise but it was hard to go to the market because the fare was so
expensive… We were not affected much by the big flood because we had a second
floor. But my furniture and appliances were all submerged in floodwater, even my
refrigerator. I put it on top of what we usually raise it during former floods but it
was still reached by the floodwater. Also, it was really hard when it comes to
drinking water. And also during the big flood, it happened at night so you won’t
really see where to go.” Levi recalled that the Barangay Council provided food,
water, clothes, and medicine. According to her, the Barangay Council had livelihood
programs to cater to the people affected by the calamities.
Another resident who shared that Typhoon Pedring was the highest flood
occurrence in his community was Rogelio Carpio, 58 years old and resident of
Tampok, Hagonoy. He particularly remembered how the water rose fast and it
happened at night. Rogelio said that because of the event, some people had heart
attacks but luckily nobody died. Likewise, he recalled that it was hard for children
since there was a lack of drinking water. They also had to wait for the rain to be able
drink. But he said that as time went by, the Barangay Council and non-government
organizations were able to give more relief goods to the survivors. In the same way,
in the aftermath of Typhoon Pedring, the roads were improved to facilitate continues
flow of the relief goods.
Fifty-three (53) years old resident of Tampok, Engracia Crisostomo, also
considered Typhoon Pedring as the most significant disaster event that happened in
her community. She maintained that, “we were really nervous and afraid because we
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do not have something to eat since we cannot buy anywhere. We just stay on our
house because we have a second floor. There was also no electricity and no drinking
water. She also observed that the relief goods were only given to the selected
residents. Those who were closer to the leaders were those who get the relief goods.
Concurrently, Arnel Crisostomo, 51 years old and resident of Tampok, Hagonoy,
remembered that as a result of the disasters, incentive were given by the Municipal
Government two years after the disaster. He shared that if the house was semi-
damaged, the owner got 5000 pesos. However, if the house was totally destroyed,
the owner received 10,000 pesos. Plate 13 underscores a news article about the
flooding brought about by Typhoon Pedring in 2011.
“Deeper than a man’s height.” This was how Nilo Clemente, 45 years old
and resident of Sta. Monica, Hagonoy, described the water level during Typhoon
Pedring. He said that: “…we had no business operation for two weeks. There were
plenty of relief goods, so we just leaned upon them. The roof of our garage was
blown away because of the typhoon. We did not evacuate because our house is tall
enough.” He also shared that relief goods were distributed in their community even
after the floodwater subsided.
Aside from the impacts of the flooding events in Hagonoy, riverfront
dwellers of Calumpit were also affected by the inundation brought about by
Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat. The following highlights the
narratives on the social memory of Calumpit’s riverfront dwellers on the said
flooding events.
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Plate 13: News clipping and picture of 2011 flooding in Bulacan (Source: Mabuhay
Bulacan, 2011)
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According to Cherryl Manio, 36 years old and resident of Barangay
Caniogan, Calumpit, when Typhoon Pedring inundated her barangay in 2011,
residents were more prepared given their long experience in flooding. Even that is
the case, there were residents of Barangay Caniogan who suffered from athlete’s
foot due to prolonged exposure to floodwaters. She also clearly recalled that
community services such as water supply and electricity were interrupted. Aside
from this, she vividly recalled that a lot of residents had to leave their houses
because of the rising water level. As a result, many residents chose to stay in higher
portions of the Municipality.
Cherryl also uncovered how Typhoon Pedring affected the economic
activities of the people. For instance, there were residents who could not go to their
respective workplaces because they could not pass by the roads. Additionally, a lot
of crops were heavily damaged that led to heavy losses for the residents of Barangay
Caniogan. She also called to mind how the physical environment of her community
was affected as a result of the recent flooding events of the last five years. She
shared that as a result of the strong water current, a lot trees and plants were
uprooted. At the same time, garbage was all over the place in the aftermath of the
flooding because of the poor household waste management of a lot of residents.
Aside from Cheryl, Mercedita Manio, 49 years old and resident of Barangay
Caniogan, Calumpit, also narrated that there were a number of houses that were
damaged by Typhoon Pedring, particularly the small ones made from light
materials. Similar to other residents of Calumpit and Hagonoy, Mercedita
reminisced that there were no supply of potable water and electricity specifically
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during Typhoon Pedring. She also remembered that the crops were also ravaged as a
result of the flooding. Mercedita also reminisced about how the trees in the
community fell on several houses in the community that led to the damaged of her
neighbor’s houses.
As uncovered by Mercedita, the flooding brought about by Typhoon Pedring
was for many residents depressing and frightening the disaster, particularly to the
children. She recounted that people had to evacuate to the designated temporary
shelters. To ease the burden of the people, she called to mind that the Municipal
Government provided relief goods and other basic necessities, particularly to those
who evacuated in the temporary shelters. She clearly remembered how the local
government enforced a pre-emptive evacuation to the residents near the rivers to
reduce the risks, further losses and damages. Mercedita also shared that not only the
local government that helped the affected residents, but also several non-government
organizations that provided clothes, water, and food among others.
Typhoons Ondoy, Pedring and Habagat were also the most significant
disaster events that Teresita Tranquillo, 59 years old and resident of Barangay
Corazon, remembered. Like Cherryl and Mercedita, she recalled that the flooding
brought about health problems to the residents of her community such as cough, flu,
fever, and athlete’s foot. She also recalled that her house was inundated to
floodwater, particularly during Typhoon Pedring. Not only that, she called to mind
that their appliances were washed out. Teresita shared that she was worried when
Typhoon Pedring submerged their house to floodwater. This is because her husband
was almost drowned due to high water level. She shared that she could not contain
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her emotions then because she did not want to lose her partner. But when she learned
that her husband survived, she was very joyful. Aside from their house, their sari-
sari store they used to own was inundated. This tremendously affected their
livelihood too. Based on the narratives of Teresita, the Municipal Government and
the Barangay Officials responded to them and to other residents immediately. In
fact, she shared that the local authorities promptly provided early warning in relation
to the potential release of water from the surrounding dams. In the same way, she
reminisced that the government carried our search and rescue operations. Not only
that, they provided relief goods to affected families. In the same way, as narrated by
Teresita, the local government officials immediately sprayed anti-dengue chemical,
so that the residents will not contract mosquito-borne diseases. She also recollected
how non-government organizations extended assistance by providing reliefs goods
to affected families.
Other residents of Barangay Corazon shared the same memory with Teresita
on Typhoon Pedring. These include Levita Deogracias, 68 years old; Violeta
Sungha, 49 yeards old; Jojo Roque, 34 years old; Amanda Deogracias, 48 years old;
and, Evangeline Peralta, 52 years old. Based on the narratives of the said residents, it
was the first time in 40 years that they experienced flooding in the area. Barangay
Corazon, the community where they live, is one of low-risk areas in the
Municipality of Calumpit. That said, the residents do not usually get flooded as
compared to those from other barangays.
Based on the narratives of Levita, it was difficult, both for people and
vehicles to pass by in their community because the roads were submerged to
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floodwaters for a long period of time. This situation made it difficult also for
students to go their schools. She also recalled that she had neighbors who were not
able to go to their respective workplaces because floodwaters were everywhere.
Also, Levita narrated that in the aftermath of Typhoon Perdring there were garbage
all around the community because people did not practice proper waste disposal.
“The water is slowly rising up.” This was how Violeta described the force of
the water when Typoon Pedring inundated their community. Given that the water
level was moving slowly, there were residents were able to evacuate to designated
temporary shelters. Violeta also recounted that the water level almost reached the
second floor of their house. As a result of this, she and her family members were
very worried. As narrated by Violeta, the overflow of water and damaged in the dike
in Barangay Balungaw caused flooding in their community.
Given that one of the communities near Municipality’s center was inundated
to floodwater, Violeta shared that the local government officials immediately
operated the pump that sucked the floodwaters. In the same way, the local
government carried out rapid rescue of residents who were still in their houses. The
rescued residents were then transported to the evacuation centers were their urgent
needs were provided to them. Based on the narratives of Violeta, aside from the
local government, non-government organizations also provided cooked foods and
relief goods to affected population.
“There were a lot of household appliance that were damaged.” This was
how Amanda narrated what happened to their appliances when Typhoon Pedring hit
their community even though they tried putting them at a higher level. Amanda also
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exclaimed that, “the cabinets, double deck bed, and kitchen appliances were badly
damaged.”
Another resident, who could not contain her sadness because of what
happened to their properties as a result of years of hard work and investment, is
Evangeline. She exclaimed: “I cried. We thought that the water level would not
reach that high. All our household appliances and equipment were washed out. Our
house pet died. I have neighbors who got electrocuted.” Evangeline narrated that the
local government responded immediately. She shared that the government quickly
evacuated the residents near the river. Also, they sucked up the water rapidly.
Interestingly, Vivian Galang, 40 years old and resident of Barangay Sapang
Bayan narrated, “I like it better when it is flooding because garbage that I can sell in
the junkshop go near my house. Also, people in our community (Barangay Sapang
Bayan) are used to flooding.” The researcher deems that the phrase is powerful in
two ways: (1) it employs that people have a wealth of memory on flooding; and, (2)
it entails that as a result of being perennially flooded, people have developed coping
strategies and mechanisms for adaptation.
6.2.2.2 Social Memory on the Flooding Events:
Narratives from the Community Leaders
Community leaders have also a rich social memory on the recent flooding
events that transpired in their respective communities. Barangay Captain Tolentino
narrated that during the recent flooding caused by Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon
Pedring and Habagat, the Barangay Council really had a problem regarding
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drinking water. One time, he recalled riding a boat from his community going to Iba,
Zambales just to buy drinking water for his constituents. He also shared that the
Municipal Government and the Barangay Council worked hand in hand in supplying
relief goods to the residents. Relief goods continue even after the flood. Kapitan
Tolentino likewise called to mind that there were provincial medical missions after
the floods occurred. Aside from the local government, Kapitan Tolentino said that
non-government organizations such as the World vision gave relief goods and
provided drinking water to the affected families.
People’s livelihood were badly damaged by the recent flooding, this was
what Elisa Quinton, 46 years old and Barangay Kagawad of San Miguel narrated.
She said that residents could not go to work or open their stalls due to the flooding.
She also remembered that the community inundated by Typhoon Ondoy for around
two weeks. On the other hand, Habagat was the worst recent flood event because it
greatly affected their livelihood. Kagawad Elisa also narrated that some roofs were
destroyed because of the strong winds. A lot of residents also had a hard time with
drinking water. Even that is the case, she maintained that the relief goods did not
become a problem since they had so much relief goods. She recounted that the
flooding of the recent years affected the children because classes were suspended
due to flooding.
Barangay Captain Leopoldo Medina of Sta. Monica, Hagonoy, also vividly
remembered the flooding brought about by Typhoon Pedring. He said that the water
was deep and which lasted for about a month. He also narrated that the community
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and national roads were not accessible and passable. As a result, they had to use
boats to be able to deliver relief goods.
Based on the narratives of Kapitan Leopoldo, crops were also damaged and there
were some skin disease was quite rampant. He also remembered how his house
submerged to water for 14 days when Typhoon Pedring hit. He said that the water
was neck-deep and the fishpond owners lost income and were greatly affected. Plate
14 underscores Kapitan Leopoldo showing how high the water level when Typhoon
Pedring affected his own house.
Plate 14: The mark of this house in Barangay Captain Medina's compound
in Sta. Monica, Hagonoy shows how deep the flood was brought by Pedring
in 2011. (Source: Author)
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Plate 15: Flood Marker. Barangay Hall of Sta. Monica, Hagonoy has this ruler-like
post, which is used as a gauge and warning regarding water level in the river.
(Source: Author)
Barangay Kagawad Lopez also remembered the devastating impacts of
Typhoons Ondoy, Pedring and Habagat to his community. Based on his narratives,
for a week they had no electricity. For him, it was very frightening because the water
level rose so fast and it was really deep. As to the flooding as a result of Typhoon
Pedring, Kagawad Lopez vividly remembered that it rained for nine days, and that
the floodwater was even deeper than Typhoon Ondoy. In the aftermath of Typhoon
Pedring, he said that the Municipal Government provided relief goods.
Concurrently, he said that out of the goodness of the heart, some television networks
also provided them with some food. Also, as he uncovered, because of the
occurrence of deep flooding in the community, they have planned and bought a boat
and life vests to be used in times of severe calamities. He also shared that the
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Municipal Government laid out plan, which they relayed, to Barangay Captains.
Plate 15 shows the Barangay Hall of Sta. Monica, Hagonoy has this ruler-like post,
which is used as a gauge and warning regarding water level in the river.
According to Barangay Kagawad Rogelio del Rosario, in the recent flooding
brought about by Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon Pedring, and Habagat, the Municipal
Government sent them trucks and boats used in delivering relief goods to families
staying on their rooftops. He also shared, that after the flood, residents of his
barangay became more organized. It is unlike before that they were not informed
rightfully about calamities. Similarly, he shared that the Barangay Council banned
throwing of garbage in the river because they exacerbate the flooding condition. He
also recalled that nongovernment organizations such as Save the Children came to
help by providing relief goods.
Based on the narratives of Kapitana Florentina Reyes Espiritu, 69 years old
and resident of Barangay Caniogan, Calumpit, when Typhoon Ondoy, Typhoon
Pedring, and Habagat happened, the residents of her community was greatly
affected. More pointedly, she recalled that in terms of the impacts of the said
flooding to people’s health, many residents suffered from skin diseases and high
fever. Also, Kapitana Florentina particularly remembered that they were trapped
inside their house. As a result, she and her family had no other option but to stay in
their rooftops and wait for the water to subside. She also called to mind how
community facilities and services were interrupted as a result of the flooding. She
shared that there was a shortage in the supply of electricity during the disaster,
which resulted to electricity rate hike. Also, the roads were destroyed. The said
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flooding events, as narrated by Kapitana Florentina, forced a lot of residents to stop
working to be able to attend to the needs of their respective families.
Kapitana Florentina also narrated that the Municipal Government, non-
government institutions, and the community members responded positively as a
result of the flooding events. More concretely, she recalled that the Municipal
Government provided relief goods to the affected population. Not only that, they
carried out search and rescue operations to salvage residents who were staying in
their rooftops. Concurrently, she particularly remembered that the non-government
organizations provided the immediate needs of the affected residents such as mats,
mattresses, and clothes among others. Based on her narratives, there were non-
government organizations that undertook psycho-social interventions as well to look
to address trauma-related effects of the disasters to the residents, particularly the
children. What she found most encouraging was when survivors themselves each
other. She recalled how community members helped each other in the form of
assisting community members in salvaging appliances and house equipment that can
still be salvaged. Similarly, based on Kapitana Florentina’s narratives, people shared
food and coffee with one another in the evacuation sites.
Ramil Santiago, 45 years old and the current Barangay Captain of Sapang
Bayan, Calumpit and Milagros Robles, 59 years old, Kagawad of the same
Barangay, recalled that many of their constituents suffered from cough, athlete’s
foot, and colds as a result of Typhoon Pedring. Kapitan Ramil also narrated that in
relation to the impacts of the disaster to household and community structures, a lot
of houses were damaged, while others were washed out. He also shared that water,
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electric, and road facilities were also damaged as a result of the force of floodwaters.
Kapitan Ramil narrated that members of the Barangay Officials were monitoring the
water level and they communicated the needed information to their residents. On the
other hand, Barangay Secretary Milagros narrated that, “I do not know how to swim
that is why I immediately evacuated together with my family. We went to Pobalcion.
I almost died because the water level suddenly went high. Also, the food ration then
ran out. We were just waiting for the rain to come, so that we can drink.” Based on
the narratives of Barangay Secretary Milagros, the Barangay Council and the
Municipal Government responded immediately. She shared the local government
officials provided food and relief goods. At the same time, the Barangay Council
and the Municipal Government provided early warning communications, so that
people from high-risk areas could evacuate early. Based on the accounts of
Barangay Secretary Milagros, the Department of Health immediately provided
vaccination to prevent diseases, while the Department of Social Welfare and
Development quickly distributed relief items to affected residents. She also shared
that non-government organizations were also present and they provided the
immediate needs of the displaced families.
Mar Angelo Villalobos, 34 years old and Kagawad of Barangay Corazon,
Calumpit, also remembered that many people in their community suffered from
fever and skin diseases due to the flood exposure. Concurrently, Arturo Magtalas, 57
years old and the current Barangay Captain of Caniogan recalled that during the
flooding brought about by Typhoon Pedring, people experienced fear and hunger.
He also narrated that the residents who were stranded in their rooftops used the same
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clothes for a number of days because they were not able to salvage much of their
household materials. Kapitan Magtalas also vividly remembered that the roofs of
many houses were damaged due to the strong winds when the disaster happened.
Finally, Norberto Candelaria, 52 years old and Kagawad of Barangay
Caniogan also recounted that people had no source of food and water-borne diseases
were rampant. Moises Manala Villena, 49 years old and also a Kagawad of
Barangay Caniogan, shared that as to the impacts on the households, many of the
residents were helpless and just watched on as houses got destroyed during the
typhoon. Also, he mentioned that access roads and bridges in their barangay were
all damaged.
6.3 Learning from Calamities: Local Knowledge on
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Unlike social memory on disasters, which are event/disaster-specific, local
knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management is not. Local knowledge is
developed over time as a result of years of experiences on and learning from
disasters. Local knowledge can be both at the individual and /or community level.
Also, it can either be hidden, unexpressed, and evident as embodied in how people
prepare and respond to the risk they are facing.
Indubitably, the social memory on different flooding events in Hagonoy and
Calumpit had taught a lot of things to its residents. As a result of one disaster to
another, the residents have habituated to the perennial condition and exposure they
have on flooding. As a result of the wealth of people’s social memory on disaster,
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over the years they have learned and unlearned a lot of things to be able to become
more resilient.
From the individual narratives as shared both by the riverfront dwellers and
community leaders in Hagonoy and Calumpit, the following are the general lessons
they have learned from their memory of previous flooding events that happened in
their respective communities.
First, disaster preparedness is extremely important. According to Josephine
Atenta, 40 years old and resident of San Miguel, Hagonoy, people need to always be
ready against calamities and that people should always have something stored in
times of emergency. On the other hand, Elena Balatbat, 57 years old and also a
resident of San Miguel, Hagonoy, said that resident should have stock of gas, water,
and food. Based on the narratives above, a lot of residents were unprepared when
flooding came. As a result, they did not have food to eat, no portable water to drink,
and many of them were very frightened due to lack of electric supply. In the same
way, as shared both by residents and community leaders based on the narratives
above, many houses were destroyed, damaged, and washed out because they were
built using light materials. Not only that, as observed in the narratives above, a lot of
residents tremendously suffered economically due to the impacts of disasters to their
respective livelihoods. As a result of these appalling impacts to people, their social
memory on disasters have taught them to be prepared.
Second, adapting to new realities is imperative. For Imelda Manansala, 47
years old and resident of Tampok, Hagonoy, people have to adapt because flooding
that happens almost every year. She said that before the onset of the rainy season,
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people should already keep emergency kit and supplies so that they will not be
caught off guard by disasters. Lamberto Lopez, 54 years old and Barangay Kagawad
of San Miguel, said that people learned the need to elevate their house in order to
avoid the floodwaters. Another adaptation mechanism according to Vivian Galang,
40, of Sapang Bayan, is that people should be skilled in swimming among others.
Doubtless, given the new reality now: climate-related disasters are now the new
normal, people needs to think of ways to be able to cope and adapt to these realities.
Based on the narratives above, the impacts of disasters are repeating. If this is the
there is a need to innovate and at the same time tap indigenous/previous local
practices related to coping and adapting to flooding.
Third, residents need to follow warnings issued by authorities. For 47-year
old Val Perez, to be able not to repeat the mistake of the past, it is extremely
important to listen to the warning of the authorities as well as their call for
preemptive evacuation. Severino Carpio, 50 years old and the Barangay Captain of
Tampok narrated that people have to be alert and keen on listening to warnings and
announcements. He added that people should stop being stubborn as the authorities
are only concerned with their safety.
Generally, people are having a hard time following the orders given by
authorities to evacuate before and even after the disaster. Primarily, there are two
reasons why residents find it hard to follow. First, people would not want to leave
their houses because they worry that others will steal their appliances. Second,
people would not want to evacuate because the evacuation sites where they will be
temporarily placed are not conducive and lacks the needed basic services and
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facilities (i.e. clean toilet, portable water, confortable sleeping area among others).
As a result of this, people persist of staying in their houses. Based on the narratives
of the riverfront dwellers and community leaders in Hagonoy and Calumpit, many
residents opted to stay atop their roofs and just wait for relief goods to be delivered
to them. However, this practice further puts people in a dangerous and vulnerable
situation. That said, it is imperative to follow the warning of local authorities.
In the same way, in the age where information is readily available, people
can easily get relevant updates on weather and typhoons. Also, the information as to
where and the approximate time when the typhoon will landfall are already at our
own disposal. Based on the narratives above, it is indispensable that people,
particularly in high-risk areas to know and be informed on early warnings. That said,
the high-risk communities would be able to undertaken necessary actions to prevent
danger and lives being claimed.
Corollary to the third learning, the resident should make their local
authorities accountable to them. The safety of the people is the primary
responsibility of the government and it should protect its people as well as ensure
their well-being in times of crises. Based on the narratives of Jolita Lague, 44 years
old from Barangay San Miguel, officials should inform their constituents on the
impending disasters and the water level in the dams. Also, officials should inform
people where exactly to get the relief goods and that everybody should be able to
avail the required assistance. Politicians should veer away from only helping their
voters, friends and relatives in times of disasters.
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Fourth, it is important that everybody to be an environmental steward.
Among of the interesting narratives shared by the residents about the primary reason
of flooding in their area, conversion of rice field to ponds, illegal logging and
ineffective waste management. Residents like Balatbat said that trees should not be
cut down, rivers should be dredged, and people should refrain from throwing
garbage in the river and waterways. Edgardo Lucas, 47 years old from Sapang
Bayan narrated that proper waste segregation and management need to be
implemented properly by the local government units to avoid clogging of waterways
and reduce the vulnerability of communities to flooding. Clearly, residents deem that
the destruction and abuse of the environment exacerbates their vulnerability to
flooding.
Based on the aforesaid learning on the social memory of disaster, riverfront
dwellers and community leaders have developed local knowledge on disaster risk
reduction and management in relation to the risk they are facing. Denkens (2007b)
developed a typology of local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and management.
This includes: (1) anticipate or people’s identification and monitoring of
environmental indicators; (2) adjust or people’s access to assets; and, (3)
communication or people’s ability to transfer knowledge among themselves and
between generation. Denkens further discussed what constitute each typology. The
following comprise local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management
related to anticipate: signals (i.e. interpretational knowledge of changes in animal
behavior, knowledge of local weather forecasts using celestial bodies observation).
The local knowledge associated in adjust include physical assets (i.e. infrastructural
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safety arrangements such as boats, housing, embankments) developed to cope and
adapt to the risk that people face. Finally, the local knowledge associated with
communication are early warning systems (i.e. use of visual signals such as
markers, fire or audio signals like drums; having dreams of natural hazards in
advance) to share information on disaster.
Based on these typologies, the following provides the local knowledge of
riverfront dwellers in Angat in relation to disaster risk reduction and management
documented during the conduct of the research.
6.3.1 Anticipate: Local Knowledge on People’s
Identification and Monitoring of Environmental Indicators
Knowledge on hazards can be communicated in various ways. At present,
there are new inventions and state-of-the-art technologies developed to predict and
generate data on weather behaviors. However, most of the times, these technologies
are costly and very difficult to be understood and operate by communities not
because they are uneducated, but perhaps due to lack of familiarity on those things.
On the other hand, Velasquez (2008) argues that even before the introduction of
modern technology in risk communication, a lot of communicates susceptible to
natural hazards have operate in communicating risks by relying on what they
observe in their own surroundings.
In relation to this, the research attempted to document riverfront dwellers’
local knowledge to anticipate the impending disasters such as animal behaviors and
characteristics of celestial bodies. The primary goal of this was to identify if disaster
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anticipation by reliance to the surrounding is prevalent in the case of the Angat
Riverfront dwellers.
Interestingly, based on the narratives of the respondents during the conduct
of the research, it was revealed that animals are great risk communicators. The
interviews with the residents underscored that people in Calumpit and Hagonoy
believe that behaviors of animals serve as a warning whenever there is an impending
disaster. Riverfront dwellers specifically mentioned the following animals, which
enable them to predict if a disaster is coming: dogs, ants, cockroaches, birds, and
earthworms.
Based on the narratives of the riverfront residents, they believe that when
dogs are restless and noisy, a typhoon that will lead to flooding will come. This is
the same case with the ants and cockroaches. Based on the narratives, the
appearance of ants forewarns flooding in the community. On the other hand, ants
and cockroaches come up of their mounds and hiding places and climb up anywhere
higher. It is also believed the when chickens are noisy; there is a coming calamity. In
the same way, difference in the flight of birds is also used as a warning when there is
a looming disaster. Finally, once earthworms started to surface, an impending
typhoon is coming.
In the same way, based on the narratives of Angat riverfront dwellers,
celestial bodies warn people of an impending calamity. The local knowledge of
people in relation to celestial bodies is linked particularly to the behavior and
characteristics of clouds, sun, stars, and thunders. The following provides a
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compilation of observed behaviors of celestial bodies and their relation to calamity
as narrated of the riverfront dwellers.
Clouds
If the clouds are yellowish, there will be thunder and lightning.
If the clouds are dark, it will rain.
If the clouds are so close, it will rain.
If there are wide dark clouds, there is a coming twister.
If the clouds are dark and the air is cold, the clouds are trying to
collect rainwater.
Sun
If it is humid and there is not much moving air, it will rain in the
night.
Even if the heat is high, it will still rain. There will be sudden heavy
rain.
Stars
If it is already 7 o’clock in the evening and there is no star, it will
definitely rain.
Thunder and lightning
If a thunder comes from the north and the east responds, floodwater in
coming.
If there is thunder, there will be heavy rain.
In hindsight, a lot of the ideas shared by the riverfront dwellers are also what
physical scientist believes. More pointedly, it has been proven time and again that
animals communicate risks. For instance, in the context of volcanic region, the
moment the deer and other forest-animals started going down means that the they
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could no longer contain the heat at the peak of the volcano. That said, the animal
behavior shows that there is irregularity in the activity of the volcano, so there is a
likelihood that it would erupt. Also, it is scientifically proven that when multitudes
of ants started to surface, it is an indicator that a strong typhoon would come.
In the same way, physical scientists have proven that behavior of celestial
bodies foretells the next weather. For instance, the humidity can indicate that it
would rain afterwards. Also, the presence and absence of clouds and the stars
indicate the upcoming weather.
These things imply that Angat riverfront dwellers have developed local
knowledge in relation to anticipating disasters by looking at and observing their
environment. These forms of knowledge influence they way people perceive and
respond to the risk they are facing. They influence the daily activities of the people,
particularly those at the rivers. Finally, they are viable source of grounded policies in
relation to disaster risk reduction and management.
6.3.2 Adjust: Local Knowledge on People’s
Coping and Adaptation Practices
As a result of previous experiences in flooding, the riverfront dwellers have
developed coping mechanism and adaptation practices in relation to the risk they are
facing. Based on the narratives Rolando Tolentino, 44 years old and Barangay
Captain of San Miguel, as a result of memory on disasters, residents started
elevating their houses. Other residents transferred their household materials and
equipment to safer areas within their houses to avoid being flooded. On the other
hand, Elisa Quinto, 46 years old and Barangay Kagawad of San Miguel noticed that
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almost all of their things inside the house of residents of her community are now
made of plastic (e.g. chairs, tables, etc.). So when the flooding come, they will not
be destroyed as compared to materials made of other elements. Plates 16, 17, and 18
provide mechanisms in which riverfront dwellers and community leaders have coped
and adapted to the disaster risk they are facing.
Plate 16: The Entrance. This house in Barangay Tampok exhibits a coping
mechanism used by residents to counter adverse effects of high tide. The Entrance is
seen elevated to prevent tidewater from entering the house. (Source: Author)
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Plate 17: Barangay Hall near the River. A view of Sta. Monica’s Barangay Hall
situated beside the river (Source: Author).
Plate 18: Road Improvements in Hagonoy, Bulacan (Source: Author).
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Concurrently, as narrated by Lamberto Lopez, 54 years old and Barangay
Kagawad of San Miguel, they store food in the house as much as they can. They also
use a calendar where they can see dates of high tides. In the same way, Kagawad
Lamberto see to it that they have gas and candles for lighting and their basic needs
before they are hit by floodwaters. They also use sandbags around the area as their
pathway when water level rises. On the other hand, Fabiano Anicete, 53 years old
also from San Miguel, when flood warnings have been issued, they just prepare
themselves. They fix their things inside the house, store food, and prepare
emergency kits. Also, they renovated their kitchen to avoid being reached by
seawaters during high tide.
Concurrently, for Imelda Manansala, 47 years old and resident of Barangay
Tampok, they raised their house from the ground. They also stockpile food and have
ready flashlights or candles in the event of blackout. Another resident, Arnel
Crisostomo, 51 years old also from Tampok, shared that he sends money to his
sibling in Manila for him to buy basic needs in the event of flooding. They also
started building the second floor of their house and added soil below the house to
raise it from ground level. He also added that once the Municipal Government has
issued a flood warning, the barangay council relays it to the residents right away.
Residents then surround their houses with numerous sandbags so that the water will
not reach their houses, which usually results to a shortage of sacks.
The above narratives show some of the ways in which riverfront dwellers
have cope and adapted to the risks they are facing. The coping mechanism of the
riverfront dwellers and the community leaders debunk the idea that people do not
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learn from disasters. It further deconstruct the idea the people are passive and not
proactive citizens. Concretely, as a result of perennial flooding in their respective
communities, riverfront dwellers and community leaders have proven that they have
indeed learned from disasters as exemplified in the way they adjusted their means of
living.
Provided in Table 9 are some other respondents’ narration in relation on own
their coping mechanisms and adaptation strategies as a result of their memory of
previous disasters.
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Table 9: Adjust: Local Knowledge on People’s Coping and Adaptation Practices
Disaster prevention and mitigation Disaster preparedness
Family level “Tinatalian ang mga bubong ng bahay para hindi
liparin ng malakas na hangin.” – Herminia del
Rosario, 48, Barangay Sapang Bayan
“Maagang pagpapalikas.” – Helen Castillo, 45,
Barangay Sapang Bayan
“Segregation ng basura at pagtatanim ng
halaman.” – Belinda Cruz-Galang, 30, Sapang
Bayan
“Tinataasan ang bahay.” –Evangeline Peralta, 52,
Barangay Caniogan
“Itinataas ang mga kagamitan sa mas safe na lugar
upang hindi abutin ng baha.” –Amanda
Deogracias, 48, Barangay Corazon
“Nagpapagawa kami ng second floor. Sinasama
ang buong pamilya sa maagang paglikas.”
“Tulong-tulong sa paglilinis.” – Florentina Reyes
Espiritu, 69, Barangay Caniogan
“Nagtaas na agad kami. Katulad noong Ondoy,
wala naman talaga kaming napinsala. Eh naitaas
“Naghahanda ng pagkain at tubig. Laging handa,
kaunting tubig lamang, lumikas na.”- Asuncion de
Leon, 66, Barangay Caniogan
“Naghahanda ng tubig at kandila.” – Herminia del
Rosario, 48, Barangay Sapang Bayan
“Inihahanda ang mga importanteng kagamitan.” –
Belinda Cruz-Galang, 30, Sapang Bayan
“Naghahanda ng medical kit, damit, flash lights…
lilikas agad kapag sinabihan ng gobyerno.” – Cristina
Galang, 32, Sapang Bayan
“Naghahanda ng bigas, panggatong, at ulam…
nangungutang ng puhunan.” – Edgardo Lucas, 47,
Barangay Sapang Bayan
“Nagtatabi ng delata.” –Amanda Deogracias, 48,
Barangay Corazon
“Naglilinis sa lugar namin. Nag-aayos ng mga gamit
para madaling mailipat sa mataas na lugar. Nag-iipon
ng pagkain, tapos kapag tumaas na ang tubig, lilikas
agad.” – Levita Deogracias, 68, Barangay Corazon
“Eh nagaayos na ako ng mga gamit namin,
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Disaster prevention and mitigation Disaster preparedness
namin lahat. Kahit biglaan yung ano. Talagang
naghahanda na kami.” – Rosario Alejo, 50,
Barangay San Miguel
nagbabalot-balot na. Para pag lumaki, eh pupunta na
lang kami sa mataas na lugar.”- Herminia Anicete, 40,
Barangay San Miguel
“Ang unang unang ginagawa ay yung pagtataas ng
gamit. Pangalawa, yung pagbili ng mga kakainin.
Pangatlo, yung paghanda ng mga ilaw. Dahil tsak na
magbrobrownout.” – Len Marie Manansala, 36,
Barangay Tampok
Barangay
Level
“Pinapataasan ang mga kalsada. Naghahanda ng
pang-rescue at waterpump para mabawasan ang
tubig kapag bumaha.” – Levita Deogracias, 68,
Barangay Corazon
“Nagsasagawa ng mga simulation drill at nagbibigay
ng impormasyon kung saan dapat mag-eevacuate.” –
Hernando Gregorio, 50, Barangay Caniogan
“May mga nakahandang banga at life jacket.”
Evangeline Peralta, 52, Barangay Caniogan
“May mga nakahandang bangkang pang-rescue. May
mga relief goods na naka-imbak.” – Jojo Roque, 34
Barangay Corazon
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6.3.3 Communication: Local Knowledge on People’s Ability
to Transfer Knowledge among Themselves and between Generation
Plate 19: Modern Ruler: This is measuring device below the Barangay Tampok
council hall. It is used for water level in the barangay. (Source: Author)
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Aside from communicating disasters through animal behavior and celestial
bodies observation, the community officials have developed mechanisms in which
they are going to communicate the impending disaster to their residents. One of
which is installing early warning communications such as flood makers. Plate 19
shows one of the devices installed in the community to communicate disasters. The
concept of flood marker may not be inherent to the community, but the areas where
they put the flood markers and the corresponding actions to be undertaken when the
floodwater reaches a certain level, all are dependent on the people’s social memory
on the disasters they face before. This kind of signal is crucial, particularly for
families near the river.
Based on the narratives of Arnel Crisostomo, 51 years old from Barangay
Tampok, “… when there is an incoming flood or calamity, the barangay council
quickly announces a warning to the whole community. Sometimes, they provide
sacks of sands for mitigation. If there is already floodwater in the baranggay, they
would put a rope in the middle of the road as a form of guide for travelling because
the floodwater here is taller than a man’s height. Residents of Hagonoy all knows
how to swim.” On the other hand, Raquel del Rosario, 28, years old from Sapang
Bayan said that. “nagkoko-ordinasyon ng Kapitan at Munisipyo para mabigyan ng
maagang babala ang mga residente.” While for Cristina Galang, 32 years old of
Sapang Bayan, “Nag-iikot sa barangay and mga opisyales upang bigyan ng
impormasyon ang mga tao. Binabantayan ang flood markers. Binabantayan din ang
waterlevel sa dam at tinitingnan kung tumataas. Kinakausapan agad ang mga
residente sa tabi ng ilog upang mag-evacuate.” Dennis Adriano Gripol, 50 years old
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from Barangay Corazon said, “consistent communication sa MDRRMC.
Minomonitor ang level ng tubig at inaanounce sa mga tao ang taas ng tubig ang
ginagawa ng mga opisyales ng barangay.”
Asuncion de Leon, 66 years old, narrated, “Nagbibigay ng impormasyon ang
local na pamahalaan sa mga residente kung may paparating na bagyo.” Jojo
Roque, 34 years old from Barangay Corazon shared that, “nagmomonitor sa radio at
telebisyon ang mga tao patungkol sa anong kalagayan ng panahon at ng mga lebel
ng tubig sa mga dams.” For Helen Castillo, 45 years old from Barangay Sapang
Bayan, “maagang pagpapalikas ang isinasagawa ng lokal na pamahaalaan
matapos malaman ang kundisyon at klima.”
In hindsight, the narratives and examples above show that people have
developed ways of communicating the risk they are facing to each other, particularly
to the high risk residents near the rivers as a result of their previous memory on
disaster events. These communication strategies are forms of local knowledge.
Another form of providing disaster information is through pagkwekwento. As
pointed out in the narratives on social memory, many of the current residents and
leaders of different communities now in Calumpit and Hagonoy were very young
then when the Great Flood of 1972 came about. However, through storytelling and
constant sharing of experience of the elders to the young generation, the social
memory of disasters and the lessons generated from them have been effectively
transferred between generation and from generation to another. Needless to say, all
of these are examples of people’s ability to transfer knowledge among themselves
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and between generation, which is a form of local knowledge on disaster risk
reduction and management.
*****
In conclusion, the case of Calumpit and Hagonoy show that people have rich
social memory on disasters as a result of being perennially flooded. However,
instead of continuously being victimized by disaster events, the people have turned
their vulnerabilities to capacities. More so, they used their social memory on
previous disasters to develop local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and
management toward their resiliency in the form of anticipating, adjusting to, and
communicating the risk they are facing. Figure 5 provides the summary of social
memory on disaster and local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management
by riverfront dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy In the next chapter, it will be
examined how are these local knowledge and social memory on disasters integrated
in the local level disaster risk reduction and management plans and programs of the
municipalities of Calumpit and Hagonoy.
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Figure 5: Summary of Social Memory on Disaster and Local Knowledge on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management by Riverfront
Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy
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Chapter 7
HOW ARE LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL MEMORY ON
DISASTERS INTEGRATED IN LOCAL LEVEL
POLICY AND PLANS ON FLOODING?
THE CASE OF CALUMPIT AND HAGONOY
7.1 Introduction
The previous chapter presented the social memory on disasters and the local
knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management that the Angat riverfront
dwellers have developed overtime as a result of the perennial flooding in their
respective communities. This chapter examines how are these social memory and
local knowledge integrated in the local level policies on flooding in the
Municipalities of Calumpit and Hagonoy, specifically the Barangay–level disaster
plans.
This will be approached in two ways. First, the process that should be
undertaken in developing local-level disaster plans as mandated by the Office of
Civil Defense (OCD), and Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG),
agencies in the Philippines assigned in making local government units accountable
in disaster risk reduction and management will be presented. Second, it will look
into how are local knowledge and social memory are significantly integrated in the
local level policy and programs by addressing the following questions:
1) Do the existing Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Plans and/or Contingency Plans address the vulnerability of the
communities based on the social memory of riverfront dwellers and the
larger community on disasters? Do the plans provide solutions to the
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effects of previous disaster events remembered by that the riverfront
dwellers? and,
2) Do the existing Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Plans and/or Contingency Plans take into consideration the local
knowledge developed by the riverfront dwellers in anticipating,
adjusting, and communicating disasters?
7.2 Disaster Risk Reduction and Management/Contingency Planning Process in
the Philippines
The Republic Act (RA) 10121 or the Philippine Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management (DRRM) Law mandates each local government unit to develop its
corresponding Local DRRM Plans (LDRRMP). Rather than viewing it as a form of
compliance, the Local DRRM Plan signifies the program of action of a particular
local government unit in relation to the risk they are facing.
The Section 12 of RA 10121 defines LDRRMP as the document that will
guide the implementation of DRRM at the local level. The plan will have to be
formulated by the LDRRM Council and the Barangay DRRM Committee with the
help of the Municipal Development Councils (RA 10121, 2010). On top of the
LDRRMP, RA 10121 mandates each local government unit in the Philippines to
develop a hazard-specific Contingency Plan. The LDRRMP and the Contingency
Plan are two different things: the LDRRMP serves as the mother plan in which the
Contingency Plan is a part. The LDRRMP should contain the objectives/goals of the
plan, city/municipality profile, risk profile, legal basis of DRRM at the local level
(city or municipality ordinance), contingency plan, and the disaster program in each
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of the thematic area of DRRM: disaster preparedness, disaster prevention and
mitigation, disaster response, and disaster recovery and rehabilitation (Derafera,
2014). On the other hand, the Contingency Plan, as defined by Basilio (2014) is “a
forward planning process, in a state of uncertainty, in which scenarios and
objectives are agreed, managerial and technical actions defined, and potential
response systems put in place in order to prevent, or better respond to an emergency
or critical situation.” Therefore, the Contingency Plan underscores the specific plan
of action the local government will undertake in times of disasters. Basilio (2014)
further noted that the plan “addresses specific circumstances and specific actions to
be taken should the scenario occur,” and therefore, should be hazard-specific. This
means that each hazard that the locality is prone to (e.g. flooding, fire, earthquake,
etc.) should have its corresponding Contingency Plan. In Contingency Plan, the bad,
worse, and worst-case scenarios are taken into account (Basilio, 2014). Figure 6
provides the required process that each local government unit should follow in
developing their plans. This process was designed by the Office of Civil Defense
(OCD) and disseminated by the Department Interior and Local Government (DILG)
to all local governments in the country.
In Figure 6, it highlighted that the initial step in coming up with the plan is
through scanning the environment. This step entails a critical assessment of the
hazards, vulnerabilities, elements are at-risk, capacities, and the most-at-risk in the
locality. In carrying out this important step, it is imperative to look into and consider
the past disaster events that happened in the community. More specifically, it is
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Figure 6: Planning Process (Basilio 2014)
Modified by the researcher for the purpose of the study
indispensable to take into consideration what are the disaster events, when it
happened, and where it happened. Basilio (2014) holds that it is essential to recover
the memory of past disaster events because doing so will generate the potential
hazards and risks that may come in the community in the future. With this,
recovering social memory of previous disaster events that hit the community is key
in determining what public policy and specific programs should be ratified. In the
same way, Derafera (2014) said that aside from looking at the current vulnerability
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based from previous disaster events, it is also paramount to take into account the
existing capacities and strengths the communities have because these will contribute
to desired condition of the community. The researcher considers these existing
capacities and strengths as local knowledge in disaster risk reduction. In the previous
chapter, the researcher outlined and discussed the existing capacities and strengths
that communities have developed in relation to the risk they are facing. What were
highlighted in the previous chapter are capacities in relation to the following:
anticipate or local knowledge related to people’s identification and
monitoring of environmental indicators;
adjust or local knowledge related to people’s access to assets; and,
communication or local knowledge to people’s ability to transfer
knowledge among themselves and between generation.
In hindsight, the researcher argues that at the first stage of the planning
process, social memory and local knowledge are of vital importance because they
serve as the foundational bases of what should be and needed to capitalize in the
plan to be developed.
7.3 Integrating Local Knowledge and Social Memory on Disasters in Barangay
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management/Contingency Plans
In public policy, disasters serve as focusing events or policy windows. In the
1997 book entitled, After disaster: Agenda setting, public policy, and focusing
events, Thomas Birkland argues that catastrophes gain greatest attention since they
provide prima facie evidence for a policy failure. He called the policies ratified after
a disaster as a policy failure-inspired learning. Thirteen years after, in 2010, he
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published the second edition of the book with a new title, Lessons of disaster: Policy
change after catastrophic events. In the new edition, Birkland used the 9/11
Terrorist Attack as one of the case studies to drive his point that catastrophes gain
attention, thus it triggers policy change. He then coined the term event-related policy
change in relation to the link of disasters and public policies. In the Lessons of
disaster, Birkland provided three (3) key arguments, namely: (1) catastrophes could
lead to policy change (2010: 4); (2) the larger the disaster in terms of loss, lives
claimed, property damaged, the larger the potential for policy change (2010: 5); and,
(3) disasters do in an instant what policy advocates have failed to do – bringing to
the fore an issue which policymakers will take more seriously and urgently (2010:
6). Without a doubt, disasters do serve as policy windows. Cuny (1983: 12) holds
that social change as a result of disaster events happen because disaster generates an
environment acceptable to change.
Following the premise of Birkland, a Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management/Contingency Plan serve as a bible that will guide the DRRM work in
the communities. It is expected that the community plans will be fed into the
LDRRMP of the municipality/city up to the provincial and regional levels.
According to Rolando Tolentino, 44 years old and Barangay Captain of San
Miguel, Hagonoy, “the flooding over the years such as Typhoon Ondoy, Pedring,
and Habagat had led to the creation of the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Plan as well as the Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Plan.” He further shared that because of their social memory of
previous disaster events, they tried to really improve the disaster management
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practice in their locality through remembering which areas were badly hit by
flooding before. Additionally, given they tried to identify where people should
evacuate in event of emergencies. In each street, they also made it a point to really
understand and know the vulnerability of the people living there. Lamberto Lopez,
54 years old and Barangay Kagawad of San Miguel, also narrated that, “because of
the occurrence of deep flooding in our barangay before like Typhoon Ondoy,
Pedring and Habagat, we (Barangay Council) have planned and eventually bought
life vests and rescue boats to be used in times of severe calamities. Also, the
Municipal Government developed a DRRM Plan, which they relayed to the
Barangay Captains and were eventually implemented. Additionally, disaster
preparedness was incorporated in our community plan. Land acquisition for
evacuation also happened. Hazard maps were made and distributed to residents.
The council conducted seminars about disasters preparedness. Also, information
campaign launched in the several communities.” Concurrently, Josephine Atenta, 40
years old and a riverfront dweller shared that, “due to our memory on previous
disaster events like Typhoon Ondoy, Pedring and Habagat, the Barangay Council
also implemented a policy regarding waste segregation. It is also good that we have
an existing Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan because it
helps the people become ready in the event of disasters.”
The narratives of Barangay Captain Tolentino, Barangay Kagawad Lopez,
and Josephine Atenta are powerful accounts shared by community officials and
riverfront dwellers, which implored that the communities in the Angat Watershed
and River Basin Region have developed their plans. But what is equally important to
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note is, the plans were made as a result of social memory of the people on the
disaster events that happened in their respective communities.
7.3.1 Key Features of Calumpit and Hagonoy
Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plans
The following provides the key features of the existing Barangay DRRM
Plans of the communities in Calumpit and Hagonoy in relation to flooding hazard. It
will be noted that the stipulations in the plans provide strong evidences that the
social memory on previous disaster events propelled the development of the plans.
Furthermore, the social memory serves as the foundation basis in the plans. In the
same way, the local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and management,
particularly on anticipating, adjusting, and communicating in disasters are apparent
in the plans.
Among the 29 Barangays in Calumpit, Caniogan is the most prone to the
overflow of water from Pampanga and Angat Rivers. The Barangay was badly
ravaged by Typhoon Ondoy in 2009, Typhoon Pedring in 2011, and the habagat in
2012. Learning from these disaster events, the community had formulated a
Barangay DRRM Plan covering climate-related hazards such as typhoon and
flooding as well as other hazards such as fire and earthquake. The Barangay was
also able to set up a Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council
(BDRRMC) and the structure for an Incident Command System that will be
activated should a disaster strikes. In its Barangay DRRM Plan, the activities to be
undertaken before, during, and after a calamity were identified. The following
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highlights the plan of action to be carried out in times of disasters (Barangay
Caniogan BDRRMP, 2013):
Before the disaster:
Setting up of the BDRRMC by organizing the Special Action Team to
prepare for disasters;
Preparing for disasters by developing plans to lessen the impacts of
disasters;
Meeting the BDRRMC every quarter;
Identifying of disaster operation center, evacuation center, equipment
needed, and setting up of early warning system; and,
Strengthening of Barangay Volunteer Brigades such as the medical
brigade, food brigade, shelter brigade, and the rescue and clean up drive.
During the disaster:
Activate other operation center and early warning communication
system;
Do pre-emptive evacuation;
Identify of elements at risks;
Identify and prepare evacuation centers;
Set up toilets, water system, and First Aid Station;
Procure and pack of relief items;
Carry out relief distribution;
Safely evacuate people;
Conduct damage needs assessment; and,
Submit report to the council
After the disaster:
Provide relief assistance to victims;
Clean up drive; and,
Carry out post-disaster assessment
Given that the community has a long history of being hit by typhoons, which
lead to flooding, it is clearly stated in its Barangay DRRM, Plan what specific
actions council will have to carry out. For instance, due to their memory of strong
typhoon before, four specific actions concerning typhoons will be undertaken,
namely: (1) monitor river water level and inform the Municipal Disaster Risk
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Reduction and Management Council; (2) close the gate valve going to the river canal
if necessary; (3) inform the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Council about the water level; and, (4) inform the riverfront dwellers of the water
level, so they could take necessary actions (Caniogan BDRRM Plan 2014). In case
of flooding, three things will be carried out by the council, namely: (1) monitor river
water level every time and inform the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Council; (2) gather and ask for assistance; and, (3) evacuate all
residents affected by flood to a higher place.
Learning from the previous disaster events, Barangay Caniogan also invested
in equipment that can be used in the event of calamities such as fire extinguishers,
sound system to announce the impending hazards, generator to be used during
blackouts, and life vests.
Like Barangay Caniogan, Barangay Corazon in Calumpit had also
remembered the wrath of Typhoon Ondoy in 2009, Typhoon Pedring in 2011, and
the habagat in 2012. With this, the Barangay Council developed Barangay Disaster
Risk Reduction and Management Plan. The following are the plan of actions as
stated in the existing plan of Barangay Corazon:
Before the disaster:
Pagbabagong tatag ng Sangguniang Barangay sa paguugnayan ng pang-
kalamidad o Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Council;
Pagbubuo ng BDRRMC;
Pagsasanay ukol sa kahandaang pangkalamidad;
Alamin at itakda ang mga sumusunod: (a) alamin ang lugar ng operation
center; (b) lugar ng paglilikasan; (c) kakailanganing kagamitan; at, (d)
paraan ng maagang pagbibigay ng babala; at,
Pagtatatag ng Barangay Volunteer Brigades tulad ng Medical Brigade,
Food Brigade, Shelter Brigade, Rescue and Clean-up Brigade.
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During the disaster:
Pagsasakatuparan ng Operation Center Activation;
Pagsasakatuparan ng Early Warning Communication System;
Maagang pagpapakilos sa mga lugar na daratnan ng sakuna/kalamidad;
Alamin at itala ang mga napinsalang pamilya;
Paghahanda sa itinakdang evacuation center;
Paglalagay sa pangunahing kagamitan (kasilya, tubig, at iba pa);
Pagtatayo ng first aid station;
Pagbili at pag-empake ng relief goods at iba pang pangangailangan;
Pagsasagawa ng pagliligtas, paglilikas, at pag-aaruga sa evacuees;
Pag-alam sa kapinsalaang naganap sa kalamidad;
Pangingibabaw ng katarungan at pananatili ng kaayusan sa lugar na
napinsala ng kalamidad at evacuation center; at,
Pagsusumite ng ulat sa kalamidad sa mataas na Disaster Coordinating
Council.
After the disaster:
Pagbibigay ng kaloob tulong sa mga nasiraan at nabiktima ng
kalamidad;
Pagsasagawa ng pag-aayos at paglilinis;
Pagsasagawa ng pagsusuri sa naganap na kalamidad at pagtatabi ng
kasulatan upang mapag-aralan at mapagbantayan; at,
Suriin at muling magplano para mapabuti ang kailangan gampanin
batay sa karanasan.
Concurrently, in 2013, Barangay Sapang Bayan, Calumpit submitted their
three-year Barangay DRRM Plan. According to the Plan, its vision is, “ang
progresibong pagbabago sa Barangay Sapang Bayan, Calumpit, Bulacan tungo sa
ika-uunlad ng mga mamamayan.” An important section of its existing plan is the
History of Calamities and Disasters in Barangay Sapang Bayan. In this section, it
was highlighted that the community and its people suffered from Typhoon Ondoy in
2009, Typhoon Pedring in 2011, Typhoon Quiel, and the habagat in 2012. The said
disasters inundated the Sapang Bayan and affected the livelihoods of the people (i.e.
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the rice fields submerged to floodwaters). As a result of this, the plan was
formulated that will guide the DRRM work in the community.
Based on its plan, the Barangay Officials shall attend disaster risk reduction
and management seminars to further increase their capacity in disaster preparedness.
Also, the Barangay Council had procured first aid kits, blood pressure apparatus, life
vest, drum for fire protection, boat equipment for rescue operation, fire
extinguishers, and life saver to be used in times of emergencies.
Similar to the communities of Calumpit, barangays in Hagonoy were able to
developed their respective BDRRM Plans. For instance, Barangay San Miguel,
Hagonoy was able to pass a Barangay Ordinance creating the Barangay Disaster
Risk Reduction and Management Council and its corresponding plan on 25 March
2014. Table 10 provides the duties and responsibilities of BDRRMC members as
written in the existing Barangay DRRM Plan.
In San Miguel, Barangay Captain Tolentino observed that flooding over the
years has led to the creation of the Contingency Plan and BDRRMP. Kagawads
Quinton and Lamberto shared that they were able to purchase a lifeboat and life
vests, which was aimed to be used in for search and rescue and evacuation in times
of flooding. Quinton also added that the roads in their community are being
elevated. In the same way, a canal clean-up is carried out twice a month.
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Table 106: Barangay San Miguel, Hagonoy DRRM Council Task Force (Barangay San Miguel, Hagonoy, 2014)
Units Roles
Punong Barangay/Chairman Gives final order for rescue and evacuation.
Responsible for the proper implementation of the plan.
Kagawad, Committee on Peace and
Order and Safety/Assistance
Chairman
Acts a team leader for rescue and evacuation.
Takes over in the absence of the Chairman of the Action Officer of the BDRRMC.
Warning and Communication Unit
Provides timely information on warning signals.
Makes communication and warning facilities available.
Rescue and Evacuation Unit Ensures the availability of all needed transport services.
Taps locally available transport facilities for the operation.
Responsible for the dispatch, movement and maintenance of vehicles in affected areas to
the destination of the affected population.
Engineering and Transportation Ensures the availability of all needed transport services. Initially taps locally available
transport facilities for the operation.
Responsible for the dispatch, movement and maintenance of vehicles in affected areas to
the destination of the affected population.
6 The researcher designed the table for the purposes of the presentation.
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Units Roles
Relief and Shelter Accepts evacuees in designated areas and act on their immediate needs.
Provides victim with basic needs when necessary.
In charge in the proper distribution of relief goods to the survivors.
Medical Unit Provides medicine and medical services/assistance to the evacuees as well as the
rescuers when needed.
Monitors from time to time the health atmosphere in evacuation centers and prevent the
spread of epidemic.
Security Unit Secure the abandoned homes of the evacuees as well as that of the movement of those
affected in evacuation centers.
Provide security elements to evacuation centers.
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In Barangay San Miguel, hazard maps were also plotted and distributed to the
barangay. Barangay council also holds seminars on disaster preparedness and
information dissemination campaigns were launched to increase awareness
regarding risks among the residents. Tarpaulins showing high risk and evacuation
areas were put up in puroks of the barangays. Josephine Atenta, 40 years old and
resident of San Miguel said that the Barangay Council implemented a waste
segregation program. The BDRRM council also provides owners of damaged houses
a certain amount to help in the repair of their homes. Rosario Alejo, 50 years old,
meanwhile, related that the Barangay issues announcements and warnings whenever
a weather disturbance which might trigger flooding is identified. Oplan Linis drive is
also conducted every time the floodwaters have subsided. Figures 7 shows the
reconstructed versions of the Barangay DRRM structures of San Miguel in
Hagonoy.
Figures 7: The reconstructed version of the Barangay DRRM structures of San
Miguel in Hagonoy (Barangay San Miguel, Hagonoy, 2014)
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Finally, in Barangay Tampok, Barangay Clerk Imelda Manansala, 47 years
old, said that the BDRRM council is currently undertaking road elevation project.
The barangay also provide seminars on disaster preparedness to the constituents.
Val Perez, said that aside from disaster preparedness seminars, the council also holds
clean up and repair to improve the barangay’s drainage, rivers, and roads. In 2014,
the barangay council had designated houses in every purok where residents may
evacuate during flooding. A plan of constructing a dike along the riverbanks of the
barangay is also being deliberated in the council. Also, a system of early warning
communication was established. Eco-check program, which bans the throwing in the
river and burning of garbage, was implemented. With this, Rogelio Del Rosario, 47
years old and Barangay Kagawad, narrated that after the flood the barangay and
residents became more organized in relation to DRRM. Figure 8 provides the
Barangay DRRM Council, Tampok, Hagonoy (Barangay Tampok, Hagonoy, 2013).
Figure 8. The reconstructed version of the Barangay DRRM Structure, Sta. Monica,
Hagonoy (Barangay Sta. Monica, Hagonoy, 2013
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As stated above, the barangays developed their DRRM Plans as a result of
their social memory of disaster events. However, it is important to note that
compared to the Local DRRM Plan produced by the Municipal, Provincial, and
Regional levels, the Barangay Plans of are not comprehensive. Nonetheless, it is
praiseworthy that each community made efforts to develop plans, set up mechanisms
and structures that would address the flooding problem in their respective areas.
Also, it should be acknowledged that the exiting Barangay DRRM Plans may not be
as exhaustive as what is expected of them by RA 10121, but it is commendable that
communities have plans. The presence of Barangay DRRM plans that would guide
the risk reduction efforts at the community level is already a form of capacity.
In comparison to other communities in the Philippines, the communities in
Calumpit (Sapang Bayan, Caniogan, and Corazon) and Hagonoy (Tampok and San
Miguel) are advanced than many other communities because of the mere availability
of the Barangay DRRM plans. That said, the efforts of the community as well as the
Barangay officials are already a form of good governance, which is also a form of
capacity in risk reduction. Additionally, perhaps, because of the lack of technical
knowledge and skills in writing extensive public policies, the exiting Barangay
disaster plans of the said communities may not be that very detailed. However, in
actual practice, there maybe good and inspiring stories and practices that the
communities and the barangay officials have in relation to how they respond to
disasters. These responses may not be written in the Barangay disaster plans, but
they are local capacities, local knowledge in disaster risk reduction and management,
for that matter.
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7.3.2 Local Knowledge in the Existing Barangay DRRM Plans:
Anticipating, Adjusting, and Communicating
In the chapter highlighting the narratives on local knowledge and social
memory on disasters, it was pointed out that previous disasters greatly affected the
communities. More concretely, among the effects of the previous disasters events
were the impassable roads as a result drainage problem. As a result of this, it became
difficult for residents to go to work and schools. In addition, it became tremendously
hard for the Municipal Government and other groups to deliver relief goods. In the
same way, it was narrated above that there was a lack of equipment to be used in
search and rescue. As a result of the problems encountered, the Barangay Officials
tried to improve their response to disasters. More concretely, Elisa Quinton, 46 years
old and Barangay Kagawad Hagonoy, shared that, “in the Barangay DRRM Plan
and the corresponding activities of the Barangay, we were able to invest to buy a
lifeboat to be used during calamities. Also, the roads are being uplifted. We are also
holding a twice-a-month clean up drive in the Barangay where we clean the roads
and the drainage canals.” Imelda Manansala, 47 years old, narrated the same
initiative. She noted that, “as a result of the memory of previous disasters, the
Barangay Council are now cleaning the drainage. The existence of the Barangay
Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan and its corresponding Council is
good because there is a way now of informing the community and there is already a
group in the Barangay thinking about solutions in preparation for calamities.”
Concurrently, Val Perez, 47 years old and Barangay Secretary, maintained that,
“because of the Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Plan, the
Barangay becomes more ready against calamities.”
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In the narratives of Elisa and Imelda, it is evident how the riverfront dwellers
and the Barangay Officials have developed ways of anticipating, adjusting, and
communicating disasters, which are forms of local knowledge in disaster risk
reduction and management. These form of local knowledge are mainly drawn on the
learning from their social memory of previous disasters.
Furthermore, it was pointed out in the narratives of riverfront dwellers and
the community leaders that information dissemination on the weather and water
level update was one of the key concerns in the flooding events remembered. In
relation to this, Arturo Magtalas, 57 years old and Barangay Captain of Caniogan,
Calumpit, shared that there is now an information dissemination mechanism of the
water level. For instance, flood markers, which are means of communicating
disasters, are now present in different areas of the Municipalities that are historically
most susceptible to flooding. The flood makers have been installed in communities
in Hagonoy and Calumpit not in a haphazardly manner or just for the sake of
installing them. However, they were installed in a certain local that has historical
significance to the people based on their social memory of previous disasters events.
Flood makers are painted in the walls near the river, beside high-risk houses, in
electrical posts, Barangay Halls, and other areas in the communities with high-
susceptibility to flooding.
In the same way, different activities were undertaken in relation to flooding
and earthquake that may lead to Angat Dam Break (such as drills and orientation
seminars) were carried out in different communities. For instance, in September and
October 2012, the residents of Barangay Caniogan attended series of seminars to
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increase their preparedness level. Moises Manalo Villena, 49 years old and
Barangay Official of Caniogan, shared that as a result of their memory of disaster
events in the past, they are proving capacity building activities to their residents on
disaster preparedness. Also, they procured equipment that are lacking and they
deemed necessary when they experienced flooding before. This includes: life jacket,
motorboat, and generator among others. The Barangay Officials of Sapang Bayan
and Corazon have invested in training seminars to increase their capacity in disaster
preparedness. In the same way, they invested in equipment to increase their level of
preparedness. Barangay Captain Romeo Talucod of Corazon, Calumpit, shared that,
“we procured rescue boats, generator, and other relief items needed by our
residents in times of calamity.” Concurrently, Barangay Sapang Bayan invested in
first aid kits, simple medical apparatus (i.e. Stethoscope), life vests, drum for fire
protection, boat equipment to be used for rescue operation, fire extinguishers, and
lifesaver. In hindsight, these initiatives are forms of local knowledge because these
are living testaments of community mechanisms of adjusting to the risk they are
facing. These are also strategies of the high-risk communities to prepare for the
incoming disasters.
Of the local knowledge identified in the previous chapter, it is the
anticipation type of knowledge that is not really pronounced in the exiting
Barangay DRRM Plans, but are practiced individually. Romeo Talucod, 61 years
old and Barangay Captain of Corazon, Calumpit, narrated, “these (animal behavior
and celestial bodies observations) are signs if we fisher folks should pursue fishing
or not because they forewarns heavy rain or flooding. They provide indications, and
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then we make actions and prepare ourselves.” Arturo Magtalas, 57 years old and
Barangay Captain of Caniogan, Calumpit, narrated, “these provided us information
to be ready for impending calamities.” As to the reason why these are not
particularly integrated in the plans, Mar Angelo Villalobos, 34 years old and
Barangay Kagawad of Corazon, shared, “the times had change, people became too
modern.” On the other hand, Evangeline Peralta, 52 years old and resident of
Barangay Corazon, said, “these beliefs are important too, and there is no wrong to
believe in them”. In hindsight, based on the different stands of people on this type of
local knowledge in disaster risk reduction, it is not explicitly written in the existing
Barangay DRRM Plans.
Figure 9 provides summary of integration of Social Memory on Disaster and
Local Knowledge on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management of Riverfront
Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy in Barangay DRRM Plans.
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Figure 9: Summary of Integration of Social Memory on Disaster and Local Knowledge on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
of Riverfront Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy in Barangay DRRM Plans
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*****
In conclusion, the cases of the communities in Calumpit and Hagonoy
exemplifed that policy on disaster risk reduction and management were developed as
a result of their memory on the significant impacts of disaster events that came about
in their respective communities. The policies developed in the communities address
the vulnerabilities of the people based on their memory of disaster events. Also, the
plans provide solutions to the effects of previous disaster events remembered and
experienced by that the riverfront dwellers. Moreover, it is evident in the key
features of the existing Barangay DRRM Plans and the local level practices in
disaster risk reduction and management of the communities of Calumpit and
Hagonoy that they have integrated their local knowledge on developed as a result of
previous disasters. That said, it is concluded that recovering social memory and local
knowledge on disasters improved local level policy on disaster risk reduction and
management in the context of the Angat watershed and river basin region.
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PART THREE
CONCLUDING CHAPTERS
Chapter 8: Where are we in the Plans?
Toward a Local Knowledge and Social Memory-Driven
DRRM Plans
Chapter 9: Conclusions and Recommendations
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Chapter 8
WHERE ARE WE IN THE PLANS?
TOWARD A LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL
MEMORY-DRIVEN DRRM PLANS
8.1 Introduction
The previous chapter discussed how the high-risk communities of Calumpit
and Hagonoy address their vulnerability to flooding by integrating social memory
and local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management in their BDRRM
Plan/Contingency Plans. In this chapter, the general scenario, reflection and analysis
on the space provided to local knowledge and social memory of communities in
DRRM policies and program on risk reduction in the country will be discussed. In
the same way, this chapter will discuss the governance implications of the best
practices of Hagonoy and Calumpit in relation to the mainstreaming of their social
memory and local knowledge on disaster risk reduction and management. Finally,
how the experiences of Hagonoy and Calumpit can be further improved and
replicated in other areas in the country and elsewhere will be discussed.
The chapter is organized into three parts. First, the culture and DRRM
practice in the Philippines will be discussed. Corollary to this, it will examine the
space of local knowledge and social memory in DRRM Plans. Second, the cases of
Calumpit and Hagonoy on how the plans have been improved through the
integration of local knowledge and social memory will be reviewed and
summarized. Also, the governance implications of the integration of social memory
and local knowledge will be presented. Finally, looking at the cases of Calumpit and
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Hagonoy, the recommendations on how can the integration of social memory and
local knowledge be further enhanced will be presented.
8.2 Culture of DRRM in the Philippines and the Space
of Local Knowledge and Social Memory in DRRM Plans
This section takes into consideration the “culture” of disaster risk reduction
and management in the Philippines that sets the context as to the space provided to
local knowledge and social memory in plans. The discussions were drawn mainly
from the immersion of the researcher in the field of disaster risk reduction and
management in the country and the region for almost ten years now.
The existing policies and frameworks of the country on disaster risk
reduction and management are commitments to the international strategies on risk
reduction such as the Hyogo Framework for Action and other internationally legally
binding agreements on risk and exposure reduction. The replacement of the decades-
old PD 1566 with RA 10121 is a big step that the national government has taken in
addressing risk reduction and management. The severity, magnitude of damages and
losses, and the social impacts of disasters in the country need a strong national
policy to reduce the exposure, vulnerability and risk of the country and its people.
The onslaught of typhoon Ondoy (Ketsana) in 2009 served as a focal point in the
swift enactment of RA 10121 and RA 9729.
RA 10121 revolutionized the prevailing disaster management practices in the
country. The RA 10121 is significantly different from PD 1566 because of its
emphasis on proactive approach to risk reduction rather than the reactive paradigm.
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The law was signed in 2010 before the end of the term of former President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo. In 2015, the law was subjected to a sunset review to assess the
gains and to determine whether another one is needed to replace it or which specific
provisions needed to be replaced, discontinued, and prevail.
RA 10121 has had significant milestones such as the capitalization on
disaster prevention, mitigation, and preparedness rather than emergency response.
Government agencies were mandated to take part and carry out responsibilities in
implementing DRRM measures. Furthermore, civil society organizations took part
in the national and local DRRMCs. So far, RA 10121 has set the prevailing standard
in DRRM in the country. The following discuss the pointers and observations about
the current DRRM culture in the Philippines:
First, while there is awareness that risk reduction requires proactive
approach, RA 10121 is not completely understood by the concerned government
offices (JICA DRRM CEP, 2013). This can be observed in how local government
officials view DRRM as well as he heavy investment and expenditure on emergency
response rather than on prevention and mitigation.
Second, the prescribed allotted fund for DRRM is 5% of the internal revenue
allotment of a local government unit. This is mainly used to procure search and
rescue equipment. These funds are also prone to misuse and corrupt practices
especially with the purchase of equipment. On the contrary, minimal amounts are
channeled into community-based DRRM projects such as disaster preparedness
seminars and livelihood assistance for residents. Most high risk barangays are poor
and/or far-flung. With the economic and logistic constraints, facilitating risk
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reduction initiatives is a challenge. Local governments need to augment funds and
lead the initiative for these vulnerable communities. However, as pointed out earlier,
most of the funds have been used in the procurement of equipment.
Third, RA 10121 mandates the creation of local DRRM offices with
specified need for substantial plantilla positions for competent individuals.
However, many LGUs have not complied with this. In Calumpit and Hagonoy,
physical offices have been set up but the respective municipal ordinances creating
the LDRRMOs have not yet been signed for implementation. In lieu, officers, acting
as consultants, have been temporarily assigned due to the urgent need for structure
and organization during flooding. In the case of Calumpit, the current DRRM and
CCA consultant is the previous Municipal Administrator. Other positions are filled
with staff from other branches of the LGU. These staff members are carrying out
responsibilities of their original positions and only step in the DRRM role in times of
disasters. The rest of the positions are filled with contractual workers and volunteers.
The term of these positions are usually co-terminus with the local executives who
appointed them to office. In addition, based on the JICA DRRM CEP 2013 study, ,
only heads of these offices are able to attend DRRM seminars. The other staff
members have limited participation in capacity development activities, which
hinders them from optimizing their potentials as DRRM officers. The generic
DRRM plans of LGUs are not comprehensive and holistic as these are only
developed for compliance purposes only as well as to be able to access the DRRM
Funds.
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The researcher’s review of the Municipal DRRM Plans and the Barangay
DRRMPs through a World Bank project revealed three observations. First,
softcopies of Municipal DRRM Plans were provided and it was noticed that some
texts in the documents contained hyperlinks, which directed to the original online
sources of the information/action plans. This was done without proper citation or
modification to consider the local setting. The absence of specificity with regards to
practiced culture and prevailing setting and conditions (economical, physical, social,
etc.) underscores their importance in the effectiveness of the DRRMPs.
Second, the Department of Interior and Local Government provides the
LGUs with forms to fill out and templates to use for their DRRMPs. The compliance
with the submission of the required documents allows the LGUs to access their
DRRM Funds. With the amount of technical information needed to be addressed in
the preparation of documents and the lack of training of local DRRM personnel, the
risk reduction plans were not evaluated properly in terms of feasibility, long-term
effectiveness, and sustainability.
Finally, basing on the conducted interviews, it was observed that only the
local executives and community officials seem to be aware that a DRRMP is in
place. The residents are not informed or involved in the drafting of the DRRMP and
their participation in its realization is underscored.
In the final analysis, it can be argued that the local knowledge and social
memory of disasters are not integrated in the DRRM plans and policies mainly
because the participation of the residents in its creation is not taken into
consideration. Moreover, policymakers perceive that disasters are mere results of
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extreme events and that citizens are not capable of collective participation in DRRM
planning.
8.3 How did Recovered Local Knowledge and Social Memory Improve the
DRRM Plans?
Public policies will not serve its purpose if it fails to gather support from the
citizens. Policy implementation is a collaborative work being the legislative and the
constituency. Based on interviews and personal observations, communities have vast
social memory and local knowledge have been developed as a result of previous
disasters. This study revealed that communities have a gold mine of lessons learned
from previous disasters. They shared the impacts of disasters to their individual and
community lives – economically, socially, and ecologically. They also narrated
stories of failures of political system and hope and how they want their respective
communities to become safer, prepared, and resilient. In the conceptual framework
of the study (see again Figure 1), it is emphasized that social memory feeds into
local knowledge that can improve policies on DRRM. The local level actions can
then feed into and improve the national, regional, and global risk reduction
frameworks. The following outlines how social memory on disasters in Calumpit
and Hagonoy has been integrated in the residents’ knowledge systems and practices
as well as how it improved DRRM culture at the local level (See again Figure 9).
First, the learning is apparent in how residents have tried to improve and
enhance their preparedness and responses to disaster. Due to the perennial flooding
in the areas, people have developed means of coping and adaptation. Houses have
been elevated and foods and basic needs are stored prior to flooding.
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Figure 1. Conceptual framework of the study
Second, barangays have developed strategies and mechanisms to
communicate impending disasters to the constituents. The installation of
communication devices to provide early warning to the residents, especially to the
riverbank dwellers, best manifest this. The learning is shown in the prioritization and
allocation of funds to purchase equipment needed in times of emergency, including
search and rescue vehicles and life vests, among others. Also it is embodied in the
establishment of an office by the municipal government catering to the DRRM needs
of residents.
The third, learning is the apparent is how riverfront dwellers now view the
importance of following early warnings to ensure their safety.
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Figure 9: Summary of Integration of Social Memory on Disaster and Local Knowledge on Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
of Riverfront Dwellers of Calumpit and Hagonoy in Barangay DRRM Plans
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Lastly, the learning is also exhibited in how riverfront dwellers deem that
they should be good stewards of the environment, particularly of the river that has
been an important part of their life.
Looking at the cases of Calumpit and Hagonoy, the flowing are the
governance implications and how the do social memory and local knowledge
improved the DRRM Plans of high-risk communities:
1) the recovery of local knowledge and social memory brought to the fore the
inherent capacities of the communities at the heart of public policies;
2) the recovery of local knowledge and social memory and its integration to
disaster risk reduction and management policy gave the community a sense
of ownership of the policy which in turn made such policy more effective in
its implementation; and,
3) the recovery of local knowledge and social memory made the policy context-
specific which better suited the needs, situation, vulnerability, and strengths
of the community.
In the final analysis, solutions to disasters are local-specific. The
commitment and willingness of local governments to address flooding problems is
crucial. This is especially true in a country where the power and resources lie in the
hands of political institutions. If the local government will not commit to a
participatory process in risk reduction, it would be very difficult to ease the risk and
vulnerability of people to disasters. Furthermore, development projects that do not
encourage active participation and capacity building of the stakeholders will not lead
to community resilience. Collective involvement of the constituents in policymaking
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process is crucial in driving implementation and effectiveness. Finally, involving
constituents in capacity building ensure accountability of the individual to the
community.
8.4 Bringing Local Knowledge and Social Memory in the Plans: Toward a
Local Knowledge and Social Memory-Driven DRRM Plans
How can we then further bring in local knowledge and social memory in
local level plans? How can the local knowledge and social memory-improved local
level plans on disaster risk reduction and management be replicated at the municipal,
national and global level?
Schmuck (2012) noted that “reducing flood vulnerability requires a balance
of bottom-up approaches based on local knowledge and top-down measures and
outside specialist knowledge. Flood risk reduction requires working with
communities to understand their needs in a participatory manner, which will cover
vulnerabilities, existing capabilities, and capacities that are desired but that require
improvement. Working hand-in-hand will assist in returning flooding to being
natural, normal and accepted part of the life of rivers and of river communities,
rather than being surprising and disastrous events.” As stated by Schmuck, it is of
vital importance to involve high-risk communities in developing and formulating
plans and measures on risk reduction. Involving these is of great importance because
of three particular reasons: First, the plans that policymakers and community leaders
are going to develop are for the community. Second, given that the plans to be
developed are for the community, it is essential that they are actively involved every
step of the way of the planning process. This means from the assessment of the
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situation, formulation, testing, finalizatin, and updating the plans. Third, in relation
to the second reason, the community has a wealth of knowledge and capacity such
local knowledge and social memory, that are substantial and ground level inputs to
the plans to be developed.
Figure 10 shows the proposed Local Knowledge and Social Memory
Integration to Barangay DRRM Plan Model. The following are the process in the
proposed integration model:
1) carry out assessment of the disaster risk, exposure, vulnerabilities, and
capacities of the community. Prior to developing any plan of action, it is
imperative to have a comprehensive understanding and assessment of the
situation in the community. In carrying out the assessment activity, it is also
indispensable that community members actively involve. In cases where
there is a budget limitation; thus, a big number of community members
cannot be engaged, representatives of the community in the assessment phase
would do. For instance, representatives of People’s Organizations, Home-
Owner’s Association, and vulnerable groups (i.e. women, elderly, children)
among others should be involved in the assessment phase.
In the assessment phase, participatory tools should be used. There do
exist participatory tools being used by different non-government
organizations in the planning process at the community level. For instance,
the Center for Disaster Preparedness, a nongovernment organization working
on Community-based Disaster Risk Reduction and Management, uses ten
(10) participatory tools called Community Risk Assessment tools to study
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Figure 10: Local Knowledge and Social Memory Integration to Barangay DRRM Plan Model
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and assess the risk, vulnerability, and capacity of a particular community.
The tools are: disaster timeline, hazard and resource mapping; hazard
assessment matrix, seasonal calendar, elements-at-risk, social Venn diagram,
attitudinal matrix, evacuation matrix, DRRM experience and coping
strategies, and before, now and tomorrow. The said tools take into
consideration to local capacities, local knowledge, and social memory of
communities in disasters. Similarly, the said tools look into the different
ways by which the community and other stakeholders (i.e. Barangay
Officals, Municipal/City Government, nongovernment organizations, faith-
based organizations, and the international community among others) respond
to the risk that the community had experienced and are currently facing. The
objectives of and data, which can be generated from the tools, are shown in
Appendix 2.
2) After the assessment phase, the drafting of the Barangay DRRM Plan can
now proceed. In hindsight, the outputs in carrying out the abovementioned
tools are the sound bases for Barangay DRRM planning.
3) Once the draft Barangay DRRM Plan is available, it is important to
undertake an actual validation and testing of the plan through simulation
drills. For instance, the system and mechanism for early warning
communicatin, disaster response, evacuation and other components of the
draft plan should be tested and simulated to assess its feasibility. This is also
an opportunity to gather insights and reflections from the larger community,
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particularly those who were not involved in the planning process. The inputs
from the simulation and validation will further strengthen the plan.
4) After the draft plan has been simulated, it can now be finalized.
Subsequently, the plan can be implemented in the community.
5) The developed local level plans, which take into consideration the recovered
local knowledge and social memory of the communities are substantial input
to the municipal/city, national, and global planning on DRRM.
Situations and vulnerabilities change over time, as a result, there is a need to
update the existing plans. The Barangay DRRM Plan should also be regularly
updated. A certain local government unit can develop a year, two-year, and/or three-
year Barangay DRRM Plan. Whichever track the local government unit chooses, it
is imperative to better and improve the existing plan. Corollary to this, in the
proposed integration model, there is always a need to assess and refer to social
memory and local knowledge of communities. As mentioned earlier, social memory
on disaster are event specific. That said, people learn every after disaster. The
learning can improve the exisiting plan. In the same way, the local knowledge in
DRRM should always be considered even in the improvement of the existing plan
because they reflect how the community perceive and respond to the risk they are
facing.
Finally, one of the implications of the proposed integration model is that
global solutions to the disaster risk are local. This entails that instead of being
repositories of international frameworks and policies, communities and their local
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level practices can serve as a model that will improve, strengthen, and be fed into
international policies and framework on disaster risk reduction and management.
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Chapter 9
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
9.1 Conclusions
Over the years, the Philippines has witnessed both small- and large-scale
disasters that had tremendously affected lives, infrastructure, livelihood, and
environment, especially of those living in high-risk areas. Accordingly, disasters are
becoming the new normal and one of the key defining development issues of our
time.
The way disasters are understood has evolved over the decades. The
dominant mindset views disasters as a function of hazard, that is that they result
from natural geophysical, climatological or biological activities. However, over the
last thirty years, social scientists and scholars have argued for the need to factor in
the concepts of vulnerability (i.e. unfavourable the social conditions) in
understanding why disasters occur. Likewise, the same scholars advocate
capitalizing on local capacities (i.e.community resources and inherent strengths) in
lessening the impact of calamities. Without a doubt, a disaster is likely to happen to
a community that is vulnerable to hazards such as the riverfront dwellers of
Calumpit and Hagonoy. On the other hand, the risk could be reduced if a community
is capacitated. More importantly, in order to understand what makes communities
both vulnerable and resilient to disasters, there is a need to extensively examine why
these communities respond to disasters the way they do. Thus, a communitiy’s social
memory on how they coped with disasters over time as embodied in their local
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knowledge on DRRM should be taken into consideration in the formulation of
policy.
The following are the conclusions of the study were drawn from the
narratives of the participants and reflections of the researcher:
First, the riverfront dwellers of Angat watershed and river basin region have
a rich social memory of the disaster events that had occured in their respective
communities. For instance, they have have recovered their memory on the Great
Flood of 1972 as a result of Typhoon Edeng, Typhoon Ondoy (2009), Typhoon
Pedring (2011), and Habagat (2012). Since then, they have learned from these
calamities that hit their localities. More pointedly, learning is evident in the
following:
Riverfront dwellers view that disaster preparedness (i.e. knowing what to
do before, during, and after disasters) is important to ensure their safety
in times of calamities;
Riverfront dwellers learned the significance of early warning
communication as well as following orders from community and
municipality officials to evacuate if necessary to effectively reduce the
damage;
Riverfront dwellers learned the value of stewardship and caring for the
environment. They have memory of the impact to them and their
community of having no proper solid waste management system. As a
result, they initiated Angat River clean up activities and repairing their
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drainage canals. The communities have also developed waste
management mechanism in their respective localities.
Second, as a result of their social memory of the significant disaster events
that happened in their communities, the riverfront dwellers have developed local
knowledge in relation to disaster risk reduction and management. The said local
knowledge influence the way people perceive and respond to the risk they are
facing. The local knowledge or the so-called capacities that they developed overtime
are:
For anticipate or local knowledge related to people’s identification and
monitoring of environmental indicators, the riverfront dwellers take into
consideration the behaviors of animals (ants, dogs, cockroaches, birds,
and earthworms) and celestial bodies (clouds, sun, stars, thunder and
lightning) to forewarn them of the weather conditions and if a typhoon is
coming. From the observations, they will then take action. As riverfront
dwellers who mainly rely on the river for their livelihood, the animal
behaviors and celestial bodies observation are important as they indicate
if they will pursue fishing and/or there is enough fish in the river.
For adjust or local knowledge related to people’s access to assets, the
riverfront dwellers have coped and adapted by improving and enhancing
their responses and preparedness to disaster. More pointedly, the people
have developed means of coping and adaptation such as elevating houses,
bringing house equipment to a higher place, and preparing survival/first
aid kits, foods, clothes, and important documents among others.
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For communication or local knowledge to people’s ability to transfer
knowledge among them and between generation, the riverfront dwellers
have developed communication strategies to inform people about
impending disasters. Early warning communication devices such as
radios and flood markers have been installed. Although the said
equipment are foreign to the community, they have used them taking into
consideration their own community context (i.e. which areas the flood
markers should be installed based on memory of previous disaster
events). In the same way, storytelling is also being used to transfer
knowledge on previous disaster events from the generation who actually
experienced them to the generation now.
Third, the extent of the disaster impacts had led to the development and
formulation of Municipal and Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Plans and hazard-specific Contingency Plan. There is an acknowledgment from the
Municipal and Barangay Officials that the plans were produced as a response to
their memory of previous disaster events, particularly the most recent flooding the
inundated the municipalities of Calumpit and Hagonoy: Typhoon Ondoy (2009),
Typhoon Pedring (2011), and Habagat (2012). The plans and the corresponding
DRRM committees in each community were established officially in 2013 onwards.
Fourth, in connection to the third, it is argued that the social memory and
learning from the previous disaster events, particularly the most recent ones (i.e.
Typhoon Ondoy in 2009, Typhoon Pedring in 2011, and Habagat in 2012), have
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been integrated in the current Municipal and Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Plans and hazard-specific Contingency Plan.
Fifth, it is likewise concluded that local knowledge in disaster risk reduction
that the riverfront dwellers have developed overtime have been integrated in the
community responses and Barangay Disaster Risk Reduction and Management
Plan/hazard-specific Contingency Plan. This is evident particularly the local
knowledge pertaining to adjusting and communicating disasters. On the other hand,
the local knowledge in relation to anticipating using animal and celestial bodies
observations are not pronounced in the existing plans. However, the local knowledge
in anticipating disasters is practiced at the individual level. The following are the
evidences how local knowledge of riverfront dwellers have been integrated in the
plas:
For adjust or local knowledge related to people’s access to assets, the
Barangay have coped and adapted by improving and enhancing its
responses and preparedness to disaster. More specificially, it is apparent
in elevating barangay properties (halls), incorporating community
preparedness activities in the plans such as simulation drills and disaster
preparedness trainings, procurement of materials (life vest, motor boats,
rescue equipment, medicines, mats, and relief items among other),
drainage and road improvement.
For communication or local knowledge to people’s ability to transfer
knowledge among them and between generation, the Barangay Officials
183
have set up early warning devices (i.e. flood markers, tarpaulins,
signages) and carried out information dissemination campaigns.
In the same way, the Barangay Councils had set up mechanisms and
structures that will be activated in times of emergency. Also, they had delineated
clearly the roles and responsibilities of Barangay officials when disaster strikes
Finally, returning to the research’s main objective, the study on the Angat
watershed and river basin region provides a compelling case for the advantages of
integrating both local knowledge and social memory in local-level plans and
responses to disasters. This is corroborated by the findings from Calumpit and
Hagonoy in three specific ways:
the recovery of local knowledge and social memory brought to the fore
the inherent capacities of the communities at the heart of local-level
public policy;
the recovery of local knowledge and social memory and its integration to
disaster risk reduction and management policy gave the community a
sense of ownership of the policy imbuing it with more clout; and,
the recovery of local knowledge and social memory made the policy
context-specific which better suited the needs, situation, vulnerability,
and strengths of the community.
184
9.2 Recommendations
The following are the recommendations for future research based on the
findings of the study:
First, local practices and capacities are inspiring global solutions to the
dilemma of environmental disasters. The municipalities of Calumpit and Hagonoy
are only two of the high-risk areas in the Angat watershed and river basin region.
There are still a lot of other municipalities and communities around it. Also, being
archipelagic in nature, the country has been blessed with major river basins, which
include: Cagayan River Basin, Mindanao River Basin, Agusin River Basin,
Pampanga River, Abra River Basin, Agno River Basin, Pasig-Laguna River Basin,
Bicol River Basin, Abulug River Basin, Saug-Libuganon River Basin, Ilog-
Hilabangan River Basin, Panay River Basin, Tagoloan River Basin, Agus River
Basin, Davao River Basin, Cagayan de Oro River Basin, Jalaur River Basin, and
Buayan-Malungon River Basin. Only the Angat River Basin had been highlighted in
this study. That said, the ground is fertile to further document social memory and
local knowledge in disaster risk reduction in other river basins in the country.
Needless to say, there is still a wealth of social memory and local knowledge as well
as good practices on risk reduction in the river basin regions of the country that
remains unrecovered. If this remains to be the case, the social memory and local
knowledge will be forgotten and will flow together with the water current.
Second, at the level of public policy, the research and its findings
demonstrate that substantial and comprehensive research on social memory and local
knowledge is extremetly important. The social memory and local knowledge are
185
reflections of what influences perception and response to disasters. That said, they
reflect the culture of a particular group of people. The study of social memory and
local knowledge is indispensable because these knowledge serves as a significant
foundation to public policy in disaster risk reduction and management. It is
important to bear in mind that public policies, like modern technology, no matter
how brilliantly crafted are, if not embraced and owned by the people they are
supposed to protect are useless.
Finally, the study and its findings open up research opportunities on
integrating local knowledge and the scientific knowledge (as understood by the
physical scientists and policy makers) in public policy. It cannot be doubted that the
scientific knowledge predominantly informs DRRM policies in the Philippines.
Because of this, local knowledge is often discounted and is almost never integrated
in public policy. The research and its findings offer a window to merge, marry, and
melt the two forms of knowledge for it is the case that the local knowledge aids in
making its scientific counterpart more context and culture-specific.
186
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APPENDIX 1: Respondents in the Study
Name Gender Age Barangay Years of stay
in the House
Place of origin if from other
area
Arturo Magtalas (Barangay Captain) M 57 Caniogan 57
Norberto G. Candelaria (Barangay
Kagawad)
M 52 Caniogan 52
Moises Manalo Villena M 49 Caniogan 49
Asuncion De Leon F 66 Caniogan 57 Kapitana
Florentina Reyes Espiritu F 69 Caniogan Hagonoy
Adriano Feliciano M 65 Caniogan 65
Herardo Gregorio M 50 Caniogan 50
Cherryl C. Manio F 36 Caniogan 36
Mercedita Mano
Romeo M. Talucud (Barangay Captain) M 61 Corazon 61
Dennis Adriano Gripol (Barangay
Kagawad)
M 50 Corazon 50
Mar Angelo Villalobos (Barangay
Kagawad)
M
34 Corazon 17 Olongapo
196
Name Gender Age Barangay Years of stay
in the House
Place of origin if from other
area
Amado Deo Gracias M 48 Corazon 30 Meycauayan
Levita Deo Gracias
F 68 Corazon 46 Gatbuka
Evangeline Peralta F 52 Corazon 52
Jojo Roque M 34 Corazon 14 Meycauayan
Violeta Sungha F 49 Corazon 24 Leyte
Mario C. Tranquillo M 46 Corazon 24 Bicol
Teresita Tranquillo F 59 Corazon 59
Ramil Santiago M 45 Sapang Bayan 45
Luis Galang M 38 Sapang Bayan 38
Milagros Robles F 59 Sapang Bayan 33 Bulusan
Helen Castillo F 45 Sapang Bayan 45
Herminia del Rosario F 48 Sapang Bayan 48
Racquel del Rosario F 29 Sapang Bayan 11 Gatdula
197
Name Gender Age Barangay Years of stay
in the House
Place of origin if from other
area
Belinda Cruz-Galang F 30 Sapang Bayan 11 Gatudula
Cristina Galang F 32 Sapang Bayan 32
Edgardo Lucas M 47 Sapang Bayan 47
Vivian Galang F 40 Sapang Bayan 40
Rolando Tolentino (Barangay Captain) M 44 San Miguel 44
Elisa Quiton (Barangay Kagawad) F 46 San Miguel 20+ Brgy. San Miguel,
Lamberto Lopez (Barangay Kagawad) M 54 San Miguel 54
Josephine Atenta F 40 San Miguel 10+ Brgy. San Miguel,
Herminia Anicete F 52 San Miguel 27 Pasig City
Fabiano Anicete M 53 San Miguel 33 Brgy. San Isidro, San Miguel
Levy Felipe F 56 San Miguel 22 Mandaluyong
Elena Balatbat F 57 San Miguel 30 Rizal
Rosario Alejo F 50 San Miguel 50
198
Name Gender Age Barangay Years of stay
in the House
Place of origin if from other
area
Jolita Lugue F 44 San Miguel 20+ Brgy. San Miguel, Hagonoy
Severino Carpio (Barangay Captain) M 50 Tampok 50
Imelda Manansala (Barangay Clerk) F 47 Tampok 47
Val Perez (Barangay Secretary) M 47 Tampok 22 Calumpit, Bulacan
Rogelio del Rosario (Barangay
Kagawad)
M 50 Tampok 50
Len Marie Manansala F 36 Tampok 12 Brgy. Tampok, Hagonoy
Arnel Crisostomo M 51 Tampok 51
Feliz Balatbat M 58 Tampok 58
Rogelio Carpio M 58 Tampok 58
Engracia Crisostomo F 53 Tampok 20+ Brgy. San Miguel, Hagonoy
Anecito Alipio M 69 Tampok 1985 Manila
Leopoldo Medina (Barangay Captain) M 60 Sta. Monica 60 Caloocan City
Ernesto del Rosario (Barangay
Secretary)
38 Sta. Monica 35
199
Name Gender Age Barangay Years of stay
in the House
Place of origin if from other
area
Eduardo Pagtalunan (Barangay Clerk) M 53 Sta. Monica 53
Ronaldo Nunez (Barangay Kagawad) M 40 Sta. Monica 40
Ildefonso Villanueva M 58 Sta. Monica 58
Bienvenido Villanueva M 56 Sta. Monica 56
Eduardo Francisco M 48 Sta. Monica 48
Nilo Clemente M 45 Sta. Monica 45
Ronaldo del Rosario M 34 Sta. Monica 34
Jojo Tomas M (DRRM and CCA Consultant) MDRRMC Calumpit
Rosalie Graida
F MDRRMC Calumpit
Robert M MDRRMC Calumpit
Rodolfo Manumbas M Municipal Administrator – Calumpit
Gia Santiago F MDRRMC Hagonoy
Edgardo Montases M MDRRMC Hagonoy
200
APPENDIX 2: Community Risk Assessment Tools
Tool Objective
Data to be generated
H Hazard
Frequency C V
Actors
Disaster timeline To learn what are the significant disaster events that occur in
the barangay
To identify the impacts and lessons learnt from the disaster
events
X X X X
Hazard and
resource mapping
To identify areas at risk from specific hazards and the
vulnerable members of the barangay
To identify available resources that could be used by the
barangay people in disaster risk reduction and management
X X X X
Hazard
assessment
matrix
To identify and understand the nature and behavior of hazards
affecting the barangay
X X X
Seasonal calendar To learn about hazards, disasters, weather, livelihood, health
condition , seasonal events and other relevant activities
throughout the annual cycle
X X X X X
Elements at risk To assess how many people within the community are at risk
from different hazards X X X
Social Venn
Diagram
To describe various organizations which operate in the
barangay
To identify the organizations that can potentially help advance
or hinder the development of the barangay in terms of DRRM
X X
Health, livelihood To identify the positive and negative characteristics, practices X X X
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Tool Objective
Data to be generated
H Hazard
Frequency C V
Actors
and attitude
matrix
and beliefs/norms of the people in the barangay before, during
and after a disaster
Evacuation
matrix
To learn the process of evacuation that people in the barangay
do in times of disaster events
To identify challenges and issues that need to be addressed to
facilitate proper and timely evacuation
X X X X
DRRM
experiences and
coping strategies
To lay down the existing DRRM activities of the families,
Barangay Council/ BDRRMC, NGOs and Municipal
Government/ MDRRMC
To identify if there are present activities which are geared
toward adaptation
X X X X X
Before, Now, and
tomorrow
To describe the image of the barangay in the past in terms of
the environment, landscape and resources
To identify the changes in the environment, landscape and
resources that have affected the barangay over time because of
disasters and human activities
To illustrate the people's vision of their barangay in the future
X X X