living with heritage in cairo: area conservation in the arab-islamic city

withLiving Heritage

inCairo

Ahmed Sedky

The American University in Cairo PressCairo New York

Area Conservation inthe Arab–Islamic City

withLiving Heritage

inCairo

Ahmed Sedky

The American University in Cairo PressCairo New York

Area Conservation inthe Arab–Islamic City

First published in 2009 byThe American University in Cairo Press113 Sharia Kasr el Aini, Cairo, Egypt420 Fifth Avenue, New York 10018www.aucpress.com

Copyright © 2009 by Ahmed Sedky

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

Dar el Kutub No. 16147/08ISBN 978 977 416 245 9

Dar el Kutub Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Sedky, Ahmed Living Heritage in Cairo: Area Conservation in the Arab Islamic City / Ahmed Sedky.—

Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2008 p. cm. ISBN 977 416 245 9 1. Architecture/Islamic I. Title 723.3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 14 13 12 11 10 09

Designed by Adam el SehemyPrinted in Egypt

To my mother

To my mother

vii

Contents

List of Illustrations ixList of Abbreviations xiiiAcknowledgments xvIntroduction xvii

Part One–What To Conserve 11. The Current Meaning of Historic Areas in Cairo 3

Historic Areas 3Typical Urban Problems 5Current Area Conservation Projects in Historic Cairo 8Urban Transformation in Cairo 9Cairo City Master Plans 15Slum or Dilapidated Physical Environment? 23The Subjective Meaning of Historic Areas in Cairo 29The “U” Group 30The “N” Group 32The “W” Group 34What to Conserve 35

Part Two–How to Conserve 372. The Concept of Area Conservation 39

History of Area Conservation 39Review of Charters 41Charters in the Arab–Islamic Region 43Units of Analysis for Area Conservation 44Area Conservation Funding Mechanisms 53

viii Contents

3. Area Conservation Processes 81Area Conservation Process 81Statutory Phase 81Action Phase 90Physical Intervention 101Cultural Approach to Area Conservation in the 102

Arab–Islamic ContextPriorities in Area Conservation 105How to Conserve 108

Part Three–Assessment of Area Conservation in Cairo 1114. Assessment of Area Conservation in Historic Cairo 113

Synthesis of the Criteria 113The Approach to Assessment 115Assessment of Area Conservation in Cairo 117Assessment Investigation Design 118

5. Area Conservation in Cairo 121Overview of Area Conservation in Cairo 121Main Actors Involved in Area Conservation in Cairo 126An Overview of Area Conservation Quality in Cairo 128“N” Group Organizations 128 “U” Group Organizations 210 “W” Group Organizations 213An Overview of Policies of Area Conservation in Cairo 215Power Arrangement 215Values and Interests 220Institutional Framework 223

6. Summary and Conclusion 227Summary 227Conclusion 229

Notes 233References 265Charters and Legislation 289Index 295

ix

Illustrations

Figure1.1 Map of Cairo.1.2 Sabil–kuttab, c. seventeenth century. 1.3 Low-cost housing scheme of the 1960s, Bab al-Wazir Street,

al-Darb al-Ahmar.1.4 Registered monument, al-Tabbana Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar.1.5 Map showing different sectors and areas under conservation in

historic Cairo.1.6 Model of the change in the adopted urban system in the

studied region.1.7 Ottoman monument, al-Tabbana Street, currently used as an

elementary school.1.8 Bab al-Wazir Street: conflict between vehicle and

pedestrian movement.1.9 Nineteenth-century apartment building. 1.10 A collapsed rab‘, al-Tabbana Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar. 1.11 A modern reinforced concrete building, al-Tabbana Street,

al-Darb al-Ahmar. 1.12 Bab al-Nasr Cemetery. 1.13 Bab al-Nasr Cemetery: undefined borders between the funer-

ary courts and the domestic area.1.14 Mashrabiya of Bayt al-Razzaz, seventeenth century.1.15 Ras al-Tin Palace.1.16 Early twentieth-century apartment building, Heliopolis.1.17 Neoclassical building within the traditional context of the old city.

x Illustrations

1.18 Equilibrium of the urban management system within an Islamic paradigm.

1.19 A modern house in the old city, Tunis.1.20 A modern villa in the suburbs of Kirwan, Tunisia.1.21 Doctors’ Syndicate (Dar al-Hikma).1.22 Neoclassical building, Bab al-Wazir Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar. 1.23 Qasr ‘Abdin, the royal palace built in the late nineteenth century.1.24 Typical movements of low-income urban populations in

developing countries.1.25 Change in the typical movements of low-income population in

the region under study.1.26 The subjective meaning of an area.1.27 The effect of the adoption of European housing typologies on

values in historic Cairo’s built environment.2.1 Textile trade in al-Ghuriya, close to al-Azhar Mosque.2.2 Modern structure in the Royal Mile, Edinburgh. 2.3 Nazli Sharif Mosque.2.4 Muhammad ‘Ali Mosque.2.5 Khan al-Hiraf, old Aleppo. 2.6 The covered suq of old Aleppo.2.7 Carpenters and cabinet-makers, Darb Shughlan in al-Darb

al-Ahmar.2.8 Open space in front of Bab Zuwayla.2.9 Courtyard of a historic mansion in Medina, Tunis. 2.10 Rebuilt vacant lot in Nahj al-Basha, Tunis.2.11 Low-budget housing for occupants relocated from dilapidated

mansions in Medina, Tunis.2.12 Lethal cracks left on the load-bearing walls of houses in

Qasr al-Sham‘.2.13 Superficial urban beautification of frontage of buildings over-

looking the main street in Qasr al-Sham‘.2.14 Repainted rather than restored houses in al-Darb al-Asfar Street.2.15 Victoria Street off the Grassmarket in the Old Town in Ediburgh.2.16 Ummayad Palace, Judgment Court on the citadel plateau in

Amman, Jordan. 2.17 A route from the top of Jabal Amman to the city center and the

Roman Theater.2.18 Bayt al-Jabri, Damascus.

xiIllustrations

2.19 Refurbished eighteenth-century mansion in the heart of old Damascus.

2.20 An old house converted into a restaurant in Sidi Bou Said, Tunis.2.21 The heart of Sidi Bou Said. 2.22 A 1950s image of the heart of Suq Barghut, central Beirut. 2.23 Suq Barghut today after being targeted by Solidere.3.1 Furn Hayik area in Beirut.3.2 The Suq Barghut area in Beirut today.3.3 Traditional urbanism in Kirwan, a few meters from the historic

central Kirwan Mosque. 3.4 Buildings within the old walled town in Susa, Tunisia.3.5 Relatively neglected area away from the historic mosques and

tourist routes within the walls of old Susa, Tunisia.3.6 Bab Qansurin, old Aleppo.3.7 Community members in al-Batniya in al-Darb al-Ahmar.3.8 The historic core of Mainz, Germany.3.9 Segregated urban nodes in Mainz.3.10 Kings Walk commercial center, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, UK.3.11 Framework plan suggesting different approaches to

area conservation.4.1 Interrelated factors affecting the quality of any environment

under development.4.2 Filters to assess environmental qualities in a historic environment.4.3 Comprehensive model of assessment of area conservation.4.4 Policymaking process in planning in general.5.1 General planning and project implementation process.5.2 Northern traffic access, northern Gamaliya district, to the

north of historic Cairo. 5.3 Northern traffic access linking al-Mansuriya Street to

al-Gaysh Street.5.4 Magra al-‘Uyun project, aqueduct area.5.5 Mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As.5.6 Main street linking the mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As with the

Coptic quarter.5.7 Textile merchants at the foot of al-Ghuri Complex.5.8 Metal industry and aluminum workshops in al-Darb al-Asfar,

al-Gamaliya.5.9 Metal trade and metal vessel section in al-Mu‘izz Street.

xii Illustrations

5.10 Electric cars, Cairo.5.11 Pierra district, Istanbul.5.12 Al-Husayn and al-Azhar mosques, the Mashyakhat al-Azhar,

and al-Azhar Street.5.13 Superficial urban beautification of frontage overlooking the

main streets in Qasr al-Sham‘.5.14 Port Said Street, intersecting with al-Azhar Street. 5.15 Ministry of Culture scheme to revitalize al-Azhar Square.5.16 Ministry of Culture scheme to revitalize al-Hakim Mosque and

Bab al-Nasr.5.17 Open area behind Bayt al-Kritliya, a historic mansion near Ibn

Tulun Mosque. 5.18 Al-Azhar Park during construction; eastern historic walls;

action area of Aga Khan project in al-Darb al-Ahmar. 5.19 Al-Azhar Street today.5.20 Proposed beautification of al-Azhar Street, al-Mu‘izz Street,

and al-Ghuriya.5.21 Old shops along Mustafa Ga‘far wall on al-Mu‘izz Street (1970s).5.22 Western wall of Mustafa Ga‘far overlooking al-Mu‘izz

Street today. 5.23 Decorated walls of the Coptic cemetery along five kilometers.5.24 Beautified and restored façades overlooking al-Darb

al-Asfar Street.5.25 Pseudo-historic gate to the eastern entrance of al-Darb

al-Asfar Street.5.26 Pedestrianization in a lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Street.5.27 Example of load-bearing wall that has merely been repainted.5.28 Unpainted house on a small lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Street.5.29 Harat al-Darb al-Asfar and its two side lanes.5.30 Eastern entrance of al-Tumbakshiya Street from

al-Gamaliya Street.5.31 Wikalat Kahla, Gamaliya Street.5.32 Insensitive demolition of Wikalat al-Zaytun with negative

impact on surrounding buildings.5.33 Darb Shughlan, the busiest area in al-Darb al-Ahmar, with

Aslam Mosque.5.34 Al-Azhar Lane, with al-Tablita vegetable market to the right.5.35 Khayrbak Complex, Bab al-Wazir, al-Darb al-Ahmar area.

xiii

Abbreviations

Anglican Coptic AssociationArchitectural Design Support Center, Faculty of Engi-neering, Cairo University (Egypt)Aga Khan Cultural Services-Egypt (part of the Aga Khan Foundation).Aga Khan Trust for CultureAmerican Research Center in EgyptAssociation de Sauveguarde de la MedinaThe American University in Cairo (Egypt)Bundesministerium für Zusammenarbeit (Germany)Conservation Area Partnership Scheme (UK)Charter of Cultural Tourism (Brussels, 1976)National Center for Documentation of Cultural and Natural Heritage, Bibliotheca Alexandrina (Alexan-dria, Egypt); initiated under the Egyptian Ministry of Information Technology.Department of the National Heritage (UK)Department of the Environment (UK)European CommunityEngineering Center for Archaeological and Environmental Studies, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University (Egypt)European Court of Human Rights (Strasbourg)European UnionFatimid Cairo Development Agency (Egypt)Friends of Environment Development Association (Egypt)framework plan (composite approach to area conservation).General Organization of Physical Planning, Ministry of Housing (Egypt)

ACA ADSC

AKCS-E

AKTC ARCE ASM AUC BMZ CAPS CCTCultnat

DNH DoE EC ECAE

ECHR EUFCDAFEDA FWP GOPP

xiv Abbreviations

Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (German Agency for Technical Cooperation)Historic Cairo OrganizationHeritage Economic Regeneration Scheme (UK)Institut d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme de la Région d’Ile de France (France)The International Association for the Study of People and their Surroundings.Islamic Capital Cities Charter (Tehran, 1997)International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural PropertyInternational Council on Monuments and SitesInternational Cultural Tourism Charter (Mexico, 1999)Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (Egypt)International Monetary FundInstitut National de la Patrimoine (Tunisia)Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (France)Japanese International Co-operation Agency (Japan)local planning authority/iesNear East Foundation (international NGO)non-governmental organizationnational planning policies guidance (UK)planning policies guidelines (UK)participatory rapid appraisal (technique of urban analysis)Regional Information Technology and Software Engineering Center: the IT consultancy of the prime minister (Egypt).rapid urban environmental assessmentSurvey of Architectural Values in the Environment (Denmark)Supreme Council of Antiquities, Ministry of Culture (Egypt)Stirling Townscape Heritage Initiative (UK)strength, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (analysis technique)United Nations Development ProjectUnited Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural OrganizationUnited States Agency for International Development (USA)World Heritage Committee (UNESCO)

GTZ

HCOHERSIAURIF

IAPS

ICCCICCROM

ICOMOS ICTCIFAOIMFINPIRDJICALPANEFNGONPPGPPGPRARITSEC

RUEASAVESCASTHISWOT

UNDPUNESCO

USAIDWHC

xv

It is an honor and pleasure to acknowledge the moral and financial support of H.R.H. Sheikha Hussah al-Sabah, the director of Dar al-Athar al-Islamiya in Kuwait. Such support, going beyond the patron-

age of museum galleries to the sponsoring of academic research, reflects Her Royal Highness’s keen concern with Islamic heritage. I am also very grateful to the Muslim Academic Trust in the UK for their financial sup-port for this research and to the Barakat Trust, UK for financing my expeditions and the research conducted during the editing of this book. I would like also to acknowledge the Centre d’études et de recherches sur le Moyen-Orient contemporain (CERMOC) and the Institut français d’archéologie du Proche-Orient (IFAPO) for facilitating my expeditions in the Fertile Crescent region; the Istanbul Technical University, espe-cially Dr. Turgut Sanar, for aiding my research in Turkey; and the Asso-ciation de Sauveguarde de la Medina (ASM) and the Institut National du Patrimoine (INP) for facilitating my research in Tunisia.

I am also indebted to the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), UK, the Social Studies Center at the American Uni-versity in Cairo, and the Italian Archaeological Center in Cairo for facili-tating workshops and interviews and organizing their associated events held in Cairo.

I am also pleased to acknowledge the enthusiastic role played by Dr. Rami Dahir, who was the chairman of the department of architecture at the Jordanian University of Science and Technology in Irbid, Jordan. Dr. Da-hir and his team of students and activists, the Council for British Research in the Levant (CBRL), and I organized an international conference on the

Acknowledgments

xvi Acknowledgments

conservation of Islamic heritage under the auspices of H.M. Queen Rania Abdullah in January 2002 in Jordan. That event enriched this book with case studies from various sources and countries.

On an intellectual level, I am indebted to Professor Ian Campbell and the faculty members of the School of Architecture at the Faculty of En-vironmental Design, Edinburgh College of Art for their fruitful feedback and discussions, which deepened my research pursuits. The same goes to Dr. Dina Shehayeb at the Institute of Housing Research in Cairo for her invaluable discussions.

This book is the result of intensive work that required years of sur-veys and research to examine various cases of successes and deficiencies. Hence, I am indebted to numerous individuals, organizations, and re-search centers across a wide geographical area spanning North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Their contributions varied from inviting me to study their projects to providing critics and briefing me on their projects’ merits and shortcomings. Others enriched this book with necessary re-search reports, maps, and plates.

Special thanks go to Neil Hewison at the American University in Cairo (AUC) Press for encouraging me to make Cairo the main focus of this book. Both Mr. Hewison and Randi Danforth, together with Miriam Fahmi and her production team, at the AUC Press, helped enormously to produce a book of the present quality. I am indebted to Mr. David Burkett and Mrs. Hala Abdul Ghaffar for their help with editing the manuscript. Furthermore, I am extremely indebted to Nadia Naqib and her editing team at the AUC Press for their careful and detailed review of every sec-tion of this book.

Finally, my thanks and gratitude go to all those whose names are men-tioned in this book.

xvii

Introduction

Historic Cairo is the world’s largest medieval urban system where traditional lifestyles are still alive in daily practice.1 Despite its international and local significance, the old city is sadly vulner-

able. Like many similar areas around the world, historic Cairo has suf-fered neglect and deterioration as a consequence of modernization and changes in cultural views and traditional lifestyles.

Many efforts have been made to confront the old city’s problems. A good start was made in 1980, when the wife of President Sadat, together with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), campaigned to preserve the district between the northern and southern city walls known as Fatimid Cairo.2 That campaign initi-ated the principle of area conservation, whereby the architectural policy of restoring individual monuments was expanded to a wider concern for the urban fabric of historic Cairo as a whole. Following that lead, many studies and schemes have been enthusiastically proposed and approved. Numerous recommendations have been made by individual experts and by national and international organizations.

Unfortunately, all of them have remained mere blueprints, and none have been implemented. Moreover, the extensive research surrounding, and discussion of, various facets of the problem have failed to promote a comprehensive approach. For example, although the 1997 survey by the United Nations Development Project (UNDP, 1997) offered an excep-tionally comprehensive vision, it remained only a pilot study. Mean-while, the deterioration of historic Cairo has continued, and indeed it accelerated after the 1992 earthquake. The ongoing problems were

xviii Introduction

highlighted in 2002 at meetings held in Cairo by UNESCO and the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA).

Saving and upgrading historic Cairo is a particularly complex prob-lem owing to the three different interest groups involved.3 One of these is the local community (hereunder called the “U” group, that is, the users’ interest group), whose main concern is to continue using the old city for its legitimate and traditional lifestyle. Another is the worldwide community of organizations and individuals (the “W,” or world interest group) that bears the responsibility for safeguarding the international cultural heritage. The third interest group comprises the Egyptian gov-ernment organizations (“N,” or national interest group), which currently controls the main decisions about area conservation. Each interest group has its own demands, perspectives, and priorities when dealing with his-toric areas. Therefore, any proposed upgrading needs to be negotiated among all three groups. If this process is hindered in any way, conflicts and obstacles inevitably occur. The three overlapping perspectives com-bine to create historic Cairo’s cultural significance and subjective mean-ing, as will be elaborated in the following chapter.

The difficulty of reconciling the three interests is growing. Through-out Egypt, government bodies monopolize both the strategy and the implementation of area conservation, and this approach is officially rec-ognized and approved.4 The reason is that the political model in Egypt and other Arab–Islamic countries is state-centered, with the government both defining and solving social problems (Grindle and Thomas, 1989). Furthermore, this model is applied to all development projects in Egypt, and these include area conservation as a special type of planning (Attia 1999, Salheen 2001).5

This state-centered approach is gaining more and more official legitimacy and political immunity through the adoption of projects under the auspices of important political figures. For instance, many area conservation schemes are inaugurated or visited by the First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak. They are promoted in the media as elements of Egypt’s national development and a ‘civilized’ image for Cairo.6 As a result, many inherent shortcomings tend to dominate the official approach to area conservation.

Most of the recent and ongoing schemes for upgrading historic Cairo contradict the recognized theory and practice of area conservation as expressed in international charters and the 1997 UNDP study. Many state-led schemes focus on superficial conservation, of a kind concerned

xixIntroduction

mainly with sanitizing the old fabric. In pursuit of tourist dollars, such schemes appropriate the urban fabric and permit heavy traffic through it, overlooking some important subjective qualities, such as community well-being. Most of them also overlook the districts’ distinctive values based on their traditional culture.7 This lack of awareness inevitably dilutes each district’s character, meaning, integrity, and authenticity. The old districts also lose the ability to sustain themselves both socially and economically, which inevitably has a negative environmental impact.8

This approach prioritizes the restoration of historic buildings and streetscapes over comprehensive area conservation. Thus, what is officially referred to as the “revitalization” of historic Cairo refers merely to beautification. Conservation, in its comprehensive meaning and methods, is not fully present in such projects. Such unresponsive and ineffective planning, continually jeopardizing the old city’s environ-mental and social values, is mainly the result of a conflict among institu-tions or even departments. There is no integrated strategy, no charter, no system of urban regulations, nor even a set of general guidelines. This deficiency is due to intrinsic faults in the current planning and adminis-trative paradigm.

Government rhetoric blames the environmental deterioration of his-toric Cairo on insufficient finance. However, this notion is questionable in the light of other schemes for area conservation. For example, al-Azhar Tunnel cost le890 million, but this could have been reduced to le250 million had the tunnel been limited to the square between al-Azhar and al-Husayn mosques. Similarly, the severe problem of the water table, a chronic threat to historic edifices, was treated only through piecemeal projects (Tung 2001, pp. 97, 117, 118; Williams, 2002).

Hence there is an urgent need for evaluation guidelines with which to judge the current paradigm and approach to area conservation in Cairo. Until now, no such stance has been developed, and for two reasons. First, the schemes in question have been implemented for less than a decade. Second, evaluating the environmental impact of planning policies or actions is not a systematic part of the Egyptian government’s behavior. The bureaucracy lacks the concepts and mechanisms for monitoring its own schemes. The state-oriented system is not attuned to the require-ments of external institutions or of individuals.

The problem is not only the institutional paradigm for planning area conservation, but also the gap between strategy and implementation.

xx Introduction

This is where the many obstacles that have hindered most of the previous efforts arise, and these have never been investigated until now. The aim of the present study is to explore the concepts and processes influencing area conservation in historic Cairo, and in particular to assess the deficiencies and obstacles affecting the planning and implementation stages.

Thus several questions arise. Is the problem really lack of money, or of awareness and skills? Are the priorities of the current official schemes compatible with cultural values? Are they capable of maintaining the his-toric areas’ significance? Does the official agenda deserve implementation? If so, are the official processes achieving this implementation effectively?

The many other possible questions include three major conceptual issues: first, what are the purposes of conservation? What are its goals, that is, why conserve? Second, what should be conserved? That is, what are the qualities and values that should be considered while pursuing any conservation scheme? Third, how should we conserve? What are the most effective processes for planning and implementation?

The second and third of these questions (what to conserve and how to conserve) make up the “commission,” addressing the “mission” (why conserve) of area conservation.

To identify the causes of poor-quality schemes and environmental deterioration, the planning paradigm that influences them needs to be examined and assessed accurately. This can be done by studying recent and ongoing projects, particularly their positive or negative impact on their environments. This book uses a comparative method. It applies international theories and practices to deduce a conceptual framework that develops especial awareness of relevant ethical qualities and pro-cesses. It also focuses on regional Arab examples where they resemble the context of historic Cairo.

This exploratory research is pursued through field observations and interviews with professionals in similar historic cities, mainly in the Fertile Crescent (Syria, Jordan and Lebanon). This region shares many political, economic, social, and cultural similarities with Egypt and has had similar area conservation schemes predating those in Cairo. This comparative work seeks to learn from others’ mistakes and successes, so as to foresee the impact of any proposed, ongoing, or recently accomplished interven-tions in historic Cairo.

Further explorations have been conducted in Turkey and Tunisia, which have relevant and successful experience. In particular, the conservation of

xxiIntroduction

the old city in Tunis (Medina) is recognized by the World Bank and the Arab Fund. In addition, theoretical inquiries and international case studies are extensively reviewed to identify an optimum conceptual framework.

Thus the inquiry follows two streams. First, the “mission” inquiry asks what is worthy of conservation and what gives value and meaning to historic districts. Second, the “commission” inquiry focuses on the cur-rent international theory and principles of area conservation.

In addition, those two inquiries are integrated with an assessment of the viability and effectiveness of the government’s current policies for environmental and urban management. The state-centered political model is considered in accordance with the comprehensive criteria for conservation planning, so as to evaluate the appropriateness of its impact on historic Cairo.

The following outline of the whole investigation explains briefly the focus of each part.

In Part One: What to Conserve, I investigate the current meaning of historic Cairo, studying the old city as an Arab–Islamic urban phenom-enon, defining its cultural significance, and identifying what values must be preserved. Chapter 1 defines today’s meaning of historic Cairo within the vast metropolitan system of Greater Cairo. It describes the urban sys-tems predominant in Arab–Islamic cities until the mid-nineteenth cen-tury, and reports changes in the traditional fabric due to various cultural, economic, and political forces. Traditional concepts and modern trends are compared to help decide what to conserve within today’s demands. On this contextual basis, Chapter 1 investigates specific changes in his-toric Cairo’s urban fabric that led to its current condition. It also identifies specific projects of area conservation launched by the government. Chap-ter 1 concludes with an image of what gives the old district its significance and what therefore merits restoration and conservation.

As a step toward reconciling historic Cairo’s cultural meaning with its current social functions and environmental quality, Chapter 1 identifies the different perspectives held by the three interest groups (local users, gov-ernment, and worldwide organizations) that make claims on the old city.

In Part Two: How to Conserve, I clarify current theory and concepts of area conservation and the main elements distinguishing the environ-mental qualities of historic districts. Methods and mechanisms for area conservation are also examined in this part. Chapter 2 defines the basis for effective area conservation. It investigates historical development of

xxii Introduction

the concept, from the nineteenth century to international charters, such as the Venice Charter of 1964, which define the environmental qualities required for any historic urban area. Three main environmental qualities are integrity, authenticity, and sustainability. These are used worldwide to measure the effectiveness and value of any area conservation scheme.

Chapter 2 also describes three financial mechanisms (foreign aid, tourism, and gentrification). This pragmatic base defines the crucial con-siderations for conservation in historic urban areas, particularly the need for a comprehensive approach.

The “commission” inquiry is developed further in Chapter 3, which reviews international and regional case studies to explain the processes of area conservation. In order to contextualize those processes, it introduces a cultural approach. Cairo’s particular need is illustrated by the Frame-work Plan of the 1997 UNDP study.

Part Three: Assessment of Area Conservation in Cairo applies the conceptual framework from Parts I and II to formulate evaluative and comparative criteria. Chapter 4 introduces the assessment environmental quality and the official policies for area conservation in Cairo, the “mis-sion” of conservation earlier discussed. It considers mainly the interests of the “N” group and its responsible representatives, but it also includes the “U” and “W” groups’ concerns. Chapter 5 evaluates the conservation planning paradigm and the predominant policies influencing it, using the above criteria to measure the awareness, competence, and interest of each relevant organization. The environmental quality of historic Cairo is compared with the safeguarding and planning policies.

In conclusion, I summarize the obstacles and deficiencies in the cur-rent official schemes for area conservation in the old city.

1

To answer the key question, what to conserve, we should begin by deciding which aspects of historic Cairo possess such important values and significance that they deserve the highest priority for

safeguarding and upgrading. The components of the old city’s fabric are distinguished not only by their physical character, but also by their current functions. Some districts in the wider modern urban fabric are currently perceived as historic areas. Though once complete and inde-pendent settlements, they have changed greatly in meaning and status. Their contemporary meanings need to be interpreted mainly by their occupants but also by the residents of other districts, or of other cities, or even by concerned outsiders from different cultures who make claims on such historic areas.

In seeking a contemporary meaning for historic areas, we should avoid nostalgia. Moreover, we must take a comprehensive approach, so that we can attend not only to the physical aspects but also to the cultural, social, economic, and political influences that shape each historic area.

What to Conserve

PART ONE

3

Historic Areas

Generally the term ‘historic Cairo’ means the specific zone that is the focus of numerous area conservation and upgrading projects under the auspices of different governmental and international

organizations. The zone includes Fatimid Cairo and Coptic Cairo (also known as the al-Fustat area), as well as the intrinsic urban fabric between al-Fustat and the southern gates of al-Qahira (now called the areas of al-Darb al-Ahmar and Ibn Tulun Mosque). The boundaries of the zone (see Fig. 1.1) can be explained historically.

The medieval city expanded in the south–north direction due to the topography. The Muqattam Hills prevented expansion toward the east, and the River Nile to the west. Indeed, the western boundary was marked by a stream, al-Khalig al-Masri (the Egyptian Gulf), which ran parallel to the Nile on the great river’s east side. Between the river and the stream were numerous gardens and promenades. This area was redeveloped in the nineteenth century as the colonial suburb, and called Isma‘iliya after Khedive Isma‘il. The stream was filled in to become Port Said Street, which is the western boundary of historic Cairo.

Since the 1980s,9 calls for area conservation have always focused on the Fatimid part of the city. It is bounded northward by the northern city walls (known as the Bab al-Nasr area); eastward by al-Mansuriya Street and the Muqattam Hills; westward by Port Said Street, and southward by the Southern City Walls (known as the Bab Zuwayla area).

However, urban heritage safeguarding has expanded further south to incorporate the zone called ‘Islamic Cairo.’ This zone includes the areas

The Current Meaning of Historic Areas in Cairo

1

4 The Current Meaning of Historic Areas in Cairo

of al-Darb al-Ahmar and the Ibn Tulun Mosque. Islamic Cairo is bounded to the east by the Salah Salim highway; to the south by this highway and the Aqueduct, and to the west by Port Said Street.

In the 1990s, following growing concern about the Coptic quarter and the excavations in al-Fustat, the zone was stretched again to the south. This newly defined zone is bounded by the Metro railway line to the west, as an extension to Port Said Street. To the east and south it is bounded by newly built highways and flyovers.

Now, as a result, the entire zone of ‘historic Cairo’ is bounded by the northern city walls and Galal Street to the north; Port Said Street and the Metro to the west; al-Mansuriya Street and Salah Salim Highway

Fig. 1.1: Map showing different quarters in Cairo (by Ahmed Sedky).

5Typical Urban Problems

and al-Qatamiya Highway to the east and squatters south of the Qasr al-Sham‘ area expanding southward as far as the access to al-Munib flyover. In that predominantly medieval zone are concentrated all the current area conservation projects.

Nevertheless, historic Cairo is not yet practically designated. The cur-rently defined zone excludes colonial Cairo, between Port Said Street and the River Nile, which despite high architectural and historic importance is suffering severe alteration. Moreover, the zone excludes other medi-eval quarters of significant historic value, such as the Bab al-Shariya area on the far side of Port Said Street to the west; the area of al-Husayniya and some significant mausoleums and funerary complexes in Bab al-Nasr Cemetery to the north; the Northern and Southern Cemeteries on the east side of Salah Salim Highway;10 and Bulaq, a district of great histori-cal significance founded in the fourteenth century as the main harbor for trade across the Nile.

Typical Urban ProblemsThe main problem of Cairo’s historic areas is the physical deterioration of every ancient urban fabric. The residents can be blamed for the lit-ter, the defacement of walls by election posters and advertisements, the misuses of public property and services, and the unsuitable activities that endanger historic structures. Planners and decision-makers can be blamed for the bureaucracy, insensitive planning, and even negligence that actively accelerate the deterioration.11 These are just a few among a long list of symptoms of urban malfunction. Figures 1.2–1.4 and 1.7–1.13 show examples of deterioration caused by residents and regular visitors on the one hand, and by planning professionals and decision-makers on the other. Both groups act as vandals, each contributing its different type of violation (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002).

Urban deterioration is a complex system where many related prob-lems interact. Each high-level problem entails lower-level problems, forming what may be called a chain. For example:

Lack of public awareness• gLack of know-howgLack of aesthetic values.Lack of active legislation• gLoss of distinctive charactergLack of aesthetic values.Lack of active legislation system• gLoss of distinctive charactergLack of basic hygiene.


Fig. 1.2: Sabil–kuttab, built c. seventeenth century. The inhabitants of the neighboring building have illegally added the upper floor to their apartment (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Political problem• gEconomic problemgHousing crises in CairogCemetery inhabitants. Lack of active legislation• gOwnership problemgIndividual vandalsgAbsence of aesthetic valuesgAbsence of basic hygiene.Bureaucracy and negligence• gConservation problemgStagnant environmentgLack of aesthetic values.This linkage includes a whole complex of problems related to political

and economic conditions: bureaucracy and negligence, absence of active legislation, lack of public awareness, environmental stagnation, loss of distinctive character, lack of know-how, unresolved ownership issues, the housing crisis in Cairo, and vandalism by individuals. The outcome is basically twofold: on the material level, serious deficiencies in structure and hygiene (as in the occupation of such sites as the historic cemeteries by permanent squatters), and on the cultural level, aesthetic degradation.12 Conservation efforts are overwhelmed because of the pace of deteriora-tion. To elucidate the process further, we need an accurate assessment of each part of the chain and the people concerned (planners and profes-sionals, government decision-makers, or private individuals). This will be discussed in Chapter 5.

7Typical Urban Problems

Fig. 1.3: Low-cost housing scheme of the 1960s, Bab al-Wazir Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar, where a government development drastically dilutes the character of the origi-nal historic area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 1.4: Registered monument (a traditional mansion) in ruinous condition,al-Tabbana Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Fig. 1.5: Map showing different sectors and areas under conservation in historic Cairo (by Ahmed Sedky).

Current Area Conservation Projects in Historic CairoHistoric Cairo has nine area conservation projects: Bab al-Nasr; al-Darb al-Asfar; al-Tumbakshiya; al-Mu‘izz Street; al-Azhar Square and al-Ghuriya; al-Batniya and al-Darb al-Ahmar; Bab Zuwayla; Magra al-‘Uyun (the Aqueduct); and the Religious Complex (Fig. 1.5).

The Bab al-Nasr area is located along the northern city walls. It has two main projects: the northern Gamaliya project and al-Hakim Mosque neighborhood. The former is located on the north side of the city walls, and is concerned with streetscape, traffic, and the redevelopment of the Bab al-Nasr Cemetery.13 The latter is located on the south side of the city walls and inside them,14 and aims to upgrade the area around al-Hakim Mosque and the area between the historic city gates, Bab al-Nasr and Bab al-Futuh.

9Urban Transformation in Cairo

Al-Mu‘izz Street is the main thoroughfare of Fatimid Cairo, stretch-ing between Bab al-Nasr Gate and al-Azhar Street, which compose the district called al-Gamaliya, the most important and vibrant medieval part of Cairo.15

The neighborhoods (harat, sing. hara) of al-Darb al-Asfar and al-Tumbakshiya are each under a conservation scheme. They are located at the heart of al-Gamaliya.16

Al-Azhar Square and al-Ghuriya are bounded by al-Azhar and al-Husayn Mosques. Al-Ghuriya is between the al-Ghuri religious complex (madrasa and mosque) and al-Azhar Street. The scheme is concerned with streetscape and traffic management.17

Al-Batniya and al-Darb al-Ahmar have a comprehensive urban upgrad-ing scheme called the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project.18 It incor-porates several action areas: a vegetable market, al-Azhar alley, the Aslam Mosque neighborhood, al-Darassa Park, and the areas of al-Khiyamiya and Bab al-Wazir.

Bab Zuwayla is located within area 6; however, it differs in being a major restoration scheme, conducted by various organizations, to restore a complete cluster of monuments.

Magra al-‘Uyun is concerned with streetscape and urban redevelop-ment of the squatter area surrounding the Aqueduct.19

The Religious Complex, marking the southern boundaries of historic Cairo, includes historic places of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim worship. It also contains the Fustat archaeological excavation, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque, the Qasr al-Sham‘ area, and the Coptic Cemetery and Cop-tic quarter (within the Babylon Fort site). The three major projects are: upgrading ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque and its surroundings for tourism;20 upgrading the Coptic Quarter and the Babylon Fort area;21 and upgrad-ing the Qasr al-Sham‘ area.22 Other projects include urbanizing the area between ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque and al-Qatamiya highway, part of which is the archaeological site of al-Fustat, as well as many other scattered projects in the squatters’ area outside historic Cairo.23

Urban Transformation in CairoUntil the nineteenth century, Cairo was a typical Arab–Islamic metropo-lis. Thereafter, cultural changes undermined its traditional system. In the twentieth century, that system was drastically westernized and European-ized (Fig. 1.6).


Fig. 1.6: Model of the change in the adopted urban system in the studied region (by Ahmed Sedky).

1

Traditionallifestyle

Remaining districts with traces of thetraditional lifestyle survive merely as burden on the modern city (thewesternized and predominant part).

1950 1900 1800

New lifestyle

Historic Cairo developed through a series of very different periods. Originally a Byzantine settlement, the Babylon Fort was developed to become the Coptic quarter. Nearby, in the seventh century, the Muslim leader ‘Amr ibn al-‘As founded a new settlement, called al-Fustat. By the ninth century, al-Fustat expanded and merged with two further districts, known as al-Qata’i‘ and al-‘Askar, to become an Islamic metropolis. In the tenth century al-Qahira was founded as a walled capital city for the Fatimid royal family and their officers and troops. After integration with al-Fustat and the other districts, al-Qahira became one of the largest cit-ies in the medieval world. The time when the concept of the Islamic city flourished can be regarded as Cairo’s classical period.

When the Ottomans came to power (after defeating the Mamluks in 1517) the classical system weakened. Egypt became a province, and Cairo ceased to be an imperial capital city. The ruling class was segre-gated from other people, thus damaging the decentralized Islamic sys-tem of responsive and balanced urban management. The countryside suffered raids by nomadic tribes, while institutional amenities and urban services deteriorated severely.

The French campaigns of the early 1800s brought a culture shock. Muhammad ‘Ali, the autonomous Ottoman viceroy, converted Egypt’s urban and institutional systems into a regime of pre-planned and central-ized administration, which was in essence European. For example, in 1835 in Alexandria, he founded the municipal system called ‘l’Oranato.’ This European influence was taken further in Cairo during the reign of Khedive Isma‘il (r. 1863–1879). His minister of public works, ‘Ali Mubarak, described the traditional vernacular urbanism as unhygienic (Mubarak 1969).

Such attitudes to planning also led to a Europeanized architecture. For instance, Muhammad ‘Ali banned the mashrabiya (see Fig. 1.14)


Fig. 1.8: Bab al-Wazir Street: conflict between vehicle and pedestrian movement (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 1.7: Ottoman monu-ment, al-Tabbana Street, currently used as an ele-mentary school (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


and encouraged imports from Istanbul of the mixed Italianate-Ottoman style that flourished in the Balkans (Sedky, 1998; Fig. 1.15). This trend undermined all the traditional building crafts, depriving them of their local market.

At the turn of the twentieth century, a neo-Islamic style was revived on the façades of some houses in Cairo. Traditional features reappeared on mansions in the new upper-class districts, such as Zamalek and Gar-den City.24 However, that revival was ostentatious and non-authentic, patronized by Khedive ‘Abbas Hilmi II and the Europeanized elite (Sedky, 1998; see Fig. 1.16). In historic districts, ruined traditional build-ings were replaced with neoclassical houses (Fig. 1.17). Unlike Tunisia (Figs. 1.17 and 1.19), traditional architectural artifacts were not encour-aged as active focal elements to consolidate Cairo’s identity, nor did they appear on houses built by ordinary local people.

In other words, traditional artifacts became a ‘high’ art, losing all of their folk-art functions. This is a long way from the original meaning of art in the Arab–Islamic city, where there had never been any dissociation

Fig. 1.9: Nineteenth-century apartment building. Note the unsuitable finishing material adorning the ground floor, and the modern building in front causing restricted illumination (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


of ‘high’ from ‘folk’ art (Fathy, 1963) because Islam regarded art not as a merely aesthetic product but rather as the embellishment of dwellings and objects of daily life.

Some changes were attempted by a few Egyptian architects in the late 1920s to 1940s, for example Mustafa Fahmy, and more recently by his students, Ahmed Sharmy and Ahmed Sedky. Their style is an avant-garde adaptation of Art Deco based on Beaux Arts principles, dressing the academic architecture with simplified and stylized tradi-tional Islamic artifacts to give contemporary buildings an indigenous character (Sedky, 1998; see Fig. 1.21). Likewise, in 1939, Said Karim set up his planning and architectural consultancy (the first in the Middle East), introducing very modern clean-cut architecture and pioneering guidelines for most of Cairo’s formal planning and expansion.

Meanwhile traditional artifacts and craft workshops had died out, even in the historic quarters, due to the disappearance of demand for such goods as stucco windows, turned wood fenestration, and inlaid marble (Fathy, 1963). “When the modern architect in the Middle East adopted the western style of building and discarded the old-fashioned crafts, he discarded at one go the whole tradition of visual art in the Arab World” (Fathy, 1963, p. 226). Already in the 1960s, one of the few remaining artisans (retired master craftsman Mohamed Isma‘il) said: “If you want to revive the trade [traditional crafts and artifacts], then give us work” (Fathy, 1963, p. 225).

In the nineteenth century, traditional building artifacts shifted com-pletely to European styles with a chaotic cultural result. In the new elite districts, traditional artifacts were reduced to decorations on basically western buildings. This trend was a self-imposed orientalism: it affected the elite who occupied European-style mansions in suburbs around the old areas, such as the local intelligentsia in Hilmiya. It also affected the middle classes, who remained in historic areas, but in modern apart-ment buildings.

However, Cairenes domesticated the new European styles to pre-serve their cultural and social values. In particular, segregation by gender necessitated special arrangements. For example, the neoclassical build-ings in al-Hilmiya have a reception area at the front for men (usually a detached pavilion) whereas their Mediterranean-style balconies were enclosed by wooden parapets so that the women inside could maintain seclusion, just as in their previous traditional dwellings (Fig. 1.22).25


Fig. 1.10: A collapsed rab‘, al-Tabbana Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar. The housing units have decayed into hovels, and it is typical of such dilapidated buildings that only the shops still function (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 1.11: A modern reinforced concrete building, al-Tabbana Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar. Note the incongruous use of pseudo-traditional turned-wood fenestration (mashrabiya), a misguided tribute to the historic context, but flawed due to lack of architectural guidelines (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

15Cairo City Master Plans

Cairo’s transformation began in the early nineteenth century. In 1808, Muhammad ‘Ali built his palace in Shubra (originally farmland north-east of the city). Soon the whole area between the palace and the existing city was urbanized. With this approach, Muhammad ‘Ali recalled some of the greatest shapers of traditional Cairo, such as al-Nasir Muham-mad in the fourteenth century and Qaytbay in the fifteenth.

Khedive Isma‘il desired Paris in the east, and developed an ambitious master plan for that purpose. He upgraded transport, roads, health, and hygiene, as well as cultural, educational, and social amenities (Abdel-Jawad 1949; Karim 1952). He filled in the canal on the west side of the old city, converting it into the road known today as Port Said Street, which physically separates the old city and its lifestyle from the farmlands along the Nile. He created the splendid waterfront, and the beautiful houses and gardens of al-Hilmiya and Isma‘iliya.

All those developments were European in style. The plan was designed as a large garden city, devoid of the Islamic connotations of the old city style. The palace at ‘Abdin (Fig. 1.23) was built in a neo-classical style similar to Buckingham Palace, and the prestigious images of Louis XVI and Napoleon III appeared in government buildings designed by Italian architects who were employed by the elite and later by the middle classes, and whose work can still be admired in the his-toric areas today.

The fashion and technology of those times led to the spread of neo-classical architecture, approved by the municipalities to upgrade and modernize the old urban fabric, as had been done in Istanbul. The city was filled with gardens (Azbakiya, Zamalek, Giza). The population increased from 200,000 in 1850 to 400,000 by 1880 and 600,000 by 1900 (Robert 1979, p. 43), due to better health and to rural–urban migration.

Cairo City Master PlansThe Khedival and Monarchy Period (1863–1952) The nineteenth-century scheme is still the most successful as regards ame-nities and infrastructure. Its institutions still function today, and its ame-nities are still much enjoyed. The problem, however, is the densification of the whole city, due to deficient planning. Since Khedive Isma‘il’s time, no plans have been introduced to confront urban problems. The prob-lems are more apparent in the old city than in the European districts, as pinpointed by Borski (1947) and later by Abdel-Jawad (1949) and Karim


Fig. 1.13: Bab al-Nasr Cemetery: undefined borders between the funerary courts and the domestic area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 1.12: Bab al-Nasr Cemetery. Families occupy the funerary courts (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


(1952). They all stressed the rapid population growth and increasing demand for services.

By 1905–1907, dramatic growth in land values caused a boom in the construction of apartment blocks, especially in Isma‘iliya, today’s main business district. This was repeated in other districts around the tradi-tional core of the city. This second cycle of modernization left the first modern area to become more crowded and degraded in terms of its func-tion and activities. For example, Muhammad ‘Ali Street was cut through al-Darb al-Ahmar as an arcaded boulevard, linking the Citadel and the major royal mosque (al-Rifa‘i) with the new modern al-‘Ataba Square, but it became a haunt of second-rate musicians and later of the repro-graphic and sign-making guilds. It now accommodates the cheap end of the furniture industry. The same applies to al-Faggala, north of the old city, where rich merchants’ villas gave way to the press and publica-tion industry. Today it is deteriorating into a popular source of sanitary fixtures and tiles.

Fig. 1.14: Mashrabiya of Bayt al-Razzaz, seventeenth century (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Fig. 1.15: Ras al-Tin Palace, an example of the Rumi style (Tamraz, 1998; courtesy of Michael Haag).

The Republic (1953 to the present)The city endured administrative disruption after the 1952 revolution. During Nasser’s presidency (1954–70) comprehensive changes occurred on the economic, industrial, social, and political levels. Municipal services were centralized, and the waqf (religious endowment) institution was dis-solved. Emphasis was placed on public housing, in a style of proletarian architecture similar to that of communist countries during the cold war. An icon of that period is the Mugamma‘, the main government office complex located in the business district but ironically known by Egyp-tians as the castle of bureaucracy.

In 1953, when Cairo became a republican capital, the first master plan involved building the Corniche along both banks of the Nile. During the same period, Muhandisin was laid out in Giza to compete with Zamalek and Garden City as a modern middle-class residential area. This amplified the importance of the middle-class suburbs built in the early twentieth century (especially Roda, Zamalek, Aguza, and Duqqi) but it was accom-panied by the continuing deterioration of the earlier modern districts bordering the old core, such as Sayyida Zaynab, Munira, and ‘Ataba.


Public housing and rent control were defining features of this period. They were meant to fulfill the revolution’s promises of adequate shel-ter for the lower classes, at the expense of the landowning classes. Simi-lar projects had been proposed during the monarchy by the Institute of Housing Research, but were never effectively launched. This gave Nass-er’s government strong popularity, especially as housing had become a critical issue after the Second World War. With the growth of Cairo’s population, the demand for housing increased. During the Second World War there was a severe shortage of construction materials, leading to increased rent and property prices (Abdel-Jawad, 1949). The 1953 plan was meant to meet the demand for housing at affordable prices. Two-thirds of this population growth was due to an increase in births over deaths; the rest is due to regional and national migration (Abu-Lughod, 1996, p. 196). The regional migration is from the surrounding governor-ates. Migrants are mostly peasants seeking better job opportunities, or other classes from nearby towns, seeking good educational or job oppor-tunities in the capital. At the national level the effect is a net migration from all over the country, as Cairo is the country’s main national business, religious, and intellectual center (Hindam, 1993, p. 133). Since historic districts had already become popular as low-income residential areas, they were the focus of all the public housing schemes. We can still see the look-alike municipal housing schemes in Bab-al-Wazir below the Cita-del or in Sayyida Zaynab. Their construction was massive and swift, but it lacked sensitivity toward the target community’s actual demands. This is why they have been altered by their occupants, through the addition of balconies or the marking of boundaries on the ground between the blocks, or even by the building of illegal extra rooms.

During Sadat’s presidency (1970–81) Cairo got a master plan (Abdel-Qadir, 2000). That period, however, paved the way for privatization, encouraging private investment in the “open door” economy as a reac-tion against Nasser’s socialism. The master plan was oriented toward eco-nomic reform. Its macro scale promoted the building of industrial cities and new satellite communities around Cairo to encourage industry and to absorb migrants from the capital’s overcrowded public housing and his-toric districts, which in the 1970s mainly housed blue-collar workers.

Such a plan was not sufficiently concerned with urban management. It tried to ‘demagnetize’ Cairo by moving some administrative offices and some ministries to the new city of al-Sadat on the desert road to


Fig. 1.16: Eclectic composition of Mamluk ornaments in an early twentieth-century apartment building, Heliopolis (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Alexandria. The dream collapsed after the assassination of Sadat in 1981. Decentralization failed: the new satellite cities were dependent on Cairo, and commuters aggravated the traffic burden.

To the best of my knowledge, no special law was issued until 1988 to ensure proper planning awareness in area conservation. In that year, the General Organization of Physical Planning (GOPP) issued its Homoge-neous Sector Reports, an unpublished group of technical reports cover-ing different zones in the Greater Cairo area. Only the report entitled Zone 1 covers the central part of Cairo, which is the main focus of this study. Although it consisted of purely technical guidelines with no leg-islative power,26 it was an effective attempt to halt the deterioration in these areas.

The next master plan was issued during Mubarak’s presidency in 1991. It is more or less an implementation of the previous plans. It also concentrates on adopting the World Bank’s recommendations on a macro-planning level (Abdel-Qader, 2000). Historic areas thus contin-ued to suffer from neglect until the mid-1990s, when the government called for the conservation efforts, which are still ongoing.


Fig. 1.17: Neoclassical build-ing within the traditional con-text of the old city (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

To sum up: until the seventeenth century, Cairo’s development had a traditional equilibrium, managed through regional customary laws and effective indirect institutional control, as well as through individual interests (Fig. 1.18).

By the eighteenth century, the urban equilibrium had decayed as the traditional management system (Fig. 1.18) had become very weak as a result of the elimination of the central authority’s role, leaving the built environment in a chaotic situation.

Centralized European-type planning was introduced in the nine-teenth century. This rupture in the urban system and lifestyle had a neg-ative impact on historic areas, which deteriorated after they lost their primary function. Meanwhile the city continued to expand to the north and the west of the old fabric, acquiring a cosmopolitan image.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the historic areas’ problems became more complicated and took on their present form. Zones of poverty with low environmental conditions are characterized by a squatter nature of occupancy in which multiple occupants have problems in defining ownership. Physical deterioration in these areas


has resulted from changes in taste, lifestyle, and economic systems. Except for the few buildings and streets that survive with their original functions, traditional architectural styles and urbanism in these areas did not undergo real adaptive reuse.

Metaphorically, a fall into disuse marks the death of a place. If it no longer serves its old purpose, it either falls into disuse or attracts unde-sirable activities. For instance, the public bath was an important institu-tion of the original Arab–Islamic city, but, now that bathhouses are no longer integral to the Cairene lifestyle, many have become dangerous and accommodate socially marginalized practices, for example, gay gath-erings (al-Hatim, 2001).

Consequently, historic areas today might be mistaken for slums or squats, by virtue of the following equation: dilapidated physical envi-ronment + social deviance = slum. The truth is not so simple. Historic areas are not just public baths or isolated and deserted mansions. They harbor less crime than many other informal or spontaneous settlements of poor people in rundown conditions. In recent decades, some of the historic areas have answered the growing need for housing of low-income Cairenes or rural migrants.

The final product:

a balanced built

environment

Ruling class

The limits of Islamic legislative rules (dogma)

‘UrfRegionalCustomaryLaws

Individuals’rights anddemands

Community +Leaders

Cultural ecology

Factors of dogma

pt 5

Fig. 1.18: Equilibrium of the urban management system within an Islamic paradigm (by Ahmed Sedky).

23Slum or Dilapidated Physical Environment?

Slum or Dilapidated Physical Environment?Informal or spontaneous dwellings and historic areas share physical simi-larities through their dilapidated condition. Such degradation was caused by, and maintained and developed further because of, the segregated nature of both the historic and the spontaneous quarters, and the activi-ties conducted in them. Such segregation was intensified by planning prac-tice, which adopted a policy of concentrating services and amenities in new districts rather than old ones, a regulatory segregation that reinforces the social class system (Lozano, 1990). This has contributed much to the class gaps in Egypt (Hussein, 1973). The historic districts came to be limited to certain classes, especially low-income working classes with little educa-tion and insecure jobs, and lower-middle-class, white-collar workers with a higher level of education but with incomes no higher than those of the working class. One can guess the social and educational level of a Cairene from where he lives. The upper middle class is composed mostly of civil

Fig. 1.19: A modern house in the old city, Tunis, still employing mashrabiya, the traditional bay window (pho-tograph by Ahmed Sedky).


servants and office workers, who have more comfortable salaries and higher levels of education. They normally reside in the first-cycle modern districts bordering or intersecting the historic areas in the fabric of the old city such as Muhammad ‘Ali Street, Hilmiya, and Sayyida Zaynab. The upper classes however have higher personal wealth and educational levels, and access to higher positions. They do not live in or near the historic core, though they may have a prestigious ancestry linking them to the historical part of the city in the form of a luxurious residence in the first-cycle European areas, they prefer to live in Zamalek, Garden City, Muhandisin, or the suburbs of Maadi or Heliopolis (Hatem Nabih, 1999; Abu-Lughod, 1971). In his-toric areas, the causes for dilapidation are the growing population and the neglect explained above. In spontaneous quarters, the causes are mainly economic. The growing demand for cheap housing, along with a growing population and rising house prices, led to low-quality housing affordable by lower-income occupants, but at the expense of environmental quality.

Should we interpret historic areas as slums? El-Naggar (1963, p. 160) defined the slum as a blighted area, an image of substandard living, distinguished by poor economy and a poor environment. This is questionable, however. If an environment is to be considered substandard, whose standards are applicable? For instance, a lower-income district in

Fig. 1.20: A modern villa in the suburbs of Kirwan, Tunisia, still employing mashrabiya.


Fig. 1.21: Doctors’ Syndicate (Dar al-Hikma), a contemporary building using simplified traditional Islamic motifs (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 1.22: Wooden screens decorating the balconies of a neoclassical building, Bab al-Wazir Street, al-Darb al-Ahmar (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Fig. 1.23: Qasr ‘Abdin, the royal palace built in the late nineteenth century in a neo-classical style (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Sweden might be similar to a middle- or even upper-middle-class district in Bangladesh. Standardization is questioned now in academia. It is a dependent product, and based on a specific context.

Rapoport (1977, pp. 96, 97) says a slum “involves perception of var-ious characteristics. Slums must be seen in the total social context.” He contrasts what he calls “slums of hope,” as in Latin America, with “slums of the despair” as in the USA. The former might be in a bad physical condition but maintain a relatively united sense of community because the occupants are socially and emotionally tied to their areas (Rapoport, 1977, p. 98). The latter, on the other hand, are described as being a “state of anomie, of being lost in the lonely crowd” (Carter, 1981, p. 31) because the occupants are socially mobile and not attached to the area (Rapoport, 1977).

At the Regional Arab Conference on Ownership and Urban Man-agement held in Cairo on 21–24 April 2001, the image of spontaneous dwellings was readjusted to be regarded as informal settlements.27 They are no longer deemed to grow parasitically on the city’s fringes, but are the public’s answer to the needs of the poor. Together with the historic


areas, these informal settlements have helped the process of acculturation for rural migrants new to the city (Howton, 1969). They constitute the ideal place to receive rural migrants, as in Carter’s model (1981, p. 399) illustrating the typical movements of low-income populations in cities in developing countries (Fig. 1.24).

Historic areas were the most suitable place to receive newcomers, espe-cially in the period 1950–80 when informal settlements did not exist or were in their infancy. By then, historic areas offered appropriate accom-modation for poor individuals and for the city’s manual crafts, in that the small plots were affordable. The narrow irregular streets were not a prob-lem for people without cars, and the mixed activities with numerous small locally owned businesses created nearby job opportunities.

Nevertheless, since the 1980s, the historic areas have become more expensive. An apartment in the al-Ghuri area of Fatimid Cairo can be four times the price of a similar one in Basatin, a popular informal quarter. So al-Ghuri is the destination of the new generation of local families and newlyweds moving upward from low and lower-middle social classes.

Fig. 1.24: Typical movements of low-income urban populations in developing countries (Carter, 1981).

City center

Ideal major squatters location

Displacement

Lack of water

Difficultsites

Fewsquatters

Fewsquatters

Urban fringeinvasion & succession

Small towns andcountryside


Historic areas have thus become too saturated to receive new migrants (Fig. 1.25).

Historic areas and informal settlements alike depend on a vulner-able economy, and suffer alike from a low-quality environment due to population density, especially in informal settlements, thus enabling landlords to offer low-rent dwellings. However, there are important dif-ferences between the two types of district. In informal settlements, we find a more ambiguous urban–rural character, which negatively affects the settlements, especially those close to farmland at the city fringes. In historic areas, although some animals are bred for economic reasons, we find a clear urban character, with active small-scale retailing and indus-trial activities. Environmental blight is more striking in the historic areas, where obsolescence generally outstrips replacement.28 This is because of the inadequacy of the various parties (government and individuals) who are involved in managing and controlling the built environment; thus pockets of ruins develop, which turn into potential sites of crime, social problems, and environmental hazard.

The historic areas today are not only a transit station receiving and passing on newcomers (Fig. 1.25), but a group of districts distinguished by “persistence of economic activities, forms of social relationships, and systems of values which were once typical within Cairo hundreds of years ago” (Abu-Lughod, 1971, p. 218). The same could be said of many Arab–Islamic cities.

Fig. 1.25: Change in the typical movements of low-income population in the region under study (by Ahmed Sedky).

City

center

City center

Hist. Areas

The City

Smalltowns and

countryside

Smalltowns and

countryside

Newly establishedinformal settlments

Agricultural squattersAgricultural squatters

Few squatters

Few squatters

Few squatters

Few squatters

Change in status

Historic Areas

Displacement Displacement

Phase 11950s–1970s

Phase 21980s–now

Urban fringe Urban fringe

Respond to theColonial part

Respond to theColonial part

29The Subjective Meaning of Historic Areas in Cairo

Thus the main difference between historic areas and informal settle-ments is the historic dimension. Historic areas, by being more segregated, can preserve their more traditional pre-colonial living systems, albeit with side effects such as physical deterioration and cultural conflicts between new and old lifestyles. They serve as a model for an alternative way of life for people who cannot afford the formal, internationally and institution-ally recognized urban system that is dominant in Cairo and other cities in the Arab world that seek to be regarded as civilized. Therefore historic areas unintentionally inspire and guide the expansion of the informal set-tlements, especially those that are located near the historic core but rep-resent a relatively successful urban equilibrium. Historic areas are also the source of cultural and social attractions and authenticity as construed by Cairenes, Egyptians in general, and non-Egyptians.29

The Subjective Meaning of Historic Areas in CairoThe above review has familiarized the reader with historic areas in Cairo as context. Now, to discuss their meaning, we should look into the forces that produce the meanings of places in general. Any place gets its charac-ter from the interplay of physical setting with non-physical elements such as local knowledge. Rapoport (1995, p. 41) defines these forces as interac-tions and relationships, such as evaluations, performances, and choices.

Zanchetti and Jokilehto (1997) specify two types of value in historic areas. Values of states concern the physical aspects, and are the usual focus of decision-makers and professionals. Values of processes deal with the intangible heritage, for example, social or cultural values commonly practiced by residents and regular users to reflect their sense of continu-ity. So the meaning of any historic area lies in its values.

What is significant for a specific area is determined by the diverse groups who make claims on it. In general, the main groups making claims on historic areas are the residents, the planners and professionals, and the official institutions (Leitmann, 1995).

In Egypt, however, the planners or professionals and the official insti-tutions coalesce into almost the same group (the Nation or “N” group as introduced above). They share a specific national agenda and strategy, which they want to achieve with a minimum of negotiation or adjust-ment, as we shall elaborate in Chapter 5.

In addition, claims are made on historic Cairo by an interest group that declares the international community’s right to safeguard the


heritage for humanity. This was identified by Janet Abu-Lughod at the IASTE (International Association for the Study of Traditional Environ-ments) conference held in Cairo in 1998, as the World or “W” group.

We can specify the main claimants as the “U” group, that is, local users of an area, whether residents or regular visitors with religious or other ties, such as shopping for traditional wares.

Since any place gets its meaning from all those participants, it is the overlap of those different perspectives, factors, and values that jointly determine the overall significance of a historic area and gives it its mean-ing (Rapoport, 1977; see Fig. 1.26).

The “U” GroupAs the occupants and users of any area are those who experience its par-ticularities, it is mainly through them that we learn its functional and cultural meaning. Through their daily interactions with the area, we can decode the relevant cues (Rapoport, 1982). Therefore, “U” is the most important group.30

The inherited values of this group are continually derived from reli-gious beliefs and customary rules. Yet all the forces responsible for urban form continue as latent values and qualities. They remain influential in the “U” group’s consciousness, guiding their preferences and lifestyle.31 In Cairo, for example, we can study the architectural transition from the mid-nineteenth century up to the 1920s. Despite the neoclassical designs, we find adaptations to achieve more privacy and gender segregation, for example, through use of an exotic wooden screen (Fig. 1.22).

Fig. 1.26: The subjective meaning of an area (by Ahmed Sedky).

3

NW

U

W – WorldN – NationU – Users

The subjectivemeaning of ahistoric area

31The “U” Group

Under pressure from modern lifestyles and socioeconomic conditions, the traditional cultural values have retreated. They are confined in historic areas, and yet reflected in physical forms.32 This can be seen through the physical settings and special configurations that result from these values and continue to accommodate them as in the original Islamic city described above. In the modern or colonial districts, traditional values are more latent and can be only traced through hazy cues (Fig. 1.27; Sedky, 2001a).

Thus, the cultural values that remain active have maintained the tra-ditional significance of the historic areas. This becomes apparent espe-cially during religious occasions such as Ramadan, when they serve as perfect settings for many Cairenes to experience traditional values and qualities. Historic areas in Cairo, and in many other Arab–Islamic cities, are regarded by the citizens as a surviving showcase of traditional values and lifestyles.

However, in their material form historic areas are not always seen as the last refuge of traditional culture. They are also seen as poverty zones, deficient in the space demanded by the luxurious modern lifestyle, and socially degraded after the departure of their upper-class residents during the early twentieth century, becoming ever more socially and economi-cally segregated.

Nevertheless, historic areas are regarded by their own “U” groups as an appropriate context of lasting economic activities, social relationships, and value systems common in Cairo slightly more than a century ago

Fig. 1.27: Until the turn of the twentieth century, architectural and urban design reflected Arab–Islamic behavioral values, such as gender segregation within the extended family and therefore the principle of the sanctity of women (hurmat al-nisa’). The later widespread adoption of European housing typologies and modes of environ-mental design meant that those same values remained alive, but latently so, due to changes in the built environment (by Ahmed Sedky).

Change in

social/cultural standards and

expression

Before 1900 andin historical areas

After 1900

ValueA certainValue

PhysicalReflection

Social (behavioral)Reflection


(Abu-Lughod, 1971, p. 219). Such areas provide their residents more choices and trade-offs for managing their lives, away from the social taboos domi-nating modern society in the surrounding colonial districts. Nagib (2001) has recorded how the lower-middle and working classes manage their lives, the different choices they make, and their social and economic systems.33

Thus the occupants of historic areas have developed stronger eco-nomic and social bonds with the preconditions of their built environ-ment, supported by a cultural legacy that makes them unintentionally the keepers of tradition. Yet this happens in an informal, unplanned way, not one promoted by officialdom—though the government is almost always the main actor in urban management or development in Cairo.

The “U” group’s bonds with historic Cairo are not, however, sup-ported by its physical condition, which has deteriorated for political and social reasons. Although the “U” group are the legal heirs to and practi-tioners of traditional culture, they have inherited only a few transmitted values, and they have lost the technical knowledge and skills required to produce the appropriate architectural interventions while pursuing their lives in ways they can afford and accept. This is because of the west-ernization referred to as “inner orientalism.” They lost also their tra-ditional systems of urban management, for example, the ‘urf (regional customary rules) and muhtasib (urban management commissioner) insti-tutions which are religious, unlike nineteenth-century secularism.34 The degraded physical environment is due to missing links between the occu-pants’ values and their architectural interventions. Their appropriation of their environment is regarded with disapproval by the decision-makers and professionals (the “N” group), who create contradictions between what the “U” and “N” groups value most (Shehayeb and Sedky 2002).

The “N” GroupThe government’s special institutions for historic areas constitute the “N” group. Their claims can be summarized in two main points, from which we can see their perspective. First (similar to “W”) they preserve the cultural value of historic areas for future generations. Second, they regard the historic areas as a national asset to be invested in, especially for tourism. However, it is more likely that members of the “N” group focus on preserving the areas’ tangible and official values.

Pursuing such goals, the “N” group produces studies, issues laws and regulations, and intervenes by upgrading and conserving the

33The “N” Group

historic areas. Yet these areas are examples of living urbanism, with continuing traditions that contribute to the local character. For this reason, the present author believes that the “U” group deserves to be respected as such and not treated merely as a vessel of historic artifacts. There should be close communication between the “U” group and the “N” group. This would demand a profound understanding of the heritage, defined not merely as the physical remains of golden eras, but as a living entity. Otherwise the real daily life of historic areas suffers from museumization.35

The “N” group’s predominant view currently focuses only on superficial aspects, that is, restoring and upgrading only specific build-ings and landscapes (Sedky, 2000, 2001b, 2002). This assessment became clear at an open meeting organized by the author in September 2001, where many officials and planners confirmed that these were the “N” group’s attitudes and actions. Although they did not regard the “U” group as encroachers, the majority could not state a clear agenda for urban management. They offered no ideas for bridging the gap between “U” and “N” groups, although this linkage is emphasized in all the international charters as the right process for the effective planning and implementation of area conservation.

Economics are currently the most important concern for the “N” group. Strong economic reforms have been orchestrated in develop-ing countries by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), especially since the early 1980s. Such countries are being offered grants to adapt their vulnerable economies toward western neo-liberalism (Pryke, 1999).36 The declared aim is to give more freedom for private-sector investment, while public institutions facilitate free markets. This implies strong structural planning and governmental effectiveness.37

Cairo’s “N” group should therefore prioritize projects for economic infrastructure and other developments for the citizens. Regrettably, the low-income members of the “U” group are not benefiting, because the “N” group tends to leave physical and social structures in the hands of market forces (Allen 1999). As a result, degraded spontaneous housing plagues almost 62 percent of the urban expansion that took place from the 1950s to the 1980s, and after 1980 accounted for as much as 80 percent of new building (Tung, 2001, p. 116). Furthermore, urban regulations are slack and inadequately monitored (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002; Tung, 2001, pp. 113, 119–21).38


Because the city’s development is fragmented on a social class basis,39 planners and other “N” group members are reluctant to modify their values and priorities toward those of the “U” group (Pahl, 1982).40 This explains why the “N” group focuses on historic and architectural values, neglecting the “U” group’s needs and giving too much attention to the potential of investment for tourism. It also explains the conflicts and the weak communications between the “U” and “N” groups.

The “W” GroupThis worldwide interest group, comprising concerned individuals and international organizations, makes claims on historic Cairo to preserve the heritage for all humanity. To some extent, this goal is aligned with the already noted concerns of the “N” group. However, international conservation charters recommend that heritage preservation should incorporate a strong social and humane dimension. Their reports use terms like totality, comprehensive conservation, and holistic approaches to upgrading. They advise that archaeological restoration should safe-guard identity and culture. They aim for social diversity, with communi-cation among different classes and subcultures.

UNESCO policy is that the contemporary role of historic areas is to maintain and develop the cultural and social values of each nation. “Every historic area and its surroundings should be considered as a coherent whole whose balance and specific nature depend on the fusion of the parts [ . . . considering] human activities as much as the buildings, the spatial organization and the surroundings. All valid elements, includ-ing human activities, however modest, thus have significance in relation to the whole which must not be disregarded.” (UNESCO, 1983, p. 195). Furthermore, UNESCO recognizes historic Cairo as a world heritage site mainly on account of its continuing livability. It is a very large area of historic urban fabric that still preserves traditional systems practiced by its occupants, dwellers, merchants and buyers, and regular visitors. Such is its real significance.41

We can thus deduce that the “W” and “U” group values conflict less than those of “U” and “N.” Unfortunately, however, “W” has no direct communication with “U,” only with the “N” group. The international perspective of “W” should be clarified so that the “N” group’s decisions on area conservation will give proper consideration to the local qualities, values, culture, and economy of historic areas.

35What to Conserve

The “W” group includes not only international organizations but also interested individuals, especially tourists. These are the main cli-ents of the “N” group’s investment in historic areas, but tourists are less concerned with historical or artistic values than with the experience of being introduced to another culture. Tourists regard the historic built environment as a setting for local ambiance and character. Contempo-rary travel guides, besides listing tourist facilities and praising historic or artistic attractions, focus also on the significance of these places for the “U” groups and their predominant culture.

A good example is Idoux (2001). While inspired by the core of his-toric Cairo, she focuses on the spirit of the people’s many-layered tradi-tional culture. She highlights the continuing cultural values that enable traditional practices to flourish. Among her observations are the four-hundred-year-old workshops still functioning in Bab al-Futuh. She also praises Cairo as a multicultural city, especially the historic part, with its intellectual and religious qualities. Such experiences of exotic cultures are commonly sought by tourists.

Sophisticated travelers increasingly want their new multicultural experience to be authentic and true. Authenticity is thus very impor-tant in area conservation, though it has not been respected in some medieval cities of Europe. For instance, Zainab Kubat states that too many schemes look too similar,42 especially in Germany. Although well-equipped and planned for tourists, they are not sufficiently differen-tiated. An excessive focus on investment in services for tourism has detracted from the distinctive character of each area. Cairo, as well as any other historic city, should avoid such mistakes.

What to ConserveThe perceptions of each interest group (U/N/W) are thus based on different values. Each group attributes a different meaning, character, and importance to the historic areas. The respective values are given different weights and priorities, depending on each group’s vested interests.

However, what must be preserved is the significance of each area, that is, its meaning and what makes it important.43 Therefore, the divergent values of the groups U/N/W need to be reconciled. This difficult process may begin by identifying the areas of overlap that often occur among the three groups’ interests in particular historic areas.


The “U” group’s values can generally be classified as either existing or desired (Ali and Abu-Zaid, 1996). In any given community, certain values are desired by individuals who define the ideal behavior in terms of the local culture. In Cairo, the desired values are inspired by religious teachings, or at least by cultural values mediated through religion. Reli-gion was and still is the main reference and guide for human interac-tions and rights in Islamic communities, at least on a public level.

The “W” group organizations value the continuing traditions as well as the physical qualities, the architectural and urban characteris-tics, of any community, and increasingly those values are shared by tour-ists and other concerned individuals. However, the “N” group in Egypt adopts a different set of priorities under current global economic pres-sures, focusing on the historic value of artifacts and undermining the socio-cultural dimension of these areas. Therefore it is difficult to decide what values and whose priorities to consider most in area conservation.

A more culture-sensitive approach is needed (as illustrated in Chap-ter 3), and the priority of what to conserve should be decided case by case. The U/N/W groups differ in their claims and rights over each historic area. Decisions should take account of each area’s distinctive significance, both in terms of its historical and architectural setting and its intangible heritage.

For example, an area may lack uniquely significant architecture while enjoying a vibrant tradition of crafts or markets. Its significance comes from its “U” group, so this group’s values and priorities should mainly determine what to conserve. Conversely, on the Pyramids pla-teau the archaeological value surpasses any other, so priority belongs to the technical experts in the “N” and “W” groups.

To really implement this case-by-case approach, current regulations and planning techniques need to be adjusted. Sometimes more than one planning method should be followed in the same conservation area. The decision should depend, for instance, on the local community’s density and activities, and on the area’s physical quality and its cultural character. Such policies necessitate a coherent framework for planning the conser-vation schemes. This framework will be discussed in Chapter 3.

To sum up, each group esteems a different set of continuing cultural values, whose interplay creates the subjective meaning of every area in historic Cairo. Hence, the question of what to conserve is best decided by reconciling the values of all three groups.

37

Whereas Part One dealt with the question of what to con-serve, Part Two now explains how to conserve. Chapter 2 will focus on the concepts and environmental qualities to

be considered; Chapter 3 will explain the processes of area conservation, particularly planning and implementation.

To clarify the concept of area conservation, Chapter 2 begins by reviewing its evolution through official charters and various case studies, mostly Arab–Islamic but some international. To benchmark any area con-servation scheme by reference to well-known and well-functioning areas, the units of analysis are derived from technical qualities such as integrity, authenticity, and sustainability.

Chapter 2 will outline the economic influences and financial mecha-nisms that are necessary to implement any schemes for urban area conser-vation and upgrading. Those processes have important effects, for good or ill. They include foreign aid, tourism, and gentrification.

How to Conserve

PART TwO

39

n considering how to conserve any urban historic area, the priority is to safeguard or enhance its environmental quality by applying the appropriate principles. After elucidating those principles, this chapter

explains the economic motives that drive any intervention in historic areas.

History of Area ConservationUrban area conservation began in a mixed spirit of nostalgia and nation-alism during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The French approach made no distinction between restoration and conservation, and opinion leaders such as Viollet-le-Duc advocated stylistic restora-tion (Jokilehto, 1999a, p. 202). At that time, in France and many other countries, the mainsprings of conservation were the national interests of governments and other institutions.

Later, a more comprehensive but ‘surgical’ approach was expounded by Patrick Geddes (1854–1932) to deal with the old town in Edinburgh, Scotland.44 Furthermore, Jokilehto (1999a) describes the many readjust-ments made by Adolf Loos (1870–1933) and Max Dvorak (1874–1921), who emphasized the importance of local characteristics, besides the com-monly protected historical characteristics.

Gustavo Giovannoni (1873–1947) further widened the remit of con-servation by calling for the protection of ‘minor’ architecture and for the inclusion of everyday artifacts as cultural constructs. Giovannoni imple-mented his ideas effectively in Rome, where he advocated “scientific restoration.” This integral approach initiated the concept of area conser-vation. His theory of “thinning out the urban fabric” was a compromise

The Conceptof Area Conservation

2

I

40 The Concept of Area Conservation

between modernization and conservation, by keeping heavy traffic out-side historic areas, avoiding new streets cut into them, improving their social and hygienic conditions, and conserving historic buildings (Jok-ilehto, 1999a, p. 220). Giovannoni sought a harmonious coexistence between the old town and the modern city, by respecting the tradi-tional values in the historic areas while pursuing creative development to weave the different urban fabrics together (Rodwell, 2003, p. 65).

Giacomo Boni (1859–1925), in Venice, went beyond Giovannoni’s ideas to emphasize environmental quality. He rectified the unhygienic housing conditions, and he defended the lagoon as a vital element of Venice’s character. Boni also highlighted the importance of authenticity, but only in regard to buildings, not whole areas.

The importance of authenticity was extended from buildings to whole urban areas by Victor Hugo (1802–85). Though a poet and novelist, not an architect, he was the first thinker to advocate an authentic continu-ation of a city’s culture and heritage. He saw historic cities not only as archaeological entities but as real living communities.45

That broad view of authenticity was recommended by Alois Riegl (1858–1905) for the conservation of the area around the Palace of Dio-cletian in Split, Croatia. In 1904 that area was recognized by a special commission as a medieval city. Riegl insisted on the importance of con-serving the atmospheric quality of the whole area. He drew attention to its overall ambiance of urban living, so that the whole area was restored, not merely one building or even a group of buildings.

These pioneering steps paved the way for urban conservation as it is known today. Yet it could not become effective in practice until the con-cept of the ‘designated area’ was established. This concept was first pro-moted by Gustavo Giovannoni and by Angelis d’Ossat (1907–92), who established guidelines for conservation in situ and for respect of historic urban areas. These strategies inspired a law in 1939 to protect sites of natural beauty throughout Italy, and responsibility for safeguarding her-itage was placed on the Ministry of Education.

Nevertheless, conservation was still conflated with restoration until the intervention of Cesare Brandi (1906–88), who defined conservation as a creative process similar to art.46 Thus, he gave conservation a sensi-tively critical and creative approach of its own. He deserves to be recog-nized as the father of contemporary conservation: his writings inspired the international conservation charters. Although he focused on paintings

41Review of Charters

and small-scale artifacts rather than architectural and historical sites, he introduced ethics and concepts that underpin conservation at different scales, including the urban scale.

Review of ChartersThe concept of area conservation was defined and formulated clearly in a series of charters. The first official recognition of a historic area, recog-nizing its significance as a cultural whole and not just as a group of his-toric buildings, was in Article 1 of the Venice Charter (1964). This was re-emphasized in Consideration 2 of the Amsterdam Declaration (1975); and Article 1 of the Petropolis Charter (1987) envisaged the historic area as an integral part of the whole city. Similarly Article 5 of the Washington Charter (1987) highlighted the harmonious relationship between historic areas and their towns/cities.

The Physically Oriented ApproachThe Bruges Resolution (1975) and the Nairobi Charter (1976) stressed the need for sensitivity in historic town planning, so that the many prac-tical issues (for example, financial, administrative, and legislative) would be considered in the theory of multidisciplinary conservation programs, whereby international standards and principles should be contextualized and adapted to local circumstances. Article 1 of the Washington Char-ter (1987) recommended a comprehensive approach to conservation, through a coherent integral policy of economic and social development and urban regional planning. Article 3 of the New Zealand Charter (1992) recommended indigenous methodologies, whereby each country should urgently adopt comprehensive and energetic policies to protect and revitalize historic areas.

The Amsterdam Declaration (1975) stressed the necessity of preserv-ing historical continuity to safeguard continuing cultural principles and activities. It emphasized also the potential of conservation to solve prob-lems of lifestyle on a human scale, as in modern town planning. This potential is clarified in UNESCO’s declared goals under its different conventions (for example, UNESCO, 1983) and Article 4 of the Petrop-olis Charter (1987), which affirm that conservation must maintain and develop the cultural and social values of each nation, mainly to counter-act the threat of globalization to local identities, but also to improve the quality of life for residents in historic areas.


The Community Oriented ApproachSuch a concept implies the importance of real community involvement in any scheme for area conservation, so that clear priority is given to assur-ing the benefits for local people (the “U” group as termed in the previous chapter). Examples of projects where this approach has prevailed include the report by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) on revitalizing the old city of Aleppo (GTZ, 1998), and the Aga Khan report on revitalizing Darb Shughlan in al-Darb al-Ahmar, historic Cairo (AKCS-E, 1999).

Priority to the “U” group’s rights and needs corresponds with Arti-cle 9 of the Washington Charter (1987), which affirmed better housing as a basic aim of area conservation, and community involvement as its essential basis. Article 11 of the Venice Charter (1964) reiterated the importance of public participation, so that planners and other profes-sionals should not unduly dominate decisions on the values and elements to be conserved in historic areas. The Amsterdam Declaration (1975), in its Consideration 1a, emphasized civic leadership and highlighted the architectural heritage as a basis for local people’s consciousness of their common history. The Deschambault Declaration (1982) and the Petropolis Charter (1987) called for democratic management of the city and the involvement of civic leaders. The Washington Charter (1987) and Article 8 of the Krakow Charter (2000) broadened the “U” group to involve citizens of all ages and in every sector, prioritizing their role and claim to their historic areas so as to guarantee a comprehensive conser-vation policy covering all aspects of local life (social, cultural, economic, and so on).

The Subjective ApproachAll these calls to recognize community values have expanded the scope of conservation beyond its physical aspects. Growing awareness of the intangible values of historic sites has paved the way for a more subjective approach, prioritizing the intangible values of each historic entity (Assi, 2000, p. 61). For example, the Amsterdam Declaration (1975) protects the values of individuals, and it ensures overall protection to complement the piecemeal protection of single monuments and sites. The Nairobi Charter (1976) suggested that historic areas should be viewed in terms of their living presence to reflect the local people’s communal diversity and their enduring social values and practices.

43Charters in the Arab–Islamic Region

This trend was strengthened by charters that enjoined the policy of applying the least possible physical intervention in order to minimize official alteration of the indigenous character of conserved areas. Three examples are Article 2 of the Washington Charter (1987), Article 2 of the Petropolis Charter (1987), and the Krakow Charter (2000). In addi-tion, other charters gave priority to social values over the market values of urban property. Three examples are Article 3 of the Burra Charter (1979), Article 4 of the New Zealand Charter (1992), and Article 10 of the Petropolis Charter (1987).47 This new approach to the treatment of historic areas was meant to protect their integrity.

The value of authenticity in area conservation was addressed in the Venice Charter (1964) and Article 2 of the Bulgaria Charter (1975). Growing recognition of society’s heterogeneity and plurality—and of authenticity as a social product—was reflected more clearly in Article 5 of the Petropolis Charter (1987). Even more emphatically, Article 9 of the Deschambault Declaration rejected museumization, and gave priority to respect for the demands and needs of the residents in his-toric areas. This broader perspective on heritage sought to protect its dynamic and functional character. The Bulgaria Charter (1975) rejected the social injustice of forcing out the poorer inhabitants, and argued for the banning of gentrification because this process would conflict with the spirit and meaning of a historic area and would conserve only its physical features. That was elaborated further in the Nara Charter (1994). In general, as Jokilehto states (1999b), authenticity will emerge as a key issue that needs to be looked at in more detail.

Moreover, sustainability as a major dimension of effective conserva-tion is addressed in the Deschambault Declaration (1982). Sustainable development of cultural values is achieved by making the conserved area accessible, useful, and integral to the daily life of the community. Such sustainability depends on community involvement and public participa-tion, as mentioned above.

In general, those three essential qualities (integrity, authenticity, and sustainability) are the main criteria for effective and balanced conservation of any historic area. This key point is illustrated by Fig. 4.2 in Chapter 4.

Charters in the Arab–Islamic RegionBesides the internationally famous charters outlined above, three addi-tional documents are especially applicable in the Arab countries. They


are the Islamic Capital Cities Charter (ICCC 1997), the Homs Declara-tion (2001), and the Cairo Declaration (2002).

ICCC 1997 defines heritage too broadly to classify the meanings and processes of area conservation. The Homs Declaration points out the lack of a charter on area conservation appropriate for Arab–Islamic cities. The Cairo Declaration confines itself to evaluating the work of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in historic Cairo. Although it docu-ments the projects conducted up to 2002, it offers no clear contextual evaluation of them. It merely compiles some of the issues and principles from the international charters noted above, and it gives little more than a short general summary of ethical principles of conservation.

By contrast, Tunisia’s national policy on area conservation is more advanced and based on experience gained since 1967.48 Tunisia’s Institut National de la Patrimoine (INP) is adopting the Washington Charter (1987), and is translating it into Arabic to ensure that its urban conserva-tion principles are followed.49 Yet no contextual discussion has emerged from the conservation problems common to the Arab–Islamic cities, and no charter has been written in specific response to their indigenous char-acteristics or requirements.

Arab–Islamic cities have received only scattered attempts by some activists and some planners in regional heritage management organiza-tions. Some of them adopt the Venice Charter (1964), others the Washing-ton Charter (1987), but very few of them acknowledge the three regional documents noted above (ICCC 1997, Homs 2001, Cairo 2002). More-over, even if the Arab–Islamic cities had specific charters, these could not be enacted technically without political support (Sedky, 2005).

Units of Analysis for Area ConservationThe above review shows that the internationally known charters treat each historic area as a coherent whole, and this attitude can be called the quality of integrity. These charters also respect the character and essence of each historic area, and this attitude can be called the qual-ity of authenticity. Those two environmental qualities are promoted through the active involvement of local communities and through tol-erance of changes in the built structures to continue sustaining the “U” group’s quality of life. Thus, area conservation must always combine the three qualities of integrity, authenticity, and sustainability, and must treat them all with complete respect and in a coherent and holistic way.

45Units of Analysis for Area Conservation

However, for the sake of clarification, they will here be discussed as separate units of analysis.

IntegrityIntegrity refers to the quality which exists in “an indivisible unity that potentially may continue to exist in its parts . . . and be based on what is suggested by the potential unity of the work of art [the conservation project in our case], taking into account the demands of its historical and aesthetic aspects” (Jokilehto, 1999a, p. 232).50 Integrity can be also a tool to identify the elements of an organic whole, “such as the complexity formed of the fabric and infrastructures of a historic settlement, and the mutual relationship of such elements with the whole” (Jokilehto, 1999a, p. 299). Integrity is gaining importance as a yardstick by which to eval-uate a conservation area’s environmental quality, in view of economic growth and modern requirements for transport. Historic areas, unlike recently developed districts, are characterized by architecture without architects, and by an integral unity of traditional spatial structures and materials (Dix, 1996b).

Integrity has seven distinctive aspects: location, design, setting, mate-rials, workmanship, feeling, and association (Jokilehto, 1999a, p. 299). Those aspects together determine the aesthetic or historic integrity of any area after conservation work is done. They show whether the work has sustained or violated the area’s spatial structure and its meaning. On the scale of a single structure, the materials and workmanship, together with design, determine its form and appearance. Linked feelings and associations interpret all those aspects and attributes, through the envi-ronmental and cultural cues of a semiotic code that is practiced and com-municated by the “U” group.

Those aspects function differently, depending on a project’s scale (a single structure or a whole site) and on its type (physical, visual, cultural). Dix (1996a, 1996b) and Jokilehto (1999a) suggest three major types of integrity: structural, functional, and visual.

Structural IntegrityThe commonest type, structural integrity, deals directly with the structural quality of any restoration. It means that restoration should re-establish the unity of any conserved work of art, including urban con-servation areas. However, restoration should entail critical awareness of


authenticity as well as integrity. For example, a dilapidated historic por-tal must not be “completed” by a replica, because this false account of the past might mislead the coming generations.

Structural integrity may be also applied to a whole area,51 since any urban spatial system, such as a neighborhood, has a structure, that is, a hierarchy of private, semi-private, and public spaces.52 In the growth of an urban spatial system, appropriate activities and spaces emerged in par-allel, according to its social and economic potential. Thus area conserva-tion should respect the whole structure and not interrupt it by insensitive interventions, such as cutting through avenues for vehicular traffic.53

Functional IntegrityFunctional integrity affects a historic area’s heritage of intangible quali-ties, because their character underlies the area’s practical activities. An example is the al-Ghuriya area in Fatimid Cairo, which has been worked on by the Cairo governorate. Ever since the foundation of historic Cairo, this area has been a textile market, reflecting the guild division princi-ple of traditional Islamic cities. Recently, its wooden shops and show-cases around the al-Ghuri complex were removed to ‘beautify’ the area. Inevitably, the area suffered museumization. Its functional integrity was jeopardized, not only in the al-Ghuri complex but also in the surround-ing area of al-Azhar, the biggest market for traditional goods/readitional market in Cairo (Sedky 2001b; Shehayeb and Sedky 2002).

Visual IntegrityVisual integrity seeks the harmonious conservation of historic build-ings or areas, by securing the locality’s visual quality. Dix (1996b, p. 10) interprets this as sensitive design, reconciling the modern with the old. Regrettably, too many developers are unaware of aesthetic values, and many seem to prefer superficial treatment to quality design. Their mistaken direction is worsened in historic areas by vague and poorly enforced municipal and institutional regulations (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002). Visual integrity should include authenticity, seeking not only phys-ical appearance but also the traditional features and authentic material textures. Replication should be avoided, as it reflects no quality at all. The built environment is a life-form, endlessly accumulating a dynamic diver-sity of moods and expressions. Thus any additions or interventions should sensitively express their own era, as well as respecting the old (Fig. 2.2).


Dix (1996b, p. 10) states that good civic design requires good archi-tecture, and he castigates any failure on this point. Taking as an example the National Gallery in Trafalgar Square, London, he criticizes the new Sainsbury Wing for failing to integrate with the wider context, although its materials are visually compatible with the existing gallery. Dix also criticizes the lack of civic consideration in the design, as the new wing’s main gate is on a side street while its back is on a busy thoroughfare. Thus, although the design respects visual integrity, it fails to integrate the building with the economic and social activities in the area.

Visual integrity can be also applied on a wider scale, controlling the city skyline (contrast the situation in Cairo illustrated in Fig. 2.3) and securing visual corridors for viewing the city’s most distinctive landmarks. In London, for instance, Dix (1996a, p. 17) explains how the view of Saint Paul’s Cathedral dome has been secured through several “listed” visual corridors by controlling the height of buildings in some districts (com-pare with the situation in Cairo illustrated in Fig. 2.4). This process has become sophisticated enough to produce a formula for calculating the height of any proposed building near the designated view corridor.54 Such visual sensitivity is absent from typical Arab–Islamic cities. Large modern buildings dwarf the carved stone minarets that have stood for centuries as landmarks of public gathering places. Inappropriate high-rise archi-tecture invades the privacy of traditional houses, by overlooking their inner courtyards. It was for this reason that traditional housing in Saruja (Damascus) was deserted by its occupants. Arkoun (1990) calls this “de-symbolizing the environment.”

The different types of integrity are of little value when disman-tled into these basic constituents, for they work as a whole. They are linked through the cultural significance of their physical settings and structures. They grant historic areas coherence and meaning for the local people. This is how the “U” group is potentially able to introduce changes that would combine with the built forms and with the socio-cultural obligations to integrate new and old into a balanced whole (Arefi, 1999; Dix, 1996b).

Authenticity‘Authentic’ generally means genuine, true to the original, sincere, reliable.55 It is the antonym of superficial, kitsch, artificial, imposed, manipulated, doubtful, deceptive, fake (Walker, 1992; Assi, 2000).


Authenticity is a technical term for evaluating the historical provenance and quality of a work of art, to determine if it is fake or genuine.

In addition, authenticity has a more profound meaning for area con-servation and urban architectural design. Authenticity has acquired prominence in heritage management in traditional societies and their vulnerable urban systems, specifically as a reaction against industrializa-tion and western culture, as emphasized in the Nara Charter (1994).

Traditional societies make a clear connection between space, pro-cesses, and people’s cultural associations, promoting a wide range of envi-ronmentally responsive choices to make continual but gradual changes, mostly small and homogeneous. Modern societies exaggerate individual-ism but restrict choices in favor of mass production (Taylor, 1991). Their relationships and connections are ambiguous because of their heteroge-neous mixture of backgrounds and interests (Jo, 1992).56 This conflict has disrupted and diluted the cultural character of historic areas, in the name of “modernization” and “beautification” (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002) (Figs. 2.5 and 2.6).57

This cultural disruption began in Arab–Islamic cities from as early as the mid-nineteenth century. That is why the safeguarding of heritage must start with the protection of the continuing cultural values of the indigenous people. This protection of values will ensure the protection of the local culture’s physical enclaves, always the main concern and pri-ority of professionals.

Authenticity is thus a very wide ranging concept. Besides evaluating the physical conservation of single monuments, it applies to the wider context, the surrounding fabric, the entire historic area (Assi, 2000). Authenticity is not a property of environmental form but of processes (people’s appropriation of space and conversion of space into place) and relationships (people’s temporal connection to the space, making asso-ciations with it). Thus, authenticity can only be tested through people’s interaction with their environment. Through such processes and rela-tionships, the environment acquires its meaning and significance (Fig. 2.7). As mentioned in the previous chapter, historic areas are subject to two types of values: the values of physical elements and the values of cul-tural processes. Both must be heeded so that any changes to the area are well managed. Regrettably, however, cultural values and processes are neglected or undervalued by the professionals who overvalue the physical elements (Zanchetti and Jokilehto 1997).


While authenticity is an important concept in itself, the main point is to define what is authentic and to decide who makes this definition. The meaning of authenticity is decided by each of the interest groups (U/N/W). Each group has its own codes and values determining authen-ticity in a particular area. Therefore, to safeguard the authentic quality of the area is to protect and reconcile the different values of each group in a way that clarifies the area’s meaning. Each group has a different degree of rights or claims to the particular area. An area with many local inhabitants but few historic buildings should get its meaning through its “U” group. In an area with fewer inhabitants but more historic buildings, the “N” or “W” groups would have a stronger claim.

Those principles are enunciated in the charters and by international authorities. The World Heritage Committee of UNESCO considers the effects of socioeconomic and cultural changes in addition to the aesthetic and historic aspects, and this view provides a realistic way to assess the authenticity of historic areas (Jokilehto 1999 and Assi 2000). The Kra-kow Charter (2000) defined authenticity as the sum of sustainable histori-cal characteristics due to transformations over time from the original to the current condition. Such a flexible definition allows for the continu-ous changing patterns of social life. This is why the Nara Charter (1994), while seeking a definition of authenticity, also stressed the importance of a concept of a dynamic nature, open to change.

Sustainability“Sustainable development . . . meets the needs of the present communi-ties without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (Brundtland, 1987, p. 8). It can be achieved only if people work in harmony to safeguard the long-term interests of their natural and artificial environment and its many life-forms (Rodwell, 2003, p. 58). Sustainable development also seeks to enhance the different aspects of human life (social, economic, and environmental) (Barton, 1996). Those three aspects are defined by Carmona et al. (2002a, p. 67) as the main measures to assess the sustainability of any environment that has been under development.

Focusing on area conservation as a particular kind of environmental development, Rodwell (2003, p. 67) places it shoulder to shoulder with sustainability. In the same context, Stovel (1999) recognizes sustain-ability as being concerned with extending life, balancing conservation,


promoting a healthy relationship among heritage resources, maintaining ongoing processes that portray the character and meaning of heritage, maintaining desirable conditions throughout a lifetime, enhancing the meaning of heritage in daily life, and increasing the responsible involve-ment of citizens.

Stovel (1999, p. 8) describes sustainability as preventive, risk-sensitive, integrated, and comprehensive. He advocates a dynamic focus to under-stand the long-term grassroots traditions, with due consideration for the values of physical entities or intangible ones. Stovel also implies limits to development in historic areas, limits to growth, limits to use, limits to exploitation, and so on.

Likewise, Delafons (1997b) identifies the thresholds for optimal development without jeopardizing the heritage. On the other hand, he warns that the preventive view of sustainability might not produce effective use of resources if carried to extremes. Undue insistence that conservation is the primary aim of an upgrading policy may impose unreasonable costs, and it may also impede creative renewal for a sus-tainable future. Thus what is needed is a better integration of conserva-tion with sustainability.

Wallace et al. (1999) recommend that conservation should use sus-tainability to reinforce its case. Along with Delafons (1997), they call for integral and responsive urban design to continue a sustainable lifestyle in any historic area under development. Sustainability is possible only when we understand its multifaceted nature; a historic area can achieve sustain-ability only if the conservation methods consider and enhance the area’s social, economic, and environmental aspects.

The social aspect includes cultural and administrative or political considerations. Culturally, no intervention should hinder the indigenous practices or impose any irrelevant value, for otherwise the consequences are inauthentic. Traditional values and know-how can be preserved only in sustainable everyday life, and, conversely, sustainability cannot be achieved without considering the traditional values in their contempo-rary relevance. “To maintain traditional modes of life, their associated customs and rituals need to be relevant to people today. If and when choices are available, it is possible to continue traditions only if people are convinced that such customs are a valid alternative to ‘modern’ life” (Jok-ilehto and Laenen, 1999, p. 3). Moreover, any intervention should aim at social class equity, securing the amenities of hygiene and the services of


education through an equal-opportunity program (Arafat 2002). Conser-vation should also respect the area’s economy, and research is needed to find new materials with properties like the old ones. The implications of this were studied at a UNESCO seminar in Cairo in 2002. Baked bricks for the old buildings of the Bab al-Nasr area are no longer made, since the kilns were closed due to environmental hazards. Although such bricks would satisfy conservation goals, their use is not sustainable as they can-not be replaced.

Administrative or political considerations concern the mecha-nisms necessary for sustainable development in historic areas. It can be achieved through cooperation (Wallace et al., 1999) between the depart-ments involved in safeguarding heritage, and those of town planning or urban management. Both types of institutions should adopt prin-ciples of sustainability in area conservation (Wallace et al., p. 69) but this is not always fulfilled. In Britain, for example, Wallace et al. criti-cize the Planning Policies Guideline No. 15 for creating a gap between planning and area conservation by ignoring sustainable development in guidelines on the designation of historic structures and areas (Wallace et al., p. 68). This is why the PPG No. 18 and the Shimizu Plan were issued later, to allow for change in the historic areas through de-listing and permitted development.

Larkham (2000) finds that local people must be involved in decision-making, as they have the strongest claim to their areas. They have strong social and emotional bonds with their areas, and after conservation is implemented those bonds are maintained or even enhanced by clarified ownership. This may explain why the project in Saruja in 1992–95 was not sustainable.58 It deprived the occupants of their direct links with the area, turning them into shareholders instead of owners.59 They lost their sense of community and they lost interest in maintaining houses that were no longer theirs. This might explain why Saruja’s fabric has deterio-rated (Sedky, 2000).

Like the social and cultural aspects, the economic aspect is equally essential for sustainable environment. The social and cultural well-being of an area depends on its economic well-being (Bellini, 1998, p. 60). The local economy is integral to the community’s life. Carmona et al. (2002a) define sustainable urban design as intervention with a positive economic impact. For example, a positive aspect of three conservation schemes in historic Cairo (the Religious Complex, the ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque


neighborhood, and Misr al-Qadima) is their flourishing economy, as shown by the rise in value of an average shop of fifteen square meters from le15,000 in 1999 to le60,000 in 2001.60 On the other hand, the Cairo governorate’s “beautification” of al-Ghuriya had a negative impact, driving out the textile shops and ruining their owners.

Generally, sustainable conservation encourages development that does not impose unbearable costs but keeps a balance between conserva-tion and change (Delafons, 1997). Thus sustainability clarifies the deci-sions on which heritage sites should be prioritized for maximum care in conservation.61 The essential is to know how to evaluate the benefits of an area’s values of status and values of processes. To check whether its conservation is economically sustainable, Goodall (1993) recommends making a feasibility study before starting any scheme.

This recommendation is likely to be hindered by the difficulty of measuring the values of processes and evaluating an area’s intangible qualitative aspects. However, Serageldin’s model of total economic val-ues quantifies all types of values,62 assigning a monetary value even to the intangible values, on the basis that they sustain the area’s meaning and significance for tourists, investors, and so on. This logical economic approach was developed through the World Bank and the IMF.63

The environmental aspect is associated with the preservation of natu-ral and man-made resources, reusing them with minimal waste (Arafat, 2002). It seeks to predict the environmental impact of any project and to minimize any limitations it may impose on future development. In this approach, a historic area is regarded as an environmental asset for the nation. Conservation, rehabilitation, and maximal adaptive reuse of traditional materials are environmental principles that parallel those of sustainable development (Rees, 1994).

Development and growth in historic areas are essential, but only within the limits specified in Brundtland’s definition of sustainability. The question of defining those limits is elaborated by Strange (1997, 1999). A limit called “environmental capacity” is identified by Strange (1999). He aims to balance the needs of historic area planning with the pressures of globalization, to ensure political priority for local distinc-tiveness while gaining wider economic benefits. Thus he defines sustain-able development as “a limit to the amount of development which an area can take, determined by its environmental characteristics” (Strange, 1999, p. 303).

53Area Conservation Funding Mechanisms

A similar approach was previously explored by the planning author-ities in Britain. Strange (1999, p. 303) stressed the link between local and regional concerns over the future extent of issues related to the maintenance of environmental assets, by determining the limits to acceptable growth and by identifying development thresholds that should not be crossed.

Strange (1999) highlights the complex recent changes of policy in Brit-ain concerning sustainable development in area conservation schemes. Conventional ‘pro-conservation’ policy meant designating and listing historic areas. The new policy, which Strange calls “post-conservation,” uses the rhetoric of sustainable development to legitimize physical and economic growth and to dilute area conservation. Taking account of the targeted area’s circumstances and responding to its actual needs, area conservation should synthesize pro- and post-conservation by taking a pro-community stance.64

Area Conservation Funding MechanismsFunding mechanisms strongly affect area conservation. Many schemes are shaped to meet the requirements of funding sources rather than

Fig. 2.1: Textile trade located in al-Ghuriya, close to the central mosque, al-Azhar. The distribution of the guildhouse and market around the central mosque is traditional in the Arab–Islamic city and still operative today (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


aim at the qualities of integrity, authenticity, and sustainability. The aim should be to match the funding criteria without compromising conser-vation qualities. Funding mechanisms must be incorporated into urban upgrading schemes in general. The motivations of the different funding sources must be identified in the local context, so as to find the best way to deal with them.

For heritage conservation in the Arab–Islamic context, there are three main sources of funds. Foreign aid supports almost all area con-servation schemes in Arab–Islamic countries. Tourism is regarded by the “N” group as the best source of hard currency and the best national investment in area conservation. Gentrification is a consequence of tour-ism and of the real-estate business in historic areas that are undergoing conservation schemes.

Foreign Aid65 In low-income communities such as historic Cairo, conservation and development are unaffordable luxuries, especially with the limited finances and varying priorities of the Egyptian government. Foreign aid is thus

Fig. 2.2: Modern structure in the Royal Mile, Edinburgh. It is not necessary to imitate medieval building styles within historic areas to safeguard their integrity, yet it needs much creativity to complement the historical context visually without compromising contemporary needs (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Fig. 2.3: Nazli Sharif Mosque, built by the turn of the twen-tieth century. Its minaret used to dominate the skyline of the Nile riverbank until dwarfed by concrete towers because of the lack of effective urban plan-ning guidelines (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 2.4: Muhammad ‘Ali Mosque, built in the first half of the nineteenth century, viewed from University Bridge some kilometers away from the mosque, which is located on Muqattam HPl. This mosque remains the symbol of Cairo and the city’s dominant landmark to this day (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


the main funding source for development and conservation in historic areas. Major schemes in the Middle East, whether for research or imple-mentation, are funded by agencies from Germany, the UN, Japan, the USA, and France (respectively GTZ, UNDP, JICA, USAID, and IRD).66 Four big questions ensue. How far can historic Cairo or any other Arab–Islamic city depend on such agencies? What are their motivations? What are the effects of their help? Is foreign aid sustainable and effective as a principal source of funding for the upgrading of historic urban areas?

To assess the motivations and effects of foreign aid on area conserva-tion schemes, there are two perspectives: political and conceptual. Politi-cally, foreign aid can be described skeptically as late colonialism (Daher, 1999, pp. 114–15). This view is supported by the pressure exerted by donor countries that demand complete or partial control over recipi-ent countries.67 Foreign aid may thus create dependency, weakening the national currency and undermining the community’s confidence in indigenous funding mechanisms. For example, through interviews with officials responsible for conservation in old Damascus, I found that they apply for grants from foreign agencies but neglect possible local sources such as partnerships or individual investors.

In Cairo, similarly, no single project is financed by local money, except al-Darb al-Ahmar, where the scheme is managed and financed by the International Aga Khan Trust. The Aga Khan Trust did not finance the physical repair and development of historical districts but the consulta-tion fees and training programs for the individuals who surveyed them. Many community leaders are becoming grant-hunters rather than being concerned with actual local problems. They reshape their fieldwork and proposals to meet the criteria of external funders. This is especially harm-ful because foreign aid often devotes too much money to the research phase and too little to implementation. For example, at Bayt Jabir in Jor-dan, JICA gave a grant for the study but only a loan for the project itself. Likewise in Egypt, the UNDP’s grant of almost US$900,000 generated a report on the rehabilitation of Old Cairo (UNDP, 1997) but only a few of its recommendations have been implemented while many physical problems have become more dangerous.

Foreign aid is not flexible. For example, USAID and other agencies employ experts and contracting companies from their own countries. Thus, a great deal of the grant not consumed in research is spent on for-eign consultants or imported goods, although these are more expensive


than the resources of the recipient country (Daher, 1999; Matar, 2000).68 Another example is that USAID finances the American Research Cen-ter in Egypt (ARCE) but this agency’s policy is to restore only groups of buildings, not whole areas. In an interview, the head of the restora-tion and project department, Robert Vincent,69 explained an example of the policy’s consequences. Restoration of the Bab Zuwayla area will lose its effectiveness within a few years unless the local sewerage system is replaced, but Dr. Vincent had difficulty in persuading USAID to cover this cost because it did not match their regular criteria. A third example is found in Tunisia, where the World Bank did not encourage investment in heritage until the late 1980s. To upgrade the Hafsiya district in old Tunis, the ASM (Association de Sauveguarde de la Medina) group had great difficulty in persuading the World Bank to provide loans because that district was officially deemed a slum, not a historic area.70

Despite those political problems, the conceptual perspective on for-eign aid views it as supposedly free from the tendency to control develop-ing countries. The proper goal of foreign aid was determined at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro (1992), which decided that developed coun-tries should contribute some portion of their national income toward the development of needy communities in developing countries.71 However, foreign aid can be a part of the economic strategy of developed coun-tries, as exemplified by the JICA program which Japan uses to establish good relations with countries of strategic importance to it.72 Foreign aid is also an economic precaution, as illustrated by the European Commu-nity’s program for the Mediterranean region. Designed mainly to pro-tect Europe against illegal immigration, it promotes heritage tourism all around the Mediterranean, such as the “Museum without Frontiers” program which influences the conservation agenda of the Ministry of Culture in Egypt (Williams, 2002, p. 457).

Therefore, foreign aid cannot be the main long-term solution for poor communities in developing countries. Local investment in urban upgrad-ing should be encouraged. Although local communities own and control 80 percent of developing countries’ economies, their money is usually neglected by the national governments because it consists of informal trading. This neglect prevents sustainable development (De Soto, 2001). Proper attention to local investment would induce sustainable conserva-tion by considering the economic aspects of historic areas and by involv-ing local investors, whether individuals or partnerships.


Fig. 2.5: Khan al-Hiraf, old Aleppo. The craft market, a traditional suq, now sanitized and used as a tourist site (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

On the other hand, foreign aid deserves appreciation if it is plenti-ful and employed effectively in development and conservation. Over the next few years, Egypt will receive about eur698 million from EU schemes such as Euromed and MEDA (Attaguile, 2002). Such valuable funding should be accepted and used in conjunction with local know-how for sustainable, low-cost, effective area conservation (Van Huyck, 1990). The money must be managed so that enough is allocated to phys-ical upgrading (Daher, 1999).

Local fundraising for conservation or development is almost impos-sible in the Middle East, because of the distrust between local commu-nities and undemocratic national institutions. Provisionally, therefore, effective programs depend on combining foreign aid with local expert monitors and through coordination of the national institutions, both governmental and non-governmental. This combination is the basis of the most effectively implemented area conservation programs in the region. It is best achieved through a management unit, as described in the following chapter.73 For example, Syria’s project to revitalize old Aleppo was financed by the GTZ in collaboration with local experts and municipal institutions (Ramahmdani, 2001). Similarly, in Cairo,


the Aga Khan project used a residential restoration loan for the Darb Shughlan part of al-Darb al-Ahmar.

Daher (1999) recommends that foreign aid should be granted only after upgrading has begun,74 so that strategy is clarified and money is not wasted. An example is the Wakail project in Tunisia. The Arab Fund in Kuwait wanted to invest US$15 million (62 percent of the funds it offers to safeguard Islamic urban heritage) for the development of tourism to enhance the national economy. However, this condition conflicted with the needs of the poor families living in the old mansions and with the policy of the ASM. So the ASM postponed its use of Arab Fund money until the third phase of the Wakail project, by which time its conserva-tion principles and the trend of its upgrading had started to promise fruitful social, economic, and cultural results.75

In brief, the clear primary goal is to improve the well-being of the local community by improving its built environment. Commu-nity demands, needs, and potential must be specified and considered as a whole. This principle would, as far as possible, ensure the sustain-ability and effectiveness of conservation schemes. Foreign aid, if used, should contribute to an already specified strategy, not vice versa. Spe-cial skills are required to coordinate the funding organization’s criteria with the demands and strategies of each conservation area. For instance, the Hafsiya project in Tunis was cleverly managed by the ASM team, who described Hafsiya as a slum in order to get World Bank fund-ing because at that time (the 1980s) the World Bank did not support area conservation.76 Funding must therefore be managed jointly by the funding agency and the local community. The funding agency’s staff should monitor the work performance, while community representa-tives and national or local institutions should adopt transparent systems for financial management.

TourismTourism can be traced back to the medieval Christian pilgrimages. Mod-ern tourism began in the late eighteenth century when European elites visited biblical sites and other ancient landmarks. Their growing intel-lectual interest in archaeology stimulated popular interest in oriental history and myths. In the period 1840–90, Thomas Cook invented the conducted tour and extended this idea from Britain to other countries, including Egypt and the biblical land of Palestine. The first tourists were


rich Europeans, seeking the romantic aura of the east and the ancient world promoted through orientalist fiction and art.

Cultural tourism was thus the precursor of other types of tourism (political, economic, social, cultural, educational, biophysical, ecologi-cal, and aesthetic).77 After the Second World War, research was carried out on the ethical significance of cultural tourism. Dower (1975) empha-sized that the number of tourists in Europe grew so much during the 1955–75 period that the need for sustainable tourism became urgent. He also emphasized the link between tourism and conservation, calling for good design to respect the vernacular architecture of tourist attractions and their areas. The Charter of Cultural Tourism (CCT), signed in 1976 in Brussels, was followed by the International Cultural Tourism Charter of ICOMOS (the International Council on Monuments and Sites) held in Rostock and Dresden in 1984, which enjoined sensitive management of historic sites. Sustainable development for tourism in such sites was further emphasized at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro (1992).

Cultural tourism is an important source of both national pride and foreign currency. The International Cultural Tourism Council affirmed

Fig. 2.6: The covered suq of old Aleppo sells traditional goods and accommodates typi-cal old guildhouses that still function today. The suq wends beneath the domes and vaults visible in this aerial view (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


that the cultural heritage of different nations is continually popularized by visits to sites of archaeological, architectural, historic, or religious impor-tance (Cultural Tourism Charter, 1984). Cultural tourism is an excellent source of foreign currency and revenues to meet the costs of conserva-tion. Thus, cultural tourism is a valuable social, human, and economic phenomenon (Dix, 1990).

According to Goodall (1993, pp. 94–95), there are three levels of cultural tourism: core, tangible, and augmented. The core level is the benefit which the tourist customer gains by purchasing the tourism ser-vices, and it thus includes enjoyment and/or learning. However, tourism must respect the special nature and condition of historic sites, so that they and their character are not harmed or changed. That is why Dix (1990, p. 395) insists on the importance of knowing the purposes of tourism at each particular site. For instance, at a religious center, do visitors come to pray, or to admire its historic or aesthetic value? This is crucial for decid-ing what types of conservation best suit each historic area.

Fig. 2.7: Maintaining a medieval craft: carpenters and cabinet-makers and their workshops dis-tinguish the mixed-use character of Darb Shughlan in al-Darb al-Ahmar (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Goodall’s “tangible” level represents the features (for example, time and price) of the services that are purchased at a specific site, such as guided tours, explanatory displays, and historic or cultural artifacts. Beyond the tangible level, the “augmented” level means any other type of service that adds value to the tourist’s visit. It can include knowledgeable staff, convenient agencies, pleasant shopping or restaurants, family ticket concessions, gift-shop wares, special events, interactive interpretation, and so on. Tangible and augmented services determine the appropriation and development of sites for tourism.

Any conservation project must respect the integrity of its area. His-toric reference should be integrated into the processes of conceptualizing the design, the spatial and perceptual morphology, and the human activi-ties influenced by the area’s past evolution (Carmona, 1996). For exam-ple, in Istanbul, the Pierra project linking Taksim Square with the Galata district reintroduced the tram as a popular sustainable system of trans-portation for people unwilling to walk all the way (Fig. 5.11). This nos-talgic revival of the trams of the early twentieth century harmonizes with the area’s neoclassical buildings and hotels, while providing transport that does not endanger pedestrians in the Pierra Walk. The tram also encour-ages trading activities by making Pierra more accessible to both tourists and Istanbul citizens.

Feilden (1990, p. 313) criticizes local authorities and planners for exag-gerating conservation for tourism through a perfectionist policy. Smooth walls and neatly carved stonework evoke a glamorized nostalgia. He sees this beautification or sanitization in Rome, Florence, London, the Mid-dle East, the Far East, and London. The authentic dynamic quality of such places stagnates. He warns that this policy “can be disastrous. It can kill the goose that lays the golden egg.” This could be seen as a return to the elitist tourism of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Orbaşli (2000) warns that perfectionist conservation blurs the dif-ferences between the genuine historic area and the newly built “themed townscapes,” thus diluting the historic area’s significance and authen-tic character. The growing influence of tourism promotes visual façades at the expense of a deeper understanding of the host community’s cul-ture. This façadism is expressed through an exaggeratedly “historic streetscape” with a default image of pedestrianized cobbled streets and “period” bollards and benches (Orbaşli, 2000, pp. 13–14). Such false Vic-toriana disfigures many new malls and shops in York (England). Similar


mockeries infect new developments elsewhere. The Mövenpick Resort on the Dead Sea, Jordan, is designed to look like an Ottoman village. The commercial and recreational mall of Khan al-Aziziya, on the Cairo–Alex-andria desert road, is fashioned after the seventeenth-century Khan al-Khalili bazaar in historic Cairo. However, the most inauthentic examples are those that mock traditional architecture or seek mere beautification within historical contexts (compare Figs. 1.11 and 2.13 with the more authentic, contextual examples in Figs. 2.2 and 2.15).

Another critique of cultural tourism is illustrated by Daher (1999). He holds that area conservation for tourism creates an isolationism that disconnects community life from its historic environment.78 This is due to the planners’ default attitude of sanitization or museumization (She-hayeb and Sedky, 2002). Official discouragement of any other initiatives in the community causes dependency, and it worsens the unequal dis-tribution of benefits because too little heed is given to the conservation or interpretation of values. For example, Cairo’s old areas of Qasr al-Sham‘, Misr al-Qadima, Coptic Cairo, al-Darb al-Asfar, and Gamaliya were ‘beautified,’and numerous buildings were restored, but the local

Fig. 2.8: Open space in front of Bab Zuwayla, an area where many historic buildings are under restoration by the ARCE (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


communities gained very little benefit except the external painting of their houses to attract cultural tourism, and even in this their choice of colors was ignored (Figs. 2.12–2.14) (see further details in section on Mashra-beya in Chapter 5). Furthermore, this kind of area conservation for tour-ism can be a threat to the assets of the nation’s cultural heritage, especially if mass tourism is promoted by the authorities in charge as the adopted agenda for development—as in Cairo, where increasing the revenues from cultural tourism takes precedence over the well-being of the local com-munities and indeed of the heritage itself (Tung, 2001, pp. 127, 8).

Such critiques are reflected in the documented principles for cul-tural tourism including the ICOMOS Statement of Principles for the Balanced Development of Cultural Tourism, 1997, and the International Cultural Tourism Charter (ratified 1999).79 Those charters and codes of practice recommend strengthening the links between culture, econom-ics, and tourist development through detailed strategies and integrated planning. They also emphasize the rights of the host community, insist-ing that development or upgrading for tourism should aim to alleviate poverty through local training and employment programs. Development must respect the scale, nature, and character of the area, to avoid jeopar-dizing its cultural and social values.

Fig. 2.9: Court of a historic mansion in Medina, Tunis. Its dilapidation is typical of dwellings that used to house well-to-do extended families, but which now accommo-date poor rural immigrants (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Conserved historic sites should be accessible to the host community and integrated with their urban zone. This can be achieved by integrat-ing archaeological and heritage sites with their surroundings through site management and landscaping. Aslan (2002) and Mayer (2002) show how sensitively balanced management can ensure a living urbanism. They recommend that tourism, town planning, and area conservation should be seen as natural partners, but they highlight the threats caused by urban growth. For instance, they criticize the archaeological site at the Barghut market in downtown Beirut (Lebanon) for being segre-gated although visible from some nearby coffee shops, and they debate whether to open the site as a park or conceal it completely. In such ways, they try to raise public awareness of adaptive reuse, so that finance can be granted for better design.

Goodall (1993) criticizes the contrivance of heritage attractions based on animation and simulation, as these impoverish culture and stifle imag-ination. However, this elusive issue depends on specific contexts and situ-ations. For example, in Amman, the Ummayad Palace and citadel are daringly rebuilt on a hilltop overlooking the city (Arce, 2002). Goodall (1993) would condemn this as unscientific. However, the palace and cita-del were always distant and deserted, and the project aims to integrate them with the city. They are linked with the ruined Roman theater at the foot of the hill, through an overall development of shopping areas for local people and pedestrian routes for tourists (Figs. 2.16 and 2.17). The whole scheme is legitimized by the findings of archaeological research. Its structure is lightweight and easy to remove if necessary in future. Its materials are visually distinctive and visibly modern, to avoid pastiche. Altogether this scheme provides tangible and intangible benefits, both for the people of Amman and the international tourists (Arce, 2002).

Visitors to heritage sites should be able to enjoy the experience at their own pace, yet the local people must be allowed to move around the area in their traditional ways. To achieve both ideals while protecting the site’s integrity, specific circulation routes may be necessary to block any through-traffic.

Tourism can benefit local people by involving them in each phase of conservation, from strategic design to implementation. They can guide planners on the extent and limits of growth and development accept-able within the community’s code of values.80 They can ensure that each change in the built environment will enhance its livability. For example,


the Aga Khan’s urban management team consulted the community of al-Azhar vegetable market in the successive phases of upgrading. When some textile shops had to be moved, the planning team held an interactive public hearing and discussions with stakeholders to develop a design with separate entrances and well-designed circulation.

Such ideals cannot be achieved, however, without a focus on the host community. Civilizing the city includes enhancing the quality of life of its citizens, for if the city is civilized for its citizens, it will offer good services for its tourists as well (Feilden, 1990).81 This calls for a community-based grass-roots development approach to development, relying as much as possible on the informal economy and local financial mechanisms (Daher, 1999). This approach may hopefully slow down the process of globaliza-tion, with its threatened merging of the distinctive characters of differ-ent historic areas. Grass-roots conservation is applicable and effective in a wide range of historic areas, whereas cultural tourism cannot always fulfill the expectations of development. For according to the World Tour-ism Organization forecasts, cultural tourism ranks as third choice, after

Fig. 2.10: One of the rebuilt vacant lots in Nahj al-Basha, Tunis, replacing dilapidated mansions of very low envi-ronmental quality. Some were completely rebuilt, as in this example; others were restored, depending on their physical condition and the historical and architectural value of the original mansion (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


ecological and leisure tourism: landscape and climate are bigger attrac-tions than cultural heritage for Europeans choosing tourist destinations around the world (Groth, 2000).

Due to economic pressures, the default motivation of officials and planners in area conservation is development for tourism,82 which they legitimate as financially profitable investment. However, there are excep-tions. Some areas are predominantly residential and thus not profitable for tourism, so the host community can fight to halt a proposed scheme. The al-Qimariya area in old Damascus is gradually losing its character through the undeclared agenda of the Anbar Office (the municipal office in charge of urban management and the upgrading of old Damascus) to encour-age development for tourism while offering no restoration loans for local people. This policy has raised many complaints of intrusion and noise in refurbished historic houses that have been converted into nightclubs and restaurants (Fig. 2.18). The question now is: who is going to leave first?

Any area conservation scheme must be exposed to economic appraisal; otherwise few or no economic benefits can be obtained (Dineen and Walsh, 1999). If the conservation is shown to be feasible, any associated development for tourism must be evaluated comprehensively, to measure its long-term validity and profitability.

Fig. 2.11: The waka’il (‘wakalat’ in Egypt), low-budget housing, especially designed and placed to suit the social and cultural needs of poor occupants relocated from dilapidated mansions in Medina, Tunis (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


The priority is to enhance the local culture and environment. Each historic area is a social product, and serves social purposes. These pur-poses must continue to be served, to support local people’s present-day lifestyle, and not nostalgically to protect styles of the past. Visiting such an area should not resemble a visit to a museum where history is repre-sented rather than lived in (Orbaşli, 2000).

Gentrification‘Gentrification,’ derived from the word ‘gentry,’ means “restoration of deteriorated urban property, especially in working-class neighborhoods, by the middle and upper classes” (Soukhanov and Ellis, 1984, p. 526). Gentrification shows that an area’s heritage has been commoditized. Daher (1999) sees it from two perspectives: place and people. In terms

Fig. 2.12: Lethal cracks left on the load-bearing walls of houses in Qasr al-Sham‘ area as a result of insensitive watering work in the nearby historical church quar-ter, which altered the soil characteristics of the whole area, causing soil resettle-ment beneath the walls. The Ministry of Culture as a consultancy and the Arab Contractors, who executed the project, focused only on coloring and beautifying the façades, overlooking the structural integrity of the dilapidated houses (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


of place, gentrification converts a socially marginal area for middle-class residential use. In terms of people, gentrification replaces the low-income residents with higher-paid newcomers.

The motive of gentrification is the search for profit by investors in real estate and tourism. Pressure to sell properties near the city center is inevitable. Their market value can rise greatly, especially if new ame-nities are added to attract the middle and upper classes. Such pressures have become common since the 1960s. The Covent Garden area of Lon-don was redeveloped in the 1960s; the Bab al-Faraj area of Aleppo and the Swiqqa market area of Tunis in the 1980s. Gentrification has become notorious because of many developments that were incompatible with the local environmental character or cultural values. The objection to it is shown in growing calls for social justice and growing awareness of the physical merits of historic areas.

Tourism is noted most frequently in the present study as a cause of gentrification. Daher (1999, p. 44) argues that the use of a traditional area for tourist accommodation freezes its real living heritage into a the-atrical travesty to satisfy the tourists’ expectations. We can understand such uses of traditional or historical settings when heritage becomes a

Fig. 2.13: Superficial urban beautification, limited to plastering and painting the front-age overlooking the main street in Qasr al-Sham‘. This is urban beautification by way of unified colors imposing a specific style (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


trend and is treated as a mere commodity. The living heritage becomes a tableau of waxworks.To illustrate: many court houses in old Damascus have been refurbished since the 1990s and sold to prosperous individuals who never lived there before (Fig. 2.19).83 Areas such as the village of Sidi Bou Said near Tunis (Figs. 2.20 and 2.21) and Essaouira in Morocco were drastically altered from their traditional characters and converted by investors into tourist resorts. In Jordan, the commoditization of heritage is promoted by the Ministry of Tourism to increase tourist nights in Amman and the provinces.84 Simi-larly, in Egypt, vernacular and traditional heritage is a fashionable theme. Whole Ottoman villages and towns (built in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries) are converted into tourist spas with galleries and restaurants, as in Khirbat al-Nawafla, Umm Qays, and Taybat Zaman (Daher, 1999).

Gentrification in historic towns follows a certain pattern. In Arab–Islamic countries it is mostly done by Europeans or North Americans, or by westernized locals, who seek an ‘orientalist’ atmosphere. Gentrification in old Damascus has a kitschy atmosphere, with Syrian investors con-verting traditional houses into restaurants, cyber coffee-shops, or even

Fig. 2.14: Repainting the houses in al-Darb al-Asfar Street was the main objective of the area conservation scheme by Dr. Asaad Nadim, not restoration or repair of their alarming dilapi-dated condition (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


residential resorts for rich Syrian families to practice their westernized lifestyle in defiance of the area and its now alienated traditional commu-nity. Although Syrian law limits ownership by foreigners, a European art historian in Damascus rents a traditional house in old Damascus, which has been converted into a guest-house for German tourists and research-ers. This trend is blessed by the Anbar Office, the municipal organization responsible for the historic city.85

Once the western or westernized newcomers arrive, they congregate in the most attractive old areas, such as the entrance to the central market or the main square of the great mosque, and these become tourist hot spots. Examples include the most gentrified part of Marrakesh in Morocco and al-Qimariya in old Damascus, near the Medhat Pasha and al-Hamadiya markets and the glorious Ummayad Mosque. Newcomers choose their properties for vehicle access, central location, and security (Escher and Petermann, 2000). To those criteria, the present author adds the pres-ence of an enthusiastic marketing machine, such as exists at Essaouira and Marrakesh (Morocco). Most of the purchased properties are converted into guest-houses, restaurants, museums, or galleries, as investments in tourism, or else into holiday houses or retirement homes. This is com-mon in North Africa, where ownership laws are relatively flexible.

Fig. 2.15: Victoria Street off the Grassmarket in the Old Town in Edinburgh; the color scheme is varied (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Fig. 2.16: The Ummayad Palace, Judgment Court on the citadel plateau in Amman, Jordan. The dome was rebuilt following the form of the original Ummayad monuments introduced to the area in the eighth century (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 2.17: A route from the top of Jabal Amman, the hill where the citadel and the Ummayad palace are located, down to the city center and the Roman Theater (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


Under today’s global pressures, gentrification can be justified as a way to clean up old, dilapidated settlements and bring money into them. This justification was used by an American architect in a large palace in northern Marrakesh (Escher and Petermann, 2000). Gentrification might also protect the physical character of historic areas, as upper-class residents can afford the restoration costs. This justification was put for-ward on an urban scale for al-Hamrawi in old Damascus, where the sub-division of old mansions into smaller units threatened the urban fabric but met the local community’s needs without demanding great resources (Mansour, 1997).

Gentrification can sometimes be justified even if it leads to the loss of some social or cultural qualities. For example, the Jewish Quarter in the southern part of old Damascus currently accommodates families of Palestinian refugees, who compensated the previous occupants for low-rent dwellings that suited their low incomes, but who do not con-form to traditional Damascene culture.86 Similar reasons might justify gentrification in historic Cairo, where low-income groups with weak political and institutional influence might be replaced by tourist and

Fig. 2.18: Bayt al-Jabri, Damascus. The mansion, converted into a restaurant, suf-fers from modern adaptations, such as air conditioning condensers drilled into its eighteenth-century walls (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


other powerful interest groups able and willing to protect the area’s envi-ronmental quality and even, perhaps, to enable the current low-income occupants to afford better housing elsewhere (Al-Alili, 2002).

Gentrification, thus envisaged as a means of development, is implic-itly or directly promoted by governmental organizations. Direct gentrification restored the Barghut area of Beirut by preserving its 1920s physical form (Figs. 2.22 and 2.23) but changing its character, from a center for all of Beirut’s citizens into a fashionable elite district of “heritage style” for prestigious firms and boutiques. This project was conducted by Solidere, the firm owned by Rafiq al-Hariri, the late Lebanese prime minister, for the development and reconstruction of Beirut’s central district. Other examples of direct gentrification are the projects of the Jordanian ministry of tourism (though in most countries,

Fig. 2.19: A refurbished eighteenth-century mansion in the heart of old Damascus, owned by a foreigner (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


antiquities are the responsibility of special organizations) in which, when Ottoman villages were converted into tourist attractions, their occupants were decanted into utterly different modern settlements (Daher, 1999).

Indirect promotion occurs when municipal organizations, officially responsible for enhancing the environmental and social quality of his-toric areas, actually neglect any schemes except developments for tour-ism. Thus, comprehensive development is ousted by indirect pressures for gentrification. This is the case of the Anbar Office in old Damascus and the Cairo governorate in historic Cairo.87

The social side effects of gentrification are very well known. It com-pletely alters an area’s character. Daher (1999, p. 39) describes the mass gentrification of Umm Qays village in Jordan as the expulsion of the local people from paradise (traditional harmony of place and culture)

Fig. 2.20: An old house converted into a restau-rant in Sidi Bou Said, Tunis (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


into the ghetto (modern governmental housing where the traditional life-style is impossible). Authentic conservation is defeated by gentrification, as the area’s culture is museumized. Furthermore, Escher and Peter-mann (2000) question the notion that gentrification benefits local peo-ple through job opportunities. Newcomers who buy up the properties take the local people into service, a new form of colonization. Even the notion that gentrification might preserve an area’s physical character is dubious. For instance, Europeans who bought traditional houses in Marrakesh installed swimming pools and fireplaces, and even replaced some outside walls with open concrete constructions, promoting façad-ism (Escher and Petermann).

Gentrification has been the only means of survival for some areas. For example, Sidi Bou Said in Tunisia was already gentrified in the early twentieth century, so the gentrification of the few remaining houses in the 1980s brought profits without social hazards, as the area’s original community had already left and its original character had changed.

Fig. 2.21: The heart of Sidi Bou Said, cur-rently occupied by cof-fee shops and souvenir shops, effectively turn-ing it all into a tourist town (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


A contrasting positive example of gentrification is the Wakail proj-ect in Medina, Tunis. The occupants of historic upper-middle-class mansions were rural migrants to the city after the 1950s, who became squatters and urban workers. The overcrowded and dilapidated mansions could not offer decent living standards. Those poor families willingly exchanged their squats for new houses designed by the ASM to comple-ment their culture in locations near their workplaces in the old town (Bejaoui, 1997). Then the ASM revitalized the old town as a district of mansions, thus inducing a reverse migration of the intellectual and mid-dle-class families back into the historic town. Thus, the ASM avoided any cultural conflict between the existing local community and newcom-ers unaware of the area’s culture.88 There is a sharp contrast between the gentrified and false lifestyle of Sidi Bou Said and the real living culture of the restored historic Medina.

Thus, to permit gentrification or not is a crucial issue that depends on the circumstances of the targeted area. Planners and area conserva-tionists must identify and respect the working cultural and social sys-tem, so that they do not interrupt it with any conflicting developments or interventions.

Fig. 2.22: A 1950s image of the heart of Suq Barghut, central Beirut, where most of the activities and entertainment are centered (Ahmed Sedky’s collection).


All the above considerations are necessary whenever an area conser-vation scheme is proposed or implemented. Although they are difficult to handle systematically, the success or deficiency of any scheme can be attributed to one or more of them. Moreover, those considerations show how conservation has shifted from an elitist or antiquarian pursuit toward a practical strategy for community development (Delafons, 1997).89 This is further promoted nowadays, thanks to strong calls for human rights and sustainable development that necessitate the wider involvement of local communities. Town planning today no longer imposes master plans, but requires negotiation among all parties concerned both with local well-being and national development.90

Those concepts and concerns are meant to safeguard the livable qual-ity of historic areas, by avoiding any neglect of the local community or its culture. This is why Kostof (1992) and Zanchetti and Jokilehto (1997) emphasize change as the most fundamental element in area conserva-tion today. Hence we must ask ourselves to what extent can we permit change?91 The answer is decided by the social situation in each historic area and each country.92 Considerations appropriate for western or other

Fig. 2.23: The polished form of Suq Barghut today after being targeted by Solidere, the company in charge of the regeneration of central Bei-rut. It has been restored and refurbished to accommodate international brand names and a very wealthy interna-tional community (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


industrialized countries must be tested and adapted for the Arab–Islamic countries. For example, area conservation in Britain is breaking out of its preservationist stance to enlarge the scope for change, whereas Arab–Islamic cities are taking a more façadist approach (Sedky, 2000; 2002; and Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002). Façadism is typical in Syria and Egypt, for example; while in Jordan the superficial default reflex is to promote development and investment in tourism. Larkham (1999) attributes this difference between the west and the developing world to the degree of community involvement in area conservation.

Area conservation should be sustainable and guided by concepts responsive to each area’s special needs and conditions (that is, contextual). The above considerations are essential guidelines to help planners, but they are not fixed prescriptions. They are socially structured and adapt-able to local communities’ needs and preferences. Area conservationists should always take an evaluative attitude, whereby each major decision is negotiated interactively with the community in a flexible and culturally sensitive manner. The next chapter investigates how to realize such ideals in the Arab–Islamic context of historic Cairo.

81

The principles explained in the previous chapter must be imple-mented through processes that guide the planning of any area con-servation scheme. This chapter will outline the specific processes

answering the question of how to conserve.

Area Conservation ProcessArea conservation is primarily a planning endeavor. Its decisions are sub-ject to the limitations of time and resources. Thakur (1990, pp. 347–48), Evans (1999, p. 345), and Trache (2001, p. 160) specify four stages for any project: 1. defining the context; 2. documenting the area’s values and problems; 3. formulating the general policies and detailed guidelines; 4. implementing the project.

Policies and legislation are decided on a national scale, but detailed guide-lines and implementation are done on the local scale. No project starts until a management unit is established on site. Much work at the national level precedes the project, and that may incorporate all the above stages.

Area conservation can be divided into statutory and action phases. Stat-utes specify the legislative and general policies and the ensuing organizational structure. The action phase begins by examining the specific area to draft con-textual guidelines and to tailor the interventions to meet identified needs.

Statutory PhaseGeneral Area AppraisalThere are two types of area appraisal: general and detailed (STHI, 1999c, p. 1). The general appraisal is a first scan of the area, tentatively

Area Conservation Processes

3

82 Area Conservation Processes

outlining its environmental aspects, for example, location, population, origin, and development of the area, land uses (both current and for-mer), architectural and historical significance, local people and their social status.93 General appraisal may also subject the area to a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis.

The purpose of general appraisal is to identify the decision-mak-ers’ priorities so that national efforts can be mobilized. Official atten-tion is drawn to the threatened historic and architectural values of the area, but this is not always easy. For instance, although the call to safe-guard historic Cairo was launched in 1980, it saw no progress until the 1992 earthquake caused tangible threats. Another purpose of general appraisal is to designate the boundaries of the area to be upgraded. This tentative sketch helps conservationists to explore the area, but they gradually amend their perspective through feedback about practi-cal problems during implementation.

Area DesignationGeneral appraisal is followed by demarcation of the area on a base map specifying its distinctive character and value. At this stage, legislative pro-tection is exercised to enforce the planning regulations and guidelines. Pickard (2002, p. 75) traces the first attempts in various historic towns in Britain and Europe. France’s 1943 Act was among the earliest. It sought to safeguard monuments within their wider urban context, specifying a five hundred-meter radius as a sensitive zone. This monument-oriented approach is adopted by organizations in the Middle East, mainly the Ministry of Culture. In Egypt, the SCA claims an radius of about thirty meters around each monument as the “intimate zone.”

A more comprehensive approach was developed in 1960, also in France. It specified boundaries of complete areas and valuable monu-ments for upgrading and safeguarding (Pickard, 2002, p. 75). Designa-tion does not always completely protect the historical and visual integrity of an area, as it can be affected by uncontrolled development in adjacent undesignated areas. For instance, Chinatown in Singapore is well pre-served, but its visual quality is spoiled by uncontrolled high-rise develop-ment all around. In addition, shared infrastructure tends to be harmful. Groundwater in historic Cairo was polluted by deficient sewerage within the area, and by the transmitted pressures from surrounding districts. Thus, safeguarding must be applied not only to the target area but also to

83Statutory Phase

its surroundings. The designated borders create a buffer zone, and legal protection is extended to surrounding districts that might affect it. For instance, in 1958, the Czech Republic issued a law to declare a protective zone around each conservation site (Pickard, 2002, p. 70). In Scotland, the site of New Lanark’s industrial buildings is a proposed World Heri-tage zone, but the surrounding zone is designated for special planning control (Historic Scotland, 2000b, p. 3).

Boundaries are usually designated by topographical features, which in towns are generally walls or streets, but in rural areas might be a river bank or a forest (STHI, 1999b, p. 21). More important is the area’s char-acter, first identified by the general appraisal and preferably reevaluated by further studies. Larkham (1994, p. 10) suggests a flexible method, using feedback to adjust boundaries during the project’s implementation. This reshapes the area in the light of newfound historical or architectural values, as well as the local community’s activities and concerns.

Historic Cairo needs protection not only for its physical environment, but also for its living traditional crafts. Traditional markets such as al-Hamadiya and Mehdat Pasha in old Damascus and the covered suq in old Aleppo contribute to the vibrant nature of historic towns. Kirwan and old Medina in Tunisia, and many other cities elsewhere, will lose their mean-ing if their workshops stop producing traditional goods that contribute to the character of each place.

The problem is to balance flexibility with enforcement. Clear bound-aries are essential in historic Cairo, where regulations have been violated for decades due to slack attitudes and undisciplined management (She-hayeb and Sedky, 2002; Tung, 2001, p. 113). While allowing specific later modifications, clear boundaries are the essential basis for enforcing laws and regulations that will develop the people’s trust in the authorities.

Establishing the Organizational BasisLegislative and organizational arrangements are needed to support conservation in any historic area. They depend on an appropriate governmental attitude toward heritage protection (Shoukry, 2000, p. 124). Clear support from the government and its institutions must be announced and enforced in an organized manner through legislation and public planning policies. For example, in Britain the Planning Pol-icy Guideline (PPG) No. 15 and the National Planning Policy Guideline (NPPG) No. 18, both represent a national concern expressed through


legal policy. Without such leadership, conservation faces many obsta-cles and its quality is seriously harmed. Take for example the strong paradox in Beirut. The Suq Barghut area has been enthusiastically reno-vated by the Solidere company, but the nearby areas of Furn Hayik and Jumayza are neglected. As revealed by Jabour,94 this is due to a lack of national drive and clear regulations and procedures for urban upgrading (compare Fig. 3.1 with Fig. 3.2).

Such national concern is expressed through planning laws. Ini- tially these protect ancient monuments, but then they become more comprehensive to cover whole areas, as in the famous charters already mentioned.

In Britain, Sir John Lubbock proposed the listing of monuments in the 1870s, and later legislation protected historic buildings. The impor-tant Acts of 1947 and 1979 were followed by other laws to protect areas

Fig. 3.1: Furn Hayik area in Beirut, where area conserva-tion takes the form of merely the repainting of façades (pho-tograph by Ahmed Sedky).

85Statutory Phase

of special value. The 1967 Act was strengthened by the Acts of 1971 and 1990 (Larkham, 2001). Those laws were elaborated in PPG No. 15, published in September 1993 as the result of cooperation between the Department of the Environment and the Department of the National Heritage. Delafons (1997a, p. 168) seeks better coherence between planning and conservation. PPG No. 15 covers both aspects, but it retains some doctrines that impede planning and conservation practice (Delafons 1997a, p. 171). The NPPG No. 18, published in April 1999, improved heritage management. Surveys underpin policy, allowing cre-ative interventions and subjective decisions on de-listing or demolition. NPPG No. 18 also widens the scope for development by the “Shimizu Decision” to reduce the number of proposals requiring consent. This policy enables development to breathe new life into declining historic areas (Leven, 2000, p. 22).

This review of British law-making sheds light on Egyptian policies and guidelines for area conservation. Laws to achieve positive design control must be designed so that they can be enforced and respected,

Fig. 3.2: The Suq Barghut area in Beirut today, with little trace of its original, tradi-tional fabric (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


but they must not be so detailed or prescriptive as to hinder creativity. The worst danger at the other extreme is that overly general regula-tions increase the number of discretionary clauses and lead to individ-ual interpretations by both architects and developers (Trache, 2001, p. 169). Larkham and Lodge (1998) point out the ineffectiveness of laws that are not supported by frequent reappraisal of the targeted historic areas. Trache (2001, p. 169) calls for informal guidelines to be used dur-ing negotiations for development permits. Larkham (1994) advises the empowerment of local planning authorities (LPAs) so that they have the upper hand in devising rules and interpreting guidelines to protect the values and environmental qualities of historic areas without hinder-ing design creativity. Laws must be strict and respected, but regulations should be refined by such bodies as the LPA.

The LPA coordinates and mediates the organizations and interest groups involved in area conservation. Each party’s role, and the bound-aries of its responsibility, is specified. In Cairo, this can be achieved through an organizational framework that positions the U/N/W stake-holders in a matrix known and accepted by each group and officially rec-ognized by the government. Such a method is essential to consolidate the official context for every project. Key actors should be identified, with reference to specified national conservation goals and information from the preliminary area appraisals regarding the appropriate weight of each group’s contribution.

An efficient organizational matrix will specify the strengths and weak-nesses of current methods of area conservation. SWOT analyses are also needed for the area itself. Analysis of key stakeholders will determine their respective roles according to their technical and organizational nature, for example to decide whether only an NGO, or only the Minis-try of Culture with municipal matters, should deal with the community. The matrix will clarify the project’s goals and priorities. Each key actor will be associated with one of the listed goals, using the Goal Achieve-ment Matrix.95 This matrix helps officials to formulate the organizational and managerial framework to be recognized and agreed upon by the dif-ferent parties affected by the scheme.

Area Conservation Management UnitThe organizational framework is always anchored and coordinated by a development controller or management unit.96 This steering group

87Statutory Phase

is responsible for appraisals, and for conducting and monitoring the implementation. Its main tasks are illustrated in the UNDP report (1997, p. 159) as follows:1. Preparation of technical, economic, and financial plans;2. identification of standards and codes, for example, the criteria for the

listing of buildings with historical or architectural value as well as the intangible values, such as a particular craft;

3. preparation and execution of local and international tenders needed for the implementation stage;

4. monitoring and supervising the construction, rehabilitation, and maintenance of infrastructure and buildings;

5. checking that implementation complies with approved standards;6. evaluating progress of plans and detailed programs;7. preparation of estimates and budgets for the unit’s activities, and

arrangements for funds;8. initiation and continuance of effective communication among the

keactors, including community representatives and even individuals as well as governmental and non-governmental organizations; and

9. managing and investing in economic projects to be initiated within the overall plan of restoring historic areas.

The management unit can be a joint venture between a trust (or NGO) and a municipal organization. The non-governmental body needs long experience with technical and social issues to act informally and efficiently within the targeted area. (It is the contemporary ver-sion of the muhtasib in old Cairo or mukhtar in old Damascus, as well as equivalent institutions responsible for urban management and envi-ronmental quality in all the historic cities in Arab–Islamic countries). The municipal organization monitors the implementation. For exam-ple, to manage the World Heritage site of Santiago de Compostela, Spain has established a central executive body representing governmen-tal organizations and locally elected representatives (Pickard, 2002, p. 82). To safeguard the World Heritage site in Edinburgh (Scotland), a similar body coordinates the city’s planning committee and conservation department with the Edinburgh World Heritage Trust. In addition, the Edinburgh Development Investment company specializes in fundrais-ing and investment for the site so that the conservation work in Edin-burgh can be made economically viable.97


In Tunisia, the management unit is more compact. For Medina in Tunis, it consists of the ASM (Association de Sauveguarde de la Medina). Launched as an NGO in the 1967 by the municipal architects, the ASM is now recognized by the government. Initially, it produced research reports and surveys. Now it conducts all the area conservation work and coop-erates with the city council and the INP (which is equivalent to Historic Scotland for Edinburgh and the SCA for Cairo).98 Such a compact model works well in Arab countries where there is good internal cooperation and communication between governmental organizations.

In Syria, whose political system is state-centered, area conservation is overseen by the municipalities, but technical matters are handled by a municipal department that reports to the supreme committee headed by the governor. The position of mukhtar (municipal inspector of environ-mental quality) is still alive and active, linking the community with the municipal department. In Damascus and Aleppo, two municipal offices (the Anbar Office and the Office for the Revitalization of old Aleppo, respectively) are responsible for a limited area designated for upgrading. They cooperate with the Ministry of Culture and various NGOs con-cerned with local communities or heritage safeguarding. They are also responsible for a loan system and social funding programs.99

Urban management units are of a municipal nature so that they have the legitimate functional basis to manage their areas effectively. They coordinate their work with other agencies, mainly the relevant govern-mental organizations (the Ministry of Culture and SCA in Egypt, the INP in Tunisia, the Antiquities Department in Syria, the Ministry of Tour-ism in Jordan). However, planning and urban management should be sufficiently independent of the municipal authority to respond to grass-roots local community needs, as in the traditional Arab–Islamic cities.100

Mustafa (1990, pp. 60, 61) classifies decentralized urban management into two types: amenities and local. The amenities type makes rather inde-pendent decisions about amenities such as infrastructure, and its munic-ipal organization comprises many officials and professionals but fewer representatives elected by the community. Local decentralization is the traditional model for the Arab–Islamic city, where local people cooper-ate informally through a community leader. This system is more efficient for those local people who still understand the tradition (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002) but such understanding is so rare nowadays that full use of the old system is no longer possible. However, cooperation between the

89Statutory Phase

authorities and the community is essential for sustainability, and it can be facilitated by a community-oriented group such as an NGO or a commu-nity-based organization. To keep the community alive after conservation work is finished, the local people and their resources must be mobilized (UNESCO, 2000, p. 62).

Paradoxically, in many Arab countries, the organizations for area conservation have urban management units as described above, but the community role is not given priority over investment in cultural tourism.101 A revealing example is the gentrification of Umm Qays, an eighteenth-century Ottoman village in northern Jordan. Others can be seen in Tunisia, where the conservation area in Tunis is managed by a pro-community body, the ASM; but in Kirwan the local NGO is relatively weak, and area conservation in Susa is managed mainly by the director of the Susa national museum.102 Such arrangements cause an unrealistic approach, merely beautifying the urban fabric around historic sites (Figs. 3.3–3.5). Community problems are not tackled: decayed sewerage systems are not among the priorities for ministries of tourism or culture.

Fig. 3.3: Traditional urbanism in Kirwan, a few meters from the historic central Kirwan Mosque. The area suffers from neglect and lack of effective urban management and development planning (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


The attitude of such government departments to heritage conserva-tion is to value physical protection over other considerations. There is not enough institutional awareness of the contribution made by intangi-ble social values to the character of a historic area. This lack of awareness was implicit in many interviews with officials and planners in charge of conservation in Jordan, Tunisia, and Egypt.

Action PhaseIn this practical phase of area conservation, real problems are identified and possible improvements are studied. The action plan is usually wide-ranging. It includes reviews of legislation, and it produces documenta-tion such as detailed guidelines on compliance with the laws. It prescribes how physical intervention such as repairs and maintenance will be imple-mented. It specifies the management plan and the system for supervising progress of the work (Historic Scotland, 2000a, p. 7).

Fig. 3.4: Within the old walled town in Susa, Tunisia, the municipality gave prior-ity to the city walls, therefore cutting through the streets and demolishing some old houses in the process, and interrupting the urban fabric that was integrated with the city walls. The result was an almost accidental beautification of the historic town along the lines recom-mended by the INP (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).

91Action Phase

The action phase follows specific steps: 1. understanding the site, documenting it, and studying all aspects including people; 2. defining how vulnerable it is; 3. assessing its significance; 4. developing policies and guidelines to retain the site’s significance; 5. frequent review, to refine the whole process and involve other parties (Heritage Lottery Fund, 1998, p. 4). A practical model for the whole process has been devised, following intensive reviews of case studies in developed coun-tries with rich experience of area conservation. That model empha-sizes the importance of establishing partnerships (Shoukry, 2000, p. 128; Fig. 5.1).

Working in PartnershipPartnership is the cooperative practice, with settled rules, clear objectives, and expected gains for all the partners. The management unit must be aware of that, and must place all partners on an equal

Fig. 3.5: Within the walls of old Susa, Tunisia, the area that is located away from the historic mosques and tourist routes is relatively neglected. The INP and the municipality adopt an approach that is not comprehensive and balanced, focusing mainly on the his-toric structures and the tourist activities surrounding them (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


footing. Particularly during implementation, the process is subject to differing opinions that may alter decisions. Working in partnership is always recommended. Even in a country like the United States, where urban development is done privately, regeneration schemes oblige the private sector to allow fair scope for local communities; and pub-lic–private partnership has been promoted since the 1980s (Warner, 1987, p. 202).

In Britain, partnership has contributed greatly to conservation-led regeneration in historic areas, and has proved its economic viability through different schemes. For example, the 1994 Conservation Area Partnership Scheme (CAPS) leveraged £3.8 from investors for each £1 from the government. The Heritage Economic Regeneration Scheme (HERS) in 1998 leveraged £2 from the private sector for each £1 from the government. The 1999 Stirling Townscape Heritage Initiative (STHI) was run by the Lottery Fund, and again achieved strong leverage (STHI, 1999a, pp. 1, 2, Table 1; Pickard, 2002, pp. 85, 86).

However, the encouragement of investors’ money must not hinder the main goals specified by law, nor must it harm any interest group (U/N/W). An important lesson can be learned from the mistakes made at Suq Barghut in Beirut, Lebanon. The Solidere company turned the original owners into stockholders, and former tenants who returned as refugees to squat in the ruins after the civil war were evicted and com-pensated.103 That did not constitute a real partnership, as the landown-ers had to give up their shares: if a landlord owned an apartment in a building, he might have ended up with just 25 percent of the share of ownership when Solidere took control. When the project was imple-mented, property prices skyrocketed, making it impossible for those landlords to purchase the remaining shares needed for full ownership of their units. They were subsequently compelled to sell their shares. The project has thus transformed the area, awarding it an elite char-acter,104 whereas previously it had been peopled by the middle classes. This mass gentrification has in turn led to economic recession since shops and properties have necessarily had to switch to serving the needs and interests of a new breed of customer and tenant, leading to a delay in financial returns.105 Community values have been compromised, as Suq Barghut was previously not an elite area.106 This disregard for the area’s meaning, and the falsification of its character, conflict with the concept of partnership defined by the present research.

93Action Phase

Establishing Effective Community ParticipationAnother prerequisite for effective area conservation is the establish-ment of an active role for the local community. When there are conflicts between local residents and professional planners, it is not necessarily the locals who are in the wrong. Planners can be vandals too, if their planning is insensitive or their policies inequitable (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002). To change this paradigm, planners must start heeding the appeals of the local communities (Pahl, 1982, p. 47, 48).

Delafons (1997a, p. 86) confirms such an improvement in Brit-ain, with amenities and social services given an importance equal to or greater than architectural or historic interest. Partly to comply with the human rights laws of the European Union, Britain issued the 1998 Act, which transfers political power from the executive and legislature to the judiciary. Thus, on planning committees, the local community has more lobbying power (Fairclough, 2000, pp. 27, 28). This shift can be also traced in the “Shimizu Decision” mentioned above, and in pre-imple-mentation negotiation about proposals as illustrated in the consent pro-cess for conservation areas (Scottish Executive, 1999, p. 15, Fig. 3).

Conservation planning should no longer be reserved for expert pro-fessionals, as there is now a strong call for community participation (Townshend and Pendlebury, 1999, p. 327). Such participation should be applied at every stage (Assi, 2002), including the appraisal, documen-tation, design, and implementation. For appraisal and documentation, the surveyor should consult the area’s frequent users who compre-hend its social and physical values (Rapoport, 1982). In the design phase, community involvement for Arab–Islamic cities should revive the traditional negotiation system. This is recommended in UNES-CO’s (2000) cultural approach to conservation and development, which develops self-esteem and control over life in communities previously alienated and deprived (Iacofano, 1985, p. 261; Feidi, 2000, pp. 56–62). For instance, Istanbul and Tunis are cleaner and better preserved than Damascus and Cairo. My observations and interviews in the first two cities (April and August 2000, March 2001) showed that their inhabit-ants were aware of their history and proud of their city, and I believe their positive attitude was a result of good area conservation. The other two cities, by contrast, have deteriorated because official neglect and social segregation have left local people ignorant of their history and careless about hygiene.


Iacofano (1985) and Feidi (2000) show how participation helps peo-ple develop resilience and independence by coping with uncertainty, learning from errors, setting goals, and evaluating alternative futures. Such gains come from involvement in the planning and implementa-tion of area conservation. In addition, do-it-yourself training reduces the cost of area maintenance (Fig. 3.6) and the reintroduction of tra-ditional skills (for example, in the restoration of buildings) revives people’s awareness of aesthetics and authenticity rather than crude utilitarianism.107 Communities that experience such thorough partici-pation serve as catalysts for further conservation work, either in the same area or in neighboring ones. What if the local people are too disunited to negotiate jointly with the authorities? For instance, resi-dents and tradespeople may have conflicting priorities. In this situa-tion they all become vulnerable and alienated from the area’s proposed scheme.108 The only solution is for an NGO or local opinion leaders to work patiently and persuasively on long-term community develop-ment, using non-directive methods to teach and provide a role model for the skills of negotiation.109

The question is how to involve the community on a practical basis. Moughtin (1992) gives various levels of participation, ranging from com-plete citizen control down to non-participation, while Feidi (2000, pp. 60, 61) identifies five levels. In the most basic level, the public is merely informed about the official future plan. The consultation level elicits the people’s opinions of the proposed plan. The level of joint decision-making enables the community to share in identifying the strengths and weaknesses of their area and to help formulate the priorities. The level of joint action involves local people not only in practical work under technical guidance but also in making decisions. The highest level is independent initiative, such as developing private property.

Deciding the appropriate level to take is a political issue, dependent on the power of each party or interest group. In undemocratic systems, pseudo-participation invites people to meetings for illusory involve-ment (Iacofano, 1985, p. 262); but this trick does not serve the purpose of conservation in the long run.110 In decentralized systems, consulta-tion through surveys may or may not influence official decisions. Where the community is granted more power, as in Britain after the 1998 Act, it can compete with other interest groups to influence decisions. This is regarded as real participation (Iacofano, 1985, p. 263).

95Action Phase

Research in Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan (2000), and Tunisia (2001), shows that those countries had, until that time, confined partici-pation to the lowest level (information only) because of their state-cen-tered political systems. There is now a shift to the consultation level, thanks to foreign aid agencies (such as GTZ in the Manshiyat Nasir area of historic Cairo); even so, many people in such areas still believe that the consultative surveys exert too little influence on official decisions.

More positively, some exceptions were introduced in Bab Qansurin, the first action area in old Aleppo, where the joint-action level of partici-pation was implemented (Fig. 3.6). In al-Darb al-Ahmar, revitalization work incorporated joint decision-making (through public hearings and role playing) and also reached the level of joint action (Fig. 3.7).

The appropriate level of community involvement depends on the particular context of each project. That decision requires critical and strategic thinking, as there can be more than one approach within the same project. For example, conservation of a world heritage monument

Fig. 3.6: Bab Qansurin, old Aleppo, Action Area One, where the local community has been trained to restore the historic buildings in the vicin-ity, as well as their own houses (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


may be decided jointly by the national government and an interna-tional organization, but the local community should be consulted when adjacent pavements and street furniture are designed, so as to protect their privacy and territoriality. Hence the Framework Plan (FWP), as explained below, is designed to respond to the goals of all the stakehold-ers involved. Effective partnerships and active local communities are prerequisites of successful area conservation.

ImplementationIn this phase, the work is closely associated with the specific context. Ini-tial appraisals are developed in more detail, modifying the area’s bound-aries and local values. National policies and regulations are reviewed, and amended if necessary to meet local requirements, for instance by reducing the area where physical implementation starts. The order to be followed has three stages: (i) documentation; (ii) detailed area appraisal; and (iii) detailed guidelines.

Fig. 3.7: Community members in al-Batniya in al-Darb al-Ahmar, trained by AKCS-E to restore historic masonry, as well as their own houses, and to be an active force in the revi-talization project of al-Darb al-Ahmar (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).

97Action Phase

Documenting the area is the first stage. Besides the buildings already recognized as historic, other structures are listed for their special archi-tectural value. In a country like Britain, the drawback of the listing pro-cess is that it may threaten creativity and hinder desirable changes in the historic area (Larkham, 2001). However, in the Middle East, the listing system is not yet introduced or effectively applied, and the concept of designated areas is in its infancy. In Egypt, only historic monuments are protected, and no legislation protects other buildings of architectural or cultural value. The listing of more buildings, and an A/B/C grading sys-tem as in Britain, would greatly help safeguard the physical character of each conservation area in Cairo.

Listing implies restrictions. Guidelines for owners and occupants (Pickard, 1996, p. 23) can be provided by the city council or another appropriate organization, but this is a remote dream in most Arab–Islamic cities, where residents in conservation areas cannot afford traditional materials or craftsmanship to restore their houses authentically. Without technical cooperation and social partnerships to revive traditional skills and create jobs, the principle is unrealistic and any list of historic build-ings will remain on the shelf.

The solution is to involve local people, so that they will understand the consequences of the listing of their properties or area. This was done in Britain by the 1990 Act allowing public scrutiny of any scheme (Pickard, 1996, p. 218), so that the listings are ethical and legitimate. To achieve this transparency and equity in historic Cairo might overburden the con-servation management units, and will demand unconventional strategies to empower the weakest party in the process, the “U” group.

To integrate the whole process, the area conservation unit should take a multidisciplinary approach, broadening the community’s awareness of the listing system and its practical effects. This should be pursued in a scientific way, to promote changes that will ensure integrity, authenticity, and sustainability. Such a unit for area conservation would be modeled on the British local planning authority and/or on the Danish system called SAVE (Survey of the Architectural Values in the Environment). SAVE not only identifies which historic building or area should be listed, but also establishes a decentralized system for deciding how new buildings can be harmonized with existing environments (Pickard, 2002, p. 73).

Such decentralized systems are difficult to replicate in the Middle East, where the municipalities are controlled by the national government


through provincial governors. Narrow criteria for heritage protection will remain the norm until central government begins to cooperate with local planning units. Perhaps a feasible model can be seen in the French system known as ZAPPAUP (Pickard, 2002, p. 75). It is more centralized than the SAVE system, but local authorities can select the projects while the central government ensures their quality. Such a model may work in the state-cen-tered political systems that predominate in most Middle Eastern countries.

After the preliminary boundaries and criteria are amended, action areas are specified so that the work can be more precisely organized to satisfy the stakeholders and attract investment and political support. A pilot project can serve as a model for other historic areas. Criteria for selecting the action area are applied to ensure the desired impacts. Rel-evant literature (UNDP 1997; AKCS-E 1999; Shaykh Mohamed 2001; El-Bain 2001) proposes the following criteria:1. Strategic location, closely integrated within the fabric it represents,

for example, being or containing a central alley or node;2. potential links with local training schemes and special workshops to

revive traditional crafts, organized by the relevant ministries;3. significant groups of buildings of value, whether already registered or

with listing potential;4. vacant land and buildings that provide opportunities to practice and

experience rehabilitation in the area;5. commercial and manufacturing base, plus residential facilities, to sus-

tain the traditional mixed-use neighborhood;6. potential for effective community initiatives, whether a working NGO

or an active informal institution; for example, a kinship structure or local leader;

7. common or interrelated problems, such as decaying sewerage system, so that local improvements will benefit surrounding neighborhoods;

8. free from insoluble problems, otherwise the whole process will be crip-pled by distrust among the interest groups about the scheme’s viability;

9. a limited number of houses can be more efficient (for example, the limit of 150 houses in Bab Qansurin, old Aleppo, and fewer in Darb Shughlan in historic Cairo);

10. convenient access, on the edge of the historic town or in its core, near a thoroughfare (for example, if in Gamaliya, it should be near the his-toric thoroughfare of al-Mu‘izz; or if in Ghuriya it should be near al-Azhar Street);

99Action Phase

11. priority due to severe threat (for example, Martyr Street in Hebron, Israel, to isolate the old city with its Ibrahimi Mosque from Israeli set-tlers wanting to penetrate it).111

Detailed area appraisal is the second stage, which decides what to pro-tect through detailed assessment of specific zones across the wider his-toric area. These zones are chosen for their architectural and historic significance (STHI, 1999c, pp. 1, 8) as well as social, economic and cul-tural significance. Intensive surveys are essential in large historic areas. For instance, in al-Darb al-Ahmar the Aga Khan organization had to identify many action areas in response to the mixed physical character and different combinations of problems.

El-Hassan (2000) defines three scales to analyze the built heritage: value scale, physical scale, and historic scale. The value scale contains cultural and socioeconomic variables. The cultural ones are the people’s sense of identity, the rarity of the architecture, and artistic or techni-cal value. The socioeconomic ones include economic, functional, educa-tional, social, and political values.

The physical scale formulates the spatial dimensions, and includes data on the built and natural environment’s condition and forms. The historic scale includes information on events such as political and social changes, natural disasters or mutations, and the advent of new technol-ogies. The historic variables relate to urban morphological analysis.

For effectiveness, however, those scales are based on typological and network analysis, formulating a knowledge-based conservation infor-mation model by using a computerized database or the Geographic Information System (GIS). The model should be change-tolerant. The Historic Landscape Assessment (Bruce et al., 1998) achieves this and validates the GIS data compilation by expressing people’s activities on a 1:25,000 scale pathfinder map, and by visiting sites to check the types of land use.

Nevertheless, to develop valid analysis, more grass-roots appraisals are needed, ones involving the local people and problems. Participa-tory Rapid Appraisal (PRA) (Ibrahim, 1997) did this for the Aga Khan’s project in al-Darb al-Ahmar.112 PRA identifies the area’s potentials and problems as perceived by the local community. The conservation team prepares volunteers with leadership potential for maximum access to the community to collect accurate data for valid findings. The volun-teers are of different ages, genders, and levels of education, to influence


and represent all strata of the community. The area is divided into sub-zones, each covered by one or more volunteers, who conduct interviews to collect valid data for an accurate appraisal (Feidi, 2000, pp. 113–17). Such an approach can be regarded as consultation, according to the par-ticipation levels noted above.

Larkham (1994, p. 223) emphasizes that the LPA must ensure that the character of an area is appraised regularly, to ensure flexibility by moni-toring changes in the built environment and so allow more responsive policies and regulations. For example, area boundaries can be altered if the reappraisal shows this need. Norton and Ayers (1993, pp. 212, 213) advise that regular checks may reveal hidden potentials, and they indi-cate the dynamic, open-ended nature of the appraisal process and the ensuing decisions.

Detailed guidelines are then developed, on the above basis, for a specific area or sub-area (Mageean, 1998, p. 70). Mageean suggests three types of guidelines, with three degrees of restrictions. The most restrictive guide-lines are for areas where the environment retains its traditional essence. Less restrictive ones are for transitional areas where traces of the historic essence combine with disparate elements. The most flexible ones are for dilapidated areas, where development is encouraged as all past traces have been lost (Figs. 3.8 and 3.9).

In general, there are three main types of guidelines: technical, financial, and legal (Hassan, 2001, p. 120). The technical can be expressed through design regulations and controls, for example, restrictions on demolition, alteration, or height. It can also revise the zone of control or add new zones, as in the FWP model, which specifies the boundar-ies of each homogeneous zone and its special regulations or guidelines. Financial guidelines can be expressed through grants, loans for restoring private properties, cross-subsidies, and other incentives, for example, tax relief (or alternatively taxing the beneficiaries, who are mainly from the tourism industry). Compensation systems too can be introduced. For example, owners who are denied the chance to develop their proper-ties through adding more floors, because of new technical restrictions, can be granted equivalent properties in less restrictive zones (Cantacuz-ino, 1987, pp. 63, 65). Legal guidelines enforce compliance with updated laws that allow public scrutiny and appeal, and organize the relations between developers and planning authorities to clarify ambiguities in planning consent.

101Physical Intervention

In this phase, the municipality is relatively free to identify priorities according to local circumstances and demands. The municipal team for conservation adjusts the guidelines so that they give maximal benefits to the targeted area (Leven, 2000, p. 23). Those benefits will be all the greater if the municipality works in partnership with the local commu-nity. Conservation will then bring positive social outcomes.

Physical InterventionThis final and most pragmatic stage affects the area’s urban design, for example, streetscapes. Physical intervention should be decided through exhaustive research and discussion with all the stakeholders. Skepticism about urban design being superficial is often warranted.113 Many inter-ventions by planners seek merely to beautify historic sites or their sur-roundings, regardless of the effect on the area’s character and meaning in local people’s perceptions. Carmona (2002a, pp. 64–67) argues that effective urban design should add value to the area, not only physically

Fig. 3.8: The historic core of Mainz, Germany, exhib-iting lavishly decorated nineteenth- and eighteenth-century architecture (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


or aesthetically but also economically. Gentrification has notorious social costs, but it can be beneficial if used very selectively (Carmona, 2002a, p. 80). The essential point is that urban design must ensure each area’s integrity, authenticity, and sustainability.

Urban design usually brings immediate benefits to investors and the authorities, but only benefits the local people in the long term (Carmona, 2002b, p. 147). Urban design should incorporate at least some immedi-ate benefits for the community. In historic Cairo, for example, the people of al-Darb al-Asfar accepted the disruption and traffic problems caused by the pedestrianization of Dar al-Asfar Street because the conservation team improved the sewerage system, thereby improving the community’s health as well as protecting the restored monuments.

Cultural Approach to Area Conservation in the Arab–Islamic ContextUrban design for conservation should be subject to an accurate under-standing of each area’s special values, in order to achieve cultural sensitivity

Fig. 3.9: A few meters away: these segregated urban nodes in Mainz allow ultra-modern development that has not challenged or interrupted the traditional part of the city (pho-tograph by Ahmed Sedky).

103Cultural Approach to Area Conservation

and sustainable results. This practical responsibility is shared by differ-ent stakeholders (official bodies and the local community). Design must incorporate the area’s cultural values and environmental qualities. Such a culture-based approach is advocated by UNESCO (2000, p. 152) and by Nasser (2003, p. 74).

Arab–Islamic cities differ from their historic European counterparts in the reasons for their deterioration. Ancient and medieval towns in Europe suffer mainly from physical aging and changing social pressures, such as population growth, whereas Arab–Islamic cities have suffered mainly from the cultural problem of being seen as unfashionable and acquir-ing a negative image. European colonial models were introduced into the Middle East in the nineteenth century at the expense of traditional institutions and systems, such as the ‘urf (regional customary rules) and the muhtasib (urban management commissioner). Now, however, cultural revival is increasingly advocated, but it must be done carefully.

For instance, Wansborough and Mageean (2000) suggest revitaliz-ing areas through pedestrianization, with exhibitions, coffee shops, and boutiques, on the assumption that culture means only the performing or plastic arts. Their ideas might succeed in a shopping area near the city center, such as the King’s Walk in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England (Fig. 3.10), but proposals based on such a narrow view of culture are too lim-ited (Sedky, 2001c).

By contrast, Bianca (2000, p. 334) advocates cultural revitalization from within, using the local community’s inner forces to revive its culture and to re-establish its sense of integrity and continuity. Hence the impor-tance of the continuing cultural values as discussed in Chapter 2. Revital-ization from within echoes the neo-traditional ideology of Gharai (1998). They emphasize traditional neighborhood qualities lacking in modern cities. They want traditional or at least traditional-seeming neighbor-hoods with contemporary relevance.

Revitalization does not mean a complete replication of the past. Instead of nostalgia, a critical approach to traditions is needed. For exam-ple, Zanchetti and Jokilehto (1997) advise the restoration of urban archi-tectural forms and institutions only when they can satisfy contemporary needs. Asfour (2000) similarly recommends a debate over traditional ideas before applying them as a creative response to current local demands.

Abu-Lughod (1992, p. 12) argues that some features of the traditional Arab–Islamic city are relevant for contemporary purposes. For example,


the form of the traditional suq (market/shopping area) remains in use and has even been reintroduced in some malls, which thus resemble the tra-ditional wikala (shopping area with a hotel or collective housing units).114 This argument is supported by Amin (2001), who highlights the ecologi-cal merits of traditional over modern neighborhoods in Damascus.

Nasser (2002, 2003) highlights a particular aspect of these argu-ments, in a case study of the waqf (Islamic charitable endowment). She emphasizes that its continuing effectiveness and religious reference make it a strong motivating device for urban management. In historic Cairo, almost 80 percent of the main properties are still owned by the Ministry of Awqaf. In Medina (Tunis) and many other old Arab–Islamic cities, the awqaf’s responsibilities remain important. Besides maintaining the shops, residential properties and religious buildings, they provide employment and charitable services such as the provision of food and shelter for the needy (Nasser, 2003, p. 81). The same is true in Sudan.115

Islamic revitalization is very much needed, especially in the cities. Although religious values are still embedded in local communities, most

Fig. 3.10: Kings Walk commercial center, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, UK (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

105Priorities in Area Conservation

conflicts between them and officialdom are caused by the tendency of officials to ignore those values in favor of modern planning methods, and aggravated by their failure to clarify the ensuing issues through dialogue with the local communities (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002). Experience in Yemen shows that Arab urban communities still derive their concepts and institutions from Islamic precepts.116 International experts on area con-servation agree with the time-honored Islamic concept of community, whereby ruler and ruled both belong to the umma, the community of the faithful (Nasser, 2003, p. 82).

The influence of Islam might be opposed politically, as most govern-ments in the Middle East suspect any social or intellectual movement with a religious character, especially an Islamic one. They fear extremist influences, especially in historic areas where people are poor and socially deprived, thus easily influenced by extremists (at least in the opinion of current secular governments). The call to revive Islamic culture is not recommended in this context on purely religious grounds, but as a way to empower local communities and improve the understanding between them and the professionals and officials (Bianca, 2000, p. 336).117 Enlight-ened leadership should and can be promoted by reviving the traditional models which are still in practice, namely the muhtasib of Cairo and/or the mukhtar of Damascus. This model was revived, and proved very efficient, in the Manshiyat Nasir area of Cairo, regenerated with GTZ support. It was used also in Essaouira.118 In general, effective leadership and deeply rooted beliefs are essential prerequisites of sustainable and meaningful outcomes. Only in this way can local people accept what they perceive as the long, sophisticated, and ambiguous process of area conservation.

Priorities in Area ConservationArea conservation entails different priorities in each context. These can be decided according to environmental demands, the local or national economy, or the country’s political system. Two opposite priorities are community rehabilitation, and investment for tourism or other purposes (UNDP, 1997, pp. 42, 43).

On the one hand area conservation may prioritize rehabilitation, which benefits poor communities, empowers them, and improves their quality of life. Resettlement and relocation are minimized. Buildings, in general, are restored as housing for long-term residents in the area. Vacant land is developed to provide for squatters and the homeless. New investment


projects focus on communities, creating job opportunities, increasing local incomes, improving skills, and reviving the area as a sustainable place to live in. As cost recovery is not assured, subsidies and loans for social ser-vices and infrastructure are usually required. The main beneficiary is the community, not the government or investors in cultural tourism.

This community-based priority has been adopted sporadically in Arab–Islamic cities, especially where there is severe environmental dete-rioration and very few historic buildings (mostly religious buildings still in use). Officials there need to base their decisions and efforts on the community’s needs, treating it with the same consideration as if they lived there themselves.119 Two examples in historic Cairo are ‘Izbit al-Nakhl and Manshiyat Nasir. In such areas, officials involved or at least consulted the local community before any proposed work was done; otherwise the officials might have risked the reversal of their interventions by that com-munity. If communication is poor, the community will view the official work as an imposition, while officials will view the people’s alterations as vandalism (Shehayeb and Sedky, 2002).

The community-based priority is opposite to that which emphasizes urban area conservation as an investment (mainly in tourism). Its aims are profits for investors, and amenities for tourists or gentrification for wealthy new residents. This priority is favored by most of the pertinent govern-mental institutions in Middle Eastern countries, especially those without oil wealth. Tourism is one of their main sources of revenue and hard cur-rency, and this is why their governments are keen to exploit historic areas as assets for public and private investment. Unfortunately, if this motive is given excessive weight, it endangers the living atmosphere and practi-cal needs of the local community, which continues to live in many historic areas in the region despite their often dilapidated condition.

These two priorities represent two sides of the same coin. Both are needed, but they must be chosen or balanced appropriately for each con-servation area. In some areas, according to the environmental conditions of land use and the extent of deterioration, both priorities may coexist. Therefore, the crucial need is for a synthesized policy, sensitive to the demands and needs of each area.

Synthesized PolicyThe UNDP Report (1997) presents a way to reconcile these two opposite priorities.120 This is the mechanism of cross-subsidies, which

107Priorities in Area Conservation

encourage investment in one area while offering subsidies for social services and housing restoration in another. Thus there can be mutual benefit between areas with empowerment capacity and those with either historic value or tourist potential.

The key is a comprehensive overview of planning, so that conserva-tion becomes flexible and responsive. However, this task is not easy. The various stakeholders (the U/N/W groups) have contradictory priorities. The UNDP Report (1997) recommends a legislative framework that provides a planning base to organize, control, and motivate each party in the area conservation process.

Framework Planning (FWP)This is discussed in the World Bank and Arab Bureau (1985) Final Report, and it was re-elaborated in UNDP (1997, pp. 37–44). FWP seeks to resolve the complex issues of local planning through a pack-age of policies and proposals. It seeks the formulation of realistic and replicable policies to legitimize constituency-building mechanisms for implementation and management using available resources, capacities, and capabilities.

The FWP concept can best be clarified through the case of historic Cairo, because conservation of this famous area was the purpose for which FWP was originally devised and introduced in the UNDP report (1997). Historic Cairo can be divided into tentative zones, each representing a certain culture. For example, the colonial style of al-Azhar Street, cut into the traditional fabric in the nineteenth century, has very little in com-mon with sporadic infillings and fringe areas. No single policy can suit such a mosaic (Fig. 3.11). Therefore FWP is not static or monolithic. It is a dynamic plan of action: adaptive, flexible, and open-ended. It accom-modates a variety of circumstances, and it promotes cultural diversity. It avoids pre-planning for every issue, because some decisions must be reviewed and modified as conservation work proceeds.

Based on extensive studies of historic Cairo’s potentials and limita-tions, FWP divided the whole area into clusters/zones, each with its own urban fabric, historic quality, or community activities. By geo-graphic designation and by studying the current activities, locally and city-wide, FWP formulated multi-sector policies and guidelines. These are efficient, because coherent policies can be applied to homogeneous areas more easily than to a wider zone of mixed character (Larkham and


Lodge, 1998, p. 121). The FWP for Historic Cairo had seven zones or clusters, each with its own nature and requirements (Fig. 3.11). Of these, special comment will be given to five.

The Heritage Corridor lies along the medieval thoroughfare, Mu‘izz Street, with its many valuable listed buildings (equivalent to Grade 1 in Britain). This zone’s priority is heritage preservation.

The Nineteenth-century Corridor, Muhammad ‘Ali Street, a dilapi-dated colonial thoroughfare cut into the traditional fabric, where music industries were once located. The priority here is to revive these and to stimulate craft activities that promote community development.

Dual priorities are applicable to al-Darb al-Asfar Street. Registered his-toric buildings line its west side, requiring a heritage-oriented conservation policy. Vacant plots and dilapidated buildings line its east side, requiring a community-oriented policy. The street’s central part has early twentieth century buildings in need of repair, which must be carried out by methods that respect the integrity of the street’s historic west side. A similar dual policy is appropriate also for the many other lanes where different needs coincide. Such areas are included in the heading “Traditional Streets.”

The Institutional Corridor lies along al-Azhar Street and is the loca-tion of many government and other official buildings, such as banks and large retail stores. They need investments in urban design (beautification and streetscape).

The heading ‘Community Zone’ applies to all zones that have dete-riorated so badly that the priority is community rehabilitation.

The transitional zone contains abundant land for private investment, but where development must be controlled to protect the adjacent pro-community zone, which may be a location full of deteriorating homes and people living within, and therefore requiring attention to the needs of the community. Both the transitional zone and the pro-community zone are located in the infill areas between the three zones/corridors as indicated in Fig. 3.11.

How to ConserveTo sum up this chapter, the principles of area conservation that have been established through worldwide experience are directly relevant to historic Cairo.

The statutory phase begins with a general appraisal of the targeted area’s character and then proceeds with a detailed appraisal to analyze its

109How to Conserve

Fig. 3.11: Framework plan: urban zones in historic Cairo, suggesting different approaches to area conservation according to the special nature and demands of each zone (UNDP, 1997, p. 47, map 18).


main needs. The area boundaries are designated, and the legislative and organizational basis for the project is established. The local management unit is set up, usually comprising the municipality in cooperation with other bodies.

The action phase should begin by establishing partnerships and ensur-ing effective community participation. Implementation then proceeds in four steps: documenting the area, detailed area appraisal, detailed guide-lines, and physical intervention. Thus the local community’s rights and roles are clarified, and partnerships and administrative frameworks are articulated. The action phase implements the appraisals and guidelines so that the physical interventions are socially appropriate.

Cultural revitalization is of immense importance. The rival priorities of community rehabilitation versus investment in tourism require a syn-thesized and balanced policy, embodied in a framework for planning.

Conservation must be flexible and responsive, adapting the methods of FWP to the unique character of each historic area, and to every detail of the area; first by conducting social as well as physical research and then applying the findings sensitively. The essential principle is environmen-tal and social sustainability. This universal principle must be applied in Arab–Islamic cities by respecting the culture and economy of the pres-ent-day “U” group as well as enhancing each area’s historic and archi-tectural values. Such conservation will embody goals and processes that are culturally appropriate and economically beneficial to the traditional Arab–Islamic cities, including historic Cairo. Thus we now have a fully appropriate answer to the question of how to conserve.

111

In Chapter 4, the fundamental questions of what to conserve and how to conserve are combined to establish criteria for assessing the quality of area conservation in historic Cairo. Those criteria are

used in Chapter 5 to define the role of each organization involved and to assess the quality of their respective parts of the work, with particu-lar attention to the relevant governmental agenda. Chapter 5 thus pro-vides a comprehensive review of previous and future area conservation in historic Cairo.

Assessment of Area Conservation in Cairo

PART THREE

113

Having so far reviewed the principles of area conservation in gen-eral, I am now going to describe my own observations of actual sites in historic Cairo. To begin with, I shall establish the assess-

ment criteria that will be applied in the next chapter. These criteria address both environmental quality and upgrading policies as interrelated factors which influence each other (Innes, 2002; see Fig. 4.1).

Synthesis of the CriteriaTo measure the quality of a conservation scheme and its impact on a his-toric area, the most important questions are what it aims to conserve, and how it does so.

Each conservation area has an original significance and a present-day meaning, and both of those factors contribute to its status in historic

Assessment of Area Conservation in Historic Cairo

4

Environment

InformativeDataPolicies

(Sequenced EnvironmentalConditions)

Fig. 4.1: Interrelated factors affecting the quality of any environment under develop-ment (by Ahmed Sedky).

114 Assessment of Area Conservation in Historic Cairo

Cairo. Emphasis on the present-day meaning highlights the distinctive character of each area, according to the value of states and processes that account for the physical quality and continuing cultural values (CCVs) in the Arab–Islamic context.

To improve the processes and outcomes of area conservation, the two essentials are awareness of the above points, and ability to prioritize them (criterion 1). To ensure the environmental quality of a historic area, the three essentials are its integrity, authenticity, and sustainability (criterion 2). To improve the processes and mechanisms of a scheme, the two essen-tials are to identify and rectify any deficiencies (criterion 3). Criterion 3 can be applied at the statutory (design) stage or at the stage of action (respec-tively sub-criterion 3.1 and sub-criterion 3.2). To reconcile the claims and interests of the U/N/W groups, the two essentials are consultation and cooperation through the FWP model (criterion 4). To ensure appropriate conservation, the two essentials are to revive Arab–Islamic traditions and to restore economic viability (sub-criterion 4.1). To respond appropri-ately to all the groups, the essential is to enforce regulations consistently but flexibly and with tolerance for change (sub-criterion 4.2).

To sum up, the accumulated criteria of area conservation in the Arab–Islamic context are as follows:1. The meaning of area conservation: values to protect.2. Area conservation environmental quality:

2.1. Integrity: structural, functional, and visual.2.2. Authenticity.2.3. Sustainability: social (cultural /administrative), economic, and environmental.

3. Area Conservation Process:3.1. Statutory Process:

3.1. (i) area character, types of general appraisal needed.3.1. (ii) area designation as a concept.3.1. (iii) legislation and general guidelines and references.3.1. (iv) the management structure seeded (central urban management unit).

3.2. Action Process:3.2. (i) working in partnership. 3.2. (ii) involving local community.3.2. (iii) type of documentation, including listing mechanism and refined designation boundaries.

115The Approach to Assessment

3.2. (iv) detailed area appraisal needed.3.2. (v) detailed guidelines produced.3.2. (vi) physical implementation.121

4. Adapted Approaches to Area Conservation:4.1. Cultural Approach: adapted approach sensitive to the local

culture.4.2. Approach Design: adapted approach responsiveness to the

context and situation of the targeted area.

The Approach to AssessmentAccording to Khattab (1993) and Rapoport (1990), environmental quality means more than the physical condition of specific features. Khattab (1993, p. 42) expounds two meanings: the physical environment and the users’ perceptions of its qualities and values. Therefore, assess-ment should integrate the various perspectives of the U/N/W groups. Each group has its own criteria for environmental quality, depending on their preferences, values and interests. Any area derives its meaning and its environmental quality from an amalgamation of the different percep-tions of these three groups.

For clarity, the various preferences must be analyzed through appro-priate filters. Based on the foregoing reviews of conservation charters review and different cases of area conservation in the Arab–Islamic con-text,122 such filters can be limited to three major units of analysis: integ-rity, authenticity, and sustainability. (See Fig. 4.2).

Policy-making for urban planning is a dynamic and iterative process, which continues once it starts. Problem identification precedes policy formulation and implementation. Policy evaluation may necessitate

Fig. 4.2: Filters to assess environmental qualities in a historic environment (by Ahmed Sedky).

The components ofenvironmental qualities(physical and perceivedones) of each individualor group (U,N, and W)

A certain designed builtenvironment withsubjective environmentalqualities (interventions)

Preference system:authenticity, integrity,sustainability (the filtermeasured against)

Evaluation Degree of matching(The assessment)

+


policy adjustments, which may take us back to problem identification (Fig. 4.4).123 The whole process is explained by Hall (1994) and illus-trated by Attia (1999, p. 44, Fig. 2.1).

Each policy develops in an arena where the U/N/W interest groups have different degrees of influence, depending on the political system and the context of the specific area. For example, the “W” group of organiza-tions such as UNESCO strongly influences policies for World Heritage sites such as the Great Pyramids plateau in Giza, while the “N” group of official bodies dominates the decisions on particular urban areas, and the “U” group requires a physical and social environment that accommodates and enhances their way of life. Through cooperation or mutual struggle, those three groups exert persistent influences. Policy-making is therefore a sophisticated process.124

According to Hall (1994) and Attia (1999), policy-making occurs on three levels: power structure, values and interests, and institutional arrangement (Fig. 4.4). Salheen (2001, p. 48) interprets the power struc-ture as the ideology of the political system (capitalism or communism or democracy), which organizes and defines the extent of the interaction and power practiced by individuals, organizations, and agencies. This concept is relevant to the different powers of the U/N/W groups to influence area conservation policies. The “values and interests” level of policy-making is where we can see the interrelation or conflict between the values of the different interest groups involved in the making of policies for area conservation—how each group defines the meaning of a historic area and consequently decides how to promote conservation. Institutional arrange-ment means “who does what.” It is where the policy-making process can be seen to flow smoothly or encounter obstacles. In the case of historic Cairo, the institutional arrangement can be assessed by considering the policy-making “mission” (the political motivation for development).

Thus the criteria for assessing the policies for area conservation in his-toric Cairo can be established as follows: 1. power structure, deduced by

Fig. 4.3: Comprehensive model of assessment of area conservation (by Ahmed Sedky).

EA

The Case of Cairo

Env. Quality

Policies

IntegrityAuthenticity

Sustainability

Power ArrangementValues and Interests

Institutional Arrangement

Assessment of AreaConservation in Cairo

More Valid Analysisand Interpretations

(Conclusion)

117Assessment of Area Conservation in Cairo

investigating the respective powers of the U/N/W groups; 2. values and interests, deduced by investigating the U/N/W groups’ values and inter-ests; 3. institutional arrangement, deduced by investigating the U/N/W groups’ actual roles and responsibilities.

Assessment of Area Conservation in CairoAccordingly, assessment of area conservation in Cairo must cover envi-ronmental qualities as well as policies, being measured against the filters shown in Figs. 4.2 and 4.4. Wael Nabih (1999, p. 62) suggests a method to assess environmental impacts of development. Doig and Littlewood (1992, pp. 6–13) uses a method of policy assessment entitled Process of Formative Evaluation.

Both methods are combined here to assess the environmental qual-ity, the processes of policy-making and implementation, and the impact of development in each target area. The exploratory mode is described by Doig and Littlewood (1992, p. 13) as “suitable where policy goals are uncertain and require to be studied in their own right.” This is the case in Cairo. Environmental qualities, policies, and the implementa-tion processes need to be assessed through the above filters.125 For the huge phenomenon of historic Cairo (Fig. 4.3), Chapter 5 establishes

Fig. 4.4: Policymaking process in planning in general (Sedky, 2005).


firm ground for comparison with contextual area conservation, as dis-cussed in Chapters 1–3.

Assessment Investigation DesignAs shown in Fig. 4.3, I conducted the investigation in steps that can be regarded as filters. They assess not only the current status of area conser-vation but also the planning system which actually or ostensibly under-pins it. The investigation is both cross-sectional and chronological, to show the full range of agents/actors and the effects of their actions. The main subjects of the investigation are the institutions and officials who possess the main power and responsibility in Egypt’s state-centered sys-tem of planning (Attia, 1999, p. 73). However, the investigation also cov-ers some local community organizations and representatives.

The investigation measures the quality of conservation achieved in particular areas of historic Cairo, to identify and interpret the deficiencies revealed. It also explores the underlying processes and mechanisms by reporting the interviews and workshops I organized in Cairo.126 The awareness, skills, competence, and interests of each group or organiza-tion are measured against each criterion. This analysis reveals the power structure and interests of each party. The final assessment is guided by the criteria and the conceptual framework developed through the previ-ous parts of the present research.

The method of investigation was as follows. Each interest group (U/N/W) was represented by a sample of one or more key people, selected according to the actual roles of the respective groups in the area conservation schemes. Each key person was identified through fre-quent field visits and numerous discussions with officials and local resi-dents. In this way, I identified the relevant organizations, and some key people were the heads of departments identified as representing middle management and technical professionals. Other key people were lead-ers or spokespersons of community groups. Most interviewees suggested a range of relevant organizations and gave the names of the persons in charge, who were then also interviewed. I also analyzed documents to identify the most influential organizations and their key people.

Of the three interest groups (U/N/W), the “N” group is dominant in Egypt for reasons already noted, and so the main sample is taken from the “N” group. Top-ranking members (for example, ministers or gov-ernors) were mostly unavailable for interviews, but their interests and

119Assessment Investigation Design

values are represented, as far as possible, through documentary analysis of their comments in the media or in official reports. Some high-level officials, however, were available; for instance, I interviewed the deputy governor of the West Cairo Region; and the head of the Greater Cairo Division in the Ministry of Housing was the keynote speaker in an open symposium I organized. Yet they only reiterated the known policies of their organizations. For more accurate results, those official statements were integrated with information gleaned from the other interviews or the workshops.

The “W” group plays a relatively modest role in area conservation in Egypt. However, based on field visits and information from other par-ties, some of the “W” group’s key persons were interviewed, for exam-ple, the head of the ARCE and the head of the Cultural Division at the UNESCO office in Cairo. As they do not contribute to the design phase or the policy-making, they were asked about their actual role and their comments on area conservation policies and processes in Cairo. Their information will be important for the analysis and interpretation in the following chapter.

The “U” group was represented by residents of the conservation areas or by the owners or employees of local shops or workshops. In addition, I interviewed representatives of community organizations (for example, Development of al-Darb al-Ahmar Area, Limited). All gave information necessary to examine the “N” group’s impact on the respective historic areas, which helped me assess the sustainability of each scheme, and also the quality and extent of community involvement.

Interviewees were selected from two conservation areas: al-Darb al-Asfar in Gamaliya, and Qasr al-Sham‘ in Misr al-Qadima. Because those two schemes were completed before the investigation began, they pro-vided the clearest available measure of the local communities’ satisfac-tion or disappointment. The interviewees were selected during frequent field visits, through meeting people who live and work in those two areas. The field visits gave me the chance to identify, first, the local people most affected by the conservation schemes, and second, those most willing to take relevant initiatives and to interact with the official authorities. Both groups were invited to take part in role playing and discussion with key “N” group members.127 The community in al-Darb al-Asfar was too dis-appointed to participate in those encounters, but a number of people in Qasr-al-Sham‘ were willing to do so.


I also interviewed managers and staff of the most active and most involved NGOs, as representatives of the “U” group. The role of NGOs in area conservation is debated by the government, and it is not fully effective. Nevertheless, those interviewees revealed physical and social problems in their areas, and they helped me to interpret the organiza-tional framework and power distribution between “N” and “U” groups. Thus information given by the “W” and “U” groups is crucial for the accurate analysis and interpretation of the “N” group’s policies and meth-ods of area conservation.

When considering a particular area that has undergone a conservation scheme, an assessment of what and how to conserve entails the following criteria: the area’s significance and the values to be protected; environ-mental quality (integrity, authenticity, sustainability); processes (statutory and action phases); the approaches adopted.

When considering the goals and the policy-making motives of a specific scheme of area conservation, the assessment covers the political model of the state/community power relationship; the values and inter-ests of each agent/actor involved; the organizational framework (which agents/actors report to whom).

To assess area conservation in historic Cairo, multiple methods are combined to increase the validity of the data.128 The comprehensive assess-ment model is applied to each agent/actor (U/N/W) possessing or claiming rights in any part of the historic area that has undergone conservation.

121

The assessment model described in the previous chapter is the one I applied to area conservation projects in Cairo. The aim is to define the chief actors involved in area conservation schemes, as well as

those who synthesize the conservation and urban planning policies in his-toric Cairo. The role of each of these influencing actors is assessed by applying the previously compiled assessment criteria to judge the quality of area conservation, as well as reveal the actual directions controlling the different interventions in historic Cairo.

Overview of Area Conservation in CairoDifferent efforts have been made to develop and upgrade historic Cairo. One of the earliest attempts is recorded by Shoukry (2000, p. 155), who cites a study by Mohamed Mikawi dating back to 1938. In that work, which studied the expected future expansion of the city of Cairo, Mikawi incorporated the historic quarters of Cairo as he projected them for the period from 1928 to 1978. This was followed by many other studies, such as Mohamed Subhy Abdel Hakim’s demographic studies of immigration into Cairo dating back to 1974, most of which called for a decrease in the population of the historic quarters in Cairo, as an urgent need to pro-tect such venerable urban fabric. None of these studies, however, were taken into consideration or implemented by institutions and municipal organizations (Shoukry, 2000). As a result, urban pressures were main-tained, resulting in the accumulation of many problems in Cairo’s historic areas. Therefore, the rhetoric targeting the upgrading of historic areas remained limited to one main slogan: reduce the population in historic

Area Conservation in Cairo

5

122 Area Conservation in Cairo

Cairo as the means to confront the deterioration of its environment. This was proclaimed as recently as 1990 by Hassan Kafafi (Kafafi, 1990).

Therefore, unlike Europe where different techniques and concepts of urban heritage management are developed, implemented, and tested (as discussed in Chapter 3), official municipal institutions and orga-nizations in Egypt do not pursue a comprehensive approach to urban upgrading in historic areas. They look down upon the traditional urban fabric, calling for its transformation into one that is more “civilized.”129 Such was the policy pursued during the 1950s and 1960s, by adopt-ing a slum clearance approach that replaced traditional neighborhoods and complete blocks with social housing schemes (see Fig. 1.3 above).130 However, there are no specific laws or national planning guidelines to direct development in historic quarters; instead, the same urban plan-ning laws are applied in all districts, whether modern, colonial, or tra-ditional. For example, the new street alignment imposed a widening of the traditional roads in historic Cairo or even the creation of new streets that became voids cut through regardless of the spatial structure of the historic area. This approach continued until 1976 by means of Law 106 (later integrated with Law 3, 1982).131 All such acts made up a general legislation that did not attempt to address the special character of his-toric areas in Cairo. Nevertheless, in 1973, the Ministry of Housing produced a planning scheme for historic Cairo, to be submitted to the governorate for implementation.132 Though limited to the aim of giving this traditional urban fabric a more ‘civilized’ look (with all the negative effects of the term, such as imposing an inauthentic quality on tradi-tional urbanism by creating cordons sanitaires of greenery, and new roads alien to the original fabric),133 it was the first real scheme designed to confront and check the advance of urban deterioration in historic Cairo. Yet this scheme remained inactive until 1980, when a movement to safe-guard historic areas in Cairo was launched, backed by the strong political support of Egypt’s then First Lady, Jehan Sadat.134 These efforts materi-alized into an organized event, a UNESCO conference in Cairo during the same year. The conference came up with specific recommendations to safeguard Fatimid Cairo, as being the most important area within the city walls that still exhibits the traditional features of Arab–Islamic cities and as an emblem of a living, traditional urbanism. It was recommended that this be achieved via central urban management, which, unfortu-nately, was never established. In the same year, the Arab Bureau (an

123Overview of Area Conservation in Cairo

architectural and urban design consultancy, part of the Ministry of Housing) introduced its rehabilitation scheme for medieval Cairo, which covered a zone wider than Fatimid Cairo (See Chapter 1 for a descrip-tion of the different parts of historic Cairo and their locations). Three years later, in 1983, the Arab Bureau introduced a more detailed plan for the rehabilitation and upgrading of al-Gamaliya district, a Fatimid part of medieval or historic Cairo, as a pilot project and model for an upgrading scheme (Shoukry, 2000).

Meanwhile, the General Organization of Physical Planning (GOPP), another consultancy within the Ministry of Housing concerned with regional and strategic planning, produced its Homogeneous Sector Reports in 1988 (GOPP, 1988a–d). According to these reports, historic Cairo was envisaged from a wider perspective as part of the regional study of Greater Cairo, thus complementing a contemporary trend toward stra-tegic regional planning, in which historic Cairo was to be part of “Homo-geneous Sector One.”135 This was followed by other detailed studies to upgrade specific zones in historic Cairo, such as northern Gamaliya (GOPP, 1990b) and al-Darb al-Asfar in the Gamaliya district with its sur-rounding neighborhoods bounded by al-Dababiya Street to the north, al-Tumbakshiya to the south, al-Mu‘izz Street to the west, and al-Gamaliya Street to the east (GOPP, 1991a). In addition, a general study that investi-gated and diagnosed the dilapidated condition of public spaces in historic Cairo was also produced by the GOPP in 1990 (GOPP, 1990a).

Practically speaking, none of these studies was translated into an implementation program. The governorate and the local municipali-ties were left responsible for the different historic districts, in charge of all the day-to-day urban problems as well as charged with full responsi-bility for historic Cairo. Thus, the 1973 Ministry of Housing planning scheme became the main reference for the governorate (which is the highest municipal authority), and though updated and reviewed in 1989, the scheme remained wedded to many of its original decisions. Despite meetings with the GOPP, there was no change in the plans to increase traffic access both inside and around the traditional areas.136

The 1992 earthquake came as a dramatic eye-opener to awaken national awareness and encourage collaboration, mainly among gov-ernmental bodies, to revitalize historic Cairo. Paradoxically, thanks to the sudden threatened loss of substantial architectural and urban value, as well as the increased damage to historic areas in Cairo, great


national concern and effort was mobilized to safeguard the historic city. Ayman Abdel-Moniem, secretary of the minister of culture for architec-tural restoration and heritage management and director of the Informa-tion Center of the Historic Cairo Organization created by the Ministry of Culture, maintained that the Ministry of Culture, when confronted with this desperate situation, attempted to rescue as much as possible; as a result, the wheel of restoration began to run full speed ahead.137 Res-toration efforts, however, were somewhat dispersed. They focused on individual structures, not area conservation; and although historic monu-ments do deserve priority in terms of restoration, there has been no orga-nized priority listing or emergency restoration plan.138

Studies of urban scale came into focus in the attempt to save al-Azhar Mosque (a noble place with special religious and intellectual value for Sunni Muslims) and its surroundings. The Arab Bureau produced other detailed studies and plans, such as the plan for upgrading the aque-duct neighborhood of Magra al-‘Uyun (GOPP, 1993), and the al-Azhar Square study of 1994, which introduced the significant idea of a tun-nel, to replace the flyover in al-Azhar Street that cuts through the center of Fatimid Cairo (Shoukry, 2000, p. 179). Another commendable action plan was made in 1994 by the Restoration Office of the Arab Contrac-tors (Ministry of Housing) for the area between Bab al-Nasr and Bab al-Futuh, two gates on the northern walls of the medieval city.139

These studies do not focus on the whole region of historic Cairo, but on specific areas that contain some of the city’s most threatened and highly valuable monuments, both architecturally and historically. With the earthquake, an urgent and unprecedented need erupted for restora-tion with wider and more comprehensive strategic planning to revitalize historic Cairo, especially as many previous strategies and schemes had become outdated. This prompted a strong need for political and adminis-trative backup to initiate new studies. Ministries and organizations com-peted to establish specialized departments and technical committees to pursue and monitor the work. Consequently, revitalizing historic Cairo acquired the status of a “national project.” New schemes included the urban upgrading or restoration of different parts of historic Cairo, start-ing with al-Azhar Mosque and its surrounding public spaces to include the northern walls and the area around them.

The Ministry of Housing activated its Fatimid Cairo Committee to produce strategies and studies for revitalizing Fatimid Cairo (the area

125Overview of Area Conservation in Cairo

within the medieval walls). The GOPP continued to cooperate with the Cairo governorate to update the 1973 scheme; the Arab Bureau and the Arab Contractors, representing the Ministry of Housing, also par-ticipated enthusiastically by setting up a technical office responsible for restoring some valuable Islamic monuments such as al-Azhar Mosque, the al-Ghuri Complex, and the northern walls. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Culture established a more effective Restoration Committee target-ing the restoration of 195 monuments in eight years; that is, restoring an average twenty-four edifices a year (Williams, 2002, pp. 465, 466). In addition, the Ministry of Culture founded the Urban Development Stud-ies Division in 2000 to produce the necessary urban and municipal strat-egies for revitalizing historic Cairo to secure better presentation of the traditional urban fabric.140 The Restoration Committee and the Urban Development Unit, as well as an information center responsible for the documentation of historic buildings in historic Cairo, form the Historic Cairo Organization. The Cairo governorate took further measures by establishing the Department of Fatimid Cairo.

After President Mubarak pronounced the revitalization of historic Cairo a national project and gave it his support, many other departments and organizations from different ministries and institutions started to claim an official role in the endeavor. This necessitated the establish-ment of a coordinating body, given the absence of the urban heritage management unit recommended by UNESCO during the 1980 confer-ence mentioned above. Therefore a Ministerial Committee reporting to the prime minister and coordinated by the minister of culture was estab-lished in 1997 with a technical coordinator, Professor Yahya al-Zini. In addition, an Executive Committee was established to ensure the imple-mentation of the strategies and to enforce the legislation and guidelines produced by the Ministerial Committee, with the governor of Cairo as its head, and delegates representing all the ministries involved in revital-izing historic Cairo.

The Ministerial Committee was supposed to be the venue where the upgrading strategies and the bureaucratic structure, legislation, and national guidelines were to be produced. Yet this committee met only once.141 Nominally, it still exists; but only its Executive Committee is still active, though without an effective strategic planning body because of the lapse of the Ministerial Committee itself.142 Therefore, on a concep-tual level, the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project lacked strategic


national planning and guidelines to adopt a comprehensive approach to urban upgrading until the UNDP and Cultnat studies were produced, in 1997 and 2001 respectively (UNDP, 1997; Hassan, 2001).

The UNDP study addressed comprehensive planning issues, while Cultnat focused on the mechanism of documenting and defining the con-cept of value and the designation of areas with cultural value. If the two studies were integrated, they would lead to effective strategic planning, comprehensive guidelines, and urban management for historic Cairo, according to the environmental qualities of historic areas defined in the previous chapters. This raises a number of questions. Are these studies, as well as the already identified environmental qualities necessary for the well-being of any historic area, being adopted in the Revitalization of His-toric Cairo Project? Who is adopting or ignoring them? To what degree do these studies influence and impact the current revitalization process?

Main Actors Involved in Area Conservation in CairoAnswers to these questions are necessary, to draw a clear picture of the current paradigm of area conservation in Cairo by defining all the agents/actors involved in the area conservation process in Cairo, and studying their actual role and impact. Therefore, this section is concerned with defining the main actors, who are classified into three main groups, “N,” “W,” and “U,” according to the sampling framework introduced earlier. Each group contains some influential actors.

The most important and influential group, and the center of atten-tion in the present investigation, is the “N” group. Professional planners and consultancies in the case of historic Cairo are not considered to be a third group as conveyed in Leitmann’s model (1995). In that model, they are supposed to have equal power and influence in any decision-making process concerned with intervention in historic areas; but this is not the case in Cairo or Egypt in general. This is because planners’ ideas and proposed schemes are filtered and/or censored based upon the dominant planning policies (see Fig 5.1) of the state-centered paradigm of policy-making and administration. Therefore it is essential to explore area conservation quality and implementation problems while consider-ing current predominant planning and political paradigms, and involving professionals and official decision-makers as the research main subjects.143 Some other actors with varying degrees of influence are classified as “W” and “U” groups as elaborated below.

127Main Actors Involved in Area Conservation in Cairo

Defining effective actors is not an easy task, especially since the Revi-talization of Historic Cairo Project has become a matter of national and presidential concern, which has encouraged many organizations and insti-tutions to search for a role in it regardless of their competence. Therefore, to select the most influential actors, a list was assembled from the differ-ent organizations, institutions, and individuals with effective roles in revi-talization (urban upgrading) projects in the areas introduced in Chapter 1. In addition, based on a rolling snowball technique,144 the original list was expanded during fieldwork investigation conducted in Cairo in 2001 and 2002. Upon reviewing the expanded list of the chief actors involved in area conservation in Cairo against the area conservation mechanism set out in the previous chapters, some organizations and institutions were noted to have played effective roles in various case studies, whether in the Arab–Islamic or international context, and as such have been added to the original list. Following is the final list, after being subjected to thorough investigation to define the paradigm of area conservation in Cairo:“N” Group

Localities (coordinated by the Ministry of Localities).a. Cairo governorate with its different departments.b. Ministry of Housing: GOPP, Fatimid Cairo Organization, Arab c. Contractors, Arab Bureau, and the Institute of Housing Research.Ministry of Culture: Historic Cairo Organization, Project Depart-d. ment (Idarat al-Mashru‘at), SCA.Ministry of Awqaf (religious endowments).e. Ministry of Tourism.f. Ministry of IT and Communication/Bibliotheca Alexandrina: g. Cultnat.

POLITICS

Ideas Policies Project Impact

Designers, planners CONTEXT

People

ProfessionalsInvolved in preparing the proposalsIndividual consultants and privateconsultancies commissioned bythe government for areaconservation project

Decision-makersand bureaucrats

Occupants andregular users

of the area

Fig. 5.1: General planning and project implementation process (restructured and modified after Ward, 1994).


Cairo University: ECAE, the Architectural Design Support Cen-h. ter (ADSC) and individual university staff as consultants drawing the detailed planning for GOPP and the Cairo governorate.Commissioned consultancies for area conservation projects: i. Mashrabeya, FEDA (associated with some research centers in Ain Shams University), AKCS-E, ARCE, and the American University in Cairo (AUC).Ministry of Social Affairs.j. Ministry of Environment.k. Legislation.l.

“U” Group:Community members and representatives.a. Community-based Organizations and NGOs: al-Darb al-Ahmar b. Development Limited, Near East Foundation (NEF), FCDA, and ACA.

“W” Group:UNESCO.a. ICOMOS.b. Foreign Aid Agencies: JICA (Japan), Italian ministry of foreign c. affairs, and GTZ (Germany).

An Overview of Area Conservation Quality in CairoThe statutory nature and the actual role of each of the listed actors are described in this section to illustrate the current mechanism of area con-servation in Cairo and its different influential forces. The information (knowledge and degree of awareness), competence, and skills needed for area conservation and values and interests of each actor are investigated, defined, and measured against specified criteria based on the theoretical background mentioned in the previous chapters.

“N” Group OrganizationsLocalitiesThese are the most important mediators for any effective urban man-agement to take place. They are normally composed of technical munici-pal bodies managed and monitored by elected committees or boards and headed by a mayor. In sustainable and effective heritage management, local-ities play the most important role and participate at different levels of area conservation. In the UK, for example, local planning authorities (LPA)

129“N” Group Organizations

participate in defining the zones and structures of value that deserve safeguarding, as well as introduce and implement the most effective safe-guarding strategies as described in Chapter 3. In that context, the active role of LPAs is crucial to the success of conservation initiatives, by effec-tive community involvement (whether directly through negotiated plan-ning of area conservation or by the selection of city council members to represent different users of the historic area).

However, the situation in Egypt is different. The main municipal body is the governorate, headed by the governor, a government-appointed employee. Thus, the public base known in Europe, which secures a down-up planning approach, does not exist in Egypt.145 Nevertheless, in 1960 there was a tendency toward broadening community participation in local governance through the introduction of public municipal coun-cils, composed of elected members to represent their local communities. This was achieved by Law 124 of 1960, intended to create public par-ticipation through committees that monitor and scrutinize any decision introduced by the central governmental municipal body, and the gover-norate and its different departments (Qabil, 2000).146 This experience was also meant to pave the way for a decentralized municipal administrative system, in which the governor would act as a president, while the pub-lic municipal councils would act as small local parliaments that had the right to scrutinize the governor’s decisions. Such a system sought a demo-cratic model of municipal administration and aimed at achieving a gen-eral council controlled by 100 percent elected members in ten years.

Unfortunately, this aim could not be achieved due to Law 57 of 1971, which created a kind of administrative duality between the public munic-ipal councils and newly introduced “executive municipal councils” to coordinate with the deputy governor known as the head of the hayy (a small administrative branch of the governorate located in the district), thus creating ambiguity expressed through a duality in responsibilities and decision-making mechanisms.

The problem was confronted by Law 52 of 1975, to draw some clear boundaries between the role of the public municipal committees, repre-senting the public, and the executive municipal committee, represent-ing the governorate on a small or local scale (county, district or even neighborhood). This trend was confirmed through Law 43 of 1979, later amended in 1981 and 1984, officially delegating the authorities of the president to the governor, within his governorate. It envisaged the


Fig. 5.2: Northern traffic access, northern Gamaliya district, located to the north of his-toric Cairo. The Bab al-Nasr Cemetery is to the right, and the restored northern walls of Fatimid Cairo to the left (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Fig. 5.3: Northern traffic access linking al-Mansuriya Street to al-Gaysh Street parallel to the northern walls, with the historic gate, Bab al-Nasr (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


local communities being better represented in public municipal coun-cils as elected representatives, according to Article 41L, Law 50, 1981. Consequently, it became clear that the public municipal councils had the right to monitor the municipal management and development per-formance of the executive bodies (that is, the governorate and its execu-tive councils), as well as the right to question the governor himself and even to decide upon municipal taxes, as was originally intended by the 1960 Law mentioned above.

On realistic grounds, this trend aiming at securing decentralization in municipal administration was never realized. Indeed, even the governor was never granted autonomy in controlling his governorate, because of the growing authority and interference of the representatives of differ-ent ministries, known as wikalat al-wizara, located in each governorate. That is to say, each ministry failed to delegate authority to the governor on a local level, in order to focus on issuing and monitoring the imple-mentation of national and general legislation and guidelines. Indeed, the ministries interfered substantially in administrative and municipal mat-ters, especially in the Cairo governorate, creating much conflict between government institutions.147

On a local level, the public municipal councils could not effectively play their monitoring role, and thus failed to enforce their decisions, which is attributed by al-Basil (2002) to the helplessness of such coun-cils because their members had no power to question the governor or his executive bodies. This is confirmed upon carefully examining the articles of Law 50, 1981 mentioned above. Despite the fact that Article 19 of this law gives public municipal councils the right to question the governor, Article 20 gives the right to the prime minister to dissolve this council, although it is composed of elected public representatives, in the case of any conflict with the governor. Moreover, other Acts failed to support the public municipal council. For example, Law 145 of 1988 (concerning regional development among the governorates) suggests the creation of wider zones, managed and coordinated on a high level by ministers and governors. In addition, Law 84 of 1996 to reinforce Law 43 of 1979 was not enough to create an effective role for and to support public municipal involvement, as it aimed simply at determining the number of members of such committees, without granting them any immunity or support for their role or responsibilities. Therefore, practi-cally speaking, for forty-two years the municipal administration was run


by a non-elected official, the governor, with no public monitoring (al-Basil, 2002). This situation is interpreted by Egyptian experts in munic-ipal administration and management as being predominantly political. They reveal that despite government calls for decentralization, the gov-ernment does not encourage a strong role for any elected municipal council, in order to avoid penetration by any major opposition groups or parties. This was clearly demonstrated in the 1997 elections, where 90 percent of the members of the public municipal councils belonged to the National Democratic Party (the government party) and 0.4 per-cent to opposition parties, while 1.1 percent were independent.148 This, coupled with the government’s concern for national security as a major priority, may stand as an obstacle in the way of sustainable community and/or culturally based revitalization.

It is thus possible to claim the deficiency of the localities as officially recognized public municipal representational systems in Cairo. That was confirmed, in the case of historic Cairo, during interviews with com-munity members from al-Darb al-Asfar and Qasr al-Sham‘ areas. They complained about the area conservation interventions introduced in their areas, and would not refer to the public municipal councils in their districts, claiming that they were inefficient. Instead, they sued the SCA, as in the case of Samir Sharawi from al-Darb al-Asfar, or filed a com-plaint to the member representing their area in Parliament, as in the case of Mihdat Sabri representing the people of Qasr al-Sham‘.149

To confront such administrative conflict, as well as the deficiency of the public locality system, the Ministry of Localities was restructured in 1997 to become the Ministry of Localities Development, supported by presidential Law 38 of 1999.150 This ministry is now concerned with coordinating among different local communities, localities, and exec-utive and governmental municipal bodies, in collaboration with other ministries. The aim is to produce strategic development plans in dif-ferent social, economic, public health, and environmental fields, and to facilitate their implementation. This is more tangible in the spontaneous quarters, where the government, represented by the Ministry of Hous-ing and the Cairo governorate, as will be elaborated below, has adopted pro-community development strategies and effective regeneration pro-grams.151 Yet in the case of historic Cairo and its different districts and neighborhoods, where area conservation or urban upgrading projects are implemented, the ministry has not played any role, and consequently


the municipal management territory was controlled only by the Cairo governorate via its different departments, and especially by the deputy governor for the West Cairo zone, and the head of the Historic Cairo Executive Committee.

Cairo GovernorateThis controls a wide geographical area and, as implied above, is almost the only official body responsible for urban management and monitoring of the quality and implementation of any upgrading scheme. It is still part of a wider region, Greater Cairo, which incorporates the governorates of Cairo, Giza, and Daqahliya, a zone that is expected to accommodate over twenty million people by 2017.152 Cairo governorate is the main actor in the current national Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project.

The governorate is a government municipal body. It is headed by the governor, who is appointed by the President and controls the dif-ferent technical and administrative departments in the governorate. All administrative strategies, municipal guidelines, and development plans are approved and delegated to localities for implementation by the gov-ernorate. As identified above, the localities are composed of executive councils, controlled by the hayy, which reports directly to the governor-ate and is appointed by the prime minister (Attia, 1999, p. 116). A popu-lar group is a public municipal committee that is supposed to participate in municipal management. It is the only elected part, as explained in the previous section.

On a more practical basis and in the case of historic Cairo, all locali-ties are linked to the governorate and its central department, especially concerning technical problems. Therefore, most of the problems and decision-making are handled in the governorate and not in the local municipal body, the hayy. Therefore the head of the hayy, as well as the executive councils in the district, are simply responsible for executing the decisions and strategies of the governor.153

The governorate is composed of two major departments: Diwan ‘Am al-Muhafaza (the General Bureau of the governorate, concerned with administrative legal and social issues) and Mudiriyat al-Iskan (the Housing Department, concerned with planning and technical issues). The latter contains a department concerned with the documentation of Fatimid and colonial Cairo, and a sub-department called the Plan-ning Department, headed by Hayam Aref. The Executive (or Technical)


Committee established to monitor the implementation of the strate-gies and national guidelines produced by the Ministerial Commit-tee is coordinated by Mahmoud Yassin, the deputy governor of West Cairo, who also represents the executive authorities of the governorate. Together the planning department and the Executive Committee have the actual authority and direct involvement in the revitalization scheme for historic Cairo.

The planning department is responsible for reviewing the planning strategies to be applied in the historic areas as coordinated with the GOPP.154 The Executive Committee is concerned with solving techni-cal problems that may emerge in any ongoing project in historic Cairo. This committee includes delegates representing different ministries and official bodies, and even community representatives and representatives of international organizations. Yassin, the coordinator, is also respon-sible for monitoring the work performance through his deputies, the heads of the hayy. These different deputies located in historic Cairo act on a district scale, such as the heads of the Gamaliya and Khalifa dis-tricts, who monitor and deal with local problems such as the evacuation or demolition of properties, and the like.155 Therefore, the actual role of the Cairo governorate is that of facilitator, monitoring and supervising the implementation of the already confirmed and accepted strategies and schemes produced by the Ministry of Housing and its other planning consultancies, chief of which is the GOPP, together with other consul-tancies and area conservation units in different parts in historic Cairo as elaborated below.156

Nevertheless, with the ineffective involvement of local communities and in the abeyance of the Ministerial Committee, which is supposed to produce general legislation and strategies for development, only the Executive Committee and its associates, the planning department and local executive bodies in the governorate, are confronting different types of day-to-day problems, technical, social, and others. The question now is how far they are pursuing such efforts to achieve balanced area conser-vation according to the criteria introduced in the previous chapter.

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectTo the governor, historic Cairo is predominantly a site of investment potential in the tourism industry, which can open venues for employment in the field.157 This is because it contains valuable architectural styles and a


traditional physical environment that should be safeguarded as a national resource.158 Nevertheless, the governorate planning staff does not have real awareness of the significance of the architectural and urban value of historic Cairo.159 On the contrary, it is regarded as an area that needs to be ‘civilized’ through the improvement of its appearance so as to maximize its economic development for tourism.160 Consequently, emphasis is placed on the values of states, while the values of processes are not considered.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)The quality of visual integrity of the historic area is well recognized and safeguarded by the governorate, as can be illustrated by its efforts to remove all unlawful constructions six meters away from the arcades of the aqueduct as part of the urban upgrading project in the Magra al-‘Uyun area (Fig. 5.4).161 It can also be seen in Articles 2 and 3 of the Governor’s Decree 457, issued in 1999, which prescribe the use of appropriate finishing materials for new structures, as well as a limit to their height which should not exceed that of the historic monuments. Moreover the governor is aware of the concept of the visual corridor, as reflected in his recommendations for the design of a fire station in the Religion Complex area in southern historic Cairo, to maintain a visual link between the historic churches and the mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As (Figs. 5.5 and 5.6).162

Functional integrity is recognized by the planning department in the governorate, as emphasized by Aref with regard to the traditional mar-kets (suqs).163 This recognition, however, was never supported by the gov-ernor, who has the ultimate power in the governorate. The governor ordered the removal of the clothing stalls in the al-Ghuriya area close to the mosque of al-Azhar to give a ‘civilized’ look to the area while pedes-trianizing it (Fig. 5.7). Another example was the pressure from the gov-ernorate to remove the traditional pottery industry and its historic kilns from the Batn al-Baqara area in the very southern part of historic Cairo, without any consideration for the fact that this industry had been located there since it grew up on the fringes of al-Fustat, the first Islamic settle-ment in Egypt, founded in the seventh century ad.164

Structural integrity is not recognized. The governorate does not rec-ognize the guild distribution along al-Mu‘izz Street, which follows the guild division concept that distinguishes Arab–Islamic city structure in


medieval urbanism. For example, the location of the metal industry and trade in al-Mu‘izz Street, which is connected to al-Darb al-Asfar area and al-Tumbakshiya Street today, has remained the same for centuries (Figs. 5.8 and 5.9). Yet the governorate considers their presence hazard-ous and inappropriate, as was made clear by the 1973 scheme and its updates in 1989.

Furthermore, the urban spatial structure, though emphasized in the Governor’s Decree 457, Point 1, Article 6, and in the 1973 scheme, is compromised by traffic management. For example, the urban tissue of Darb Shughlan, the action area of AKCS-E (the Revitalization of al-Darb al-Ahmar Project), was endangered by the southern traffic access project energetically promoted by the governor to absorb the pressure of traffic from al-Azhar Tunnel and to help with the northern traffic access (also known as Galal Street). The southern traffic access project would cut through residential areas and a dense organic urban fabric that also includes many historic monuments, creating a highway that would change the character of the whole area.165

Fig. 5.4: Magra al-‘Uyun project, aqueduct area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


The governorate does not even show respect for authenticity, as the special quality of historic areas is affected by such interventions. The unwavering efforts of the governorate to give a ‘civilized’ look to historic areas would alter and sanitize the original character of historic areas. In addition, the lack of actual involvement of the local communities results in some insensitive decisions and interventions. Even on a physical level, the governorate supports the pastiches of historical architectural features, as shown in Article 3 of Decree 457, which discourage the use of any modern materials.

The quality of sustainability of area conservation work pursued by the governorate can be approached from social (cultural/administrative), economic, and environmental perspectives. It is obvious from the inter-ventions mentioned above and the diminished mechanism of commu-nity involvement in decision-making as described in the previous section, that the governorate does not pursue socially accepted policies or take into consideration the welfare of local communities. Moreover, from an administrative/political point of view, the governorate does not maintain

Fig. 5.5: Mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As, adjacent to the Coptic quarter, the so-called Reli-gion Complex, in the southern part of historic Cairo.


effective administrative coordination with its government partners, espe-cially the Ministry of Culture (see below).

The economic perspective is no better than the social. The ‘civi-lized’ look favored by the governorate and its insensitive eagerness to pedestrianize al-Azhar Street have crippled the clothing and textile trade centered there and in Port Said Street, which form a strong commercial district in Cairo. The traffic management of that street has brought about many transport problems; consequently the governorate introduced elec-tric cars (Fig. 5.10) to provide transport for residents and regular visi-tors within Fatimid Cairo, rather than more sustainable means, such as the tram used in Istanbul, which has a nostalgic image and yet meets the actual demands of both regular visitors to and inhabitants of the Taksim area in Istanbul (Fig. 5.11). The governor was after a more touristic means of transportation when introducing electric cars, similar to those used on a golf course, and quite beyond the means of the residents of the al-Azhar

Fig. 5.6: The main street linking the mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As with the Coptic quarter.


and Fatimid Cairo areas. In fact, al-Azhar Street never was pedestrianized because of the disastrous economic effects that would ensue.166

From the environmental stance, the governor’s vigorous support for the project of pedestrianizing al-Azhar Street (Figs. 5.19 and 5.20) was to legit-imize the viability of the tunnel that he and the minister of housing were determined should be dug under historic Cairo, at a cost of le890 million (over US$200 million; see Williams, 2002).167 In addition, the southern traffic access project to shift vehicular traffic to Bab al-Wazir Street (see Fig. 1.8 above),168 where twenty-three outstanding historic monuments are located, was also supported by the governor to pave the way for pedestri-anizing al-Azhar Street. This means that the governor would jeopardize twenty-three monuments for the sake of his proposed traffic project.169

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)The governorate has not produced a general area appraisal for his-toric Cairo, as it only counts on the GOPP reports (mainly the 1973 scheme and its updates), consultations, and the discussions and deci-sions of the Executive Committee. It acts more like a facilitator for the main consultancies and conservation teams pursuing urban upgrading in historic Cairo. Even when the governorate is directly involved in urban upgrading, it deals mainly with traffic management, construct-ing roads, highways, and the like, such as the northern access project

Fig. 5.7: Textile merchants at the foot of al-Ghuri Complex in 1999 (left and center; photographs by Ahmed Sedky) and in David Robert’s 1800s etchings (right).


known also as Galal Street. Consequently, the governorate does not define the boundaries of heritage zones and designated areas, as it never studies their character or defines zones of homogeneity. Furthermore, the concept of a designated area as defined in Chapter 3 is problematic, for it is not clarified in the case of Cairo. It started with the designation ‘Fatimid Cairo,’ together with other areas, and now the term ‘historic Cairo’ is used, as described in Chapter 1; yet no clear designation that includes zones and boundaries is given.170

For legislation and guidelines, the governorate is only an executive body that monitors the execution and implementation of urban laws, and issues development consensus. There is a lack of specialized legislation for heritage management in historic Cairo, as we shall explain below. Some general guidelines were issued by the governor, such as Governor’s Decree No. 457; yet the enforcement of such guidelines can be uncertain. This is because of the over-centralization of the governorate and the role of its localities, the hayys, and the possibility of a conflict between the gover-norate and those municipal administrative branches.171 There is no inte-grated managing unit to produce, supervise, and update the upgrading

Fig. 5.8: Metal industry and aluminum workshops in al-Darb al-Asfar, al-Gamaliya (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


plans while coordinating with the different actors and involving the gov-ernorate in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project.

Turning to the action processes, one of the topics explored in the pre-vious chapter was the establishment of partnerships as a means for effec-tive heritage management. At present, the governorate does not conduct area conservation projects but rather facilitates or issues licenses and development consensus.172 However, the Executive Committee headed by the governor and coordinated by his deputy for the West Cairo zone has created a forum that can deal with all those who pursue area conser-vation projects in different parts of historic Cairo. For example, the gov-ernorate was not involved in the conservation planning conducted by the Mashrabeya or FEDA conservation teams. It only reviewed the work and facilitated their work through the governorate’s different departments.173 Nevertheless, a partnership in its advanced economic sense—introduced in Chapter 3—involving businessmen and other public and private sector partners seeking investment in heritage management and development, is absent in historic Cairo. Needless to say, the involvement of local com-munities is not promoted by the governorate, as shown above.

Fig. 5.9: Metal trade and metal vessel section in al-Mu‘izz Street (close to al-Darb al-Asfar and al-Tumbakshiya), the main thoroughfare in historic Cairo (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Documentation, including the listing mechanism and refined desig-nation of boundaries, is not the responsibility of the governorate. There-fore the governorate only considers the monuments already registered on the SCA’s list of historic monuments as buildings that deserve protec-tion, while neglecting buildings with special value such as those referred to in Chapter 3, even demolishing some of them.174 Nor is detailed area appraisal produced by the governorate.

The governorate is responsible for the enforcement of guidelines, as well as for producing them whenever needed to control development in historic Cairo. However, the guidelines produced, that is, Decree No. 457, are general and not detailed; in addition, the enforcement of laws and the removal of any violation are not practiced effectively. This causes violations to accumulate until they become too hard to handle.175 The decree only covers technical aspects with respect to urban and architec-tural development. Financial guidelines, incentives for community mem-bers and developers to comply with the technical guidelines stressed by the governorate and the different area conservation schemes in historic

Fig. 5.10: Electric cars, a form of public transport introduced by the governorate after pedestrianizing al-Azhar Street. That has proven unsustainable: the cars break down after a few months and are abandoned in their parking lots (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Cairo, are absent. This is made clear by interviews conducted with some community members from al-Darb al-Asfar area and al-Tumbakshiya Street. In these areas, the governorate and area conservation teams who called for changing the industrial activities did not provide any financial incentives to compensate the workshop owners and workmen. The gov-ernorate offered very expensive workshops in remote new settlements on the city outskirts, thus affecting the whole labor force and the economic status of the long-established industry in these areas.176 Yet the physical implementation of the area conservation activities conducted by the gov-ernorate should be assessed while taking account of their sustainability, as described above.

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationThe governorate does not apply a culturally sensitive approach. More-over, it does not revitalize traditional urban management systems, such as those that characterized the Arab–Islamic city, which would safe-guard continuing cultural values as recommended in Chapter 3. This is

Fig. 5.11: Pierra area, Istanbul; at the turn of the twentieth century, an upper-class residential quarter for wealthy Greek and Jewish merchants, now a thriving entertain-ment and retail apparel area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


the result of ignoring community participation. In addition, having no specific designated boundaries or zones of priorities necessitating dif-ferent types of urban management restrictions set out in guidelines (as in the FWP model, also described in Chapter 3), the governorate does not apply a responsive approach to the context or respect the situation of the targeted area.177

Ministry of HousingThe Ministry of Housing is a very influential actor in area conservation in Cairo. Through its different departments and organizations, the Ministry of Housing participates in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project in its different phases, strategic planning, and implementation. The special-ized departments involved in this national project are the Organization for the Development of Fatimid Cairo, the Arab Bureau, GOPP, and the Arab Contractors, as well as other departments, such as the Research and Urban Studies Department and the Housing Institute, which produce technical studies of different issues (geo-technique, construction materi-als, social studies in deteriorated urban environments, and so on).178

The last two departments are involved in research and produce tech-nical reports to guide decision-making and strategic planning for urban upgrading and development in general. Nevertheless, in the case of his-toric Cairo, and specifically in strategic planning, the Organization for the Development of Fatimid Cairo (ODFC) has played a very important role. It was founded in the 1980s to accumulate expertise and conduct urban upgrading in the historic areas in al-Quds (Jerusalem) as part of a national scheme in Egypt to support the Palestinian occupied lands, known as the Committee for the Revitalization of al-Quds.179 Later, in 1990, it developed a role commensurate with its current name, focusing on the deterioration of historic Cairo.180 It became prominent after the 1992 earthquake. This organization was established to study the devel-opment of Fatimid Cairo in order to facilitate construction projects and urban upgrading in that area, for which the Ministry of Housing was given responsibility. It also manages other projects on the Cairo gover-norate level concerned with traffic management, such as the multistory garage and the management and development of al-Azhar Street, a plan which later developed into the al-Azhar Tunnel project.181

While studying these projects, it became apparent to the manage-ment of the ODFC that there was a pressing need for a comprehensive


development plan that would encompass the whole region of historic Cairo. This plan was later complemented by the establishment of the Ministerial Committee mentioned above, reporting to the governor, to produce strategic planning and guidelines on a city-wide scale, which pinpointed the need for a bureaucratic base to be achieved by estab-lishing the Executive Committee. Practically speaking, the ODFC is regarded as the first governmental initiative to investigate the urban status of historic Cairo especially after the 1992 earthquake damage and the beginning of active steps toward revitalizing historic Cairo. Consequently, the organization selected five modules of work, most of which were already recommended in the GOPP reports (GOPP, 1990a).

The first module dealt with the architectural documentation of already registered monuments, for which the Engineering Center for Archaeology and Environment, Cairo University (ECAE) was commis-sioned.182 The second module was concerned with conducting compe-titions and preparing the necessary schemes to upgrade Gamaliya, the most important district in Fatimid Cairo, focusing on the areas around al-Husayn mosque and the space between al-Husayn and al-Azhar mosques (Fig. 5.12), as well as the northern walls area. These areas were stud-ied thoroughly in the accepted proposals produced by CDC, a private consultancy of Professor Abdul Halim Ibrahim, resulting in a develop-ment scheme for al-Husayn Mosque area, and introducing the idea of the al-Azhar Square. In addition, a study by the Arab Bureau accumulated further plans for the development of al-Azhar Street, intersecting with the above-mentioned square. The Arab Bureau, as well as the Conserva-tion Department in the Arab Contractors, also produced a study for the al-Hakim Mosque area adjacent to and within the northern walls.

Parallel to those efforts, the GOPP produced a study for the north-ern Gamaliya area, introducing a redevelopment scheme for the Bab al-Nasr Cemetery,183 outside the northern walls (GOPP, 1990b). In addi-tion, the GOPP also introduced a pilot study for the rehabilitation of historic Cairo, giving an exemplary plan for the regeneration of a dilapi-dated urban environment in the targeted action area of al-Darb al-Asfar (GOPP, 1991a). Further studies dealt with environmental deterioration in Magra al-‘Uyun (GOPP, 1993), which the ODFC, in collaboration with other committees in the Ministry of Housing, defined as an area in need of upgrading. General guidelines for upgrading public spaces in his-toric Cairo were also produced by the GOPP (GOPP, 1990a).


The third module was to design and construct modern, integrated administrative buildings, such as the new Religious Legislative House (Mashyakhat al-Azhar, located in the center of the space between al-Husayn and al-Azhar Mosques (Fig. 5.12), the library and administra-tive headquarters of al-Azhar (a leading source of religious authority for Sunni Muslims), and al-Azhar University. For these projects, the Arab Bureau was commissioned as a consultant for the contractors (the Arab Contractors).

The fourth module was concerned with infrastructure and the water table problem, which is a chronic general obstacle to the sustainable res-toration of any historical monument in historic Cairo (Williams, 2002). This was investigated, and the planning for its implementation was pur-sued, in coordination with Cairo governorate. The problem was fund-ing: to solve the problem of the water table and sewerage in historic Cairo, there was a need for at least le300 million (about US$80 million at contemporary exchange rates; see Williams, 2002). However, some other problems were dealt with, such as the partial removal of Bab al-Nasr Cemetery executed by the governorate as planned and guided by the Ministry of Housing.

Fig. 5.12: Between al-Husayn and al-Azhar mosques: the Mashyakhat al-Azhar (the old administrative building) is at the center and al-Azhar Street intersects the square (courtesy Historic Cairo Organization, Ministry of Culture).


The fifth module was a major restoration project of al-Azhar Mosque, a building of great historical and religious importance. For this objective the Arab Contractors were commissioned by the Ministry of Housing to pursue this highly technical job,184 which was also politically sensi-tive because it was among the first interventions introduced to historic Cairo after the presidential decree that set out the national character of the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project. The Arab Contractors con-sequently established a specialized department for conservation, as it did not have the qualifications needed for such a project, or indeed any other restoration or area conservation project (Williams, 2002).

In spite of this, the quality of the restoration work conducted in al-Azhar Mosque by the Arab Contractors, under the direct personal super-vision of the minister of housing, was questioned. For example, the Arab Contractors and the Ministry of Housing introduced new marble panels to beautify the ancient entrance of al-Azhar Mosque, and sandblasted the ancient stones to give them a new look (Tarek al-Murri, interviews, 2001 and 2002). An independent group of international archaeologists and conservation specialists filed a complaint about the authenticity of the restoration work in al-Azhar and sent it to the First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak. Moreover, some internal reports were circulated in UNESCO that threatened to remove al-Azhar Mosque from the World Heritage List as a result of this inauthentic work (Williams, 2002; also Profes-sor Gunter Mayer, interview, February, 2002). Consequently, the Min-istry of Housing has lost credibility as an actor capable of producing accurate restoration and introducing effective interventions to historic Cairo. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Culture and the SCA organized the UNESCO conference held in February 2002 to evaluate the accuracy of their own restoration work in Islamic Cairo, in order to acquire an inter-national, thus national and political, recognition of its competence in heritage management.185 This weakened the reputation of the Ministry of Housing as compared to that of the Ministry of Culture in heritage management in historic Cairo in general.

In general, the different departments of the Ministry of Housing are coordinated through the Organization for the Development of Fatimid Cairo) and the GOPP. They are both supervised by the higher commit-tees in the Ministry of Housing, to be able to weave together a macro-study that will deal comprehensively with historic Cairo. This can be illustrated in the community-oriented urban regeneration projects in the


spontaneous quarters at the boundaries (Manshiyat Nasir and al-Duwiqa areas) and within historic Cairo (Zinhum area). These projects were pro-moted by the Ministry of Housing in coordination with the governorate to upgrade the environmental qualities of these areas and attract inhabit-ants from historic Cairo to relocate there. Thus, the main objective was to decrease the population density in historic Cairo and to accommodate some of those who might suffer from compulsory purchase and evacua-tion in these regenerated areas.186

Neither organization is involved any longer in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project. The Organization for the Development of Fatimid Cairo has reduced its involvement in historic Cairo, focusing its activities on other religiously related projects, that is, Muslim saints’ sanctuaries and mosques located mainly in the Sayyida Zaynab district. Although they are all important for religious tourism, they are not reg-istered monuments as they were built less than one hundred years ago. This means that work on them will have no direct involvement with the SCA, or the Ministry of Culture. On the other hand, the GOPP is currently focusing on colonial Cairo and has no direct involvement in historic Cairo.187 The strategies produced by the different departments and organizations have become tangible through different interventions implemented by the governorate, such as the northern traffic access, al-Azhar Tunnel, al-Azhar Square, and many others. In addition, Min-istry of Housing with its different organizations and departments is the official and specialized body capable of producing legislative drafts that deal with urban management in general. This makes it important to study its effective role and impact according to the specified criteria.

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectThe Ministry of Housing’s planners consider mainly the physical values of historic areas, their architectural and urban features and characteris-tics. Yet their awareness of historical value is slight. This is best illustrated in the reports produced in the ministry related to the northern walls and the northern Gamaliya areas. There was a recommendation to remove Bab al-Nasr Cemetery to construct the northern traffic access, known as Galal Street, disregarding the fact that in this cemetery were located the mausoleums of al-Maqrizi, the famous Cairo historian and chronicler, and Ibn Khaldun, the famous Andalusian philosopher, both of whom lived and were buried in Cairo in the fourteenth century. Consequently,


when implementing the northern traffic access the governorate removed the funeral court where the mausoleums are located, because they were not registered by the SCA. That was implemented despite a strong press campaign in 2001.188 Another example in the development guidelines (GOPP, 1988d) is the proposal to use al-Fustat, a unique archaeological site from the Fatimid dynasty, which includes the remains of early sev-enth-century Islamic settlements, as a potential site to be developed for modern housing schemes (GOPP, 1988d, al-Fustat Section, p. 3; see Figs 5 and 6). Thus did the report reflect the GOPP’s lack of awareness of the archaeological value of that site.

Practically speaking, there is much concentration on the values of states, as compared to those of processes. For example, the interviewed planners of the Ministry of Housing acknowledge theoretically the social values that characterize historic areas and stress the necessity for safe-guarding the physical configuration of such environments. However, in practice, they neglect to safeguard those social systems and traditional economic patterns. This is the situation when the Ministry of Housing deals with historic Cairo, though when it deals with the spontaneous areas neighboring historic Cairo it behaves differently, and conducts pro-community regeneration projects.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)The Ministry of Housing is highly aware of the quality of integrity, mainly visual integrity. This is expressed in its concern for safeguarding the architectural and urban fabric and characteristics of historic Cairo, and stressed in the GOPP reports and 1973 and 1989 schemes. On the level of functional integrity, however, the Ministry of Housing does not seem to consider as important the guild division, or the specialized mar-kets that distinguish the traditional economic character of different parts of historic Cairo. The ministry calls for clearing historic Cairo of haz-ardous activities, most of which have long been integrated and handed down for generations in their areas. On the level of structural integrity, the Ministry of Housing has produced al-Azhar Square, thus introducing an unprecedentedly huge spatial intervention into the medieval fabric. In addition, despite its emphasis on safeguarding the traditional urban fabric, the Ministry of Housing has introduced the idea of the southern traffic access to historic Cairo, seriously threatening the homogeneity


and urban character of the al-Darb al-Ahmar area. The authentic qual-ity of the area is highly jeopardized by the stress the Ministry of Hous-ing lays on safeguarding physical values and architectural and urban characteristics, without similar attention to the social and embedded cultural values. This strips historic Cairo of its meaning as a surviving medieval organism. The notion that historic Cairo should be regarded as a tourist area, accommodating only traditional craft industries, will create a kitschy atmosphere. Regarding historic Cairo as nothing more than a depository of priceless monuments exaggerates the temptation to showcase them with ‘tasteful’ landscaping that destroys the unique authenticity of the area and turns it into an urban desert.

With regard to sustainability and social needs, the Ministry of Hous-ing has not recognized the special cultural nature of historic Cairo. This can be said of projects that were pursued through coordination with the governorate, which secured effective implementation of the different

Fig. 5.13: Superficial urban beautification, limited to plastering and painting the frontage overlooking the main streets in Qasr al-Sham‘ (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


schemes and plans. Yet, in the Magra al-‘Uyun project (in the area fac-ing the Children’s Cancer Hospital, a national project under the patron-age of Egypt’s First Lady) an effective kind of coordination developed between the Ministry of Housing and the Cairo governorate, but it operated through the localities under the direct supervision of the Executive Committee and Ministry of Culture through the SCA. How-ever, that was almost a unique case.189 The economic base of many areas, especially in Gamaliya and al-Azhar Street, is endangered. Interventions targeting pedestrianization and the removal of any trade that does not reflect the historical or artistic nature of medieval Cairo have affected residents’ livelihoods.

Furthermore, the financial feasibility of the planning decisions made by the Ministry of Housing is questionable. For example, Wil-liams (2002) and Tung (2001) maintain that priority should be given to confronting the rising underground wastewater table that is threaten-ing most of the historic monuments in Cairo. Instead, the Ministry of Housing decided to give priority to al-Azhar Tunnel. The tunnel proj-ect had two proposals. The first was for a short tunnel, similar to that in Giza by the Sheraton Hotel, to be located just under the proposed al-Azhar Square; it would not need air-conditioning and was expected to cost le200 million (about US$53 million at the time). The second (now implemented) is a long tunnel of more than 2.5 kilometers which cost about le890 million (about US$230 million). Such a long tunnel neces-sitated two air-conditioning plants in the heart of the traditional medi-eval urban fabric, whose towers caused eyesores in the area. This huge project used up a lot of the available funding for upgrading of historic Cairo and was meant to improve traffic flow in al-Azhar Street after the removal of the flyover (Fig. 5.14).

Unfortunately, the tunnel absorbs only 90 percent of the regular traffic using al-Azhar Street, and a design problem is responsible for fre-quent collisions, which block the traffic.190 The tunnel, originally meant to replace the flyover that caused visual blight in this area, has instead introduced many disadvantages. Currently, therefore, the authorities responsible for traffic in Greater Cairo do not recognize this tunnel as an effective intervention; consequently, the flyover has not been disman-tled and remains until today.191

Moreover, the tunnel also links Salah Salim highway directly to the downtown area, thus running beneath Port Said Street (a very important


commercial street that has strong economic bonds with the textile and carpentry trades in the al-Azhar area) and away from the traffic move-ment. Hence, the choice of the current tunnel reflected poor planning by the authorities.

If the main aim was to safeguard historic Cairo, the tunnel has cer-tainly not served that purpose. Priority should have been given to over-coming another far more lethal problem: the groundwater table that endangers most of the historic edifices in Cairo (Tung, 2001, pp. 116–18). The rising groundwater table is increasing pollution and posing a seri-ous problem on a city-wide scale, which should take precedence over the current scattered projects in different parts of historic Cairo where isolated monuments are under conservation.192 Instead of spending such huge resources on the current tunnel, a more sustainable solution to the groundwater problem should have been sought. Meanwhile the short tunnel (the first option) should have been preferred to save al-Azhar Square from the pressure of traffic. By such a choice, both the open tun-nel and a comprehensive scheme to confront the groundwater problem could have been implemented for less than the cost of the current tunnel.

Lack of expertise in handling authentic conservation work has also had a negative environmental impact. It compromised the quality of the

Fig. 5.14: Port Said Street, intersecting with al-Azhar Street. The flyover links al-Azhar Square with Downtown (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


al-Azhar Mosque restoration, it sacrificed the important mausoleums of al-Maqrizi and Ibn Khaldun for the sake of the northern traffic access project, and it threatened the archaeological site of al-Fustat by propos-ing it as a potential area for residential development (GOPP, 1988d). Indeed, some housing schemes have already been constructed on the fringes of the site.

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)The Ministry of Housing does have the competence and knowledge for various phases and details of planning. For example, on a statutory level, the Ministry of Housing has produced several general appraisals of area character for different zones in historic Cairo. These are backed by sev-eral national guidelines to deal with dilapidated environments and pub-lic spaces, especially in historic areas (GOPP, 1988a and GOPP, 1989). However, the ministry has not defined the concept of a designated area with statutory boundaries, or the urban concepts and approaches to the application zone to be upgraded. However, according to GOPP reports (GOPP, 1991 a and b) much attention is given to Islamic Cairo (com-prising Fatimid Cairo, al-Darb al-Ahmar, Sayyida Zaynab, Madbah, and Magra al ‘Uyun) as a strategic area considered to be a priority zone. Yet these vaguely defined boundaries neglect the southern part of historic Cairo, known as the Religion Complex. Moreover, the legislative power to enforce the designation of the area is lacking.

The Ministry of Housing, acting as consultant to the governorate, used to deal with historic Cairo in more general terms by conducting numerous detailed area studies. Under that system, there was no on-site managing unit. In the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project, the influence of the Ministry of Housing diminished, contrary to the grow-ing role of the Ministry of Culture, the Executive Committee, and the different foreign-funded area conservation teams (such as Mashrabeya, working in al-Darb al-Asfar, FEDA, working in Tumbakshiya Street, and the Aga Khan Foundation, working in al-Darb al-Ahmar). In addition, no urban management laws or legislation have been drafted concerning historic Cairo. The only available law for urban design is Law 3 of 1982, which is too general.

On an implementation level, it is true that the Ministry of Housing has successfully established partnerships between international donors (for example, GTZ) and the local community, while managing regeneration


work by effective cooperation with localities and the governorate. How-ever, this has happened only in the case of the spontaneous quarters, in which the Ministry of Housing demonstrated sensible awareness of the importance of partnership and active community involvement by con-sultation and participative decision-making.193 It was not the case with historic Cairo.

Specialized conservation committees and departments in the Minis-try of Housing conduct documentation and operate a listing mechanism. However, there are no clear terms of reference worth speaking of, as what is documented seems too general. There are no clear criteria. It seems the focus is only on historic buildings one hundred years old or more. Yet newer buildings of special urban value for their context, unique archi-tectural features, or association with historical events are normally not considered. In other words, there is no classification or effective listing mechanism equal to those described in Chapter 3. This is the reason why the Ministry of Housing’s al-Azhar Street project overlooked the archi-tectural value of Mashyakhat al-Azhar (the old administrative building of al-Azhar) built in 1936, proposing its demolition to create a vast square between al-Azhar and al-Husayn mosques, simply because it did not regard the building as a monument old enough to be considered.194 This is in addition to overlooking the archaeological value of the al-Fustat site as well as demolishing the mausoleums of al-Maqrizi and Ibn Khaldun because they had been overlooked by the GOPP reports.

There are studies that introduce guidelines for area conservation, including pilot projects for especially selected action areas within wider zones. However, they are frequently not activated; and even if they are implemented, they are mostly designed to target a technical conservation issue and not to respond to the local community problems of the whole area. For example, the GOPP study (1991a) introduced various poten-tial action areas. It selected al-Darb al-Asfar as a catalyst, because that area contains important Islamic mansions from the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. Nevertheless it introduced conservation guidelines for the target area that were concerned only with safeguarding architec-tural and urban characteristics. There were no guidelines concerned with financial mechanisms, such as loan programs for community members to restore their houses, as in the case of old Aleppo, or even in spontaneous quarters in Cairo where regeneration schemes have been conducted and organized with the GOPP. Furthermore, there has been no updating of


any legislation that might enforce the above guidelines, due to the delay by the Ministry of Housing in drafting a specialized law for urban man-agement and development in historic Cairo.

In general, it is necessary to examine the sustainability of any pro-posed intervention to test its effectiveness, a matter already tackled above. In this case, we recommend measuring the interventions introduced according to their impact on socio-cultural, economic, and environmen-tal aspects, as well as qualities of integrity and authenticity. This is to test their actual impact on the social fabric, the people, and the general liv-ability of the targeted area. The area conservation qualities introduced above can be addressed using these parameters to illustrate the actual tendencies and impact of each actor, and thus, its influence on area con-servation in Cairo in general.

However, as stated in Chapter 3, it is recommended that any inter-vention to enhance the environment carry some short-term gain, especially for the local community, by being community-friendly and securing a sustainable ground for its different phases. Deference was paid to the community in several GOPP proposals by suggesting the introduction of green areas wherever possible within the existing urban fabric, the replacement of dilapidated buildings to maintain security, and the establishment of missing amenities and services such as youth centers and public spaces (GOPP, 1991a, section three, p. 20). In addi-tion, other environmental upgrading schemes such as enhancing the sewage system and street surfacing were also proposed and are currently realized in a few scattered projects in the Qalawun Mosque neighbor-hood in Gamaliya and in the Bab Zuwayla (Bab al-Metwalli) area. Still, these projects were developed without effective community consulta-tion. This is typified by the introduction of pieces of carefully fenced-off lawn, intended as beautification but in fact a failure, since they have become no-man’s-lands. Such spaces could have been used for com-munity gatherings or useful amenities, if community consultation had been applied.

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationIn the spontaneous quarters neighboring historic Cairo, the Ministry of Housing has adopted a cultural approach that complements the life-style and social values of the community under development. However, this is not the situation when dealing with historic Cairo. For example,


there has been no revitalization of any traditional urban institution in urban management such as the mukhtar (traditional community leader and liaison between the community ad the government) in old Damascus, nor has a community leadership role been used in the regeneration proj-ect in Manshiyat Nasir. Rather, the local community is regarded as being unaware of heritage values.

The Ministry of Housing has not developed a responsive approach to area conservation tailored to complement the diversity of conditions of the different areas in historic Cairo. There are some general standards that are applied to dilapidated areas according to the upgrading guide-lines produced in 1988 (GOPP 1988a–d) as well as the 1973 and 1989 schemes, but these are applied regardless of the special status of the con-text dealt with. Such a rigid approach to planning characterizes most of the schemes developed in the ministry and its planning consultancies (mainly GOPP). For example, urban settlements in the Delta region are surrounded by dramatically threatened fertile agricultural land, yet the GOPP did not produce responsive environmental standards and guide-lines encouraging the vertical orientation of urban development so as not to erode the already jeopardized agricultural lands; so the Delta agricul-tural lands are currently decreasing swiftly.

Ministry of CultureA Ministry of Culture did not exist before the 1952 Revolution. There was only a Ministry of Education and Culture, which supervised pre-Islamic monuments. Islamic monuments were the responsibility of the Minis-try of Awqaf. According to the urban management system in the Arab–Islamic city, awqaf (religious endowments) are a traditional method, used by charities and individuals, of setting up endowments to build mosques, hospitals, and so on, and using the rent revenues for their upkeep. The Ministry of Awqaf, inheriting this tradition, had run it effectively and was the main guardian of Islamic monuments which, though historic entities, remained in use and were not primarily of archaeological and touristic interest (as were the pharaonic or Roman monuments).

The Ministry of Awqaf supervised and maintained Islamic monuments through an independent organization, the Committee for the Conserva-tion of Islamic Monuments (Comité de Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe), established in the late nineteenth century and run by Euro-peans. After the revolutions of the twentieth century and the 1956 war,


European consultants were not welcomed. Meanwhile, the revolutionary leadership established the Ministry of Culture to promote revolution-ary ideology. Thus the Ministry of Culture, through the SCA, became responsible for pre-Islamic monuments until 1960, when its scope was extended to cover Islamic monuments as well. This led to the separation of Islamic monuments from their endowment systems (for example, agri-cultural land and rents), which had been managed through the Ministry of Awqaf, with a predominantly religious base. Meanwhile, the Minis-try of Culture had a very modest budget to maintain these monuments, a problem that remains until today: for example, despite a government pledge to secure le850 million for the Ministry of Culture, none of these appropriations were allotted to finance its project in historic Cairo. It has to depend on its limited resources and current funds.195 Moreover, with the growing national concern over historic Cairo and the severe impact of the 1992 earthquake, the Ministry of Culture has acquired an ever larger role and responsibility, not only for the huge number of monu-ments that need restoration, but also for the whole of historic Cairo.

To understand the influence of the Ministry of Culture in historic Cairo, it is necessary to comprehend the role of its different divisions involved in conservation projects: the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), the Project Department, the Historic Cairo Organization, and the Office of the minister of culture (who personally heads the SCA).

First is the SCA, a national organization, officially responsible for archaeological excavation and restoration of monuments in historic Cairo. It also coordinates between the different governmental or non-governmental organizations involved in conservation projects, and the municipal bodies and hayys (districts), where a monument or historic site under conservation lies within its zone of authority. For example, the SCA coordinates between the governorate and the conservation team responsible for restoration of historic monuments and area conservation in al-Darb al-Asfar area. (The work there includes pedestrianizing the street of al-Darb al-Asfar after changing its sewerage system.)196 There-fore, a permanent representative of the SCA sits on the Executive Com-mittee headed by the governor, along with representatives from different ministries, which paves the way by removing all municipal obstacles for any conservation team working under the auspices of the SCA. Gen-erally, the SCA does not have a direct influence on area conservation in historic Cairo: its responsibility and influence lie within the walls of


the restored monuments. It cannot take decisions about the streetscape surrounding that monument, or the sewage system that is essential to replace the current leaking one, and so on.197

Second is the Project Department (Idarat al-Mashru‘at) a techni-cal department that deals with engineering projects and contracting, as well as managing and monitoring the technical and engineering aspects of restoration projects. Most of the restoration projects are delegated to Wadi al-Nil Contractors.198 However, many other contractors (for exam-ple, the Arab Contractors, from the Ministry of Housing, and Bakhoum and Orascom from the private sector) are currently involved in restora-tion projects in different parts of historic Cairo. Their staff represent the engineering consultancy within the Ministry of Culture, and together with the SCA, they are responsible for the restoration projects conducted under the direct responsibility of the Ministry of Culture, with the Min-istry of Culture acting as technical consultant. (This is not the case in al-Darb al-Asfar, managed by Mashrabeya, or al-Darb al-Ahmar, managed by AKCS-E.) In addition, the Project Department is also responsible for some cultural projects in historic Cairo, such as al-Fustat Museum, con-structed as a cultural center to promote the art of pottery in its origi-nal location adjacent to al-Fustat archaeological site, close to the pottery quarter and traditional kilns.199

Third is the Historic Cairo Organization, founded to complement the growing role of the Ministry of Culture in historic Cairo. This organiza-tion was established as a technical consultancy for the minister of culture, who has acquired a growing role and influence in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project since 1998, becoming the main coordinator of the different bodies involved in the national project, as elaborated below.200 The Historic Cairo Organization is composed of three departments: the Restoration Committee, the Information Center, and Urban Develop-ment Studies.201 The Restoration Committee is responsible for techni-cal decisions with regard to monuments under conservation in historic Cairo. It is thus similar to the SCA; but the latter is responsible for all monuments in Egypt, whereas the former is meant to focus on contextual and technical considerations for monuments under conservation in his-toric Cairo. This is pursued with the help of the Information Center, set up to produce the GIS database and documentation needed for effective management, planning, and knowledge-based decisions. The Ministry of Culture is allowed to interfere in and control any development in any area


surrounding a monument or an archaeological site according to Articles 19, 20, 21, and 22 of Law 117 issued in 1983. Accordingly, the surround-ings of the monuments that create their intimate zone are studied by the third department, Urban Development Studies, responsible for investi-gating the traditional urban fabric of historic Cairo, its deficiencies and potentials for development, and seeking a comprehensive and strategic plan. It also seeks to establish effective strategies for urban and heritage management within historic Cairo.202

Fourth is the minister himself, and the responsibilities that define his scope of influence together with the different departments of the Min-istry of Culture in historic Cairo. According to the UNDP study, a pro-posed organizational structure for the steering board of the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project was set. The proposed structure deployed a spe-cialized unit to manage and implement the Revitalization Project under the direct control of the minister of culture, obeying technical guidelines set by the SCA. This became the Historic Cairo Organization a year later (UNDP, 1997, p. 156, Fig. 20). This was reflected in Articles 3 and 4 of the draft of the presidential decree that recognized the minister of culture as chair of the Revitalization Project (UNDP, 1997, p. 176). The min-ister of culture was to report to the Prime Minster. This structure was submitted and explained to Gaballah Ali Gaballah, who was then general secretary of the SCA, during a special UNESCO workshop. As a result, a request from the Ministry of Culture was submitted to the president and coordinated with the prime minister to involve the ministers of awqaf, housing, and tourism and the governor of Cairo in a special committee.203 The result was the establishment of a Ministerial Committee coordinated and headed by the minister of culture.

The Ministry of Culture is currently attempting not only to be the guardian of historic monuments but also to take control over public spaces in historic Cairo,204 as well as in Greater Cairo and even the whole of Egypt. This is viable after establishing the national organization of al-Tansiq al-Hadari (literally ‘civilized management’).205 Establishing such an organization was proposed after the ugly treatment of public squares in Giza, Greater Cairo, in 1997. It seemed necessary to introduce a special-ized national organization that would secure high-quality beautification and streetscape in public spaces.206 This organization was finally founded by presidential decree in 2002 (Mosa and Metwali, 2002, p. 4). As a result, the minister of culture acquired an officially and politically recognized


urban management delegation to beautify public spaces, including those in historic Cairo. The question then became how to make this delega-tion effective. The minister of culture started looking for executive power through laws to be issued with national guidelines for this purpose. This required restructuring the Urban Development Studies Department within the Historic Cairo Organization to secure the staff needed to give the minister the technical power to synthesize the required legislation, that is, the general and detailed guidelines that can secure effective control over urban management and give a civilized image to public spaces (Mosa and Metwali, 2002).207 Gradually, the Minster of Culture began to regain official and authorized domination over urban management in historic Cairo after establishing the national organization of al-Tansiq al-Hadari, which led to the curtailment of the Ministerial Committee’s role.

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectDefining a historic area has long been the responsibility of the SCA—the main organization in the Ministry of Culture concerned with safeguard-ing heritage. It examines the archaeological and historical value of the site or monument. The SCA staff, which is specialized mainly in ancient Egyptian monuments and antiquities, was originally selected and trained to appreciate such values. However, this background qualifies them to deal only with archaeological sites that require a totally different man-agement approach from historic Cairo, the medieval, livable urban fab-ric. The general secretary of the SCA has always been an Egyptologist: Gaballah Ali Gaballah held the post until 2002, and currently it is Zahi Hawass, who specializes in the Old Kingdom and the pyramids. Islamic monuments and urban fabric have always been treated as a secondary type of heritage.

Even with the establishment of the Historic Cairo Organization, historic Cairo is still defined as an area of concentrated monuments. It has great potential for development, mostly in the field of the tourism industry, as was expressed in the Urban Design Studies schemes (Historic Cairo, 2002).

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)Involved as it is in the restoration of so many important but dilapi-dated historic monuments, the Ministry of Culture can only focus its


attention on individual ones. In the case of major restoration of clus-ters of neighboring monuments, foreign missions (such as ARCE in the Bab Zuwayla area) are more likely to take over. The Ministry of Cul-ture has just recently started to produce its schemes regarding the Bab al-Nasr area and al-Azhar (historic Cairo, 2002). Upon examining these schemes, it is clear that the Urban Development Studies department in the Historic Cairo Organization is concerned with the urban vocabulary of historic Cairo and its medieval configuration (Historic Cairo, 2002). That became evident when the Ministry of Culture decided to keep the twentieth-century Mashyakhat al-Azhar (the old administrative building of al-Azhar, see Fig. 5.15) despite resistance from the governor and the minister of housing. The ministry’s aim was to abort the plan to intro-duce a huge square totally out of keeping with the medieval urban fabric that distinguishes historic Cairo. In addition, the Ministry of Culture also presented drawings and schemes that complemented the materi-als and heights of the historic monuments in its targeted section of the northern walls (Fig. 5.16).

On the other hand, the functional integrity of historic Cairo is under threat. For example, attempts to sanitize and beautify al-Mu‘izz Street

Fig. 5.15: Ministry of Culture scheme to revitalize al-Azhar Square, including the historic mosques and the Mashyakhat al-Azhar (courtesy Historic Cairo Organization, Ministry of Culture).


to give it a more ‘civilized’ look resulted in removing the copper mar-ket from its original location, creating an urban gap (a vista in front of the Ayyubid complex). Figure 5.9 shows the still-surviving guild in al-Mu‘izz Street. The ministry intends to remove brass and copperware shops from al-Mu‘izz Street, although this trade in this particular loca-tion is connected with the metalwork industry located nearby in north-ern Gamaliya and al-Darb al-Asfar and its surroundings (Fig. 5.8). Even when the dealers of these shops offered to rebuild in a way that would complement the Ayyubid complex, the Ministry of Culture refused, and is pushing to remove these traders, which might result in the urban desertification of this spot.

The quality of authenticity in the urban environment of historic Cairo is at stake. Removing indigenous industries and creating open spaces and streetscapes for the sake of beautification, as expressed in the urban development schemes of Historic Cairo (2002), rather than comple-menting local culture and lifestyle would certainly create a gap between the local community and the newly upgraded environment. In turn, this would affect negatively the responsiveness and livable nature of historic Cairo. The intention of the Ministry of Culture was to create a sanitized

Fig. 5.16: Ministry of Culture scheme to revitalize al-Hakim Mosque and Bab al-Nasr, northern historic Cairo (courtesy Historic Cairo Organization, Ministry of Culture).


look for the area, paving the way for increased investment in tourism, as can be deduced from the five-star hotels, boutiques, and polished vistas envisaged in the ministry’s proposal for Bab al-Nasr and al-Hakim.208 This proposal, among others by the ministry, was attacked by the well-known writer on Islamic Cairo, Caroline Williams. She maintained that making tourism a prime motive would threaten the authenticity of the livable urban phenomenon (Williams, 2002, p. 473).

The social aspects of sustainability, as explained in Chapter 3, are not considered by the Ministry of Culture. The interventions in conservation projects in historic Cairo do not take account of the benefit to the local community. For example, the restoration team of the historic Bayt al-Kritliya in Saliba Street wanted to integrate the local community with the historic monument, without jeopardizing it. They proposed creating a multi-use public space by redesigning the area within the premises of the historic mansion and an existing shop. Lightweight structures and seating would provide a place for the community to benefit from the monument and its premises. This proposal was rejected by the SCA, which preferred a garden surrounded by a metal fence (Fig. 5.17).209

In addition, to ensure sustainable intervention, official administrative coordination is necessary between the Ministry of Culture and other gov-ernmental authorities and institutions involved in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project. Yet the debates held during the workshop and open meeting sessions I organized in September 2001 exposed how the Ministry of Culture is only represented on the committees in the GOPP and the governorate, which serve as the main official bodies and authori-ties involved in urban management in historic Cairo, whereas the role of the SCA is limited to the accurate restoration of historic monuments.

Even the Urban Development Studies department in the Historic Cairo Organization, which acts as the consultant for the Ministry of Cul-ture, producing schemes for urban upgrading and drawing the strategies and agenda for the Ministry of Culture to deal with historic Cairo, was unknown to most of the planners in the GOPP and the governorate.210

The success of the Ministry of Culture in achieving economic sus-tainability might be judged by the effect of its schemes on the local community, in terms of employment and other economic opportuni-ties. However, the ministry has mainly addressed the protection of the physical heritage, without introducing any adaptive reuse plans. Adap-tive reuse should not be limited to converting historic buildings into


cultural centers and libraries, as in the case of the Sabil Qaytbay in Saliba Street, now used as a library, the al-Harawi and Zaynab Khatun man-sions behind al-Azhar Mosque, or al-Ghuri Complex on al-Azhar Street. These places have been used as cultural centers for folkloric dancing and musical performances, or simply left closed after restoration, as in the case of Wikalat Bazara (a historic caravansary composed of shops and workshops on the ground and occasionally upper floors, with collective housing that includes apartments of varying sizes). This issue was ques-tioned by Ashraf Reda, of the faculty of fine arts in Helwan University, Greater Cairo. Reda (2000) pinpoints the absence of effective adaptive reuse that could validate the millions spent on restoring these historic buildings, for it is important that conservation also include an aspect that can contribute in economic terms to its context, as discussed in Chapter 2 (see also Strange, 1999). None of the restored historic buildings has sub-sequently been used for commercial purposes. This is attributed by Pro-fessor Taha Abdullah to a lack of creativity on the part of the Ministry of

Fig. 5.17: Open area behind Bayt al-Kritliya, a historic mansion under restoration beside Ibn Tulun Mosque (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Culture. Why not create effective partnership so that more monuments can be restored, and the livability of the monument and its context can be maintained by creating job opportunities?

The impact of current work by the Ministry of Culture on the built environment in historic Cairo is questionable. The swift acceleration of restoration—targeting 195 monuments in eight years (Historic Cairo, 2002, pp. 465, 466)—casts dark shadows not only on the quality of restoration of the historic buildings (Ghazaleh, 2001) but also on its area conservation work.

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)With regard to the statutory process, the Ministry of Culture has not pro-duced a general appraisal for historic Cairo by focusing on specific areas to be studied in detail as action zones in historic Cairo. Furthermore, it has not defined boundaries of designation that encompass a certain characteristic zone, for there are no defined concepts of value or specific criteria for any classification of historic or architectural significance to be elaborated.211

The Cairo Declaration (held in February 2002) could have made a strong basis for an area conservation charter, outlining the major con-cepts to be considered in conservation: goals and objectives of conserva-tion; values, limits of interventions, authenticity, integrity, sustainability and maintenance, and monitoring.212 The reports and summaries of this event were not, however, developed or contextualized to produce such a charter, which could have guided urban and architectural conservation in historic Cairo. It can be deduced that the event was organized by the Ministry of Culture (or more precisely, by the SCA) mainly to legitimize its projects, mainly the restoration projects whose authenticity had been harshly criticized in the press.

The system currently in use, according to Law 107 of 1983, that is, the registration of any building one hundred years old, leaves many newer buildings of significant value at risk of being destroyed. To return to the case of the administrative building of al-Azhar (Mashyakhat al-Azhar), whose demolition was proposed by the Ministry of Housing and the gov-ernorate in connection with their scheme for a square at al-Azhar: as we saw, the Ministry of Culture protested this proposal. However, the min-istry could not legitimize its position against the removal of this 1936 building, the work of a pioneering Egyptian architect. Lack of the right


classification system put the Ministry of Culture in an awkward position, and to protect the building it was anomalously registered as a historic monument. That could be criticized as an unconstitutional act, because a category for modern buildings of architectural significance is not recog-nized by Law 107. Yet, despite this troublesome experience, the Ministry of Culture has not yet developed clear and effective criteria for listing buildings according to heritage and architectural value.

Nevertheless, the Minster of Culture has worked enthusiastically for the presidential decree of 2002. which appointed him head of the national organization al-Tansiq al-Hadari, as mentioned earlier. Conse-quently, the minister of culture is attempting to spread the control of his ministry over public spaces in general throughout Egypt, thus his orga-nization, Historic Cairo, into the central urban management unit that would control all of historic Cairo.213

With regard to the action process, the Ministry of Culture tried to establish a partnership with private investors wanting to exploit the ruined British Army barracks at the foot of the Citadel cliff. However, the absence of clear legislation and classification to justify the extent to which physical heritage may be exploited has caused much embarrass-ment for the minister of culture when he was harshly attacked in the press and Parliament for his attempt to use ruins that are still regarded as heri-tage. Meanwhile, whatever exceeds one hundred years of age is regarded as untouchable property. This has led to the stagnation of historic build-ings instead of their use.214 Certainly it is the responsibility of the Minis-try of Culture to define what counts as heritage, the classes of heritage, and the extent of permissible exploitation. This should be manifested through listing systems and conservation charters. The minister has not tried to repeat the experience of the barracks, and has decided against involving the private sector (or other governmental organizations) in the ministry’s schemes. This has meant excluding even the local communi-ties of historic Cairo from the picture. The common attitude of officials in Egypt toward involving community members with regard to issues of physical heritage is indifference, often verbalized as “The people? What do they have to do with monuments?”215 Social studies produced by the Historic Cairo Organization’s Urban Development Studies department relied on official statistics and ignored community needs, which resulted in insensitive planning as exemplified in the schemes introduced for the Bab al-Nasr and al-Hakim areas (Historic Cairo, 2002).


The Urban Development Studies Department of the Historic Cairo Organization, under the Ministry of Culture, is aware of the different types of architectural value and is not just bound to the registered historic buildings, that is, those more than a hundred years old and historically valuable. Professor Salah Zaki, head of the Urban Development Studies Department, introduced the concept of buildings of architectural value, especially those constructed during the early twentieth century, scattered throughout historic Cairo.216 Indeed, extensive documentation using advanced GIS applications is in use, yet this has not yet been enforced by any legislation or guideline.

Nevertheless, there is no consideration of any boundaries of desig-nation, except for the rather inexactly defined areas studied by the His-toric Cairo Organization. These were not selected as an action area but rather, as in the case of Bab al-Nasr and al-Hakim, because they include the northern walls and some endangered monuments. Detailed docu-mentation and area appraisal studies were produced to guide interven-tions in these areas, but those did not lead to the exact definition of the action areas, which were selected to be catalysts for comprehensive regeneration in a wider historical context.

In fact, the Ministry of Culture has not produced any detailed guide-lines, despite the fact that the Urban Development Studies department was founded for this purpose. It has not implemented any of the urban studies produced by the Historic Cairo Organization. When the gover-norate constructed Galal Street, the northern traffic access, adjacent to the northern walls, where the Ministry of Culture planned an open-air museum that was to be integrated with the historic walls through special landscape design,217 the ministry could not implement its scheme (His-toric Cairo, 2002, pp. 476–82).218

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationThe main current approach to conservation is based on showcasing the monument by removing any other objects within a thirty-meter radius (according to Law 117, 1983). This rough treatment of the monu-ment surrounds changed in 1997, when the radius was reduced to six meters only, as in the case of the aqueduct walls in Magra al-‘Uyun (Fig. 5.4).219 Yet it might be extended again in the future, once com-pensation monies are available for those whose houses will be removed. The only exception to this approach was the case of the Darb Shughlan


neighborhood in al-Darb al-Ahmar. There, the eastern walls of Fatimid Cairo were uncovered (Fig. 5.18). This could have meant the removal of all houses adjacent to the walls to build a road or some kind of cor-don sanitaire around the walls, especially as such endeavors would have been supported and paralleled by the 1973 and 1989 schemes adopted by the governorate.

Fortunately this never happened, because the Aga Khan Foundation (AKCS-E), in charge of the revitalization of al-Darb al-Ahmar, signed a protocol with the Ministry of Culture in May 1999, giving AKCS-E, not the SCA, the upper hand in dealing with monuments in this area.220 Nev-ertheless, even in the case of the governmental organization that handles area conservation more comprehensively, the priority of the Historic Cairo Organization and its Urban Development Studies department is to safeguard the monuments rather than the area as an integrated whole. In this department they develop area conservation schemes and studies in a manner that emphasizes the monuments: the community is envis-aged as very passive.221 No attempt is made to revitalize traditional urban management systems or even community-based ones. Strangely enough, a more pro-community and culture-sensitive approach has been adopted successfully in similar contexts, such as old Damascus, or the regen-erated spontaneous quarters in Cairo (for example, Manshiyat Nasir),

Fig. 5.18: Left to right: the mounds of al-Azhar Park during construction; eastern his-toric walls, with the dilapidated urban fabric of Darb Shughlan; the action area of the Aga Khan project in al-Darb al-Ahmar. The dome and minaret of the fourteenth-cen-tury Aslam Mosque can be seen at the heart of the area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


which are not taken into the Ministry of Culture’s schemes due to its lack of municipal authority.

In sum, the Ministry of Culture and its departments involved in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project envisage historic Cairo as a homogeneous zone.222 The minister of culture fully endorsed the estab-lishment of a new organization, al-Tansiq al-Hadari, with a cosmetic-based approach to give the area a ‘civilized’ look that would attract more tourists (Figs. 5.19 and 5.20).223 The Ministry of Culture does not adopt a composite approach to upgrading such as the FWP.224

Ministry of AwqafThe Ministry of Awqaf (religious endowments) had a binary nature, civil and religious. The civil side involved managing endowed properties for the sake of charity, or executing the will of the testators of certain fami-lies, upon the requests of the endowers. Protecting such wills and exe-cuting them is both the fiduciary and religious duty of all Muslims. For fulfilling such responsibilities strictly according to the religious rules, the Ministry of Awqaf gained public recognition and respect in the arena of urban properties management. Moreover, the ministry owns all the endowed properties, ranging from urban properties to agricultural land. Such properties may even include monuments from the fifteenth century or earlier. A good example is the al-Ghuri complex, built at the turn of the sixteenth century. This complex was full of textile merchants (see Fig. 2.1), and even before the formal construction of the al-Ghuri complex, the area was run as an institution by Muslim judges. Eventually it became the property of the Ministry of Awqaf.

In the nineteenth century during the reign of Muhammad ‘Ali, the autonomous Ottoman viceroy, awqaf were restructured as a religious institution that took on a more centralized governmental form. The Ministry of Awqaf developed into the richest ministry during the reign of Khedive Isma‘il toward the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Moreover, during the reign of Khedive ‘Abbas Hilmi II and due to some struggles with the religious leaders of al-Azhar circa 1900, the ministry acquired more autonomy in managing its monies.

This was altered dramatically after the revolution, during the Nasser presidency when he abolished non-charitable endowments. Today, the Ministry of Awqaf remains in control of 100,000 feddans (approxi-mately 420,000,000 square meters) of fertile agricultural land, 30,000


feddans (approximately 126,000,000 square meters) of reclaimed land, much priceless real estate of historic value, and almost 80 percent of all the shops and residential buildings that have been placed under the control of the SCA for their historic value.225 In fact, the system of awqaf is protected for its religious essence, as mentioned in Chapter 1. It remains active to this day, although without the authority of half a century ago.226

The Ministry of Awqaf has developed its role to make it responsible not only for managing its properties but also for fostering Islamic stud-ies and Sunni teachings in Egypt and abroad. This is pursued via three main sectors. First is the Awqaf Organization, responsible for its tradi-tional religious role of property management, as well as its urban role of safeguarding most Islamic historic monuments in historic Cairo. Second is the religious vocation sector, and third is the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, both of which coordinate with al-Azhar with regard to matters of religious dogma.

Consequently, the Awqaf Organization is the only division in the Ministry of Awqaf that is supposed to be involved in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project, especially since it includes the General Depart-ment for Building and Construction, the ministry’s technical engineering consultancy. This department is responsible for the upkeep of the exist-ing Awqaf mosques and secular buildings as well as new construction projects, whether mosques or other investments for the ministry. The department, in coordination with the Arab Contractors and the Minis-try of Housing, was able to produce some significant religious architec-ture in the 1980s and 1990s that acts as religious and intellectual Islamic landmarks in Egypt and abroad (Sedky, 1998).

Nevertheless, the Awqaf Organization does not have the compe-tence to consider fundamental qualities of restoration and conservation. “The Awqaf officials do not mind if a restoration is shiny rather than authentic. The ‘newness’ is pleasing to them and to religious communi-ties they represent” (Williams, 2002, p. 467).227 Therefore, the 3,700 or so mosques restored or maintained by the Awqaf are not among those registered by the SCA.228 The SCA only controls these mosques tech-nically (being responsible for their restoration and upkeep). During the period from 1992–94, following the earthquake, they received financial support amounting to le80 million (US$23 million) from the Minis-try of Awqaf for such purposes (Ministry of Awqaf, 1999, pp. 36–37).


However, the SCA is only technically responsible for the restoration work of registered mosques. “We could not change the frayed carpets of al-Rifa‘i Mosque as we had to keep the old carpet as urged by the SCA,” maintained the minister of awqaf.229 This is a dispersed model of responsibility whereby the Awqaf owns and the SCA decides and issues the necessary guidelines. It results in a very critical situation, espe-cially since those in charge in the Awqaf are not well equipped to do the upkeep of such venerable monuments.

In addition, the properties of the Ministry of Awqaf that are located in historic Cairo, whether residential or commercial units, come under the old rent control laws. So the Ministry of Awqaf is the only govern-mental institution that actually owns historic buildings and manages them as a real-estate stock subject to market forces; and these comprise almost 80 percent of the historic buildings in medieval Cairo. This

Fig. 5.19: Al-Azhar Street today (courtesy Historic Cairo Organization, Minis-try of Culture).


created a gap between the ministry and the SCA, who accused the min-istry in press campaigns of compromising national heritage. The situa-tion became even more critical when the Ministry of Awqaf sold rental rights to some investors and individuals, and planned to demolish and rebuild units in the famous historic market of Khan al-Khalili.230 There-fore, when the Ministry of Awqaf attempts to restore a historic building, it faces much resistance from the SCA.

The restoration of al-Abasiri Mosque in Alexandria was the only case where cooperation did occur between the Awqaf and the SCA. In this project, the Awqaf financed the project, while the SCA conducted the restoration work needed.231 Since this mosque was not a registered mon-ument, it fell under the responsibility of the engineering department in the Awqaf Organization. However, the SCA suddenly interfered by reg-istering the monument, taking over responsibility for restoration, and limited the Awqaf to be that of a finance source for the project, refusing coordination with the Awqaf’s engineering department or even attempts to train the Awqaf’s staff in charge.232 Such an incident arose from politi-cal pressure between the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Awqaf rather than real cooperation.

Moreover, the Ministry of Awqaf could not establish effective coor-dination with the Cairo governorate, as epitomized in the conflict between the two when the governorate wanted to remove the clothing stalls from the al-Ghuriya complex to protect the monuments and to give a clean, ‘civilized’ look to the area (Fig. 5.20; cf. Fig. 2.1).233 The ministry insisted on compensation in the form of the relocation of trad-ers who had been renting such units for centuries according to a custom-ary right of istibdal (exchange of the property for money or for another property in a different location for the public benefit, a religious right that guided urban management in the Arab–Islamic city). The conflict occurred when the governorate could not offer a suitable location for the transferred shops or compensate the Awqaf for its confiscated prop-erties, which were religious endowments.234

Paradoxically, despite being the owner of most of the historic build-ings, as well as being recognized as an important partner in decision-making for conservation planning in historic Cairo, the Ministry of Awqaf plays a passive role in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Proj-ect.235 It is nominally represented in the Executive Committee but does not effectively participate in decision-making, even in critical planning

173

Fig. 5.20: Proposed beautification of al-Azhar Street, the intersecting street of al-Mu‘izz, and the al-Ghuriya area, which takes no account of current commercial activities (courtesy Historic Cairo Organization, Ministry of Culture).

“N” Group Organizations

matters, with regard to some historic buildings in its possession; and thus its place is taken by the SCA or other departments of the Ministry of Culture.

For example, the Mashrabeya conservation team, conducting area conservation in the al-Darb al-Asfar project, removed a row of six shops along al-Mu‘izz Street and adjacent to the east walls of the Mustafa Ga‘far Mansion, a historic house under restoration. These shops were mentioned in the subject of an ancient deed that was recorded in al-Salihiya Court (vol. 521, document number 934, p. 479, line 9) in 1759 (Hassaballah, 2001, p. 167). The shops (which were on the main street) were removed, in disregard of the Ministry of Awqaf’s religious duty to preserve such commercial entities or its right to claim compensa-tion. (Figs. 5.21 and 5.22).236 The minister of awqaf was unaware of the removal of its shops, but when it found out, it considered the act a vio-lation of both religious and legal rights of ownership.237 In sum, despite owning most of the historic buildings in historic Cairo and possessing large revenues and investments, the Ministry of Awqaf’s role is dwarfed in comparison with most of the main actors in the Revitalization of


Historic Cairo Project, especially the governorate and the Ministry of Culture. It is thus a passive rather than an active partner in area conser-vation planning in historic Cairo.

Ministry of TourismThe Ministry of Tourism has no municipal competence, as it only deals with the tourist programs and added locations on the touristic map, including historic Cairo. The main objective of the Religious Complex project was to beautify and prepare it for tourist groups regularly visit-ing this area, which includes the first mosque (‘Amr ibn al-‘As) and syna-gogue (Ben Ezra) in Egypt, as well as historically important churches (Figs. 5.5 and 5.6). The project was financed by the Tourism Develop-ment Organization of the Ministry of Tourism at a cost of le15 million (equivalent to US$4.8 million at the time the project was launched) and Mona Zakariya was appointed as consultant and project manager. 238

Zakariya formed an on-site resident team to cooperate with the Arab Contractors (Ministry of Housing), who were contracted for the project.

Fig. 5.21: Old shops along Mustafa Ga‘far wall on al-Mu‘izz Street; taken in the 1970s (courtesty, IFAO Press).


The Cairo governorate, represented by the head of the district hayy (Misr al-Qadima), facilitated the development consensus for Zakariya’s team.239 That is to say, the Ministry of Tourism’s influence was limited to the walls of the Coptic and Christian cemeteries and the façades of the houses that were redecorated, as well as other streetscape work, and the architectural designs for the craft market and the bus terminus (beautified and planned) that are the main components of the project (Fig. 5.23).

Although it is a beautification project for the tourist coach route lead-ing to the mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and the ancient Coptic quarter, the project dealt with the local community and streetscape. The project is not regarded as falling within the ambit of conservation work.

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to Protect240 The historic area, in general, was regarded by Mona Zakariya as a pub-lic area, predominantly residential, with the mixed character of artisa-nal activities and services common in such areas. In addition, the area has no specific architectural style, only dilapidated housing. Unlike the district of Gamaliya or al-Mu‘izz Street, where monuments and the tra-ditional fabric are still traceable and replete with historic buildings, the area is almost without monuments, except for the mosque of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As, and the Coptic quarter where Coptic monuments and historic churches are located in a well-defined walled zone. Zakariya was aware that she was dealing mainly with historic entities but not a historic area. She was mainly dealing with long walls bounding the historic Christian quarter as well as other relatively modern surrounding neighborhoods and workshops.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)Zakariya and her team were aware of the functional integrity of the area and the distribution of its amenities, as reflected in her planning of the bus terminus and nearby fire station, both very important services. Visual integrity was achieved through the color coordination scheme and the finishing materials used. However, based on the comment of Hayam Aref, the head of the planning department in Cairo governorate, Zakar-iya’s proposal for the fire station presented a visual obstacle in the form of a high tower that would block the visual continuity between ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque and the Coptic quarter behind the fire station. The


governor rejected the proposal and ordered it to be altered, since such a visual discontinuity could imply a psychological separation between Christian monuments and a very important Muslim symbol. In terms of its façade, the work echoed the characteristic features distinguishing the nearby aqueduct and Coptic churches, through the motifs Zakar-iya used to decorate almost five kilometers of Christian cemetery walls (Fig. 5.23).241 This might imply that Zakariya and her team were aware of the visual integrity on the façade level but not on the three-dimen-sional urban scale, because that was beyond the scope and objectives of the project.

The project was for beautification and the governorate was the actual authority in charge, so its concepts were the most influential. Therefore, the work on the main route, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque Street, and in front of the Coptic walled quarter, have become more theatrical due to the governor’s decree to create such a style for the area.242 Con-sequently, the selected color scheme is very monotonous and bears no relation to the vivid color scheme preferred by and distinguishing the local community. In accordance with the same aesthetic, some shops were urged to alter their activities and convert into souvenir and soft

Fig. 5.22: Western wall of Mustafa Ga‘far overlooking al-Mu‘izz Street today. All the shops have been removed and the sidewalk is cordoned off and paved in such a way as to render it unusable (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


drink shops. That had certainly nothing to do with the original spirit of the area and just created kitsch (Sedky, 2001c). Nevertheless Zakariya considered it as an improvement introduced to a severely dilapidated area lacking in architectural distinction.243

Nevertheless, when the sustainability of such beautification work is investigated, its impact on the social, economic, and environmental aspects of the area must be explored. Generally, the team attempted to involve the community in selecting the right interventions, for exam-ple, wall finish and fenestration. This was done to comply with local culture and to use interventions acceptable not only to the Ministry of Tourism or to the governorate, but also to the local residents, who would be ready to maintain them for their own benefit. For exam-ple, when the team wanted to introduce traditional turned-wood (mashrabiya) window screens, they displayed samples of their work on site to survey the opinions of people living in the vicinity and pass-ers-by, who commented negatively and expressed their preference for wooden slatted shutters, which they aspired to have but could not afford, using aluminum-frame windows instead. Traditional mashrabiya was resisted because, being composed of connected crosses, it seemed

Fig. 5.23: Decorated walls of the Coptic cemetery along five kilometers, the main part of the Ministry of Tourism’s beautification scheme in the Religious Complex, Misr al-Qadima, southern historic Cairo (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


charged with Christian symbolism, thus more appropriate for Chris-tians than for the Muslim homes on which these screens were to be mounted. Despite the fact that the community-approved wooden slat-ted shutters were of European rather than traditional Egyptian design, the team installed them because, being more acceptable to the local community, they would be maintained after the departure of the team from the area.

Another example of deference to local taste is the treatment of wooden pigeon-lofts, not themselves ancient, but tokens of a very popular hobby. The district is distinguished by these characteristic rooftop structures in wooden lattice work, often elaborately patterned and picked out in green and yellow; therefore, the team decided to protect them.244

In addition, the team established an informal cooperative relationship with the governorate’s representative, the head of the hayy, to smooth the way when encountering any municipal issue, such as development cen-suses and coordination with the governorate’s agenda for infrastructure. Meetings with the governorate’s representative are scheduled according to government plans aiming at maintaining the coordination necessary for effective implementation of the project.

The team was keen to involve the residents in the restoration of dilapidated houses whose load-bearing walls were built at the turn of the twentieth century. As the original stones of these houses were exposed, they were adorned to echo the work done on the Coptic cemetery walls, and the beautification of other façades on the main route, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque Street. That was regarded as a sustainable intervention. Instead of the houses being torn downward and their families relocated, the houses are restored.245 In addition, the project also incorporated a craft training center, and a craft mall and exhibition area, which would open some job opportunities to traditional local crafts (mainly pottery) in the area.

With regard to environmental sustainability, the team was not involved in restoration. It was not until they were faced with an art deco building that they were forced to explore the environmental assets of the area. Although the team put stone facings on the outer walls of the ground floors of all the buildings along ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque Street, they did not touch this art deco building, which was decorated with plaster motifs characteristic of the 1920s: they left it true to its epoch. The team preferred to leave the building distinct from its surroundings


than compromise its architectural value, despite its not being registered or placed under any kind of municipal or government protection.246

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)Zakariya was commissioned by the Ministry of Tourism, a ministry with-out municipal management authority. Thus, she was granted the budget of le15 million to pursue an area beautification project, not a strategic plan where partnerships could be promoted. Therefore, Zakariya and her team were not requested nor were they in a position to work on area char-acter or any types of general appraisal. There was no central authority or municipal body in charge of urban environmental quality that might object to any introduced intervention.

There are no well-defined boundaries for the designated area owing to the status of the team,247 which was not in the position (nor was it so requested) to produce or recommend any legislation, general guidelines, or references. The team has been acting as an effective municipal man-agement unit, however, thanks to the successful coordination with the head of the district (hayy), in the streets and areas where it is implement-ing its beautification and amenity projects. Although it did not produce any detailed appraisals or reports, it managed to involve the community in informal debates by displaying models of suggested wall adornment and fenestration, which proved a very effective means of obtaining com-munity participation in design decisions.

However, since the project was only meant to create a better façade for tourists crossing the area between ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque to the his-toric Coptic quarter, the team was not responsible for any restoration work within the walls of the Coptic quarter. That was the responsibility of the SCA. The area was an agglomeration of buildings of almost no archi-tectural value, making it unnecessary for the team to produce a detailed area appraisal. Therefore, Zakariya’s team produced no scientific documentation or listing system. It was involved in work and documentation related to the nature of the commissioned task: beautification. The team was not autho-rized to produce any development guidelines, yet it wanted to create sustain-able beautification that would be accepted by the community. This resulted in interventions which, while culturally acceptable to the local community, were also viewed positively by government officials as “elegant nostalgia.” That was the compromise made to secure a peaceful implementation phase of the project with minimal opposition from the local community.

Area Conservation in Cairo180

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationZakariya and her team have not attempted to recreate a sense of commu-nity leadership or an informal urban management system that was com-mon in medieval Cairo. The team was not able, nor was it authorized, to restore any traditional system; it acquired its legitimacy to deal with the area through the governorate’s district branch, the hayy of Misr al-Qadima.

The team adopted more than one approach when dealing with the area of the Religious Complex. On ‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque Street, the main tourist route from the historic mosque to the church of Mari Girgis in the ancient Coptic quarter, the team used only natural materials to adorn the façades of the houses. Their aim was to integrate modern residential buildings with the ancient monuments around them. For example, they put stone facings on the outer walls of the ground floors surmounted by smooth plastering, resembling traditional mansions. The restrictions on hazardous industries and activities in the area, a system of urban control that necessitated changing the activities of some shops, were imposed by the governorate and not the team.

However, al-Fawakhir (the traditional pottery and kilns area, also known as Batn al-Baqara) was treated in a more functional way by using reinforced concrete since the Fawakhir area has a non-cohesive soil necessitating strong foundations. It was in this zone that the team adopted a pro-community approach by enhancing the social infrastruc-ture, conducting work to upgrade the youth sports center and the pot-ters’ workshops. They did this despite the governorate’s labeling of such industries as hazardous and unhygienic. The team handled the situation informally, recognizing how pottery is a vital industry for most of the residents of the Religious Complex and the numerous squatters on the hills around it. Moreover, this area is located out of sight of the tradi-tional tourist route.

Ministry of IT and Communication, Bibliotheca Alexandrina, CultnatCultnat is the National Center for Documentation of Cultural and Nat-ural Heritage of Egypt. It was founded officially on January 1, 2000. However, it was the result of ten years of continuous effort in national heritage documentation conducted by the RITSEC (the Regional Infor-mation Technology and Software Engineering Center, the IT consul-tancy of the prime minister). This work was initiated by Professor Fathi Salih, the former representative of Egypt in UNESCO. Professor Salih


has an IT background and a strong personal concern for safeguarding heritage by documentation. He initiated the Cultnat to document the possessions of Egyptian museums, manuscripts, the Islamic Cairo monu-ments (SCA-registered), and colonial Cairo.248 Cultnat was founded as a national organization with strong technical backing from the Ministry of IT and Communication. Currently, it belongs to the Bibliotheca Alexan-drina (the international library of Alexandria), an independent intellectual organization. Cultnat is intended to be a national information resource available to different organizations and individuals through the Biblioth-eca Alexandrina and the Internet.249

Cultnat contributed to the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project with a GIS-based directory of Islamic monuments. In addition, it pro-duced a strategic study for heritage documentation, thereby introducing a system of value and a listing mechanism, as well as a designation for an area of especial cultural value (Hassan, 2001). This work, and the concept of value and significance of the documented physical heritage, are defined in coordination with the SCA.250

Nevertheless, despite Professor Fathi Salih’s connections with UNESCO, which permitted him to act as its informal representative and to monitor area conservation projects in historic Cairo, Cultnat has not yet played an influential or even an active role in such proj-ects. This can be interpreted as a result of lack of effective coordination between the different organizations involved in heritage documentation. For example, the Cultnat project to document colonial architecture in Cairo is replicated by the IT department in the Cairo governorate and the Architectural Design Support Center (ADSC) of Cairo University.251 Consequently, instead of calling for the establishment of a unified and agreed-upon system of value and cultural significance to be recorded and documented as a national registry, Cultnat released its strategies and documentation in a book (Hassan, 2001). Moreover, the involvement of Cultnat in the statutory process of area conservation in historic Cairo was not welcomed, but viewed with suspicion, by the Ministry of Cul-ture’s Historic Cairo Organization.

Cairo UniversityThere are two research centers in Cairo University’s Faculty of Engi-neering involved in conservation projects in Cairo. The first is the Engineering Center for Archaeology and Environment (ECAE). It is


involved only in documentation and restoration consultations, with the Ministry of Culture as its main client. It does not conduct any urban studies. It only produced the streetscape surrounding the aqueduct, restored in the Magra al-‘Uyun area.252 The second is the Architectural Design Support Center (ADSC), which is not involved in area conser-vation, but rather in some studies produced for the urban upgrading of colonial Cairo financed by the French Institut de recherché pour le développement (IRD). It is composed of faculty members from the architectural department. They are considered individual consultants of GOPP, commissioned to carry out detailed urban studies such as the upgrading of al-‘Abbasiya district. They are concerned almost only with the technical documentation and the definition of architectural and urban character.253

Commissioned Consultancies for Area Conservation ProjectsThe passive role of the Ministerial Committee is conveyed in the lack of a wide-scale national perspective on area conservation to deal with the full extent of historic Cairo. This has resulted in the lack of a national scheme for area conservation. Nevertheless, area conservation schemes on a neighborhood scale are encouraged. This is especially the case when an organization such as Mashrabeya, FEDA, AKCS-E, ARCE, or the Ger-man Institute proposes to fund the conservation scheme.254 The last two are involved in major restoration projects of clusters of monuments, but not in streetscape or any municipal matter. The first three, on the other hand, are non-governmental organizations involved in area conservation with foreign funds allocated to three areas in historic Cairo. Each of these differs in its definition and approach to area conservation.

MashrabeyaMashrabeya is headed by Asaad Nadim, a professor of Egyptian folk-lore and woodwork. He managed to obtain a grant from the Arab Fund, a Kuwait-based fund for developing and safeguarding heritage in Arab and Islamic countries. The grant was originally allocated to restore the seventeenth-century mansion of al-Sihaymi, but the work was extended to the contemporary mansion of Mustafa Ga‘far, and Khurazati Mansion, located between them. The grant was equivalent to US$3 million. There-fore Mashrabeya formed a restoration team and began studies in 1994, working under the auspices of the SCA.


Mashrabeya started work on the project officially in 1995. Dur-ing the course of the restoration work, the team decided to investigate and resolve the critical and chronic root of the deterioration in Bayt al-Sihaymi, namely, the leakage of sewage in al-Darb al-Asfar Street. That inspired the team to expand its concern to the street of al-Darb al-Asfar, by streetscaping and beautifying the façades overlooking al-Darb al-Asfar. This was made possible through an extra grant from the same source (the Arab Fund) of another US$1 million for a scheme called “the Revitaliza-tion of al-Darb al-Asfar area” (Fig. 5.24).255 In other words, Mashrabeya began work as a restoration team under the umbrella of the SCA; then it aspired to work on a neighborhood scale, which demanded coordination with the municipal authorities, the hayy and the governorate.

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectThe Mashrabeya team adopted an archaeological perspective for al-Darb al-Asfar. Recognizing the historic importance of the Bayt al-Sihaymi in the eastern part of al-Darb al-Asfar, together with al-Khurazati Mansion, which is not registered by the SCA, and the Mustafa Ga‘far

Fig. 5.24: Beautified and restored façades overlooking al-Darb al-Asfar Street (photo-graph by Ahmed Sedky).


Mansion, Nadim set forth to “restore the area” as he explained in an interview with me. He sees the area of al-Darb al-Asfar as a 120-meter-long street that contains three mansions of major architectural and his-torical value. However, he only deals with the physical configuration of al-Darb al-Asfar. This concentration on the value of states implies a complete neglect of the value of processes in the area, expressed in its commercial and industrial activities, which connect al-Darb al-Asfar with its wider context.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability) Conducting area conservation in al-Darb al-Asfar Street, the Mashra-beya team was not aware of the traditional, cumulative urban structure of the Islamic city, in which the mansions interrelate in a sophisticated form. The Arab–Islamic city was hardly acquainted with the concept of free-standing buildings. These considerations were not respected by Mashrabeya when dealing with the east wall of the Ga‘far Mansion, at the eastern end of al-Darb al-Asfar Street. The team removed six shops to expose insignificant stone masonry. This created an urban gap on al-Mu‘izz Street along the east wall of the Ga‘far Mansion, (Figs. 5.21 and 5.22) and provoked a negative response from the Ministry of Awqaf, the official owner of these shops, as reported above. Removing the shops denies the cumulative nature of mixed activities, as this area of al-Mu‘izz Street remains very commercially active to this day. Its shops had been there even before the construction of the Ga‘far Mansion, according to an eighteenth-century deed (Hassaballah, 2001, p. 167).

With regard to functional integrity, al- Darb al-Asfar Street is located in the middle of an urban area where metal workshops are concentrated (GOPP, 1991a, section 2, p. 34). This area is adjacent to the northern part of al-Mu‘izz Street, the main commercial thoroughfare in medieval Cairo. Along its length different guilds are distributed, and metal prod-ucts, especially utensils of brass and copper, are exhibited in many shops, see (Figs. 5.8 and 5.10).256 Copper has now been replaced by aluminum, as seen in the nearby shops in al-Mu‘izz Street. All these form a socioeco-nomic matrix that reflects the contemporary functional integrity of al-Darb al-Asfar with its surrounding urban fabric and retains its traditional structure. However, all the above issues were disregarded by the Mashra-beya team. It viewed the activities in al-Darb al-Asfar as industrially


hazardous. They tried to convince the workshop owners to change their activities and sell soft drinks and souvenirs. Such was the case even with shops and workshops that were not close to the historic mansions.257

On the other hand, the Mashrabeya team used limestone and buff-colored paint on the outer façades of the houses overlooking al-Darb al-Asfar Street, to give the historic mansions a visually integrated image. That was complemented by street furniture made of limestone, old-style street lamps, and a reintroduced street gate to al-Darb al-Asfar from its western side, al-Gamaliya Street (Fig. 5.25).

The authenticity of Mashrabeya’s area conservation work as regards environmental quality is questionable. The streetscape and façade painting were just works of beautification. The pedestrianization of the whole street altered the mixed-use character of the street, crippling commercial activi-ties on the eastern side, where the historic mansions are, and on the western side where many aluminum shops and workshops are located (Fig. 5.26).

The interventions and approach of the Mashrabeya team did not take account of the social demands of this financially venerable community especially in ‘Atfat Darb al-Asfar, off al-Darb al-Asfar Street. The team did not offer any scheme to upgrade environmental quality. It might, for example, have offered loan or incentive programs to restore non-historic private houses in the area (Figs. 2.14, 5.27, and 5.28).258 Instead, they merely painted the dilapidated buildings in a neutral color to comple-ment the restored historic mansions.

On the other hand, the Mashrabeya team, working under the umbrella of the SCA, managed to establish administrative coordination with the governorate. The fact that Suzanne Mubarak was to inaugurate the project accelerated the bureaucratic process.259 It was necessary to set up an effective community-based organization (such as a registered NGO) responsible for maintaining the houses of al-Darb al-Asfar after the departure of the team. The original NGO set up for this purpose was ineffective and demonstrated no real concern for the benefit of the com-munity. Unfortunately, no such organization was ever established to last.

The economic sustainability of Mashrabeya’s work is also question-able. The team pedestrianized the whole street, not only the eastern part where the historic mansions are located. This crippled commercial activ-ity in the lane. They could not offer any transport alternative for the workshop owners, as they did not integrate their activities in al-Darb al-Asfar Street with the wider context of al-Gamaliya district, where


the lane is located.260 Voids were left, with painted fences but with no thought of developing them or creating public open spaces or living units as suggested in the GOPP study (GOPP, 1991a). The housing stock was painted on the outside but dilapidated within, putting its occupants at risk (Figs. 2.14 and 5.27). Pedestrianizing the whole street created a perfect environment for cyclists to use it as a race track, which necessitated add-ing ugly ramps and obstacles to stop them (Figs. 5.24 and 5.25).261 This could have been avoided if the team had pedestrianized the eastern part of the street, where the historic mansions are located, leaving the rest for mixed activities (whose risks could be controlled by the use of clean tech-nology and effective fire detection systems). In addition, the stone gate reintroduced at the western entry to the street, together with a cobbled street surface, and built stone seats on the eastern side of the lane, have made it almost impossible for fire engines and ambulances to access the street and its side lanes (Figs. 5.24 and 5.25).

The sustainability of the restoration applied to the historic mansions was also dubious. For example, fixing the sewer of al-Darb al-Asfar was indispensable to stop the chronic water seepage affecting the foundations of the historic mansions. Recognizing the urgency, Mashrabeya did not wait for the governorate’s scheduled wastewater plan of the governorate, but fixed it in coordination with a responsible department in the Cairo governorate. Moreover, the historic but unregistered Khurazati House, located between al-Sihaymi and Ga‘far Mansions, was purchased by the Ministry of Culture. Khurazati House was the source of water leakage that caused severe damage to the two historic mansions on either side of it. To secure them, its residents, mainly poor families, were relocated in apartments owned by the governorate but purchased by the Mashrabeya team and sold to these families at an especially reduced price or with an extended mortgage.

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)The Mashrabeya team was not in a position to act on a statutory level in dealing with a small lane. It was supposed to be working on a detailed al-Darb al-Asfar area, composed of al-Darb al-Asfar Street and the two dead-end lanes leading off it (Fig. 5.29). There was no compre-hensive planning strategy for the wider context to include al-Gamaliya district, for example, at the northern part of historic Cairo. Moreover, Mashrabeya did not follow the 1973 or 1989 schemes adopted by the


governorate and the GOPP; neither did it take account of the recom-mendations and guidelines of the GOPP’s detailed study (GOPP, 1991a). In addition there was no general character study of the area. Therefore there was no need to draw any line of demarcation as the work of façade painting and street paving spread along the street and the side lanes.

On an action level, Mashrabeya did not seek to establish any partner-ships as it had financial sufficiency, thanks to the Arab Fund grant. More-over, it acted as the sole area conservation management unit, with no cooperation or partnership with any other organizations or individuals. Its communication with the SCA and the governorate was merely for rou-tine monitoring of progress and the permits needed for pedestrianizing the street and changing the wastewater system there.

Various parties assumed that this work was pursued in communication with local residents of al-Darb al-Asfar. The team asserted that the local community was actively involved in area conservation by establishing an NGO, yet this turned out to be merely a token form of community par-ticipation.262 In reality, the community of al-Darb al-Asfar received visits

Fig. 5.25: Introduced pseudo-historic gate to the eastern entrance of al-Darb al-Asfar Street, from al-Gamaliya Street (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


from Nawal al-Misiri, the wife of Mashrabeya’s director (Assaad Nadim) an anthropologist by training, who was responsible for the project’s social program. This program took the form of workshops and meetings with the community members, informing them about the historical value of the mansions and their architectural importance, so as to prepare them for the ‘civilized’ interventions, the beautification of the lane, and the restoration of the mansions. Hence, the type of community participation in this project was merely informative, the least significant type of active participation as defined in Chapter 3.

The only documentation done in this project was a detailed architec-tural and historical record of the historic houses, and as a technical report on their condition and conservation needs. No detailed guidelines for urban or architectural development were produced. The main aim of the Mashrabeya team was to produce a report documenting the restoration process, and the area beautification work outside the gates of the his-toric houses as supplementary to the main commission of the team, that is, the architectural restoration of the historic houses in the area. Both the team of Mashrabeya and the Ministry of Culture, through the SCA, aimed at establishing an Egyptian school of architectural restoration in

Fig. 5.26: Pedestrianization in a lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Street, cutting off service access to a workshop (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


a documented work that can compete with the work of long-established foreign missions engaged in restoring Egyptian monuments over a long period (SCA, 2001).

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationThe Mashrabeya team envisaged al-Darb al-Asfar almost as an island. By classifying the industrial activities in the area as hazardous and in need of removal, Nadim overlooked the fact that the workshops employed residents of the Gamaliya district, the wider context of al-Darb al-Asfar. In the GOPP study (GOPP, 1991a), al-Darb al-Asfar was selected as an action and catalyst area to exemplify a comprehensive approach to the revitalization of al-Gamaliya district as a whole. Al-Darb al-Asfar area was discussed in this study as an inseparable segment of the whole block bounded by al-Dababiya Street to the north, al-Gamaliya Street to the west, al-Tumbakshiya Street to the south, and al-Mu‘izz Street to the east (Fig. 1.5). Al-Darb al-Asfar Street cuts through the middle of this geographical zone.

Mashrabeya, led by Nadim, pursued its area conservation through a monument-centered approach. Their focus was limited to the specific boundaries of the 120-meter-long lane, and their restoration work extended not far beyond the historic mansions of the area, defined by Nadim as “area restoration.” The work pursued was beautification of the façades overlooking al-Darb al-Asfar Street, aiming at giving it a pol-ished, ‘civilized’ look by painting all the walls in a neutral color and pav-ing the street with limestone.263

Despite the fact that the historic mansions are concentrated on the eastern end of the street while the rest of al-Darb al-Asfar is lined with ordinary residential buildings and workshops, the Mashrabeya team adopted a single approach, architectural conservation and beautification, for all the different parts of the street. The team was not even keen on painting the houses of ‘Atfat al-Darb al-Asfar (a small dead-end lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Street) because, not being directly visible from the his-toric mansion side, they would not cause any visual offence to visitors to the historic mansions (Fig. 5.28).

FEDAThe Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA) is an NGO established by professors of architecture and environmental


Fig. 5.27: Houses whose load-bearing walls have lethal cracks are merely repainted; this example is at 4, ‘Atfat al-Darb al-Asfar, off al-Darb al-Asfar Street (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

studies, and led by Professor Adli Bishai, Milad Hanna, Baha al-Bakri, and Magda Ebid. These professors conducted research in the Insti-tute of Environmental Studies and Research, Ain Shams University in Cairo. Adli Bishai was the director of the Desert Development Center at the American University in Cairo. This group of specialized schol-ars shared a profound concern for sustainable environmental develop-ment,264 and wished to participate in the revitalization of historic Cairo. Through their individual efforts and connections, they made this pos-sible by establishing FEDA, an NGO funded by the Swiss–Egyptian Development Fund.265 FEDA recommended upgrading the Gamaliya district, with al-Tumbakshiya Street as an action area, in their project submitted to the Executive Committee of Cairo Governorate. The com-mittee accepted their proposal, especially as it was grant-supported and would not place any financial burden on the government.266 FEDA thus came to have a representative on the Executive Committee, as it was con-sidered a voluntary organization concerned with environmental quality, and its experts were already involved in a project being conducted in a very critical part of historic Cairo.267


Fig. 5.28: Unpainted house; located on a small lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Street, it is out of the sight of tourists headed for the historic mansions (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Unlike the Mashrabeya team, FEDA approached historic Cairo in a comprehensive way, focusing on al-Gamaliya district which was regarded as the most endangered part of historic Cairo. Therefore, they chose to upgrade the environmental quality of the al-Gamaliya area, as well as safe-guarding its traditional crafts. They selected al-Tumbakshiya Street, par-allel to the nearby al-Darb al-Asfar Street, and intersecting with al-Mu‘izz Street. Al-Tumbakshiya Street is FEDA’s action area as a pilot project for a comprehensive upgrading of al-Gamaliya district (Fig. 5.30).

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectThe historic area, to the FEDA team, is a phenomenon composed of physical entities (historic buildings) and the community. The area’s char-acter and significance are made and envisaged through the people of that area.268 However, the economic and cultural aspects of the area are considered only if they are traditional crafts, for example, turned wood, decorative work, and souvenirs, as the team assumes that the small metal industries and metal sheet trade in the area are inappropriate.269 The historic area is also envisaged as a potential venue for investment and development through use of the urban voids and gaps and dilapidated


structures—an approach similar to the market-responsive conservation approach of Ian Strange (1999) described in Chapter 3.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)FEDA has conducted its work in al-Tumbakshiya Street, respecting its urban fabric and the structural integrity of the area. They have also filled gaps in the areas they dealt with. For example, they reconstructed Wikalat Kahla (Fig. 5.31), a historic caravansary (though not registered by the SCA) owned by the Ministry of Awqaf on Gamaliya Street close to al-Tumbakshiya Street. However, their view of functional integrity is questionable.

Unfortunately, the FEDA team disregarded the fact that this urban block, including al-Darb al-Asfar and al-Tumbakshiya Streets, are dis-tricts long known for hosting the metal industry (GOPP, 1991a, section 2, p. 34) that manufactured the products to be sold in nearby al-Mu‘izz Street (Figs. 5.8 and 5.10). The team restored and reconstructed a nearby wikala (an industrial-commercial building on Gamaliya Street) in which

Historic buildings

Industrial buildings

Residential/Commercial buildings

1 23

4

5al-Mu‘izz St.‘Atfat al-Darb al-Asfaral-Darb al-Asfar LaneA deadend lane off al-Darb al-Asfar Laneal-Gamaliya St.

1234

5

67 pt

Fig. 5.29: Harat al-Darb al-Asfar and its two side lanes showing the distribution of historic, residential, and industrial buildings (by Ahmed Sedky).


it offered to relocate the workshops removed from al-Tumbakshiya.270 Despite the fact that this might alter the functional integrity of al-Tum-bakshiya Street, at least the FEDA team relocated the workshops to a nearby area so as not to affect the community or workforce in the area. Meanwhile its treatment of façades and reconstruction of Wikalat Kahla exhibited a visually integrated appearance, complementing the Ottoman architectural style of the buildings in the area.

Despite the fact that the metal manufacturing industry and trade are to be grouped in the nearby Wikalat Kahla building, which will become a small industrial complex, the area has not lost its mixed activities, as other crafts and workshops will fill the gaps in the urban fabric, replac-ing dilapidated buildings (such as the demolished Wikalat al-Zaytun) and introducing development opportunities. This will contribute to the area’s livability and mixed-use character.

The quality of sustainability of the work conducted by the FEDA team can be traced on a social level. The team took into consider-ation the area’s character and industrial activities by proposing to compensate for altering the activities within the action area (al-Tum-bakshiya Street) by offering an alternative in an industrial complex within historic Cairo (Wikalat Kahla). FEDA started the project as the non-governmental counterpart to the Executive Committee in the governorate. This position enabled it to establish coordination with other represented organizations, and especially with the Minis-try of Awqaf, which owns most of the historic buildings, dilapidated structures, and vacant lots targeted for development by FEDA team. This facilitated the implementation of area conservation work. Fur-thermore, the team introduced development opportunities by offering vacant land and restored structures for investment, an economic asset to the area. Meanwhile, the team pursued its work without jeopardiz-ing the historic environment.

Yet they were not as sensitive when they dealt with individual houses that were not historic. For example, while demolishing the dilapidated structure of Wikalat al-Zaytun they used a bulldozer insensitively, which caused major cracks in an adjacent residential building (Fig. 5.32).271 This indicates that the team was only sensitive to, and would achieve sustain-able results only with historic buildings, not when dealing with individual properties. This might explain the lack of actual community involvement, to be elaborated on below.


Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)The team focused on al-Tumbakshiya Street and the problems of relo-cating the workshops and the residents of the demolished Wikalat al-Zaytun. They did not consider introducing statutory planning. Thus, they acted as a management unit focused only on upgrading al-Tumbak-shiya Street, even at the expense of relocating hazardous workshops to a nearby area—Wikalat Kahla on Gamaliya Street—just to free al-Tumbak-shiya Street from such unattractive workshops and pave the way for future investment and development. The team did not have to handle any legis-lative problems on a macro scale (covering historic Cairo or the whole of Gamaliya—the boundaries of a designated area or a special safeguarding zone). FEDA worked under the umbrella of the Executive Committee, and followed the 1973 and 1989 schemes and the general guidelines of the GOPP, which had no detailed studies for al-Tumbakshiya Street. That was made possible through the connections of an architect, Ahmed Yassir, a member of FEDA and at the same time a senior planner at the GOPP.

Fig. 5.30: Eastern entrance of al-Tumbakshiya Street from al-Gamaliya Street; this part is full of historic buildings (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


On an action level, the partnership established through effective coor-dination between FEDA, the governorate, and the Ministry of Awqaf (the owner of Wikalat Kahla, which had fallen into dereliction without any action by the SCA) facilitated the upgrading work in al-Tumbak-shiya Street. However, there was no partnership with individuals, such as private investors or even members of the local community. Planning of the area conservation work conducted in al-Tumbakshiya was pursued through community consultation. These consultations assessed the needs and actual demands of the community to guide the interventions intro-duced by the team, as was the case with the industrial complex in Wikalat Kahla and with the cultural center, library, and computer facilities needed by the people of the area.

The project, however, did not produce any detailed studies or docu-ments to illustrate the different assets of the area. It neither proposed a classification or listing system, nor any detailed guidelines for future development. The team was mainly concerned with physical imple-mentation to achieve tangible results. These took the form of the res-toration of Wikalat Kahla, and coordination with the governorate to offer new residential units for the evacuated residents from Wikalat al-Zaytun (as well as other workshops whose industrial activities were regarded as unsuitable for the street). Hence, securing the community paved the way for a more feasible implementation phase of al-Tumbak-shiya Street upgrading.

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationDespite the fact that the FEDA team did not attempt to revive any cul-tural or traditional urban management systems such as those discussed in Chapter 3, they followed a relatively responsive approach to area conser-vation. They dealt with the remaining street-level shops and workshops in partially demolished historic wikalas, by removing the metal industry from the street in an organized and controlled way to avoid any envi-ronmental hazards. Al-Tumbakshiya Street contains valuable historic buildings, especially on its western side from which some workshops have been removed. On its eastern side is an adjacent eleventh-century Fatimid mosque (al-Aqmar) of significant architectural and historical value. This necessitated removing any dilapidated structures close to the mosque and replacing them with appropriate development (currently under planning). In addition al-Tumbakshiya is classified as part of the


Fig. 5.31: Wikalat Kahla, located on Gamaliya Street, close to al-Tumbakshiya Street, where all the relocated workshops from al-Tumbakshiya were transferred (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).

Heritage Corridor, introduced in the UNDP 1997 study mentioned in Chapter 3. This necessitates following relatively restrictive guidelines and an area conservation approach. On the other hand, Gamaliya Street, further to the east, contains many dilapidated buildings and ruins, which even if they had any historical value could be proposed for de-listing owing to their physical condition today. This encouraged the team to deal with Gamaliya in a more creative and less restrictive approach com-pared to that followed in al-Tumbakshiya Street.

AKCS-E AKCS-E is the Egyptian branch of the Aga Khan Organization, an inter-national foundation concerned with Islamic cities, with special concern for architecture. It is also distinguished for its prestigious prizes in archi-tecture and conservation, awarded for projects conducted in Islamic cities. The organization established the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) in 1988. The Trust developed a special program for area conservation in 1992, known as the Historic Cities Support Program (HCSP), whose main scope was to improve living conditions and simultaneously enhance the environment in the selected historic areas—accepting and controlling


change in a way compatible with both the heritage and the past, present, and future needs of the inhabitants who are to maintain that heritage (AKTC, 1992, pp. 1, 2).

This program, the result of long pre-qualifications with the Aga Khan Organization in urban upgrading and conservation, addressed historic Cairo (HCSP, 1992). It proposed building a park, to be called al-Azhar Park after the nearby al-Azhar Mosque, adjacent to the east-ern borders of Fatimid Cairo and historic Cairo in general. The park was meant to be the gift of H. H. Karim Aga Khan to historic Cairo,272 from as early as 1990, to introduce a much-needed green area amid its very dense urban fabric.273 The organization was also concerned with the area adjacent to the proposed park (Darb Shughlan and parts of al-Darb al-Ahmar area in general), which was severely dilapidated and in dire need of development. To pursue such a project, the Near East Foundation (NEF) branch in Cairo was enlisted to coordinate with the Aga Khan Organization. The latter established a project management unit, Aga Khan Cultural Services-Egypt (AKCS-E), coordinating with a community-based body, Development of al-Darb al-Ahmar Limited, to pursue the design and implementation of the park project and the urban

Fig. 5.32: Insensitive demolition of Wikalat al-Zaytun has a negative physical impact on the surrounding residential buildings in al-Tumbakshiya Street (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


upgrading of al-Darb al-Ahmar, including Darb Shughlan (also known as Aslam Mosque neighborhood) adjacent to the Park. The area des-ignated for the park had been used as a garbage dump, covering three huge water tanks. The site for the park was officially submitted to the Aga Khan Organization in 1997.274

The Meaning of the Historic Area: Values to ProtectBeing adjacent to Fatimid Cairo, the walled city in Islamic Cairo, the area was envisaged by AKCS-E not merely as a repository of valuable tradi-tional architecture and urban fabric, but from a holistic perspective that did not separate its urban spatial structure from its current activities. It considered on an equal footing the historical and architectural value of the unevenly distributed monuments punctuating al-Darb al-Ahmar, as well as the social and cultural values distinguishing the area. For exam-ple, when dealing with Darb Shughlan, the Aslam Mosque neighborhood (Fig. 5.33), the team showed concern for the fourteenth-century mosque of Aslam with its current ritual role, and the open space facing it that is still a venue for Sufi ritual ceremonies and practices.275

In general, the AKCS-E team appreciates the values of both states and processes. Accordingly, detailed studies were pursued to grasp the actual essence of the social matrix and bonds distinguishing the area (see, Ibrahim, 1997). For example, as reflected in their designs, AKCS-E acknowledges the important role of the extended family as a predominant social structure in the area. Many families have been living in the area and working at the same inherited craft for over one hundred years. It is a contemporary craft, mostly associated with daily activities: in fact, the area produces 50–60 percent of the shoes sold in Cairo.276

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)The quality of integrity is valued highly by the team that is concerned with introducing knowledge-based, minimal interventions.277 The struc-tural integrity of the medieval accumulative composition of the city, expressed in the integration of houses in Darb Shughlan with the fabric of the eastern walls of Fatimid Cairo, was not regarded as a violation of those historic walls (Fig. 5.18).278 It is possible to find such integration and the accumulation of houses on historic walls in many historic towns, for example, Damascus and Aleppo. Therefore, the team simply modified


the houses by changing the location of the toilets, so as not to pose a threat to the walls.279 In addition, the team studied the spatial structure of the urban fabric of al-Darb al-Ahmar, defining its social association, as well as its functions. The proposed intervention of the team was to main-tain the current spatial structure of al-Darb al-Ahmar and only upgrade the environmental quality of its open spaces. The associated functions or studied use of these spaces suggested preserving the current industries: furniture, leather wear, tents, and textiles, to be practiced in the main thoroughfare running through the urban fabric of al-Darb al-Ahmar. The team also aimed at filling vacant plots holding dilapidated structures or ruins resulting from the earthquake in 1992. These dilapidated areas had forced workshops to penetrate into residential streets and lanes, off the main thoroughfares where they were originally located. This created a hazardous conflict between activities. It was proposed to reorganize this chaos in a spatial–functional matrix, relocating the workshops to where they had been a few decades or even years ago, and restoring the predom-inant residential nature of the less integrated neighborhoods in al-Darb al-Ahmar (AKCS-E, 1999).

Fig. 5.33: Darb Shughlan, the busiest area in al-Darb al-Ahmar, with one historic mon-ument, a fourteenth-century mosque (Aslam Mosque) (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


Another example was the case of al-Tablita market, the vegetable mar-ket supporting the nutritional needs of a wide swathe of the al-Darb al-Ahmar and al-Azhar areas (Fig. 5.34). Despite attempts by some jewelers to gentrify the area by trying to convince the governor to sell them the market land (especially since it is very close to al-Azhar Mosque and al-Azhar Street with a high land value) AKCS-E supported the constitu-tional right of the market tenants to keep this essential amenity for the residents of the area.280

Unlike the previous actors involved in area conservation in historic Cairo, the team did not prioritize visual integrity: social and economic dimensions were pursued first to create a strong basis for sustainable development of al-Darb al-Ahmar area. Monuments were not compro-mised: no polished walls with a glossy appearance were earmarked for this historic area. Rather, the team slowly worked on emphasizing what had been recognized as buildings of special value, most of which dated back to the turn of the twentieth century. The team dealt with the area in its contemporary state, while respecting the historical value embod-ied in its monuments, many of which are still in use, or have been con-sidered for more community-oriented adoptive reuse. The approach of maintaining minimal intervention was to avoid any substantial alter-ation of the area’s character. The team considered it equally impor-tant to safeguard the artistic crafts in the area, such as the souvenir workshops, as well as leather and textile manufactures serving a large local market segment, as many middle- and lower-middle-class Egyp-tians regard al-Darb al-Ahmar as a key commercial area. The team’s interventions were politically possible, despite the governmental para-digm that envisaged historic areas as a touristic mine to exploit, owing to the fact that al-Darb al-Ahmar, which stretches from Bab Zuwayla to al-Azhar Park to the east, is remote from the tourist hot spots in Cairo close to al-Azhar Square and Khan al-Khalili (the historic market famous for its artistic souvenirs).

Sustainability, as an environmental quality, was secured on various levels: social (cultural–administrative), economic, and environmental. On the social scale, the team became aware of the socio-cultural matrix and values thanks to intensive field investigations. The families in the area have developed and shared substantial social and economic bonds that made the team reluctant to remove any of the workshops or houses in the area. On the administrative level, AKCS-E managed to establish


an effective, grass-roots management system for urban upgrading. That was supported by protocols and official cooperation agreements with the most influential governmental institutions with legal authority to control, monitor, or even halt work in al-Darb al-Ahmar; namely, the governorate and the Ministry of Culture.

To pursue upgrading while complementing the social systems and val-ues in al-Darb al-Ahmar, different social schemes with proven financial feasibility were suggested. For example, restoring the houses, changing the sewage systems, and redoing the infrastructure in the action area, Darb Shughlan, was much cheaper than relocating the residents to new areas.281 In addition, the vacant plots and demolished buildings were to be rebuilt according to accurate guidelines to offer potential future expansion and growth. The pursued projects meant job opportunities as well. For example, although the different upgrading and restoration proj-ects in al-Darb al-Ahmar started off with their entire workforce drawn from outside al-Darb al-Ahmar, by 2001, 70 percent of it came from

Fig. 5.34: Al-Azhar Lane, with al-Tablita vegetable market to the right, behind Abu al-Zahab and al-Azhar Mosque. This is the main food market in the area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


al-Darb al-Ahmar (Fig. 3.7).282 Finally, urban upgrading initiatives did not compromise the historic monuments or the environmental quality of the residential and mixed-use quarters of al-Darb al-Ahmar.283

Area Conservation Process (Statutory and Action Processes)On the statutory level, AKCS-E produced a comprehensive environ-mental study, which could be considered an extensive area character appraisal (Ibrahim, 1997). Ibrahim and his consultancy team (CDC) were commissioned to produce an extensive survey, covering the social, cultural, and environmental (architectural and urban) conditions. The CDC used the PRA techniques introduced in Chapter 3 above, to define the most necessary interventions needed for the community and for environmental upgrading.

On another level, the concept of area designation is not institu-tionally recognized or supported by law or decree to cope with the nature of an area that demands special planning, as described in Chap-ter 3. However, al-Darb al-Ahmar and al-Azhar areas have unique topographical–administrative boundaries, forming a triangle with its base along al-Azhar Street, its eastern side along al-Azhar Park, and its western side along Muhammad ‘Ali Street. Hence, the team has well-defined administrative boundaries. The team was interested not only in developing this area, but also in using it as a venue to apply a comprehensive and integrated development model to historic Cairo. As such, the team intended from the outset to document its experience, and produce general guidelines and recommendations for future urban upgrading projects in historic Cairo.284

To produce such guidelines, make designs and planning decisions, as well as implement their recommendations, a central unit was estab-lished with a two-tiered system of urban management. The first tier was an advisory committee responsible for defining the main needs of the area to be upgraded as well as ensuring broad public consensus. That was achieved in collaboration with the NEF. Al-Darb al-Ahmar Devel-opment Limited was established with the aim of organizing the work, involving the local community in decision-making, and implementing the social and economic upgrading schemes. The second tier repre-sented by AKCS-E was a technical planning unit responsible for trans-lating the community’s broad targets and decisions into conceptual and more detailed action plans.


On an action level, it was essential to establish a legal basis for the team to be able to pursue its projects and ensure the real and safe involvement of the local community. That was achieved through gov-ernmental-institutional recognition, realized in the form of coordina-tion with the governor, who accepted AKCS-E as a decentralized urban upgrading team, not merely one involved in area conservation projects of limited geographical zones, such as FEDA or Mashrabeya, which work on a street scale. The governor agreed to treat AKCS-E as a devel-opment partner. Accordingly, he extended his regular call for beautify-ing and safeguarding heritage and adding a ‘civilized’ look, to espouse a more community-oriented approach. In press interviews he publicly announced his willingness to adopt AKCS-E development principles and approaches, and called for social upgrading schemes such as those introduced and implemented by AKCS-E in al-Darb al-Ahmar area. Yet verbal support alone is insufficient without the legitimacy of the governorate. In practice, the governor did not display support with his plan to decongest the southern traffic access by cutting a road through al-Darb al-Ahmar parallel to the historic eastern walls adjacent to the new park. That plan entailed demolishing Darb Shughlan—the main action area of AKCS-E.

Moreover, a protocol was signed with the SCA in May 1999 to restore the monuments in the area as well as give the team the legal right to pursue an integrated, comprehensive upgrading of the area and the buildings on and adjacent to the historic walls. That was an essen-tial legal step, as the SCA had the right to demand the demolition of all buildings adjacent to the historic walls, a threat that was only discovered in 1998 when the park area was being excavated. This too could have meant the removal of Darb Shughlan, the area along the historic walls and the new park. SCA had to agree on keeping the houses built on the walls, on condition that they were treated in such a way as to remove any threat to the wall fabric.285

The AKCS-E team considered the community as its main partner by establishing loan schemes and involving the community in its different upgrading projects. This partnership took a legal form: al-Darb al-Ahmar Development Limited. Thus, the community was effectively involved, not only through genuine consultation, as in the area appraisal that adopted the PRA approach, but also through real participation in decision-mak-ing. For example, in the case of al-Tablita Market, representatives of the


produce merchants grouped with the AKCS-E technical team to discuss the most appropriate design of the vegetable market that was to be built to accommodate retaining activities and also how to accommodate the neighborhood textile merchants, who would be relocated from al-Ghu-riya.286 This was almost invariably the approach, as stated by commu-nity members during a number of individual interviews, group debates, and detailed discussions with pertinent members for upgrading studies on action areas. Furthermore, the AKCS-E team developed another level of involvement with the community by offering training for restoration; thus many community members began to establish physical contact with the historic monuments, both as restorers and participants in investiga-tions and research activities pursued to design and implement different upgrading interventions.

The team pursued an accurate system of documentation by defining the buildings of special architectural value, most of which are from the turn of the twentieth century. Since there is no national listing, or any architectural classification such as the classes A, B, and C used in Brit-ain, the team started defining each building according to its obvious architectural character, while preserving its local distinctive character defined by the neighborhood location. Priority was given to buildings under severe threat. The same applies to areas defined as special zones of work, the urban development action areas supervised by AKCS-E in al-Darb al-Ahmar and al-Azhar. The last category defined was the action areas, which used a system similar to that described in Chap-ter 3 above (see Figs. 2.7 and 5.33). There are four main action areas: al-Azhar Lane, al-Khiyamiya (the tentmakers’ market), Bab al-Wazir Street, and the area beside the new al-Azhar Park, along the eastern his-toric walls, known as Aslam Mosque neighborhood or Darb Shughlan (UNDP, 1997, p. 75).

Because of the al-Azhar Park project and the archaeological value of the newly excavated eastern walls, that area was given emphasis. Hence, Darb Shughlan was the main action area for which detailed guidelines were developed. The plot-by-plot study focused on all 125 houses in the area, studying their physical composition, the status of the archi-tecture and urban fabric, and its relation with the historic mosque of Aslam (AKCS-E., and Historic Preservation Program of the University of Pennsylvania, 1999, p. 9). In addition, a detailed social survey of social and cultural preferences and financial abilities was conducted.


This detailed study illustrated development guidelines by offering development samples of some of the dilapidated houses and guidelines for future development. On a financial level, the loan programs designed, managed, and offered by al-Darb al-Ahmar Development Limited offered strong incentives for community members to restore their houses and develop the area at a grass-roots level. These loan programs were for income-generating activities (normally loans of le100–3,000 for small businesses), bank-guaranteed loans (up to le15,000), and housing credit loans (for restoring the houses, while the AKCS-E team would offer free consultations).287 There were no legal recommendations or any written proposal for urban design legislation. The team considered the whole project a pilot attempt to develop dilapidated areas, which could then be applied to future similar cases.

The implementation of the different upgrading schemes in al-Darb al-Ahmar was accompanied by community involvement and training. Thus, a strong association between the community and the comprehen-sive rehabilitation scheme of al-Darb al-Ahmar was created and main-tained by the limited liability company, which carefully studied actual community needs, gave financial support through loans, and offered the rehabilitation scheme. This paved the way for a smooth implementation process supported by the local community.

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationThe AKCS-E team did not adopt or revitalize any traditional urban management system. It was satisfied with mentoring effective commu-nity involvement through al-Darb al-Ahmar Development Limited. Community participation was not achieved by involving any of the tra-ditional cultural institutions or community leaders found in al-Darb al-Ahmar (such as the mukhtar, an officially recognized popular leader, a still surviving urban management system that has secured community involvement in old Damascus as well as many other functioning Arab–Islamic urban systems). The community representative or link with the urban municipal authorities known as al-muhtasib, and his subordinates known as shaykh al-hara in historic Cairo were not called upon to partic-ipate. This differs from the revitalized al-mukhtar institution in the Fer-tile Crescent region and the historic town of Essaouira in Morocco, and even from the spontaneous quarter of Manshiyat Nasir close to historic Cairo, where the community leader (usually an older person elected by


the local community, the counterpart of the muhtasib and the mukhtar) is a social and urban management institution responsible for sustainable development. This complements the cultural values of the local commu-nities where area conservation or urban regeneration projects are imple-mented in Arab–Islamic cities.

The AKCS-E team did not revitalize such urban management insti-tutions. Rather, they established al-Darb al-Ahmar Development Lim-ited, which employed young local activists, not community leaders. These young people were trained to conduct social “investigation” and spread awareness of environmental quality in their neighborhood. They became the field researchers and liaisons between the community and the NEF team responsible for the social research developed for AKCS-E. Yet despite the efficiency of this information-gathering system, the local community was not really taking the lead; it was still patronized by the NEF, which took over and dominated planning for community upgrad-ing and single-handedly decided upon several activities.288

The team adopted a responsive approach similar to the FWP intro-duced in Chapter 3 above. While pursuing a comprehensive community-oriented scheme in the first action area (Darb Shughlan) and al-Tablita market, the team focused on restoration and relatively more restricted architectural guidelines in al-Azhar Lane and Bab al-Wazir Street, where more than twenty-three monuments are located. The procedure varied according to context (the action area). For example, the first two areas have few monuments and are associated with social activities and amenities essential for the people of al-Darb al-Ahmar and al-Azhar. On the other hand, al-Azhar Lane and Bab al-Wazir are fascinating galleries of Islamic architecture comprising complete rows of historic caravanserai, collective housing, mosques, and monasteries dating back to the Mamluk and Otto-man periods (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries). However, even in such historically valuable areas, AKCS-E considered involving the community. This proved successful when the team restored the Khayrbak complex—a late-thirteenth- to sixteenth-century historic complex located in Bab al-Wazir—which was reused as a community center for the people of Bab al-Wazir (Fig. 5.35).289 The whole area under development by AKCS-E adopted an integrated planning approach. The inhabitants of areas who were suffering from high population density and limited job opportuni-ties were trained to participate in the revitalization of dilapidated historic areas and offered suitable job opportunities.290


Ministry of Social AffairsThe Ministry of Social Affairs is not directly involved in area conserva-tion. It was invited by the governorate to pursue social studies of commu-nity members inhabiting Bab al-Nasr Cemetery when that was partially demolished to widen Galal Street, the northern traffic access (Figs. 5.2 and 5.3).291 Since then, the Ministry of Social Affairs has been represented on the Executive Committee.

Ministry of EnvironmentThis ministry has no direct influence in area conservation projects in historic Cairo. Despite its assigned role as a member of the Executive Committee responsible for identifying unsuitable or environmentally hazardous activities, it does not play an active part.292 It is greatly preoc-cupied with air pollution in rural areas of Egypt and cannot afford to give as much attention to the environmental well-being of urban public spaces

Fig. 5.35: Khayrbak Com-plex, Bab al-Wazir, al-Darb al-Ahmar area (photograph by Ahmed Sedky).


as its counterparts in Europe, especially since this ministry was founded only a few years ago. In addition, even when the ministry identifies an environmental hazard, it is sometimes unable to respond to the violation with legal sanctions.

LegislationBureaucracy is the basis that defines and controls development, legiti-mizes and organizes interventions, and defines the role of each actor involved in area conservation in Cairo. A law cannot be considered con-stitutional unless its draft is submitted for review to the technical office of the General Organization for Legal Consultations and Legislation at the National Supreme Court before being referred to Parliament for public scrutiny. The draft law is produced by the ministry concerned. Unfor-tunately, no such proposal has been submitted for review by any of the ministries involved since the beginning of the current area conservation project in historic Cairo.293 This leaves Law 3 of 1983, regarding urban design and environment management, and Law 117 of 1982, regarding antiquities and historic sites, the only active laws relevant to area conser-vation work in Egypt as a whole.

Nevertheless, there have been some current attempts by the ministries of housing and culture to update these laws and extend their influence and scope in area conservation. The Ministry of Culture has made several attempts to acquire more influence and control over conservation and public spaces in historic Cairo and Egypt in general.294 However, neither its updates to the GOPP guidelines, nor its developments of the Ministry of Housing planning schemes that date back to 1973 and 1989, have been submitted to the National Supreme Court or to Parliament, for fear of undesirable political or social repercussions.295

The Meaning of the Historic area: Values to ProtectThe only articles that define historic areas in Egypt are Article 27 of the Urban Design Law (Law no. 3 of 1982, ch. 4) , and Article 3 of Law 117, 1983, known as the Antiquities and Monuments Law. In the first, historic Cairo is weighed in the same balance as the downtown area (colonial Cairo), thus defining it as a center for commercial, financial, cultural, and entertainment activities, accommodating business headquarters, admin-istrative buildings, and hotels. There is no mention, however, of the resi-dential use, no special definition of the cultural and historical significance,


of historic Cairo as a quarter for traditional mixed-use activities and life-style as defined earlier in Chapter 1.

The second Article does not regard a historic area from a comprehen-sive perspective. It concentrates on monuments and archaeological sites, providing for beautification around the monument or archaeological site by clearing about 30 meters around each monument. With primary attention given to beautification of the urban fabric, many restrictions on development are created and local community welfare is not prioritized.

Area Conservation Environmental Quality (Integrity, Authenticity, and Sustainability)In general, there is no definition of environmental qualities to be consid-ered when implementing area conservation, due to the absence of specific charters that should be adopted by authorized institutions involved in area conservation in Egypt. Therefore, the only working legal basis is that offered by Law 3 of 1982 and Law 117 of 1983.

Area Conservation ProcessThe only designation concept recognized by law is the “beautification zone” of thirty meters around each monument. This is achieved by marking out boundaries of domain that are defined by the SCA and the municipal authorities, as set out in Article 19 of Law 117 of 1983.296 This cannot be monitored or feasibly applied to historic Cairo because of the nature of the medieval fabric, with its narrow alleys where monuments and residential buildings are crowded together. An example is al-Darb al-Ahmar, where the eastern walls would normally be considered by the SCA as a monument requiring a thirty-meter protection zone. However, under the area conservation scheme pursued by AKCS-E, whose pur-pose was to retain the urban fabric beside and within the historic walls, the SCA exceptionally waived the thirty-meter rule, thanks to a protocol with AKCS-E signed in 1999.297

With regard to process, Article 3(a) of Law 3, 1982 gives local com-munities the legal right to scrutinize any planning schemes introduced by the GOPP in the municipal authority’s district office, the hayy. Moreover, Article 46 in Law 3 of 1982 requires transparency in the case of com-pulsory purchase: the transaction should be announced in broadsheets, the local police station, and the hayy at least two weeks prior to execu-tion. However, this is not practiced because of the local community’s


marginalized role and abrogated rights, and the absence of transparency in urban management. For example, the Ministry of Housing has not yet uncovered the schemes updated by the GOPP, finished in 2000, for historic Cairo.

In addition, recognition of architectural and historical value is given only to buildings registered by the SCA. A building is recognized as a monument only if more than one hundred years old, as maintained in Articles 1 and 2 of Law 117, 1983. There is no classification or mention of special architectural or other value, comparable to the architectural listing and classification concept elaborated in Chapter 3. Further-more, there is no consideration of area designation as a concept except in the case of the “beautification zone” surrounding the monuments, as described above.

Adopted Approaches to Area ConservationArticle 40 of Law 3 (1982) does not promote any cultural approach; thus it does not obligate comprehensive redevelopment of the historic area if it is dilapidated, a condition often found in the historic areas defined in the studies produced by GOPP (1988a, b, c; 1989). Yet it encourages the relo-cation of local residents from dilapidated areas–historic Cairo included–if there is alternative accommodation, such as the new settlements outside historic Cairo that the Cairo governorate provided for residents of some areas. This relocation policy was also maintained by Law 135 of 1981, which allows five years before the implementation of any evacuation or the demolition of any building proposed by a planning scheme. The pol-icy can be pursued in a way that is not sensitive to cultural context, as may be inferred from Ministry of Housing Decree No. 600, Article 69, issued in 1982 (this is the decree than enacts Law 3 of 1982). This Arti-cle focuses on population density and physical configuration (height of buildings, street profiles, and so on), considerations that may be applied to any area in Egypt.

“U” Group OrganizationsCommunity Members and RepresentativesDespite the fact that the impetuses for conservation are civic pride and identity, a similar sense of civitas has not developed in historic Cairo. This is interpreted by Williams (2002, p. 465) as an indication that many of its citizens are marginalized and live outside the legal

211“U” Group Organizations

framework. This is due to cumulative conflicts arising from the old rent control laws and the undecided relationship between tenants and land-lords, especially since the Ministry of Awqaf, the main owner of many residential and commercial units, does not give tenants and landlords a strong legal stance to defend their rights.298 This is illustrated in the great anxiety experienced by most local communities in areas under con-servation, upon seeing the conservation team arrive in the area.299 In addition, the local communities do not have an effective role in planning and decision-making, as described in the Localities section above. Sadly, it is almost impossible for them to scrutinize any governmental strategy or scheme, even in Parliament.

Ministry of Housing schemes are designed by the GOPP and imple-mented by the governorate. Gamaliya is the most important development district in historic Cairo, and Manshiyat Nasir is an unplanned district that is undergoing intensive upgrading by the Ministry of Housing in collabo-ration with many partners and international grants. This can be interpreted as an attempt by the Ministry of Housing to develop Manshiyat Nasir to receive residents who may be removed from Gamaliya. Moreover, the people of Manshiyat Nasir and Gamaliya, who have no actual municipal power, will not be able to scrutinize any area conservation scheme pursued in their areas because their parliamentary representative is the minister of housing, whose office draws up the schemes for their area.300

NGOsThere are three types of NGOs operating in historic areas in Cairo. The first type is the neighborhood NGO, established by individuals from the local community to pursue activities important for that community. For instance, the Qasr al-Sham‘ NGO was established to maintain the mosque, which, though not a historic one, is important for the Muslim neighborhood living in the Qasr al-Sham‘ area adjacent to the historic churches in the Coptic quarter. The second type is the NGO established by activists, or heritage or cultural specialists, concerned with social development and safeguarding culture. For example, the Fatimid Cairo Development Agency (FCDA), and Asala in al-Darb al-Ahmar, are con-cerned with preserving traditional art and offer training to the local com-munity to produce such handcrafts.

The third type is the NGO of international nature and backing, or with a wide-scale concern, such as those focusing on social development


or environmental upgrading. For example, the Anglican Coptic Associa-tion (ACA) is concerned with social upgrading and enhancing the life-style of rundown areas. It pursues its activities in Misr al-Qadima, close to Qasr al-Sham‘ and the spontaneous areas near the southern part of historic Cairo. The Near East Foundation (NEF) is an American-based organization concerned with environmental upgrading using integrated planning. It pursues its activities in al-Darb al-Ahmar in coordination with AKCS-E.

The role of NGOs in environmental upgrading is still not effective enough, due to governmental restrictions on the role and management of NGOs in Egypt. However, there has been a recent change after Law 33 of 1964 (regulating the role of NGOs in Egypt) was amended by Law 153 of 1999. Nonetheless, there remain restrictions on and political sensitivity toward receiving foreign aid or grants. There is currently a kind of resistance among Egyptian NGOs to this governmental control (al-Basil, 2000), but the situation has not changed, due to the priority given to national security and the continuous renewal of the emergency laws. NGOs in Egypt are viewed with suspicion and are not encouraged to participate effectively in community and environmental development. There was a much-publicized incident in which Saad Eddin Ibrahim, the founder of the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies, who received EC grants for reports about Egypt, was accused and sentenced to jail. Therefore, most NGOs move unconfidently.301

In general, the third type of NGOs deal more effectively with envi-ronmental development than the first and second types. For example, the Anglican Coptic Association (ACA) pursued successful upgrading coordination with the governorate to develop the spontaneous area of Qum Ghurab.302 The first and second types of NGOs founded by the local communities or Egyptian specialists and activists were not as fortu-nate. For example, the FCDA could not act or respond effectively to the insensitive urban beautification conducted in al-Ghuriya, a few meters away from its headquarters, or to the problem of the southern traffic access in Batniya.303

Local NGOs act effectively when they are coordinating with inter-national NGOs within an efficient urban upgrading scheme monitored by a well-organized urban management body. For example, AKCS-E, the area conservation and urban management unit in al-Darb al-Ahmar, in collaboration with NEF, have incorporated local NGOs Asala and

213“W” Group Organizations

al-‘Ashira al-Muhammadiya into an integrated upgrading program tar-geting social development. This was not the case in Qasr al-Sham‘ area, for which there was no comprehensive scheme or defined urban man-agement unit. Therefore, despite the fact that Anglican Coptic Associa-tion (ACA) approached Qasr al-Sham‘ Association requesting mutual collaboration during the implementation of the Qasr al-Sham‘ area proj-ect, this cooperation could not be established.304

“W” Group OrganizationsUNESCOUNESCO is an international organization, capable of offering only recommendations about considerations and principles to be followed to secure a certain degree of quality when pursuing conservation proj-ects. It has no authority over any country, but merely acts as a technical consultant. UNESCO protested the inauthentic restoration of Islamic monuments by the SCA or under its supervision, notably the work car-ried out in al-Azhar Mosque; and a World Heritage mission report in 2001 cited in Williams (2002, p. 462 and footnote 22) condemned work done in the mosque of Sarghatmish. Yet the ultimate threat of remov-ing al-Azhar Mosque from the World Heritage list was not carried out, and press reports that this action was being contemplated were denied by UNESCO.305

The participation of UNESCO as co-organizer of a conference in Cairo in February 2002 was an attempt by the SCA—the actual orga-nizer of the conference—to restore its image. The SCA took this step after being scrutinized by the Center for Islamic Architectural Heri-tage (CIAH), an independent Egyptian organization, which submit-ted a report to ICOMOS in August 2001, criticizing the quality of restoration of Islamic monuments in Cairo. ICOMOS passed on the report to the World Heritage Center in UNESCO (Williams, 2002, p. 465). At about the same time, a complaint about the inaccurate res-toration of Islamic monuments in Cairo was presented to the First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak.306 Accordingly, the SCA arranged this con-ference to restore its image and showcase the outcome of its restora-tion projects. The conference took the form of a series of educational sessions by UNESCO experts to introduce concepts essential for con-servation, such as authenticity, integrity, and so forth. In workshop ses-sions, UNESCO and ICOMOS experts commented negatively on the


area conservation schemes introduced by the Historic Cairo Organiza-tion (Ministry of Culture). That was confirmed by summaries of differ-ent session reports, referred to in this book as the Cairo Declaration, which discussed different conservation themes conducted in Cairo. Yet the UNESCO experts did not criticize or introduce any assessment of the general approaches followed in area conservation in Cairo, nor was this declaration elevated or developed to create a charter of conserva-tion for historic Cairo.

Furthermore, at the time when the governor of Cairo was pursuing the southern traffic access project, which cut through the urban fabric of al-Darb al-Ahmar and exposed twenty-three monuments in Bab al-Wazir Street to heavy traffic, the UNESCO office in Cairo (then rep-resented by Mizuko Ugo) arranged for a meeting with the governor. The main outcome of this meeting was a mere request that the gover-norate inform UNESCO of any future development it would pursue in historic Cairo.307

ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites)ICOMOS is an international NGO, based in Rome, which cooperates with UNESCO to safeguard heritage. The parent organization coordi-nates with local ICOMOS branches in each country. Each local ICO-MOS branch is composed of several committees concerned with different aspects of heritage documentation and safeguarding. The number of government employees involved in heritage safeguarding, such as SCA employees in Egypt, should not exceed 40 percent of the total member-ship of each local branch. One of the organization’s main roles is to moni-tor the quality and effectiveness of conservation work.308

However, the Cairo branch of ICOMOS has been very inactive dur-ing the last few years.309 Most of its members (over 40 percent) were SCA employees responsible for conservation work, and this has created a great conflict of interest, namely that ICOMOS members are in the position of regularly assessing the quality of their own conservation work. The ineffectiveness of ICOMOS Egypt necessitated its restructuring. Zahi Hawass, current general secretary of the SCA, commissioned Tarek al-Murri, a Ministry of Culture employee responsible for various restora-tion projects, to carry out this mission.310 However, ICOMOS Egypt is currently inactive, and has thus not played any role in the revitalization efforts conducted in historic Cairo.

215Power Arrangement

Foreign Aid AgenciesForeign aid agencies and grant givers do not interfere with conservation and development projects conducted in historic Cairo. The Italian minis-try of foreign affairs, through its Department for Development Coopera-tion in Cairo, granted le3 million (US$800,000) to finance the UNDP 1997 study. The Italian Government had nothing more to do with the grant or the study after giving the grant.311 Another example is the Japan International Co-operation Agency (JICA). It has no direct link with social and urban upgrading and development projects, but cooperates with the Social Fund for Development (SFD), an Egyptian government organization, which manages grants received from the JICA through its established social development schemes.312

Other granting sources are the foreign archaeological missions and research centers, which conduct restoration projects but do not work on an urban scale, such as the ARCE and the German Institute.313 Even consul-tancies, such as Mashrabeya and FEDA, after receiving grants to revitalize al-Darb al-Asfar and al-Tumbakshiya from the Arab Fund and the Swiss-Egyptian Fund, respectively, pursued their conservation work without any interference in decision-making.314 The only exception to this is the Aga Khan Organization, which has technical experience in conservation in many Islamic historic cities, which is why the organization acts as a source of foreign funding and as moderator for the urban upgrading proj-ect, through its local division in Egypt (AKCS-E).

An Overview of Policies of Area Conservation in CairoAll the agencies described above pursue area conservation in Cairo within a political paradigm that is responsible for the current policies and their activation/deactivation processes. This section will explore such politics and policies. It is followed by a thorough study of the current area conser-vation policies specified in the previous chapter. The power arrangement, values, and interests of the different parties involved in area conserva-tion in historic Cairo, as well as the actual framework through which the actors play their roles, will all be explored subsequently.

Power Arrangement“N” GroupAfter the 1952 Revolution and during the presidency of Gamal Abd al-Nasser, Egypt adopted socialism as a political ideology pursued under


military patronage. That is to say, army officers ruled most of the civil institutions. This created and maintained a centralized administra-tive model that is still active until today. For example, Mayfield (1996) describes the political system of modern Egypt as a highly bureaucratized system that dominates every part of the country economically, socially, and politically. In Egypt, says Attia (1999, p. 109), the role of the state has been shaped by a belief in and need for a guardian or nation-state ideal. In such a paradigm centralization dominates every national project and even the most technical planning problems cannot be sorted out without direct interference from the President himself. This is reported in a govern-ment magazine criticizing the centralized administrative model in Egypt. The President has to interfere personally and continually to stop conflicts between different government organizations that would cripple the implementation of major national projects. This is because of the supreme authority given to the President, who can issue decrees with the power of laws, according to Law 6 of 2000, which renews Law 29 of 1972.315 This was confirmed during the workshop I organized, when representatives of the ministries of culture and housing maintained that regardless of plan-ning or technical considerations, which they have to respect in their pro-posals, the supreme orders take priority and may alter a planning scheme in its entirety. In other words, a strict type of top-down planning mecha-nism operates, which can give priority to a national agenda that is gov-erned by other considerations. This was stated by representatives of the Arab Bureau, GOPP, and SCA during workshop sessions in 2001. Abdu Abdellah Omran al-Dali, the SCA representative, illustrated the domain of supreme orders that might compromise heritage with an example from the current hydraulic project at Esna Aqueduct, to be completed in 2005. By that date, many pharaonic temples will have been inundated or severely jeopardized by the Nile water, a fact that the SCA knowingly discounted, following higher orders, as these hydraulic projects are prioritized by the national agenda for growth and development.

This centralized administrative model has not changed, even after the adoption of free market development policies to achieve a liberal economy, initiated in the 1970s by the “open door” policy of President Sadat, which aimed at liberating the Egyptian economy from public sec-tor domination, and maintained by the current privatization of most of the government utilities and services. Yet it is the generals, or those with a military background or loyalty, who are appointed to the positions that


handle urban management and civil problems. For example, General Mahmoud Yassin, the deputy governor of Cairo, is the coordinator of the Executive Committee, and General Emad Maqlad is responsible for construction projects in the Ministry of Culture. This phenomenon can be traced to the long-lasting tradition of the Revolution leaders (since the 1950s), who preferred trustworthy leaders to technical specialized ones. It remains true today that generals are stationed in many government organizations to execute missions that cannot be achieved without a mili-tary will. This has also encouraged some former generals from the secret police to establish a private contracting company, which has won sev-eral tenders from the SCA to pursue restoration of many Islamic monu-ments (Williams, 2002). In general, this situation is maintained by the state, which gives it legal support. For example, according to the Supreme Administrative Court, in case of the absence of a governor (who is sup-posed to be a civilian), his deputy becomes the head of the police in his governorate and is responsible for any municipal problem.316

On the other hand, despite the economic reforms recommended by the IMF and World Bank, the Egyptian government does not have a clear conceptual and political vision (ideology). While claiming to be a state that adopts a democratic system, Article 4 of the constitution, modified in 1980, maintains that Egypt is a country which adopts both a socialist and a democratic system. To Shihata (2001, pp. 223–53), this is paradoxi-cal. Whereas the constitution maintains a socialist system in its different articles, the state is moving forward toward a free-market economy.

This contradiction was pinpointed by Faruq Gowida (a well-known Egyptian writer and intellectual), who attributed it to the lack of a clear ideology adopted by the state. For example, Faruq Gowida criticized the state for establishing Singour University and supporting the Francophone Organization, or even appointing an Egyptian to lead it, while neglect-ing the traditional and Islamic identity of Egypt.317 Qamha and Mincey (2000, pp. 77–79) also supports this idea. In an academic study applied to ninety Egyptian intellectuals of varied ages and backgrounds, seventy-seven expressed their dissatisfaction with the ambiguity of the ideologies adopted by the state and recommended having a motivating one.

Egypt is liberal and open when it comes to economic issues. Yet lib-eralism as an ideology is not merely limited to the economy; it includes a package of economic benefits integrated with an administration sys-tem and democracy. Thus, free-market policies are indivisible from


democracy (the role of the people and the degree of their involvement in decision-making), for they are produced and practiced in the west-ern world as a package of concepts. However, this is not obvious in Egypt. “Indeed Egypt is very ambiguous when discussing if it adopts democratic politics or capitalism as an ideological system for both suffer interference from the state” (Said, 2003).

“U” GroupThe privatization and economic liberation efforts pursued by the state are not paralleled with “institutional thickness,” which can balance the relation between the people and the state in its current shift from the subsidies and patronage of socialism to free-market mechanisms. Institutional thickness is a term used to indicate a strong institutional presence of local syndicates, financial institutions, local chambers of commerce, and local chambers of trade, which are supposed to create a network of institutions that can give fair and equal representation to the local community. When development or privatization proceeds in favor of investors, the rights of the community and weaker individuals are protected. The term “institutional thickness” is used to denote a system that establishes legitimacy and nurtures a relation-ship of trust (Amin and Thrift, 1995, p. 102). Unfortunately, the processes of economic liberation were not supported with effective social schemes, described above as “institutional thickness.” The ‘individual’ in general is absent from the contemporary political message, not only in Egypt but also in the Arab world in general. Individual rights are not respected, being subordinated to larger political rallying cries, such as national objectives. This is not limited to the official political messages of the right but extends to the fundamentalist Islamic left, with its stunted opportunities for par-ticipation in decision-making (El-Helo, 2001). This contradicts original Islamic teaching, in which the administration of the believers, the Mus-lim community, is regarded as a balance between the rights of the umma (nation) and the fard (individual), dealing with them on an equal footing.

This is even maintained through the constitution, which threatens the civil rights in Articles 47 and 48, subjecting them to unlimited restriction by the state. This is described as paradoxically unconstitutional by Shi-hata (2001, pp. 229–33). Moreover the emergency laws, introduced by Law 162 of 1958, are still active today, supported by Presidential Decrees 105 of 2000 and 38 of 1997 to extend Law 560 of 1981. These laws have placed great restrictions on community participation in decision-making,


prioritizing national security over individual rights. In general, the sys-tem is closed and not open to public scrutiny (Rivlin, 1985), so a legacy of public disputes with the current administrative system and decision-making mechanism has created a gap of mistrust. This is further wid-ened by the absence of transparency, insensitive policies, and legislation directed to political rather than community benefit. In addition, delays in enforcing laws and urban decisions have contributed much to this mis-trust, which cripples cooperation between the state and the community and widens the gap between them.318

The ineffective role of NGOs in Egypt, as described above, added to the ineffectiveness of the current human rights legislation, has main-tained the gulf between the state and the local community. Fatma Baraka, Ahmed Attia, and Dalia Gamal maintain that the human rights laws introduced in Egypt in 2003 did not take account of Law 105 of 1980, which limits individual rights and freedom. They also note the comment of Mufid Shehab, minister of legal affairs and councils, who maintained that human rights laws introduced by the government are essential, dur-ing this phase, mainly to convey a democratic “image” of Egypt and assert its respect for human rights. This also means that Egypt does not give in to “foreign political pressure”; yet the intention of this law was never to bridge the gap between the state and the local communities.319

Furthermore, the passive role of the community, expressed through what Tuma (1988) identifies as the IPI (Indecision, Procrastination and Indifference) model that characterizes individual–individual, individ-ual–institution, and institution–institution transactions, has established a pattern whereby, instead of resisting the centralized model, the com-munity avoids a direct clash with the government, paving the way for slack regulations and carelessness. Thus, local communities have drifted into indifference, allowing the state to defeat or neglect them at various levels of administration, as is the case with urban management in locali-ties in historic Cairo.320

“W” GroupThe international organizations concerned with heritage and the funding agencies have no direct impact on and cannot interfere much in Egyptian politics or heritage management policy. The role of UNESCO, for exam-ple, is limited to recommendations and its representatives play a relatively passive role to avoid any charge of political interference.


Values and InterestsIn general, within such a political model the local communities (“U” group) are regarded as vulnerable groups; they are dominated by state agencies and organizations (“N” group), while the “W” group plays the role of a consultant that is almost ineffective in area conservation and urban management in historic Cairo. The “U” group’s values and interests are likely to be surrendered, especially in the absence of a clear national system that organizes and arranges the priorities of each group in each case, according to the actual value of the site or monument dealt with. There is no current effective and legally operative documentation or classification system.321 For example, whereas in Tunisia the Washing-ton Charter of 1987 is officially adopted by the Tunisian authorities for area conservation, Egypt has no such reference and there is no current intention to produce a charter specifically for area conservation.322

“N” GroupAs reviewed above, the most influential governmental organizations involved in area conservation in historic Cairo are the Cairo governorate, the Ministry of Housing, and the Ministry of Culture. Other ministries or organizations involved in area conservation in historic Cairo work as associates with those three main organizations.

Curiously, despite the fact that the Ministry of Awqaf owns between 80–90 percent of the non-religious historic properties (and has, in the-ory, the legal and religious right to own the religious historic structures, too) the state does not involve it effectively. For example, according to Presidential Decree No. 83 of 2000, regarding the Supreme Coun-cil of Tourism, the Ministry of Awqaf had no representative in the council, whereas the SCA had its representative. This means only the SCA (which is concerned with the restoration and physical aspects of the historic buildings) is allowed to participate, while the Ministry of Awqaf (which owns the buildings and is involved with social and cul-tural aspects that might be jeopardized by tourism) is excluded. More-over the state, represented through its different organizations above, does not concern itself with revitalizing a cultural approach or adopt-ing a traditional urban management system, such as the system of awqaf itself, still widely recognized by the communities who are faithful to religious systems like it. This is because the state’s interest in area con-servation in historic Cairo is expressed through the schemes pursued

221Values and Interests

and implemented by its agents namely, the Cairo governorate, the Min-istry of Housing, and the Ministry of Culture.

The Cairo governorate is an executive body. However, its objective, as expressed by the governor, is to generate investment and revenue through tourism.323 Furthermore, the governorate is interested in realizing the national interest through major traffic projects for vehicular access that link the city’s outskirts with new expansions, necessary for national devel-opment. This has been achieved through a number of flyovers, highways, and tunnels inaugurated by the governor and the minister of housing, not only in historic Cairo but in other parts of the city.

Such schemes are strategies for expanding investment and economic and urban growth for Cairo 2017, the main agenda motivating the work of the GOPP. The GOPP cooperates with the governorate, as shown above, to achieve the national agenda for growth and development. How-ever, the GOPP is a consultancy at the Ministry of Housing that gives recommendations and designs and suggests schemes, and the minister of housing is not only the political power, but also the superior techni-cal authority for planning decisions issued by the ministry.324 Therefore, the consultancy’s decisions or recommendations in the ministry can be overridden by those of the minister, and there is a tendency in practice to prioritize financial revenue for the ministry over the well-being of the physical heritage or the community. To take the case of al-Azhar Tunnel, the Ministry of Housing’s decision to select the more expensive and mon-umental option, the long tunnel, brought in great profits for the Ministry of Housing and its executive contracting bodies.

The Ministry of Culture, through the SCA, is supposed to be con-cerned with physical heritage. Yet the speed and the dubious authen-ticity of its restoration work raise some doubts about its real interest in historic Cairo. The double standards of the Ministry of Culture emerged in the way it dealt with Mashyakhat al-Azhar, the old admin-istrative building of al-Azhar that is located in al-Azhar Square. Despite the fact that it was built less than one hundred years ago, and is therefore legally a regular and not a historic building, the Ministry of Culture went to great lengths to protect it, opposing both the Min-istry of Housing and the governorate, both of which recommended the removal of that unregistered building to make room for a huge square. On the other hand, the Ministry of Culture has neglected other historically and architecturally valuable structures located outside


historic Cairo. Khalid Mubarak reports in al-Ahram (May 19, 2000, p. 3) the deterioration of Prince Tughay Palace, built in the early twenti-eth century, which represents a rare transitional architectural style that deserves protection. He protests that the Ministry of Culture and the SCA neglected it completely, leaving it to deteriorate. Furthermore, Mohamed Salmawy reported in al-Wafd (January 3, 2002, p. 14) on the decision by the Ministry of Culture to demolish the first printing press in Egypt, introduced by Muhammad ‘Ali in the early nineteenth cen-tury. Salmawy noted that the Ministry of Culture not only disregarded the historical value of such a national inheritance but also flouted the prime-ministerial decree against this act of destruction. This certainly reflects a double standard in the Ministry of Culture, protecting what-ever lies within historic Cairo while giving little or no attention to what is outside it.

This notion was interpreted by Williams (2002) who maintained that “Egypt will join fifteen European and eleven other Mediterranean coun-tries to become part of the Exhibition Trail, a project of the Museum without Frontiers, whose aim is to enhance understanding and appre-ciation of the cultural heritage of the European, Middle Eastern, and Northern African communities” (p. 457). This might explain the enthu-siasm of the Ministry of Culture to participate in urban studies and man-agement in historic Cairo to pave the way for a cultural route, taking in the historic buildings, for tourists and foreign visitors interested in the physical cultural heritage of the area, rather than focusing on develop-ing the heritage charters and national guidelines that are the ministry’s main responsibility.325

In general, if there is a common goal that is pursued by main actors in area conservation in historic Cairo, it is instilling a ‘civilized’ look and a polished (sanitized) environment. This is sought by the governorate in collaboration with the Ministry of Housing, which, in common with the Ministry of Culture, is more concerned with revenue generated by construction projects associated with area conservation. The Ministry of Culture also seeks a ‘civilized’ historic route for the Museum without Frontiers, and to establish the Ministry of Culture in the national Revi-talization of Historic Cairo Project. Nevertheless, the ‘civilized’ look has not taken local communities into consideration. Contrary to this, in most of the advanced conservation systems (for example, the Georgian town in Edinburgh) it is agreed that the best way to develop a historic area is

223Institutional Framework

to make it civilized, first, for its own residents; which in turn will make it civilized for any tourist to come (Matthew, Reid, and Lindsay, 1972).

“U” GroupThe “U” group is best represented by the everyday users of the place, people who live and work there. They are interested in maximizing those values that are significant to their daily life, including social, economic, psychological, and spiritual or cultural values. They may, however, dis-regard the tangible heritage values esteemed by other groups, such as historic and aesthetic values, or even environmental qualities such as hygiene. This contributes to the gap between local communities and officials and planners.326

“W” GroupThe main values of the World group are those discussed in Chapter 3. This group might be accused of being the reason why states with a less democratic model overlook the rights of local communities living in heri-tage areas, and develop heritage as a core product to attract the dollar rev-enues of tourism. Nevertheless, it is essential to readjust this false image, as the World group is not only concerned with the physical heritage per se. International organizations value the tangible qualities of heritage as much as the intangible ones, and view the rights of traditional commu-nities, as well as different ethnicities, from an ethical perspective that calls for cultural and ethnic multiplicity and coexistence. This has been expressed through a growing call to allow for change and development for the traditional community, to keep it alive and not to museumize it, even while respecting the heritage of the past. This concern is manifest in the many international charters propounding the integrity and authentic-ity of heritage sites and their sustainable management and safeguarding processes, as reviewed in Chapter 2. Such an outcome would be possible by adopting a cultural perspective for development (UNESCO, 2000).

Institutional FrameworkAll the organizations reviewed above are supposed to cooperate and conduct their roles in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project. The problem is that there are many organizations involved in such a national project, which makes environmental and municipal management very complicated (Leitmann, 1995). There are some signs of inter-institutional


conflict. For example, the Ministry of Tourism is authorized to issue licenses for shops that offer touristic services according to Law 1 of 1992. This might conflict with plans pursued by the municipal authorities. In addition, finger pointing is common between the Ministry of Culture and the governorate or other organizations like Cultnat. For example, when the governor of Cairo planned to utilize Bab al-Wazir Street as a vehicu-lar traffic route, endangering twenty-three monuments and the historic urban fabric of al-Darb al-Ahmar in general, the minister of culture’s for-mer office manager expressed his intention to wait for the governor to act and then to take legal action against him, rather than approach him to prevent any problem.

The same negative attitude was followed by the hayy (district office of the governorate) in Qasr al-Sham‘ toward the Ministry of Culture for not coordinating with or consulting the hayy prior to decision-making. The ministry made plans that were merely concerned with the superficial beautification (external finishing) of non-historic houses but ignored the severe cracks and dilapidated condition of these buildings. Instead of approaching the ministry to modify plans and safeguard the neighbor-hood, the hayy waited until the Ministry of Culture had financed and implemented urban upgrading in the area so as to issue restoration orders for the dilapidated houses recently decorated by the Ministry of Culture. This came as a tremendous blow to the local community, who could not afford the restoration expenses, and must be evacuated from their houses for safety reasons. The hayy and the governorate were certainly aware of the quality of urban upgrading pursued by the Ministry of Culture, but kept silent until it was completed to seize this opportunity to scrutinize the Ministry of Culture and its planning office (Historic Cairo Organi-zation), at the expense of victimizing the people of Qasr al-Sham‘.327

Situations like these must arise in the absence of any statutory definition of the role of each organization, or any widely accepted definition of heritage and the ways to safeguard it, or any plan to orga-nize the specific responsibilities of each organization involved in heritage management in such a way as to avoid conflict. To reiterate: the Egyptian constitution does not contain any article regarding the heritage, environ-mental, or local community safeguarding (Shihata, 2001, pp. 249–53).

This can be interpreted as owing to the enthusiastic concern of the “ . . . politicians who are involved in area conservation in what to do and how to do, how to proceed with area conservation projects, and not

225Institutional Framework

according to what principles and basis.”328 What needs to be specified clearly on a statuary basis is the definition of heritage, and the organi-zational framework of its conservation. The lack of such a framework was highlighted when the Egyptian press questioned the intellectual and professional references for the conservation work in Egypt in gen-eral.329 The well-known journalist Faruq Gowida criticized that statu-tory absence and demanded an effective law to protect heritage and organize its conservation in Egypt.330

With regard to the actual framework of urban management in his-toric Cairo, prior to the national revitalization project, municipal man-agement was the responsibility of the governorate led by the governor, as set out in the municipal management framework by Serajaldin (1984, p. 163). However, after growing pressure at a national level resulted in the high-profile Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project, the Ministry of Culture came to be regarded as the main coordinator responsible for urban upgrading (see UNDP, 1997, p. 156, Fig. 20). Government sup-port for this was conveyed by the establishment of the Ministerial Com-mittee under the chairmanship of the minister of culture, which was to draw up principles and general guidelines for the Executive Committee. Yet in practice, the Ministerial Committee has left the Executive Com-mittee without guidance or a code of conservation ethics and principles to pursue urban upgrading. This has resulted in the present situation, where the various organizations sometimes compete for control and sometimes deny responsibility, and the gulf widens between the orga-nizations and the local communities, owing to lack of trust and the IPI behavior model (Tuma, 1988).

The outcome is a mosaic of urban management zones within his-toric Cairo, which form territorial domains of administrative control. For example, the areas located to the north of the northern walls and Bab al-Nasr Cemetery are the responsibility of the governorate. The areas to the south of the northern walls and al-Darb al-Asfar are under the direct control of the Ministry of Culture. The area between the mosque of ‘Amr and the Coptic quarter is financed and led by the Min-istry of Tourism, in collaboration with the hayy (district authority), and the governor’s administrative support. Consequently, the governorate has managed to create alliances with, and give administrative support to the ministries of housing and tourism, while conducting effective com-munications and agreements with the Ministry of Awqaf through the

Executive Committee. Such coordination is not pursued as effectively between the governorate and the Ministry of Culture; although there is one exception to that: the case of Magra al-‘Uyun, which is located close to the National Pediatric Cancer Hospital and Zinhum spontane-ous quarter, two development projects that have the active support of the First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak.

227

Summary and Conclusion

6

Summary

My concern for historic Cairo was inspired by the old city’s dilapi-dated condition, especially after the 1992 earthquake, and by its relentless environmental decline despite continual upgrading

attempts ever since the 1980s. The present inquiry began by exploring the significance and values of the historic areas and by defining the quali-ties to be safeguarded through appropriate processes and mechanisms of area conservation. My findings indicate the advisability of a broad per-spective to reconcile the different claims and needs of the “U,” “N,” and “W” interest groups within each historic area.

The study covers the proposals and interventions that have been intro-duced during the period since 1994. This is a short period to judge their impact, and so I sought a broader view by exploring examples of area con-servation in the historic cities of other Arab–Islamic countries (Tunisia, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon). Legislative experience and planning control systems in Britain were also consulted on the conceptual level. The main goal was to construct an effective and comprehensive approach to area conservation that respects the special environmental qualities and cul-tural values of Arab–Islamic cities as a model to assess current revitaliza-tion schemes in historic Cairo.

Chapter 1 posed the key question of what to conserve, with particular reference to the evolution of historic Cairo through centuries of physical and cultural transformation. The main zone of historic Cairo was com-pared with the adjacent districts that interact with it, such as colonial Cairo, or the spontaneous housing districts, which suffer poor conditions

228 Summary and Conclusion

similar to the historic areas. The U/N/W framework clarifies the subjec-tive meaning of any historic area, and so it is developed here for Arab–Islamic cities and more precisely for historic Cairo.

The different concerns of the U/N/W groups refer to tangible “val-ues of states” and also to intangible “values of processes.” Their different priorities determine the value of each historic area, each site, or even each lane. Hence the crucial importance of considering each specific case on its own merits, in view of the local economy and precise social and cul-tural conditions.

Chapters 2 and 3 pose the key question of how to conserve. Here again, the answers must take account of each area’s particular significance and the values shared or disputed by the U/N/W groups. The environ-mental qualities that sustain such significance, and the differing claims and rights of the three interest groups, were clarified by reviewing the relevant international charters.

Three main qualities (integrity, authenticity, and sustainability) are essential for securing a well-conserved and well-functioning urban envi-ronment. All three should be considered together when decisions or plans are made to upgrade a historic area, and especially to control physi-cal developments and funding mechanisms. Conservation schemes must be resilient enough to ensure the three main qualities as well as the needs and claims of the U/N/W groups. Only thus can a scheme lead to a bal-anced environment with a clear character and maintained significance.

Those goals are achieved through a specified process, which comple-ments the special nature of each conservation area through culturally and environmentally sensitive methods of planning. Chapter 3 explains the FWP method, whereby the statutory and action phases combine all the relevant considerations: community development, physical rehabilita-tion, and protection of the national heritage. Consequently, this research accumulates concepts of area conservation that are based on actual case studies and on the broadly accepted principles embodied in the profes-sional literature and international charters.

Chapters 4 and 5 synthesize the criteria required to assess area conser-vation. The criteria for historic Cairo include environmental evaluative filters, and they define policies and structures for urban management that ensure implementation of the required values and considerations (see Fig. 4.3). Chapter 4 also develops the main conceptual framework. It shows how a balanced environment and effective conservation can be achieved

229Conclusion

by safeguarding integrity, authenticity, and sustainability. It explains how comprehensive planning considers each area’s special meaning through a specified process, designed and implemented to respond to local cul-tural values. On policy-making, it suggests political empowerment for each local “U” group to interact with the authorities (the “N” and “W” groups), so that each group’s values and interests are represented and satisfied through negotiation. This model is presented in the form of positive criteria, which are deduced from the earlier discussion of ways to assess area conservation. Chapter 5 applies that model of assessment to conservation in historic Cairo, exploring the current situation in terms of the U/N/W stakeholders’ different degrees of awareness and competence and their different values and priorities.

ConclusionGenerally, the historic areas in Egypt are perceived by officials and influential people as manifestations of physical heritage and opportunities for investment in tourism. In Cairo and other places, there is insufficient government concern for the cultural values, or the environmental and social needs, of the local communities. Thus the official and ideological focus is mainly on “values of states” and not on “values of processes.”

Some official recognition is given to the environmental and visual integrity of historic areas, but their structural and functional integrity are given less recognition. The areas’ authenticity is jeopardized by exces-sive official focus on development, without adequate attention to cul-tural and community values. Sustainable conservation is not achieved, because administrative coordination is lacking and the local communities’ demands are not prioritized.

The local economy, trade, and manufacturing businesses are sub-ordinated to the government’s priority: investment in tourism, and the conversion of historic Cairo into a tourist attraction by sanitizing and “civilizing” its appearance. Aside from that, larger urban development schemes at the Greater Cairo level gave priority to expanding traffic access to link the city’s new outer developments with the center. This is illustrated through the development of al-Azhar Tunnel and the northern and southern traffic accesses.

On the statutory level of the conservation process in Egypt, appraisal reports are commonly produced for specific locations (depending on the project and the organization in charge) but there is no general area

230 Summary and Conclusion

appraisal for the whole fabric of historic Cairo. Nor is there any gen-eral strategy for implementation by the official organizations. There is no central unit for integrated planning and management for the whole of historic Cairo; indeed there is a power struggle over the old city and its urban management. There is no designation of area boundar-ies, because this concept is either unrecognized or so bogged down in the legislative process that it cannot be enforced. The current laws and guidelines for heritage safeguarding are inadequate, and they must be greatly improved to control and direct the upgrading of historic Cairo. Meanwhile this crucial and irrevocable work is proceeding with uncon-trolled haste.

On the action level, there is no real partnership among the organiza-tions or departments involved in historic Cairo’s conservation. There is no scheme for joint public–private investment in heritage management. Nor is there any scheme for local urban communities to collaborate with planning authorities to safeguard the heritage and/or upgrade the urban fabric. Local communities are usually ignored. They might be consulted at best, but are never allowed to participate effectively.

Documentation is well advanced, thanks to GIS technology, through different departments in different organizations. However, most of those efforts are duplicated and thus redundant. There is no clear legislation on classifying and listing the conservation areas. There is no official system or technique that can help planners to define the historic/architectural or social/cultural values of the whole urban fabric. Recognition of single buildings and historic value alone, leads to the loss of many intangible qualities important for preserving the integrity of historic Cairo.

Detailed appraisals for many areas have been produced by depart-ments in the ministries of housing and culture and by associated organiza-tions. However, most of these studies are discarded and not implemented. Most of them focus on technical aspects, for example, architectural style and streetscape, while neglecting the financial support that might moti-vate the local community to participate in the development schemes. For example, the appraisals never suggest loans for local people to restore their houses or to develop their small local businesses.

Implementation of many schemes is crippled by inappropriate plan-ning. Official long-run gains are sought through beautification to attract tourists, but the planners neglect the short-run gains essential for the local communities. For instance, the local people need urgent repairs for

231Conclusion

their dilapidated housing, and they need assistance to boost local employ-ment while getting rid of hazardous industries.

Furthermore, cultural traditions have not been a priority in area conser-vation. Most of the official participants have neglected to revitalize any tra-ditional system for urban management. The implemented projects reflect this unresponsive planning adopted by the governmental authorities.

All those shortcomings can be attributed to Egypt’s current political system, which is heavily state-centered. Regardless of the social or tech-nical considerations, the government dominates the strategies for plan-ning and implementing any project. Local communities are neglected in favor of the national priority of development for tourism. In addition, the values and priorities of each government organization are not specified according to a clear national system, such as laws or guidelines or char-ters for urban heritage management. Although many officials have the necessary competence and awareness (at least on the technical and mid-dle-managerial level) the government’s overriding priority of national financial gain through tourism creates a huge chasm between the “N” group on one hand and the “U” and “W” groups on the other, especially the “U” group. No mechanism exists for reconciling the conflict.331

Decisions about historic Cairo are thus, in far too many cases, domi-nated by government bodies. The responsibilities and level of involve-ment of the three groups are out of balance, with especially inadequate provision for the claims and needs of the “U” group. Conflict among organizations and departments leads to endless territorial struggle. Each official body tries to assert control, and this struggle defeats coordination and comprehensive planning.

The above analysis refutes the officially declared reasons why historic Cairo suffers its mixture of deterioration and inappropriate conservation. The official view is that both these problems are due to a shortage of money. However, that notion is no longer tenable. Money can be obtained from various sources, but three essentials are currently lacking: (a) coor-dination among official bodies; (b) genuine involvement of the local com-munities; (c) commitment to an active system for reconciling the U/N/W groups’ interests. Once those prerequisites are acknowledged and imple-mented, historic Cairo can have a bright and proud future.

233

Notes

1 The term ‘historic Cairo’ refers to the medieval district where traditional Arab–Islamic urban cultural values were explicitly practiced until the mid-nineteenth century, as discussed in the first part of this study. For more details see Figs.1.1 and 1.5 in Chapter 1.

2 The Fatimids are the dynasty that initially, in the tenth century, constructed the principal walled district as a royal city called al-Qahira (‘the Victorious’). Imme-diately after this dynasty collapsed in the twelfth century, the walled city was inte-grated with the ancient districts outside the walls, such as al-Fustat (established in the seventh century). This bigger whole, al-Qahira and al-Fustat, together with later developed quarters, formed the giant medieval city also known as al-Qahira (Cairo).

3 This thought was represented by the social geographer Janet Abu-Lughod, at the IASTE (International Association for the Study of Traditional Environ-ments) conference, Cairo, 1998.

4 The national group tends to monopolize historic area conservation, without giv-ing enough consideration to the claims and priorities of users (or, sometimes, to those of world heritage).

5 This point is discussed further in Chapter 5.6 See note no. 129 for the government’s institutional definition of ‘civilized.’7 Values that distinguish historic areas and give them a meaning are elaborated in

the following chapter.8 The main environmental qualities responsible for the significance of the historic

areas are investigated and reviewed in Chapter 3.9 See Chapter 5 for more details about different area conservation schemes and

calls for safeguarding historic quarters in Cairo.

234 Notes

10 These cemeteries contain some rare examples of Mamluk and Ottoman archi-tecture; yet being tightly enclosed by the Salah Salim, al-Nasr, and al-Qatamiya highways has turned them into an urban ‘heritage island.’

11 Further problems in historic Cairo and other historic towns in the Middle East region are illustrated in Sedky (2000, 2001a, 2001c) and Shehayeb and Sedky (2002).

12 These chains always end with the absence of both aesthetic and hygienic values, and thus degraded environmental qualities. Therefore any upgrading attempt should trace such chains back to their origins. Besides other hypotheses, prob-lems can always be traced back to an institutional cause, for example, bureau-cracy or the absence of effective planning legislation or law enforcement.

13 This redevelopment was carried out by the Cairo governorate, under the super-vision of Mahmoud Yassin, deputy governor and coordinator of the Executive Committee. The Ministry of Social Affairs was to do the social studies for the inhabitants of the Bab al-Nasr Cemetery (see Chapter 5).

14 A project of the Historic Cairo Organization (Urban Development Stud-ies Department, Ministry of Culture) based on studies prepared by the Arab Bureau and the Conservation Department of the Arab Contractors (Ministry of Housing).

15 Only studies and proposals for projects have so far addressed al-Mu‘izz Street, such as the studies of the GOPP (Ministry of Housing), the Cairo governorate, and the UNDP study of 1997.

16 Mashrabeya, under the umbrella of the SCA (Ministry of Culture), was respon-sible for the area conservation of al-Darb al-Asfar; FEDA, in coordination with the Executive Committee of the Cairo governorate, was responsible for area conservation in al-Tumbakshiya Street (see Chapter 5).

17 Studies were conducted by the Cairo governorate and the Ministry of Housing through the Arab Bureau. The construction and restoration were carried out by the Arab Contractors (Ministry of Housing).

18 Studies and urban regeneration scheme in al-Darb al-Ahmar were the work of the AKCS-E (see Chapter 5).

19 Urban studies for this project were conducted by the GOPP. The restora-tion and conservation studies, the streetscape, and so on, were prepared by the ECAE, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, in collaboration with the SCA and the governorate.

20 This project was pursued by the team led by Mona Zakariya, consultant to the Ministry of Tourism, which financed the project, although in coordination with the governorate (see Chapter 5).

235Notes to Chapter 1

21 This is mainly a major restoration project financed and supervised by the SCA (see Chapter 5).

22 This project is conducted by the Historic Cairo Organization (Ministry of Cul-ture; see Chapter 5).

23 These projects of upgrading environmental qualities in such spontaneous quar-ters are pursued by the Anglican Coptic Association (see Chapter 5).

24 See Abu-Lughod (1971) for further social descriptions of Cairo (Fig. 1.15).25 This may illustrate the persistence of some environmental values that were

expressed as a domestication of European urbanism and architecture.26 This is developed in Chapter 5.27 ‘Informal’ here is a term used to distinguish the type of the discussed urbanism

different from the formal, institutionally and internationally recognized (regular western planning model) planned urbanism.

28 This is regarded as the cause of environmental blight (El-Naggar, 1963, p. 161). However, El-Naggar concentrates mainly on physical quality without much emphasis on social qualities.

29 The concept of ‘authenticity’ is elaborated in the next chapter.30 The “U” group’s role is recognized through area conservation charters, as dis-

cussed in the following chapter. 31 This is observed in al-Darb al-Ahmar through the environmental mapping and

behavioral studies by Dina Shehayeb (consultant to the AKCS-E project there) to define the community’s behavior in open environments. The findings confirm that traditional concepts, like the charitable giving of water to passersby and the different uses of open spaces by men and women, are clues to the customary rules noted above. (Interview with Shehayeb, August 2000, Cairo.)

32 This persistence comes from continuing cultural values that are mainly inspired by a religious source. Religion here is not a dogmatic term: it is associated with culture. T.S. Eliot (2001, p. 21) claims that culture is a sub-product of reli-gion. Ibrahim (1984) stresses the role of religion in consolidating the character of the Cairene community and supported by the traditional culture, also based on religion, of the rural immigrants. This persistence of culture and religion is logical. Whether historic, social, or economic, its force determines the area’s morphology, current status, and function. For example, the famous Suq al-Silah (Armorers’ Street) contains old workshops built in the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries, whose current use by blacksmiths is relevant to its original function (Sedky, 2001a).

33 These choices recall Schumacher’s Small Is Beautiful (1989), with its critique of lavish modernity and appeal for a return to a small-scale, humane way of life.

236 Notes

Schumacher’s work motivated respect for local cultures in development, as stressed by UNESCO (2000). See Chapter 3 below.

34 Institutions such as the mukhtar and the muhtasib are still active and effective today in Syria because they are religiously inspired. The Egyptian government, however, no longer permits such institutions, fearing that their religious iden-tity might give rise to fanatical groups in poor communities. I find this fear justifiable, because orthodox religious teaching was confused with socialism in the 1960s, and with radical neo-liberalism since the 1970s. Those materialis-tic ideologies prevent poor communities from using rational Islamic thought to guide and manage their urban problems.

35 See the gentrification section in the following chapter.36 Allen et al. (1999) and Healey et al. (1995) define neo-liberalism and explain its

impact on urban management and the official institutional role in developing countries.

37 Amin (1995) uses the term “institutional thickness” to mean that organiza-tions and institutional processes should set up a framework of collective sup-port for individuals to promote free-market entrepreneurship. See Chapter 5 for application to Egypt.

38 Planning policies in Cairo are discussed in Chapter 5.39 Ballo (1993, p. 23) states that “the Third World [city is] characterized by the

fragmentation of its spatial organization” separating modern planned districts from historic areas and spontaneously built slums. In Europe, by contrast, mas-ter planning has shaped cities with a balanced distribution of basic amenities and infrastructure and clear systems for tenure of land and buildings.

40 Pahl (1982) describes officials and professionals in the planning bureaucracy as gatekeepers who place undue reliance on their data and are unaware of the unin-tended consequences of their actions.

41 This information was confirmed by Mizuko Ugo, Cultural Division, UNESCO Office in Cairo, during an interview in April 2002, Cairo.

42 Interview with Zainab Kubat, School of Architecture, Istanbul Technical Uni-versity, Istanbul, April 2000.

43 This point was stressed by Ana Paolini, Division of Cultural Heritage in the Middle Eastern and former Yugoslavian Countries, UNESCO, during an inter-view with the author in March, 2002, Cairo.

44 Geddes aimed for better hygiene in the dilapidated old town by upgrading its exist-ing urban fabric, removing as little as possible, but giving access to better amenities.

45 This was developed from Ruskin’s Lamp of Life (from The Seven Lamps of Archi-tecture, pp. 123–46. New York: Wiley and Halsted, 1857). Ruskin was never a


restorer, but he emphasized the responsiveness and authentic quality of life. His call was for a more subjective way to conserve a historic town (Venice). It implied the importance of the main agents of its equilibrium: its people with their activi-ties, and its physical elements.

46 Art is not only a tool for seeking truth. It expresses itself independently, and is thus even more important than truth (Heidegger, cited in Jokilehto, 1999). In this light, Brandi associates conservation with art to give it a life of its own.

47 Cf. the concept of value to safeguard historic areas (CCV) in Chapter Two.48 In this year the Association de Sauveguarde de la Medina (ASM), the most effec-

tive municipal organization in Tunisia, was founded.49 The author is indebted to Rashid Gharib, head of the Islamic Monument

Department at the INP, for information regarding INP strategies and policies of area conservation in Tunisia (interview at INP headquarters, Tunis City, Tunisia, March 2001).

50 Jokilehto and Brandi regard conservation as a work of art, and they regard aes-thetics and history as polarities of the work of art. Aesthetics are manifested in design, materials, and so on. History is viewed in its wide subjective cultural sense. Both elements, in balance, mark the quality of any conservation project.

51 Structure here means not only buildings, but the whole urban form. For instance, a traditional Arab–Islamic city is concentric, with the congregational mosque surrounded by rings of markets and other districts. The nature of the market is determined by its distance from the mosque. ‘Noble’ goods (safe and clean, such as books and perfumes) are closer than less noble, utilitarian goods such as cop-per vessels, and utensils. Structural integrity is historical integrity, as it preserves the original framework of the Arab–Islamic city.

52 Such a spatial structure still functions today, and it governs even local behavior. The author experienced this in the lively markets of old Damascus and Aleppo, and during the UNESCO workshop for the rehabilitation of the Bab al-Nasr area of historic Cairo, held in Cairo from March 31 to April 7, 2002.

53 This is why Giovannoni proposed “diradamento edilizo” to safeguard historic towns by thinning out the urban fabric rather than cutting it into scattered or segregated districts.

54 Landmarks are distinctive features forming the image of a city (Lynch, 1960).55 Reliability is etymologically associated with authenticity. The ancient Greek

word authentes meant the doer of the deed, which implies reliability (Walker, 1992, p. 287).

56 Unlike the hara, the neighborhood unit in the Arab–Islamic city, which accom-modates homogeneous ethnicity, culture, and/or people of the same guild.

238 Notes

57 This has resulted in museumization due to the sanitization of traditional working areas, thus stripping them of their authentic quality and breaking the matrix of their functional and activity systems, as in the case of al-Ghuriya discussed above.

58 Such schemes were drafted during 1992–95 and submitted to the governorate in 1995.

59 According to the Syrian Law 9 of 1985, Syria encourages this process because of limited money for compulsory purchasing. I am indebted to Samir Ahmar (asso-ciate professor, Faculty of Architectural Engineering, Damascus University) for information about area conservation schemes in Syria (interview with the author, Damascus, August 2000).

60 Interview with Magdi Latif Shinoda, an associate of Mona Zakariya and area con-servation team member in the Religious Complex project, August 2001, Cairo.

61 Sir Jocelyn Stevens, chairman of English Heritage, in a speech to the Associa-tion of District Councils, UK, May 1993, quoted by Delafons (1997, p. 118).

62 From a presentation by Isma‘il Serageldin on January 14 at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina about the World Bank examples of, and approach to, area conser-vation, given during the inauguration session of the First International Confer-ence of the UIA-WPAHR-V Work Programme: Architecture and Heritage.

63 Serageldin was the deputy director of the World Bank and involved in many area conservation schemes in historic Islamic cities. He had to find a mon-etary model acceptable to the World Bank and the IMF, the major funding sources in the Arab–Islamic countries (see the foreign aid section below). He developed a contingent valuation method to quantify the values of cultural heritage. This was done by asking beneficiaries (research samples) about their willingness to pay to obtain or to preserve a certain environmental quality. This “willingness to pay” measure has been used mainly to evaluate publicly or privately provided goods, such as water supply and wastewater services. When it was applied to safeguarding Fez in Morocco, many people in Europe were asked about their willingness to contribute and how much (Serageldin, 2000, p. 296). This novel technique translates intangibles into monetary val-ues, often required for project finance mechanisms such as feasibility studies and budget estimates.

64 The pro-conservative approach is criticized by Torsello (1998, p. 49) for being promoted mainly by conservation professionals as the main beneficiaries.

65 Besides foreign aid, there are many other potential funding sources (for exam-ple, lottery funds or public–private partnerships, as in Britain). However, the Middle East, including Egypt and the Fertile Crescent, depends wholly on


foreign aid. There are no partnerships for upgrading urban historic areas. Therefore, this book focuses mainly on foreign aid although partly also on national funding.

66 Normally the geographical distribution of these agencies is based on politi-cal-economic and cultural links between Arab and donor countries. USAID is active in Egypt and Jordan since the peace treaty of 1979. GTZ is active in Syria because of academic and economic protocols between Syria and Germany. IRD is active in Lebanon and Syria as former French colonies. Recently, however, IRD began competing with USAID in the colonial European parts of Cairo, mainly the CBD (Central Business District, meaning Isma‘ili Cairo), and also in Tunisia, where the IRD is supporting the documentation and conservation scheme for colonial districts rather than the city of old Tunis.

67 School of Geography, course material 1999 on development and foreign aid by Diaby-Pentzlin, consultant for GTZ (German Foreign Aid Agency). She described the aid programs of the GTZ and the BMZ (Bundesministerium für Zusammenarbeit), showing how they benefit Germany politically but not according to priorities of the recipient countries. For example, West Africa’s famines are ignored so that Germany can channel most of its grants toward East-ern European countries as prospective EU members.

68 Matar (2000) asserts, focusing mostly on USAID cases in Egypt, that despite the temptation of mid-period and short-term loans issued in fixed amount, with free interest, and repaid in Egyptian pounds, foreign aid is mainly a way to pro-mote American products and apply high interest in later stages of the loan for the benefit of American enterprises. To Daher (1999), grants are returned to the donor country through its imposed experts, whose high fees consume most of these grants.

69 Interview in Vincent’s office, ARCE, Cairo, July 2000.70 Interview with Faiqa Bejaoui, deputy director of ASM (Association de Sauveg-

uarde de la Medina) in her office, Tunis, March 2001.71 I am indebted to Brigitte Leicht, an anthropologist at the School of Geogra-

phy, Mainz University, for drawing my attention to this fact (interview with the author, Mainz, October 2000).

72 This information was given by Shokichi Sakata, Deputy Resident Representa-tive of JICA in Egypt (interview with the author, JICA headquarters, Cairo, December 2001).

73 As in old Tunis (managed by ASM) and old Aleppo (revitalization office).74 Daher based this advice on case studies in Amman. The restoration and rehabili-

tation of Dar al-Funun was initiated by plastic arts advocates and architectural

240 Notes

heritage activists, who sought grants from the Arab Bank and political support from members of the royal family. The restored house is a prominent cultural landmark in Amman’s intellectual life, as I experienced during a visit in 2000 and an international conference I co-organized in 2002.

75 I am indebted to Falih Majid, head of the Kuwait Information Center in Cairo, and to Abdel al-Rahman, its Egyptian secretary, for all my information about the Arab Fund in Kuwait.

76 Faiqa Bejaoui, ASM deputy director (interview, ASM headquarters, Medina, Tunis, March 2001).

77 This is according to the general definition of tourism in the ICTC (International Cultural Tourism Charter) ratified in Mexico in 1999.

78 Daher (1999) gives the very good example of Umm Qays, noted above.79 Scottish Arts Council (Information) Directory, February 2000.80 Ashraf Butrus, project manager of Suq al-Tablita upgrading, AKCS-E (interview

with the author, Cairo, June 2002); see subsection AKCS-E in Chapter 5. 81 Feilden (1990) advises that tourism should benefit local people, not only inter-

national hotel chains, and his case study of Edinburgh shows many local guest-houses and other types of tourism-augmented services.

82 Nuttgens (1972) states that conservation is inevitably linked with tourism.83 My fieldwork in July–August 2000 revealed that old Damascus is regarded as

the original home of well-bred families, whose descendants seek the traditional extended-family mansions (court houses) as holiday houses. The Attasi family house of the former president, and two houses of HRH Shaykha Hussa al-Sabah of Kuwait, are located near each other, a few meters from the Ummayad Mosque at the core of the historic city.

84 HH Sharifa Nofa b. Nasser in an interview published in the Jordanian newspa-per al-Aswaq, January 27, 2002.

85 Implied in interviews with Anbar office planning staff, mainly the head of the Planning Department, in August 2000.

86 Engineer Amer al-Aqad, project manager of the restoration and refurbishment of the two mansions of HRH Shaykha Hussah al-Sabah of Kuwait in old Damas-cus (interview with the author, August 2000).

87 That was implied by Abdel Rahim Shihata, former governor of Cairo, in a tele-vision program broadcast on Channel 1, Egyptian TV, December 2, 2001, 9:45 p.m., as he maintained that “the main goal of the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project is to promote the economy through investments in tourism, as monu-ments are marketed through tourism.”

88 Faiqa Bejaoui and Zubair Muhli, ASM (interviews, Tunis, March 2001).


89 That was illustrated in the historical review of conservation above, and Arafat (2002) describes the shift from the more preservationist paradigm in conserva-tion to the current area conservation urban management paradigm.

90 “Planning is becoming less and less a single grand design, and more and more a series of proposals ready to be put into operation as the opportunity occurs” (Dix, 1996b, p. 21, quoting Sir Colin Buchanan).

91 See the Sustainability section above.92 Conservation in general is no different from town planning, sharing many simi-

lar policies and philosophy (Nuttgens, 1972). Legislatively, in the UK, it pre-dates town planning (Delafons, 1997). It is integrated into town planning by coming under the authorities on planning control (Cantacuzino, 1987; Dela-fons, 1997). Conservation is a dynamic mechanism of complex attitudes seek-ing to maintain cultural heritage and its values and significance (Burra Charter, 1979; New Zealand Charter, 1992; Zanchetti and Jokilehto, 1997; and Kra-kow Charter, 2000). It differs from planning by working bottom-up and on a more grass-roots level, whereas the top-down model of classic planning works through master plans and imposed institutional schemes. Feilden (1990) shows conservation working upward from what exists, while planning works down-ward from macro-scale considerations.

93 Detailed features discussed in area appraisal reports are listed by Larkham (1994, p. 223), English Heritage (1996, pp. 3,4), and the UK National Planning Policy Guideline 18, April 1999, p. 21, paragraph 31.

94 Abdel Halim Jabour, activist and co-author of a 1997 draft for heritage protec-tion and listed buildings in the central districts of Beirut (interview with the author, Beirut, August 2000).

95 Elaboration on strategic planning techniques was delivered through the IHS Refresher Course for the Middle East and Arab Region, held by the Institute for Housing and Development Studies (Rotterdam) from September 22 to October 3, 2002, Amman, Jordan.

96 For example, the project management unit for revitalizing old Aleppo (GTZ, 1998, p. 14, Fig. 2.7) and the suggested organizational framework for revitalizing old Cairo (UNDP, 1997, p. 156, Fig. 20).

97 Jack Gillon, Deputy Director, Conservation Department, Edinburgh City Coun-cil (interview with the author, October 2001).

98 Architect Faiqa Bejaoui, deputy director, ASM (interview with the author, March 2001).

99 Omar Abdel Aziz Hallaj, GTZ project consultant, and Khalid Fansah, adminis-trator of funds for revitalizing old Aleppo (interviews with the author, Aleppo,

242 Notes

August 2000). Lubna al-Jabi, responsible for documentation and urban studies, gave information about the revitalization project (interview with the author, Anbar Office, Damascus, August 2000).

100 According to Farvacque and McAuslan (1992, p. vi) urban management prob-lems in developing countries, where Arab–Islamic cities are located, arise from over-centralized government that weakens local authorities. This problem is amplified by lack of transparency in the legislative process. The authors call for equitable, transparent laws to support a flexible, citizen-oriented system of urban management.

101 That was implied by Ehab Abdo, head of the project management division, Jor-danian ministry of tourism (interview with the author, Amman, August 2000).

102 This information was given by Habib al-Ahssan, head of the Wikala, and Lutfi bou Zouita, INP representative, Ministry of Culture (interview with the author, Tunis, March 2001), and also by Ozayiz Antit, director of the Museum of Susa (interview with the author, Susa, Tunisia, March 2001).

103 Usama Qabani, of Solidere’s project development division (interview with the author, Beirut, August 2000).

104 Hana Jabir, a Lebanese who used to live in Beirut but emigrated to France, recalled her experience of feeling out of place when visiting Suq Barghut as it had changed its character unduly (interview with the author, Amman, August 2000).

105 Robert Saliba, Lebanese architectural and urban development critic (interview with the author, Beirut, August 2000).

106 Abdel Halim Jabour, American University of Beirut (interview with the author, Beirut, August 2000).

107 In old Aleppo, the residents of Bab Qansurin, the first action area, are trained by the team of the Anbar Office to restore their houses (using loans from the office), to take jobs in the infrastructure improvements, and to rehabilitate some historic buildings. The program is financed by the GTZ. This information was obtained by reviewing the GTZ report (1998), visiting the site of the first action area, and interviewing members of the technical office in August 2000 in Aleppo.

108 Hana Jabir, director of the French research center CERMOC in Amman, could not pursue an urban upgrading scheme around the railway station in Amman because the community was disunited and poorly represented. Efforts relying on community participation came to a dead end, and the scheme had to stop. (Inter-view with the author, Amman, Jordan, August 2000).

109 This essential element for area conservation in Arab–Islamic cities is exemplified by al-Khirfan Street in Amman, Jordan. It is near the “first cycle” area that was gentrified by the municipality. The people in Khirfan Street, being lower middle


and working class, and unaware of the colonial heritage and land value of their units, were an easy prey for the insensitive upgrading. However, they received massive awareness of the value of their area and their rights through a series of workshops and public speeches by faculty members of the department of archi-tecture at the Jordanian University of Science and Technology (JUST). Thus they prevented the harmful development. This information, given to the author in an interview with Rami Daher, Amman, August 2000, was confirmed through site visits in August 2000 and January 2002.

110 This approach to participation is common in the Middle East. Involvement of international agencies and the mass media might strengthen local communities enough to lobby for their rights in state-centered systems. That was suggested by Dina Shehayeb from her experience in Mit ‘Uqba in Cairo, where residents were not compensated properly for the confiscation of their houses to build the Sixth of October Highway. People in Darb Shughlan, in al-Darb al-Ahmar, feared eviction from their homes near the Salah al-Din historic walls according to the 1983 Monuments Protection Law, but this brutality was prevented when the prestigious Aga Khan foundation attracted media coverage. (Interview with the author, Cairo, June 2000).

111 Hilmi Maraqa, Office for Revitalization of the Old City of Hebron (interview with the author, Amman, January 2002).

112 Leitmann (1995) introduces a similar technique, Rapid Urban Environmental Assessment (RUEA), in a UNDP report on urban deterioration in developing coun-tries. However, the PRA was a pioneering experience relevant for historic Cairo.

113 Ana Paolini, Division of Cultural Heritage, Middle Eastern and Former Yugo-slavian Countries, UNESCO (interview with the author, Cairo, March 2002).

114 In most Arab–Islamic cities, specialized markets are preferred by the people who live in traditional areas. To meet this demand, a traditional covered market, sell-ing cheap clothes and similar goods, was reintroduced in Gaza by the Cairo gov-ernorate in 2002.

115 Said Abdel-Rahman, head of the Sudan Awqaf Organization, quoted by al-Wali Mamdouh and Aref Abdel-Nasir in an article: “The Monies of the Awqaf: How Can it Contribute to the Economic and Social Development?” al-Ahram, December 18, 2002, p. 17.

116 Dick ter Steege, Institute of Housing Development Studies, Rotterdam, the coordinator of the IHS unit involved in the revitalization of Sanaa, Yemen (inter-view with the author, Amman, September 2002).

117 The importance of this notion is based on the political and managerial expe-rience of Stefano Bianca, conducting various studies and area conservation

244 Notes

projects for UNESCO and the Aga Khan in the Middle East and other parts of the Islamic world, including former Yugoslavian and former Soviet states.

118 John Shoup, School of Humanities, al-Akhawayn University in Ifrane, involved in research on urban and social upgrading of Essaouira historic town (interview with the author, Amman, January 2002).

119 Monica el-Shorbagi, GTZ consultant in ‘Izbit al-Nakhl, Cairo (interview with the author, April 2001).

120 This report addresses problems and comprehensive methods to meet the require-ments of targeted areas in historic Cairo. It was produced for the UNDP by international and local experts, funded by the Italian ministry of foreign affairs. (Interview with Fabrizio Ago, Cultural Heritage Department, Cairo, July 2001.)

121 These interventions should be measured according to their impact on the social, cultural, economic, and environmental aspects that serve sustainabil-ity, integrity, and authenticity. This assesses their impact on the fabric and the area’s livability for the “U” group. Those qualities can be assessed and assured by measuring the typical influence and impact of each interest group on area conservation in Cairo.

122 This is explained in the previous chapters on the what and how questions. 123 This mission level investigates the motivation and agenda for conservation.124 Attia (1999, pp. 64, 65, Fig. 2.6) classifies the U/N/W groups as follows: “U”

comprises small associations, local businesses, conservation groups, and com-munity groups. “N” consists of national bodies, government departments, and specialist agencies (for example, the SCA). “W” comprises mainly international bodies such as UNESCO. However, the groups sometimes overlap. For example, UNESCO’s office in Egypt may share some interests with the Cairo governorate or with influential individuals such as the First Lady. Intellectual activists are sel-dom influential in Cairo, but their role is acknowledged in this study whenever significant.

125 Combination of assessments of the mission and commission levels of area con-servation in historic Cairo.

126 I organized workshops, role-playing sessions, and public meetings, as well as interviewing the above-mentioned actors. Those involved in area conservation schemes and projects in historic Cairo who were consulted in this book are listed in the Appendix.

127 The information obtained, and the area conservation scheme in Qasr al-Sham‘ area, served as materials for the first case study in the workshop, which was orga-nized for the key representatives of the most influential government organiza-tions responsible for area conservation in Cairo.


128 Multi-method investigation (triangulation), that is, interviews, role playing, workshops, and document analysis (Fielding and Fielding, 1985). This method diversifies the sources of data, and overcomes the weaknesses of the single research method (Brewer and Hunter, 1989). It also increases the internal con-sistency of the gained and analyzed data (Daher, 1996).

129 The term ‘civilized’ is deceptively anodyne when used by official organizations in Egypt. Though it could legitimately describe any settlement that is clean, well served, and equipped with sufficient amenities, it is doubtful whether the term ‘civilized’ would be applied by local authorities to any traditional settle-ment in Cairo. Well-paved streets decorated with ornamented street furnishing and greenery wherever possible are becoming a stereotype of the ‘civilized’ area for government and municipal bodies. Ever since official Egyptian institutions adopted a Europeanized model of urban management, as long ago as the mid-nineteenth century, they have looked with disapproval on whatever ‘traditional’ development followed; a view that might be described as ‘inner orientalism.’ Most of the interventions pursued by such official organizations have compro-mised the authentic quality and character of the traditional settlements and his-toric districts through insensitive redevelopment, by sanitizing the traditional while drastically altering its authentic image and meaning.

130 Galal Abada (open meeting, September, 2001).131 Egyptian laws are published in al-Jarida al-rasmiya (the Official Gazette), and are

identified by number within a calendar year.132 This scheme was intended to ease traffic flow by introducing a flyover in al-

Azhar Street to link Salah Salim highway with the downtown area. The flyover, however, was not executed until the 1980s.

133 Illustrated on a map hung in the office of Hayam Aref, general manager of the Planning and Housing Department, Cairo governorate. The author had the chance to study this rare map in 2001, but was not able to photograph it.

134 Professor Yahya al-Zini (interview, June, 2001).135 Homogeneous Sector One includes downtown/colonial Cairo and historic

Cairo, as well as neighboring districts of architectural and urban value. The main objective was to establish more decentralized administration, amenities, and services for each homogeneous zone, and to minimize the burden on the central core, historic and colonial Cairo. This study was mainly concerned with introducing the concept of decentralization to be adopted in urban manage-ment through local authorities, and shaping appropriate guidelines for each locality and section, yet it did not aim at providing detailed studies or guidelines (GOPP, 1988a).

246 Notes

136 Hayam Aref (interview, August, 2001) and Huda Edward (open meeting, Sep-tember, 2001). The main outlines of the scheme can be summarized as follows: to safeguard the traditional street network by pedestrianizing the historic areas, upgrading the historic buildings and the areas around them, and upgrading the amenities and sanitary services (GOPP, 1991a, section 2, p. 3).

137 Ayman Abdel-Moniem (interview, March, 2002).138 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, June, 2001).139 Ahmed Shawqi (interview, August, 2001).140 Galal Abada (interview, July, 2001; open meeting, September, 2001).141 In this meeting, the different ministers conveyed conflicting attitudes. There

was no common goal, and it seemed like a competition for who was to win the biggest role in the Revitalization of Historic Cairo Project. (Professor Yahya al-Zini, interview, June, 2001).

142 Only the 1973 scheme, and its 1989 update, act as planning guidelines and refer-ences for the executive municipal bodies and the governorate. These are the only legal guidelines consulted when implementing any project or dealing with any day-to-day municipal matter.

143 The assessment pursued in this book mainly addresses environmental quali-ties and policies for area conservation in Cairo. The “N” group has the great-est impact on area conservation projects, as it not only employs planners and researchers already on the staff of government institutions, but also commissions private consultants.

144 The rolling snowball technique is a method to expand the investigation by using different survey methods to identify different subjects to be investigated and thereby broaden the base of investigation (Babbie, 1995).

145 Egypt’s earliest adoption of a European type of city council was in the harbor area of Alexandria (Mina al-Basal) in 1859, for the city of Alexandria was more European than traditional as early as 1835 (Reimer, 1993). This council was responsible for the quality and upkeep of the built environment, paving, and so on, in the harbor area. It was later developed to incorporate the whole city of Alexandria in 1890. It was a mixed city council with representatives of the differ-ent ethnicities living in the city: Europeans, Egyptians, and members of different trades. It was led by the governor as the supreme head of the city. A few decades later, similar regulations were introduced in Cairo. This remained the working municipal system in Egypt until the Revolution in 1952. The system was altered by the 1960 localities laws. This information was given in a television interview with the head of the public municipal committee in Alexandria, broadcast on Channel Five, Egyptian TV, February 28, 2003, at 8 p.m.


146 The information revealed in this section is based on an interview published in Rose al-Yusuf with Mustafa Abdel Qadir, minister of localities (Qabil, 2000).

147 Hayam Aref (interview, questionnaire, workshop, and open meeting, Septem-ber, 2001).

148 This was mentioned in a report by Said Ali, published in al-Ahram, December 6, 2000, p. 3.

149 Samir Sharawi and Medhat Sabri (interviews, August, 2001). In addition, local communities and individuals tend not to file their complaints at the local level. Instead, they ask their parliamentary representatives to raise them in debates on issues that are the responsibility of the municipal councils (al-Basil, 2002).

150 Presidential decrees are orders having the force of law, but not presented in Par-liament for public scrutiny as are regular laws.

151 Egypt has already been awarded a certificate by the United Nations Commit-tee for Economic Human Rights, acknowledging its efforts to confront poverty and degraded environmental conditions in spontaneous quarters. These were the regeneration projects in the areas of al-Duwiqa, Manshiyat Nasir, and Zinhum. All are close to historic Cairo: the first two bordering its eastern side, the last located to the south (al-Ahram, February 3, 2000, p. 13 and al-Akhbar, Decem-ber 1, 2000, p. 3).

152 Huda Edward (open meeting, September, 2001).153 The responsibilities and role framework of the governorate and its local com-

mittees are investigated by Hanan al-Masri and reported in al-Ahram, April 6, 2002, p. 20.

154 This is confirmed in Law 3 of the urban design laws issued in 1982 (Article 1). The cooperation is active and the governorate is adopting the planning guide-lines introduced in the 1973 scheme, and its 1989 updates, as the main reference for current urban upgrading projects in historic Cairo.

155 Hayam Aref (interview, August, 2001); Mahmoud Yassin (interview, April, 2002).156 The governorate played this role effectively, as pinpointed by Professor Taha

Abdullah, while it was pursuing area conservation in Magra al-‘Uyun (the Aque-duct area). All the spontaneous structures built on the arcades of the aque-duct were removed, creating six meters of empty space around the aqueduct as specified by the consultants for this project. The second phase involves the com-pulsory purchase and demolition of the housing units in this area (interview, July, 2001). The same applies in Galal Street (the southern traffic access), where the removal of spontaneous housing and cemeteries (ills.5.1a, b) had been resisted for socio-cultural reasons since the 1930s, yet was accomplished by the gover-norate with remarkable speed (Mahmoud Yassin, interview, 2002).

248 Notes

157 Abdel Hadi Tamam, quoting the governor of Cairo in an interview, al-Ahram, May 12, 2001, p. 15.

158 Hayam Aref (questionnaire, workshop, September, 2001).159 This was apparent when a senior GOPP member showed unawareness of the rab‘

building (a medieval form of collective housing, of which very few examples still exist in Cairo) in Bab al-Wazir during workshop activities in 2001.

160 Traditional environmental configurations are regarded negatively by the gover-norate, and envisaged as detrimental to the image of modernity in Egypt. This can be illustrated in the approach adopted to upgrade Maspiro, a traditional area outside the boundaries of historic Cairo. This major project was conducted by the governorate to produce a ‘civilized’ look. The area was redeveloped; wind-ing streets were altered by building more regular ones. This is the only urban upgrading partnership that has been established with businessmen in Cairo, and it involved extensive compulsory purchase (Hayam Aref, open meeting, Septem-ber, 2001). As stated by the governor of Cairo, in a television interview about the efforts of the governorate in historic Cairo, broadcast on Channel One, Egyptian TV, December 4, 2001, 9 p.m.

161 Professor Taha Abdullah, interview, July, 2001.162 Hayam Aref, interview, August, 2001.163 Ibid.164 Gamal Amir is involved in architectural designs aimed at promoting the tradi-

tional pottery industry in the different zones in southern historic Cairo (inter-view, August, 2002).

165 This was implemented in total disregard of the revitalization project in al-Darb al-Ahmar, although that project had the backing of the Aga Khan technical office in Egypt, which reports and coordinates its activities with the governorate. Many organizations protested against the southern traffic access (Mizuko Ugo, Mohamed Abdel Hafiz, and Nada al-Hagrasi, interviews, March, 2002).

166 This information was discussed at the UNESCO conference in February 2002.167 The exchange rate used in this chapter is US$1=le3.4, that is, the rate during the

period from 1996 to 2000, when most of the projects discussed here were launched.168 The map showing the route proposed to shift traffic to Bab al-Wazir is produced

by the GOPP (GOPP, 1988d, p. 44, Fig. 18) and added to the 1973 scheme, the main strategic planning reference of the governorate updated in 1989. It was never updated, though the southern access scheme was updated and imple-mented (Abdel-Hadi Tamam, al-Ahram, May 6, 2002, p. 14.

169 This unsustainable proposal supported by the governor was investigated and reported in detail by Nada al-Hagrasi (al-Ahram, July 19, 2002, p. 32).


170 Mizuko revealed this problem. She also maintained that there is no clear definition of the boundaries of designated areas to be safeguarded (interview, March, 2002).

171 Decision-making in the governorate can take diverse routes, especially when a decision is made in the governorate and passed on to the branches (local dis-tricts). Yet, depending upon personal relationships and cultural forces, a problem sometimes even bypasses the normal governorate channels and jumps to central ministry level to gain resolution. This is attributed to slack regulation due to cor-ruption in the public sector, a subject of criticism in the Egyptian administration system since 1970s (Attia, 1999, p. 119).

172 There is no heritage management unit such as the Anbar Office in the munici-pality of old Damascus, or the locality office (LPA) within the Damascus gover-norate, or the Conservation Department in Edinburgh City Council that works in collaboration with Edinburgh World Heritage Trust.

173 Asaad Nadim, Ahmed Yassir, and Hayam Aref (interviews and open meeting, September, 2001).

174 Nawal Hassan (interview, February, 2002) as well as emphasized in the UNESCO conference of that date.

175 That was illustrated by Hayam Aref who maintained that “the consensus to remove any violation against any historic building is not normally issued instantly. We [the governorate] normally wait until the violation occurs [any illegal devel-opment or building collapses] before considering the historic building before licensing for any new development,” (workshop, September, 2001).

176 Samir Sharawi, owner of an aluminum workshop in al-Darb al-Asfar (interview, August, 2001) and Darwish, owner of a sheet-metal shop on al-Tumbakshiya Street (interview, December, 2002).

177 This is only with regard to the 1973 scheme, ignoring the UNDP 1997 study, which was never mentioned or considered as an officially adopted strategy for area conservation and urban upgrading in historic Cairo in general.

178 Said Mustafa Abu al-Ela, interview, August, 2001.179 Tarik al-Muri, interview, 2002.180 Commissioned by the prime minister. Several meetings were conducted with

representatives from the ministries of culture and awqaf and the SCA’s represen-tative in the Arab Bureau (Professor Yahya al-Zini, interview, July, 2001; Tarek al-Murri, interview, 2002).

181 Abdel Hamid Mohamed el-Toudi (interview, August, 2001).182 However, that was pursued without any risk map or priority orders. The selec-

tion of the monuments to be registered was made according to considerations

250 Notes

such as the availability of funds (normally foreign) that were not allocated according to priorities determined at a national level (Professor Taha Abdullah, interview, 2001).

183 The GOPP is an organization within the Ministry of Housing. It is concerned with conceptual and planning studies at the macro and micro levels. It coordi-nates with the Ministry of Planning and has different departments that deal with various regions to produce master and detailed plans for regions and governor-ates. Each department coordinates with its counterpart. For example, the Greater Cairo department in the GOPP coordinates with the Cairo governorate plan-ning department to produce and review guidelines in different contexts. This has been going on since 1997, producing memoranda with maps on a general scale of 1:50,000, and detailed ones, on a scale of 1:1000, for action areas. This work involves commissioning or working in collaboration with different specialists: these may include international bodies, such as the Institut d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme de la Région d’Ile de France (IAURIF), or individual consultants, for example, academics from Egyptian universities, notably Cairo University’s architectural department and faculty of urban planning (Huda Edward, inter-view, August, 2001).

184 The Arab Contractors is a construction company that belongs to the Ministry of Housing. It has extensive experience in many construction fields, but none related to restoration or conservation. Despite this, the company’s upper management has been ready to take on restoration projects as normal profitable business ven-tures. The Arab Contractors has not been directly involved or responsible for any area conservation projects, though the conservation department of its Engi-neering Consultancy Division is responsible for preparing the BOQs (books of quantities) and tender documents for streetscape contractors and subcontractors. Restoration and conservation projects are considered by the Arab Contractors as good business, and currently represent about 50 percent of the Engineer-ing Consultancy Division’s projects (Ahmed Shawqi and Nasr al-Din Mahmoud Hassaballah, interviews, August, 2001). Thus the Arab Contractors cannot be considered an area conservation consultancy but a commissioned contractor for major conservation projects, as well as the main contractor of some area conser-vation projects such as the Religious Complex area in southern historic Cairo. Nevertheless, in an adjacent neighborhood, Qasr al-Sham‘, the Arab Contrac-tors was the main contractor and the Ministry of Culture played the role of architectural and urban design consultant. Practically speaking, the Ministry of Culture did not exercise sufficient supervision, but left the whole project for the Arab Contractors to conduct, with no coordination between the Ministry


of Culture, the locality, or the Cairo governorate, which should have been the responsible area conservation unit. This has resulted in serious urban and techni-cal problems that reflect on the environmental quality of this neighborhood, as I noticed during fieldwork observations and interviews with residents of the Qasr al-Sham‘ area (Fig. 5.13).

185 Ayman Abdul-Moneim (interview, March 2002); Gaballah Ali Gaballah (inter-view, October 2001).

186 Abdel Hamid Mohamed al-Toudi (interview, August, 2001).187 Huda Edward (open meeting, September, 2001).188 Nada al-Hagrasi and Doaa Elhami (interviews, September and October, 2001

and March, 2002).189 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, July, 2001).190 The tunnel is not very suitable for this dense area and is insufficient. It was eas-

ily blocked after an accident when eleven were injured and a traffic jam occurred that lasted about ninety minutes (al-Ahram, August 16, 2002). The tunnel is also closed after midnight.

191 al-Ahram, September 3, 2002192 There are some projects to deal with ground water in the Bab Zuwayla area

(accumulated as a result of a poor sewage system), where the ARCE is restoring a group of monuments, as well as another project in front of the Qalawun Mosque, which is being restored by the Arab Contractors (the author’s field observations, 2001–2003). Yet there is no comprehensive scheme to lower the water table level in historic Cairo and current efforts are insufficient. For example, an important fourteenth-century mansion, the palace of Amir Taz, collapsed in March 2002, tearing down adjacent residential buildings in Sayyida Zaynab district, because it was floating on water.

193 Confirmed by Ahmed Yassir (workshop, September, 2001), and reported by Aisha Abdel-Ghafar (al-Ahram, February 3, 2001, p. 13) and Mervat Shuib (al-Ahram, December 1, 2000, p. 3).

194 This is in addition to neglecting the archaeological value of al-Fustat site (pro-posed as a potential site for urban redevelopment), as well as demolishing the mausoleums of al-Maqrizi and Ibn-Khaldun during the construction of the northern traffic access (Galal Street) because they had been overlooked by the GOPP reports (see above).

195 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, July, 2001); Gaballah Ali Gaballah (inter-view, October, 2001).

196 Other examples were given by Gaballah Ali Gaballah (Secretary General of the SCA during the launch years of most of the area conservation projects in historic

252 Notes

Cairo), who coordinated between the governorate and the Spanish conservation team to restore the sabil of Qaytbay (public water fountain) in Saliba Street, the IFAO (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale) to restore al-Sinari Mansion in Sayyida Zaynab, and many other restoration projects in historic Cairo (interview, October, 2001).

197 Gaballah Ali Gaballah (interview, October, 2001). 198 The company has long history with the Ministry of Culture; it is owned by for-

mer officers of the Mukhabarat (intelligence services), and has close contacts with the government (Williams, 2002, p. 462).

199 Gamal Amir (interview, August, 2002).200 Reported by Said Ali, al-Ahram, March 19, p. 3, 1998. This is especially after the

inauthentic restoration of al-Azhar Mosque (described above), which counted as a plus point for the Ministry of Culture and a minus point for the Ministry of Housing in the competition to revitalize historic Cairo. The result was that the minister of culture was made coordinator of the Ministerial Committee in 1997.

201 The Historic Cairo Organization was established in 1998 as a technical advisor to the minister of culture; its foundation almost coincided with the start of the digging for the Azhar Tunnel (Tarek al-Murri, interview, September, 2002). This is because the Ministry of Culture wanted to produce a study of al-Azhar Square in order to have its own proposal for this area to compete with that produced by the Ministry of Housing. However, the Ministry of Culture’s proposal, pro-duced in coordination with Professor Salah Zaki and Galal Abada, did not appear until the official establishment of the Urban Development Studies Department in 2000 (Galal Abada, open meeting, September, 2001).

202 The role of Urban Development Studies in this objective was not widely rec-ognized. It was stated by Galal Abada, executive manager of Urban Develop-ment Studies, during an open meeting with representatives of the GOPP (Huda Edward) and the Planning and Housing Department in the Cairo governor-ate (Hayam Aref). Both responded in astonishment to Gala’s statement, as their departments were already involved in developing urban management strategies (open meeting, September, 2001).

203 Gaballah Ali Gaballah (interview, October, 2001).204 Some well-known Egyptian journalists called for liberating the SCA from the

Ministry of Culture, and making it a ministry of monuments, which is more suitable for a nation that contains 30 percent of the world’s monuments. Faruq Husni, the Egyptian minister of culture since the 1980s, claimed the title of Head of the SCA (though it was managed by a Secretary General).


205 There is a similarity between the Arabic words for ‘urban’ (hadri) and ‘civilized’ (hadari). Certainly this cannot be an error in the title of a very important orga-nization, established by presidential decree. Therefore, it seems that the term hadari has been used intentionally, instead of what some might consider the more appropriate hadri, to reflect the concern with giving the city a civilized/modern image through the artistic management of open spaces. It also suggests that aes-thetic qualities will take precedence over the qualities of authenticity that should distinguish historic areas, a suggestion borne out by approach followed by the governorate as referred to above.

206 Professor Yahya al-Zini (interview, July, 2001).207 This was confirmed by Tarek al-Murri and Galal Abada (interviews, March,

2002). Abada was part of the restructuring scheme, as Urban Development Stud-ies provided the technical staff needed for that national organization for urban management. This became necessary, especially after the harsh criticism by the ICOMOS and UNESCO delegates of the work of the Urban Development Stud-ies department for their insensitive area conservation scheme for the al-Hakim Mosque area, also referred to as Bab al-Nasr area. It was made clear that the His-toric Cairo Organization should reconsider its techniques when dealing with urban problems. (Jukka Jokilehto and Professor François Figer of Harvard Uni-versity, UNESCO Conference, Cairo, 2002: workshop session, 9–11 a.m., Febru-ary 19; also confirmed by Ana Paolini and Mizuko Ugo, interviews, March 2002.)

208 This has been criticized on the grounds that beautification and sanitization only lead to the museumization of historic Cairo. Nada al-Hagrasi questioned the urban meaning and authentic quality of the traditional fabric stripped of its indigenous crafts and workforce in her article “Will Fatimid Cairo become a Ghost Town?” al-Ahram, December 7, 2001, p. 38.

209 Nicholas Warner (interview, 2001).210 Mona Mustafa, general manager of the Greater Cairo Region Planning Divi-

sion, GOPP, responded with the same astonishment to Waleed Abdel-Moniem Khalifa representing the Historic Cairo Organization, when he explained the concerns of his department and its current duties (workshop, September, 2001).

211 Robert Vincent, head of ARCE’s restoration and project department, commented that the Ministry of Culture has not even produced a conservation charter, which is certainly needed to serve as a legislative reference, to judge by the current mas-sive restoration activities. This is despite the recommendations of a round table conference, “The Limits of Monumental Restoration” co-organized by SCA and IFAO and including representatives of many national and international bodies involved in conservation projects in Cairo, on September 27, 1999.

254 Notes

212 Report summarizing Session 4, on the theoretical aspects of urban and archi-tectural conservation, of a symposium, “Sustainable Development in Historic Cairo,” organzed by the SCA and UNESCO and chaired by Jukka Jokilehto, Monday 18 February 2002, in Gezira, Cairo.

213 An interesting comparison in urban heritage management is found in Tunisia, if one contrasts the quality of area conservation by the ASM in Medina with that by the INP (the Tunisian Ministry of Culture) in the old towns in Susa and in Kirwan, as described above. Certainly the situation of Medina, where a munici-pal organization is responsible for urban management, is better than the urban environmental quality in Kirwan and Susa, where a non-municipal organization is in charge.

214 Sikina Fuad, al-Ahram reporter, who led the campaign against the minister regarding this case (interview, 2001).

215 al-Ahram, April 5–11, 2001, p. 17.216 Professor Salah Zaki restored early twentieth century houses in Bab al-Wazir

area in an attempt to draw the attention to the value of such architecture that is not registered as historic monuments (Abdou et al., 1997). That he brought this concept with him when he became the head of the Urban Development Studies Department, Historic Cairo Organization, can be seen in the docu-mentation and the buildings of special architectural and technical value in the al-Hakim area.

217 Intended to exhibit military architecture and artifacts (Ashraf Mofeed, al-Ahram, July 24, 2001, p. 35).

218 The lack of coordination between the governorate and Ministry of Culture in this incident is pinpointed by Ayman Abdel-Moniem, who complained that this reflected the governorate’s disregard for the role of the Ministry of Culture (interview, 2002).

219 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, 2001).220 Abdel-Khaliq Mukhtar and Adel Abdel-Sattar (interview, 2001).221 For example, when restoring al-Sinari Mansion in Sayyida Zaynab, the residents

of the houses adjacent to the monument were removed to other locations, mostly on the outskirts of Cairo, by the authorities (the baladiya) concerned with those outskirts, who are in turn supported by the governorate from where the residents were moved, instead of applying an urban upgrading scheme to the cluster that included both the monument and the houses (reported in al-Ahram, December 3, 2001, p. 12). That was illustrated in the picturesque schematic urban upgrad-ing schemes produced by Urban Development Studies at the UNESCO confer-ence held in February 2002 in Cairo. The same point was also made by Waleed


Abdel-Moniem Khalifa, who maintained that the scheme would be introduced and the community would eventually accept it. It was inevitable, due to the intensity of monuments in historic Cairo (workshop, 2001).

222 Waleed Abdel-Moniem Khalifa and Abdu Abdellah Omran al-Dali (question-naire-workshop, 2001).

223 This is maintained (and criticized) by Professor André Raymond, who accused the Ministry of Culture of museumizing historic Cairo (interview, 2001).

224 In an interview, the minister of culture explained his responsibility to conduct effective urban planning in a more comprehensive way in areas of special cultural and architectural value through his newly founded organization (for “Civilized Management,” using the term hadari not hadri, see discussion in footnote 218) (Abir al-Damarani, al-Ahram, November 22, 2000, p. 3).

225 Professor Yahya al-Zini (interview, July, 2001). The minister of awqaf said his ministry used to support the SCA more than it does now, since it has handed over tourist admission fees to the SCA to finance the restoration work and upkeep of such monuments (interview, March, 2002).

226 To this day there are people who endow monies and properties for certain reli-gious reasons, such as funding charities, or research. This money is managed by the Ministry of Awqaf. The system is still active, and its contemporary equiva-lents are NGOs concerned with charity and community-based organizations. An example of one of the active recent endowments is Waqf, established in 1992 to promote research in religious studies, which also takes the form of a competi-tion.

227 Authenticity here, with regard not only to architecture but also to the character and the meaning of place, is not recognized by the Ministry of Awqaf. The minis-ter believes that the old caravanserai (known as wikalas) should mainly sell souve-nirs and traditional crafts, regardless of the community’s need for other activities (Mahmoud Zaqzuq, minister of awqaf, interview, March, 2002).

228 As reported in Akhbar al-yawm, September 8, 2001, p. 21.229 Mahmoud Zaqzuq (interview, 2002).230 This was illustrated when the Ministry of Awqaf used its ownership rights and

offered to sell the right to rent the shops in Khan al-Khalili. It also offered Gamal al-Din al-Zahabi Mansions, similarly a historic building, for sale. That was misinterpreted by the SCA and the press, which accused the Ministry of Awqaf of selling the national heritage (Nada al-Hagrassi, al-Ahram Hebdo, May 7–13, 1997, p. 26; May 14–20, 1997, p. 26; October 22–28, 1997, pp. 28, 29).

231 Amal al-Gayyar, al-Ahram, March 15, 2002, p. 32.232 Mahmoud Zaqzuq (interview, March, 2002).

Hagrassi

256 Notes

233 The shops mentioned are recorded as religious endowments in a deed made by Sultan al-Ghuri during the sixteenth century (Mihriz, 1972). This created con-flict between the governorate and the Ministry of Awqaf, which saw the removal of these shops by the governorate as meddling with its property (Hayam Aref, interview, August, 2001).

234 Mahmoud Zaqzuq (interview, March, 2002).235 That was expressed clearly by representatives of Cairo governorate, GOPP, Arab

Contractors, Arab Bureau, Historic Cairo Organization, and the SCA (question-naire-workshop, 2001).

236 This was stated by Asaad Nadim, head of Mashrabeya (responsible for area con-servation in al-Darb al-Asfar). He also said he had removed the shops without informing the Ministry of Awqaf, which did not seem interested in such proper-ties and was a very bureaucratic institution, very difficult to communicate with (interview, August, 2001).

237 That was apparent when I asked Mahmoud Zaqzuq, minister of awqaf, about the removal of the six shops by the area conservation team of Mashrabeya. The minister could not hide his astonishment. Furthermore, I inquired about the effectiveness of the ministry’s management and listing system of its properties in historic Cairo. The minister maintained that the ministry has a map showing the location of its different properties in historic Cairo. Yet he could not give details about any system of monitoring or any violations committed, whether by citizens occupying the properties or by governmental and non-governmental organiza-tions involved in conservation in historic Cairo (interview, March, 2002).

238 Gihan Mustafa, al-Ahram, February 9, 2001, p. 29.239 Mona Zakariya, interview, August, 2001.240 The information revealed in this section and the following ones regarding the

work of Mona Zakariya and her team was conveyed during an interview and the open meeting organized by the researcher in 2001. In addition, this information was also confirmed through successive visits to the Religion Complex Area and its surroundings, Qasr al-Sham‘ and al-Fawakhir (pottery-making area) during the work of the team in 2001 and in 2002 and 2003.

241 Magdi Latif Shinoda, a member of Zakariya’s team, interview, August, 2001.242 That was a direct instruction given by the governor to Zakariya during his visits to

the area and review of the schemes of the work, Zakariya, interview, August, 2001.243 Zakariya interview, August, 2001. 244 Zakariya, interview, August, 2001.245 It cost only about le200 (US$60) per square meter of ground area to repair

a two- or three-story house, which is much cheaper than demolishing it


and reallocating its families in public housing apartments that are sold for le20,000–25,000 (US$6,000–7,500) each (Zakariya, open meeting, September, 2001).

246 Mona Zakariya (open meeting, September, 2001).247 This is because the Religious Complex is at the very south of historic Cairo

behind the Aqueduct (in Magra al-‘Uyun Area). It is a problematic and not well-defined area and its boundaries are unclear, not recognized by municipal authori-ties or even by those who registered historic Cairo as a World Heritage site (Mizuko Ugo, interview, March, 2002).

248 Professor Fathi Salih (interview, August, 2001).249 Reem Bahgat (interview, June, 2003).250 Reem Bahgat, interview, June 2003.251 When Sahar Attia (head of the ADSC) was asked why she never coordinated with

Cultnat to minimize work in Muhammad Farid Street, the action area selected by the (ADSC) team in Colonial Cairo, she implied that there were no opportu-nities to establish such coordination (interview, August, 2001).

252 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, 2001).253 Huda Edward, Sahar Attia, and Shahdan Shabaka (interview and open meeting,

2001).254 This concept is accepted even if these associations or organizations do not have

a strong pre-qualification to support their proposal, as expressed by an official of the Historic Cairo Organization, Ministry of Culture, who said “they brought the fund, they brought the money” in our discussion of the quality of area con-servation work by the Mashrabeya team in al-Darb al-Asfar, interview, March, 2002. A similar comment was given by a member of the Executive Committee (interview, April, 2002).

255 Asaad Nadim (interview, August, 2001).256 Al-Darb al-Asfar Street intersects with al-Mu‘izz Street close to the al-Nahhasin

(coppersmiths) part of al-Mu‘izz street. 257 Samir Sharawi, owner of a metal and aluminum shop and workshop, and Abdul

Moniem, owner of a grocery shop, in al-Darb al-Asfar (interview, August, 2001).258 In an interview with an old, blind, retired employee living at 4, ‘Atfat al-Darb

al-Asfar (off al-Darb al-Asfar Street), I was shown the lethal cracks in his apart-ment and the whole building, similar to many other buildings in the area, espe-cially those overlooking al- Darb al-Asfar Street that were only refinished from the outside by the Mashrabeya team. He maintained that the team changed the sewer system, paved the street, and painted the façade of his house but did not even bother to fix the manhole or the cracks or help him to do so though the

258 Notes

craftsmen were already there. He lives on charity and could not possibly afford such repairs. The manhole was fixed for him out of charity by his neighbors, to save him from possibly falling in, as he was blind. Yet the whole house, as well as many other houses in the area are still endangered by cracks that were not repaired or studied by the Mashrabeya team, see (Fig. 5.27).

259 Asaad Nadim (interview, August, 2001).260 One resident maintained that he suffered a loss of EGP 200,000 (US$60,000

based on the rate when the project was accomplished) after the project, due to this pedestrianization that stopped him using his shop and workshop. Therefore, he sued the SCA who had introduced the Mashrabeya team to al-Darb al-Asfar. He presented the court documents to the author (interview, August, 2001).

261 Asaad Nadim and Abdel Moniem (interviews, August, 2001).262 The Mashrabeya team claimed they had established an NGO to serve the com-

munity. However, during a field visit I discovered that the NGO had not been activated and was a superficial attempt to claim that the project had some kind of community participation. This became apparent after I learned that the NGO was not officially registered but was falsely claimed to be active by the Mashrabeya team, which had rented a shop in the lane off al-Darb al-Asfar, as the NGO’s headquarters, where the upkeep of the different houses in the area could be discussed among the community members. One year after the official inauguration and the termination of the NGO rental contract, the NGO ceased to exist. This was reported in an interview with the owner of premises in al-Darb al-Asfar (August, 2001).

263 Nicholas Warner drew my attention to the fact that almost all the restoration projects and area conservation conducted under the umbrella of the SCA and the Ministry of Culture in general use this buff color, calling it “heritage color” because of its resemblance to stone; but this gives a very kitschy appearance, as well as being inauthentic, for medieval Cairo was famous for its gay colors as recorded by many travelers in the nineteenth century.

264 Milad Hanna (telephone interview, August, 2002).265 Reported by Said Halwi, al-Ahram, July 15, 2002, p. 14; and by Ahmed Yassir,

senior planner, GOPP, commissioned by the FEDA team as a member of the NGO and a senior planner of the action area project to upgrade al-Tumbakshiya Street (workshop organized by the author, September 2001).

266 Professor Taha Abdullah, member of the Executive Committee (interview, 2001).267 Mahmoud Yassin (interview, April, 2002).268 Ahmed Yassir (workshop and open meeting organized by the author, September,

2001).


269 That was confirmed by the owner of a shop in al-Tumbakshiya Street that traded in pre-cut metal sheets that were never produced or cut in his shop: that the team persuaded him to leave the street and warned him that his trade might be consid-ered hazardous by the governorate and the municipal authorities. The same hap-pened to an old tenant on the ground floor in Wikalat al-Zaytun who was a flour trader. He was evacuated when the whole wikala was demolished, and together with other workshops, his was reallocated to another wikala outside al-Tumbak-shiya Street. (Interviews, June, 2003).

270 FEDA reconstructed Wikalat Kahla on Gamaliya Street, in coordination with the Ministry of Awqaf and the governorate, to accommodate reallocated work-shops regarded as hazardous and not producing traditional artifacts and crafts. Wikalat Kahla was prepared to accommodate seventy workshops, in addition to nine shops on Gamaliya Street, toilet facilities, and a coffee shop (Said Halwi, al-Ahram, July 15, 2002, p. 14).

271 Residents attracted my attention to this incident during interviews in June, 2003.272 The idea of presenting a park to Cairo as a contribution made by H. H. the Aga

Khan was declared for the first time during the UNESCO conference held in Cairo in 1980 (Mohamed Mikawi, interview, August, 2002).

273 Mohamed Abdel-Hafiz and Mohamed Mikawi (interviews, August, 2002).274 Mohamed Mikawi (interview, August, 2002).275 Karim Ibrahim (open meeting organized by the author, September, 2001).276 Karim Ibrahim (open meeting, September, 2001) and Mohamed Abdel-Hafiz

(interview, August, 2002).277 Dina Shehayeb (interview, September 2000). 278 The AKCS-E team legitimized this claim when studying archival photos from the

nineteenth century illustrating houses resting on the historic walls. Karim Ibrahim presented a photograph of such houses dating back to 1892 (open meeting, 2001).

279 Karim Ibrahim (open meeting, September, 2001).280 Ashraf Butrus (interview, August, 2002).281 Karim Ibrahim (interview, August, 2001).282 Ahmed Abdou (interview, August, 2001).283 Karim Ibrahim maintained that the team targeted environmental upgrading, that

is, developing services and amenities, physical condition of the housing stock, and the environmental quality of the open spaces (interview, August, 2002).

284 This intention was discussed and coordinated with the governorate (Dina She-hayeb, interview, August, 2000). It was also declared in the AKCS-E detailed report (1999, p. 4), to upgrade Darb Shughlan area as a model for future reha-bilitation of similar distressed areas, that is, to act as a catalyst area as well.

260 Notes

285 Abdel-Khaliq Mukhtar and Adel Abdel-Sattar (interviews, September, 2002).286 That was organized by Ashraf Botrus, who confirmed that the design of al-

Tablita Market was guided by the vegetable dealers’ demands and recommenda-tions. For example, on learning that the textile dealers would share the market with them and be accommodated on the first floor, they recommended that the textile merchants should have a separate entrance and loading area. This caused radical changes in the design, but the AKCS-E team complied, recognizing that it was essential to secure sustainable performance of the market in the future. (Interview, August, 2002.)

287 Khalid Kamal (interview, August, 2001).288 Ahmed Abdu criticized the NEF for its interference as the main planner and

strategy-maker of community development, which he encountered in some schemes that he and some community members proposed but the NEF crippled or denied (Interview, August, 2001.)

289 Seif El Rashidi (interview, August, 2001).290 Seif El Rashidi (interview, August, 2001) and Mohamed Abdel-Hafiz (interview,

August, 2002).291 Mahmoud Yassin (interview, April, 2002).292 Professor Yahya al-Zini (interview, July, 2001).293 Al-Said al-Hussaini, head of the technical office, General Organization for Legal

Consultations and Legislation, National Supreme Court (interview, August, 2002).

294 These attempts by the Ministry of Culture to acquire a monitoring role over development and beautification of public spaces with special concern for historic Cairo were reported by Said Ali, al-Ahram, March 19, 1998, p. 3.

295 The projected law developed by the Ministry of Housing especially for historic areas has not yet been processed for public scrutiny for political reasons, due to the fact that any such interference with the old renting system and the stagnant real estate stock would cause severe public discomfort, especially after the pres-sure put on occupants of these areas.

296 This resembles the 1943 Act of Designated Areas in France; see Chapter 3.297 Adel Abdel-Sattar and Abdel-Khaliq Mukhtar (interview, August, 2002).298 This situation enabled FEDA team to evacuate the residents of Wikalat al-Zay-

tun on al-Tumbakshiya Street because they did not have enough legal awareness or support (interview with a tenant of the building, 2003). Another owner of commercial premises on the same street was aware of his legal rights and so was compensated. The contrast between the two cases shows lack of transparency. (Interview, 2003.)


299 This happened in al-Darb al-Ahmar: the locals started to express resentment against the AKCS-E team, calling them “the demolition gang.” Residents in al-Darb al-Ahmar were always afraid and lacked legal entitlement to their working or living units (Seif El Rashidi, interview, 2000).

300 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, July, 2001). 301 al-Akhbar, November 15, 2000, p. 14. 302 Hanin Makram, al-Ahram, April 17, 1999, p. 35.303 The head of the Fatimid Cairo Development Agency, Nawal Hassan, stood

bravely against the governor of Cairo during the UNESCO conference in Feb-ruary 2002, resisting the pedestrianizing of al-Azhar Street and the removal of the textile trade from al-Ghuri and al-Azhar areas. After the conference, the governor invited her to be a member of the Executive Committee. Nevertheless, she did not oppose the southern traffic access for jeopardizing the monuments in Bab al-Wazir and depriving a large community of its homes in al-Batniya, despite these being within Fatimid Cairo. When asked why, Hassan said it was to avoid losing her seat on the Executive Committee (reported by Nada al-Hagrasi while she was preparing a press report about the southern traffic access problem; inter-view, September, 2002).

304 Magid, Anglican Coptic Association (ACA) representative at the workshop, 2001; confirmed by several residents of Qasr al-Sham‘ during a group meeting I organized in 2001.

305 The reported threat and its denial by UNESCO were also maintained by Nada al-Hagrassi, Tarek al-Murri, and Mizuko Ugo (interviews, March, 2002).

306 This complaint was signed by about forty international archaeologists and con-servation specialists working on and associated with research in historic Cairo (Professor Wolfgang Mayer, interview, February, 2003).

307 Mizuko Ugo (interview, November, 2002).308 Josef Faris, head of ICOMOS Lebanon (interview, Beirut, August, 2000). 309 Salih[Appendix has Salah] Lami, head of the Egyptian ICOMOS for nine years,

maintained that the members of ICOMOS Egypt (who are mostly SCA employ-ees) rarely met (interview, August, 2002).

310 Tarek al-Murri (interview, February, 2003).311 Fabrizio Ago (interview, August, 2001).312 Shokichi Sakata (interview, August, 2001).313 Robert Vincent (interview, October, 2000); Professor Wolfgang Mayer (inter-

view, February, 2003).314 Asaad Nadim (interview, August, 2001); Ahmed Yassir (workshop, September,

2001).

262 Notes

315 Uktubar, no. 1386, 18 May, 2003, p. 3. 316 al-Akhbar, April 30, 2002, p. 11.317 al-Ahram, May 13, 2001, p. 35.318 Claudio Acioly (interview, September, 2002).319 Akhbar al-yawm, June 21, 2003, pp. 16–17.320 A similar situation occurred in a more democratic political model, in the UK, in

the case of Covent Garden. Brian Anson describes the community’s reluctance to scrutinize the development decisions made by the government, until finally the government schemes were implemented, taking no heed of the needs of the local community, who allowed themselves to be led to defeat. This is a similar tragedy to the one experienced by many local communities in Egypt (Anson, 1981, p. 264).

321 Professor Taha Abdullah (interview, July, 2001).322 The Cairo declaration and recommendations for heritage management issued by

the UNESCO’s expert after the UNESCO conference held in Cairo in February 2002 could be developed and adopted as a technical legal reference for heritage management. Yet there have been no efforts to achieve such a goal by ministries or other organizations participating in the conference, so far as I know.

323 The Governor’s Decree 457 for 1999 endorses a polished and sanitized envi-ronment in historic Cairo, seeking a ‘civilized’ appearance for historic areas to attract more tourism.

324 Ibrahim Soliman, the minister of housing during the construction period of the project, is also parliamentary representative for a great part of historic Cairo, Gamaliya and Bab al-Nasr, where most of the current area conservation is under implementation.

325 Al-Ahram Weekly, July 22–28, 1999, p. 17 and November 8–14, 1999, p. 17.326 See Shehayeb and Sedky (2002).327 Information based on field visits and observations in Qasr al-Sham‘ area in 2001

and 2002 and interviews with community members. 328 This note was given by David Leven, Senior Planner at the Planning Services

Division, Scottish Executive Development Department, during the third discus-sion session on June 16 during the Institute of Historic Building Conservation (IHBC) Annual School, June 15–18, 2000, Strathclyde University, Glasgow.

329 Atef al-Kilani and Samah Samir, Rose al-Yusuf, no. 3816, July 28–August 3, 2001, pp. 47–49; Ehab El-Hadari, Akhbar al-adab, November 18, 2001, p. 10; Pas-cal Ghazaleh, al-Ahram, April 5–11, 2001, p. 17 and Fayza Hassan, February 28–March 6, 2002, p. 20.

330 Reported in al-Ahram (international edn.) March 12, 2000, p. 15.331 The only exception is the Aga Khan organization, AKCS-E. Though confined to


the Darb al-Ahmar area, its work is more successful than that of other projects in historic Cairo, having achieved the three main environmental qualities through methods and processes identified in this book.

265

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289

Charters and Legislation

The International Council on Monuments and Sites, or Le Conseil International des Monuments et des Sites (ICOMOS) A professional association that works for the conservation and protec-tion of cultural heritage places around the world. ICOMOS was founded in 1965 as a result of the Venice Charter of 1964 and offers advice to UNESCO on World Heritage Sites.

ICOMOS currently has over 7,500 members. With rare exceptions, each member must be qualified in the field of conservation, and a prac-ticing landscape architect, architect, archaeologist, town planner, engi-neer, administrator of heritage, art historian or archivist. Its international headquarters are in Paris. The UK headquarters of ICOMOS are in Lon-don. The Australian branch was formed in 1976.http://www.international.icomos.org/

The Amsterdam Declaration (1975)Produced at the Congress of European Architectural Heritage 1975, held in Amsterdam, 21–25 October 1975. This charter recognized Europe’s unique architecture as the common heritage of all her peoples and declared the intention of the member states to work together for its protection.http://www.icomos.org/docs/amsterdam.html

Bruges Resolution (1975)Also known as Resolutions on the Conservation of Smaller Historic Towns. Adopted at the fourth ICOMOS General Assembly held in Bruges, Belgium, 1975. http://www.icomos.org/docs/small_towns.html

290 Charters and Legislation

Burra Charter (1979)The Australia ICOMOS Charter for the conservation of places of cul-tural significance. The Burra Charter was adopted by Australia ICOMOS (the Australian National Committee of ICOMOS) on 19 August 1979 at Burra, South Australia.http://www.icomos.org/australia/burracharter.html

Cairo Declaration (2002) (Recommendations Only)Recommendations from “Sustainable Development in Historic Cairo,” held in Cairo in 2002. This symposium was organized by UNESCO and the SCA.

Charter of Cultural Tourism (1976) The charter of the International Seminar on Contemporary Tourism and Humanism. The ICOMOS international representatives together with other international agencies met in Brussels, 8–9 November and endorsed the charter above.http://www.icomos.org/docs/tourism_charter.html

Cultural Tourism Charter (1984)Based on the Charter of Cultural Tourism (1976) and endorsed at subse-quent ICOMOS meeting held in Rostock and Dresden in 1984. The cur-rent charter is in its eighth draft and was ratified at the twelfth ICOMOS General Meeting in Mexico, 1999.http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/tourism_e.htm

Deschambault Declaration (1982)The Canada ICOMOS Charter for the conservation of places of cultural significance. The Deschambault Charter was adopted by Canada ICO-MOS (le Conseil des monuments et des sites du Québec) in 1982. http://www.icomos.org/docs/desch_anglais.html

Homs Declaration (2001)(Recommendations Only)Recommendations from the Symposium of Urban Heritage in the Arab Cities: between Conservation and Contemporality (Nadwat al-turath al-‘umrani bi-l-mudun al-‘arabiya bayn al-muhafaza wa-l-mu‘asara), in

291Charters and Legislation

Homs, September 2001. Organized by the Arab Urban Development Institute (AUDI).

Ramahmdani, Mohamed. 2001. “The Loan of Residential Building Res-toration Fund,” Proceedings of the Symposium of Urban Heritage in the Arab Cities: between Conservation and Contemporality (Homs, 2001), 151–64.

Homs, Syria: Arab Institute for City Development. (CD-ROM)

ICOMOS Statement of Principles for the Balanced Development of Cultural Tourism (1997)http://www.icomos-uk.org.boilerhousedesign.co.uk/pdf/charters/cul-tural_tourism.pdf

Islamic Capital Cities Charter (1997)(Recommendations Only)Recommendations from “Fundamentals and Criteria of Classification of the Islamic Heritage Buildings and Cities and the Methods of their Pres-ervation,” held in Tehran in 1997. This was the sixth seminar to be hosted by the Organization of the Islamic Capital Cities’ (OICC).

“Fundamentals and Criteria of Classification of the Islamic Heritage Buildings and Cities and the Methods of their Preservation” in Arabic, English, and French (OICC, 1997). (CD ROM)

Krakow Charter (2000)Principles for the conservation and restoration of heritage buildings. The Krakow Charter was signed 26 October 2000 following an interna-tional conference entitled “Cultural Heritage as Foundation of Devel-opment Civilisation,” hosted by the Polytechnic of Krakow, with the support of ICOMOS.http://lecce-workshop.unile.it/Downloads/The%20Charter%20of%20Krakow%202000.pdf

Nairobi Charter, also known as the Nairobi Recommendation (1976)Recommendations for the safeguarding and contemporary role of historic areas discussed during the nineteenth session of the General Conference of UNESCO, which was held in Nairobi, 26 October-30 November, 1976.http://www.icomos.org/unesco/areas76.html


Nara Charter, also known as the Nara Document of Authenticity (1994)Drafted at the Nara Conference on “Authenticity in Relation to the World Heritage Convention,” held at Nara 1-6 November 1994. The conference was hosted by the Agency for Cultural Affairs (Govern-ment of Japan) and the Nara Prefecture in cooperation with UNESCO, ICCROM, and ICOMOS.http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/nara_e.htm

National Planning Policy Guideline 18 (1999)This National Planning Policy Guideline (NPPG) deals primarily with listed buildings, conservation areas, world heritage sites, historic gardens, designed landscapes and their settings. It complements NPPG5 Archaeol-ogy and Planning, which sets out the role of the planning system in pro-tecting ancient monuments and archaeological sites and landscapes.http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/1999/04/nppg18

New Zealand Charter (1992)The New Zealand ICOMOS Charter for the conservation of places of cultural significance. Adopted by the New Zealand National Commit-tee of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (New Zealand ICOMOS) at its Annual General Meeting, 4 October 1992.http://www.icomos.org/docs/nz_92charter.html

Petropolis Charter (1987)The Brazil ICOMOS Charter for the conservation of places of cultural significance. The Petropolis Charter was adopted by Brazil ICOMOS at the first Brazilian seminarabout the preservation and revitalization of historic centers, Itaipava, July 1987.http://www.icomos.org/docs/itaipava.html

Planning Policy Guidance 15 (1994)Planning Policy Guidance 15 (PPG15) provides a full statement of Government policies for the identification and protection of historic buildings, conservation areas and other elements of the historic envi-ronment. It explains the role played by the planning system in their protection.http://www.communities.gov.uk/publications/planningandbuilding/ppg15

293Charters and Legislation

Rio Declaration (1992)Principles agreed upon at the UN Conference on Environment and Development (Rio de Janeiro, 3–14 June 1992), also known as the Earth Summit or the Rio Summit. www.un.org/documents/ga/conf151/aconf15126-1annex1.htm

Scottish Arts Council Principles (2000)Publication of the government’s national cultural strategy.http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/latestnews/1001972.aspx

Shimizu Decision (1997)This judgment was issued by the House of Lords and has been used to organize the relationship between the community using and applying for any development within the built environment.

Similar to the NPPG18 and PPG15, the Shimizu Decision is a plan-ning policy that introduces negotiation as an approach through recom-mended discussions and reviews of any proposal before implementing any intervention between the local community and the local authorities and any other stakeholder. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld199697/ldjudgmt/jd970206/shimiz01.htm

Venice Charter, also known as the International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (1964)A result of this charter was the formation of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) in 1965.http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/venice_e.htm

Washington Charter (1987)Also known as the Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas. It was adopted by the ICOMOS General Assembly in Washington D.C., October 1987.http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/towns_e.htm

French ActAct of 25 February 1943 – on the surroundings of historic monuments. This act was an amendment to Act of 31 December 1913 on historic monuments.


British ActsTown and Country Planning (Scotland) Act 1947 (c.53)http://www.opsi.gov.uk/RevisedStatutes/Acts/ukpga/1947/cuk-pga_19470053_en_1

Civic Amenities Act 1967 (c.69)http://www.opsi.gov.uk/RevisedStatutes/Acts/ukpga/1967/cuk-pga_19670069_en_1

Town and Country Planning Act 1971 (c.78)http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts1971/pdf/ukpga_19710078_en.pdf

Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Areas Act 1979 (c.46http://www.opsi.gov.uk/RevisedStatutes/Acts/ukpga/1979/cuk-pga_19790046_en_1

Planning (Listed Buildings and Conservation Areas) Act 1990 (c. 9) (c. 9)http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts1990/Ukpga_19900009_en_1.htm

Human Rights Act 1998 (c. 42)http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts1998/ukpga_19980042_en_1(Endnotes)

295

Abdel-Moniem, Ayman, 124absence of active legislation, 6Abu-Lughod, Janet, 30access to foreign aid, 56Action Area One, 95action phase, 90–101adopted approached to area

conservation, 155aesthetic values, 46Aga Khan Cultural Services-

Egypt. See AKCS-EAga Khan Foundation, 99, 153, 168Aga Khan Trust for Culture

(AKTC), 196agencies, foreign aid, 215AKCS-E (Aga Khan Cultural

Services-Egypt), 196–206Aleppo, revitalization of, 58Alexandria, 10aluminum workshops, 185American Research Center in

Egypt (ARCE), 57American University in Cairo, 190Amman, Jordan, 72‘Amr ibn al-‘As Mosque, 10, 178,

179Amsterdam Declaration (1975),

41, 42

Index

analysis, 115; SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats), 82; units of analysis for area conservation, 44–53

Anbar Office, 67, 71Anglican Coptic Association

(ACA), 212Antiquities and Monuments Law,

208appraisals, 87, 96, 99Aqueduct, 4Arab Bureau, 122, 145Arab Contractors, 125, 170, 174Arab Fund, xxi, 59, 182, archaeology, 59Architectural Design Support

Center (ADSC), 181, 182architecture, authenticity of,

47–49areas: action phase, 90–101;

AKCS-E, 198, 205; assessments, 117–18; assessments of, 111; in Cairo, 121–26; conservation. See conservation; cultural approach to conservation, 102–105; designation, 82; environmental quality, 135;

296 Index

Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 189–96; historic. See historic areas; legislation, 209; main actors involved in conservation, 126–28; management, 86–90; physical intervention, 101–102; priorities in conservation, 105–106; quality, 128; statutory processes, 153–55; synthesized policy, 106–108

arrangements, institutional, 116Art Deco, 13Article 41L, Law 50, 1981, 131Aslam Mosque neighborhood, 198ASM (Association de Sauveguarde

de la Medina), 57, 88assessments: approach to, 115–17;

areas, 117–18; of areas, 111; conservation, 117–18; criteria, 113; investigation designs, 118–20; models, 116

authenticity, 43, 47–49, 115, 135, 155, 162; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 192–93; of Mashrabeya, 185

Awqaf Organization, 172awqaf (religious endowments),

156Azbakiya garden, 15al-Azhar Lane, 201al-Azhar Street, 152al-Azhar Tunnel, xixAzhar vegetable market, 66

Bab al-Nasr Cemetery, 16, 130, 145, 146

Bab al-Wazir Street, 19, 25, 139Babylon Fort, 10

Bab Zuwayla, 63, 155baked bricks, 51al-Bakri, Baha, 190balconies, 13Barghut area, 74Barghut market, 65baths, public, 22Bayt al-Jabri, Damascus, 73beautification, 48, 52, 63, 69, 150,

175; al-Mu‘izz Street, 161Beirut, 74benefits of tourism, 65Bishai, Adli, 190blight, 24. See also slumsBoni, Giacomo, 40boundaries, designation of, 82Brandi, Cesare, 40brass market, 152Bruges Resolution (1975), 41Buckingham Palace, 15building restorations, 33Bulaq, 5Bulgaria Charter (1975), 43bureaucracy, 6, 208

Cairo: Declaration (2002), 44; governorate, 133

Cairo University, 181–82Center for Islamic Architectural

Heritage (CIAH), 213centralized European-type

planning, 21Charter of Cultural Tourism

(CCT), 60charters: in the Arab-Islamic

region, 43–44; review of, 41; tourism, 64

Children's Cancer Hospital, 151Chinatown, 82Christian pilgrimages, 59Citadel, 17civic pride, 210

297Index

clusters, Framework Planning (FWP) and, 107–108

coffee shops, 65, 70collection of valid data, 100Committee for the Conservation

of Islamic Monuments, 156Committee for the Revitalization

of al-Quds, 144community oriented approach, 42community participation,

establishing, 93–96Community Zone, 108compensation systems, 100computers, 180–81conclusions, 229–231concrete buildings, 14condition of environment, 99conservation, xvii–xxii, 20;

action phase, 90–101; action processes, 153–55; AKCS-E, 198, 205; areas, 111. See also areas; assessments, 117–18; in Cairo, 121–26; cultural approach to, 102–105; current area conservation projects, 8–9; environmental quality, 135; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 189–96; funding, 53–79; gentrification, 68–79; historic areas, 1, 35–36; history of area conservation, 39–41; integrity, 62; legislation, 209; main actors involved in, 126–28; management, 86–90; Mashrabeya, 186–89; methods, 37; of monuments, 48; physical intervention, 101–102; planning, 93; priorities in, 105–106;

processes, 81; quality, 128; statutory phase,

81–90; statutory processes, 153–55; synthesized policy, 106–108; techniques, 108–10; units of analysis for area conservation, 44–53

Conservation Area Partnership Scheme (CAPS), 92

consultancies, 182continuing cultural values

(CCVs), 114controllers, 86. See also

managementCook, Thomas, 59copper markets, 162Coptic Cairo, 3, 63, 179cordon sanitaires, 122, 168Corniche, 108Covent Garden, 69crime, 28criteria, synthesis of, 113–15cultural approach to conservation,

102–105Cultural Division (UNESCO),

119cultural tourism, 60. See also

tourismcurrent area conservation projects,

8–9Czech Republic, 83

Damascene culture, 73Damascus, 67al-Dababiya Street, 189al-Darb al-Ahmar, 25, 95al-Darb al-Asfar Street, 63, 183Darb Shughlan, 198data, collection of valid, 100Dead Sea, 63decentralization, 88democracy, management of, 42

298 Index

demolition, 193, 197Deschambault Declaration (1982),

42Desert Development Center, 190design, 31; cultural approach to

conservation, 103; integrity, 45; investigation assessments, 118–20

designation of boundaries, 82deterioration, 5, 21Deutsche Gesellschaft für

Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), 42

development: Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 189–96; in historic areas, 52; profitability of, 67; Social Fund for Development (SFD), 215

dilapidated buildings, replacement of, 155

dilapidated physical environments, 23–29. See also slums

distinctive character, loss of, 6districts, planning guidelines, 122disuse, 22Doctorsí Syndicate (Dar al-

Hikma), 25documentation, 96, 97d’Ossat, Angelis, 40down-up planning approach, 129Dvorak, Max, 39

earthquakes, xvii, 82, 123, 124, 144, 157, 170, 199, 227

Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro (1992), 60

Ebid, Magda, 190Edinburgh Development

Investment company, 87Edinburgh World Heritage Trust,

87

Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), xviii

electric cars, 142emergency restoration plans, 124Engineering Center for

Archaeology and Environment (ECAE), 145, 181

environments, 113; AKCS-E, 198; deterioration, xix; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 189–96; legislation, 209; quality, 135; stagnation of, 6

equilibrium of the urban management system, 22

Essaouira, Morocco, 71, 205Euromed, 58European Union (EU), 93evaluation of policies, 115Executive Committee, 125, 134

façades, 62, 179al-Faggala, 17Fatimid Cairo, xvii, 3, 123, 198,

Committee, 124; Development Agency (FCDA), 211; royal family of, 10

Fertile Crescent region, 205folk-art, 12foreign aid: agencies, 215; funding

conservation, 54–59form of environment, 99formulation, policy, 115Framework Planning (FWP),

107–108France, 39, 82; French campaigns

of the early 1800s, 10Friends of the Environment and

Development Association (FEDA), 189–96

Fum Hayik area, 84functional integrity, 46

299Index

funding conservation, 53–79funerary courts, 16furniture: industry, 199; makers, 17al-Fustat, 3, 10. See also Coptic

Cairo; Museum, 158

Ga‘far Mansion, 184, 186Galal Street, 136al-Gamaliya Street, 189Gamaliya, 63, 130, 155, 162Garden City, 12, 18gardens, 15al-Gaysh Street, 130Geddes, Patrick, 39General Organization for Legal

Consultations and Legislation, 208

General Organization of Physical Planning (GOPP), 20, 123

gentrification, 68–79, 92Geographic Information System

(GIS), 99al-Ghuri, 27, 139al-Ghuriya, 46, 53Giobannoni, Gustavo, 39Giza garden, 15globalization, 41, 73Governorís Decree No. 457, 135,

140grants, 100Greater Cairo, 20guided tours, 62. See also tourismguidelines, 96, 100, 140; for area

conservation, 85; planning, 122; for upgrading public spaces, 145

Hafsiya project, 59al-Hamadiya, 71al-Hamrawi, 73Hanna, Milad, 190Harat al-Darb al-Asfar, 192

hayys (districts), 133, 140, 157, 209hazards, 28Helwan University, 164heritage: management, 147;

protection, 83Heritage Corridor, 108Heritage Economic Regeneration

Scheme (HERS), 92Heritage Lottery Fund, 91Hilmiya, 13historic areas: authenticity of, 49;

conservation, 35–36. See also conservation; to conserve, 1; current area conservation projects, 8–9; definition of, 3–5; development in, 52; gentrification, 68–79; informal settlements in, 28; master plans, 15–22; meaning of, 134–35; slums, 23–29; subjective meaning of, 29–30; tourism and, 60, 61. See also tourism; typical urban problems of, 5–7; urban transformation in Cairo, 9–15

Historic Cairo Organization, 157, 158, 161, 167

Historic Cairo Project, 127Historic Cities Support Program

(HCSP), 196Historic Landscape Assessment, 99historic mansions, 185historic scale, 99history of area conservation,

39–41Homogeneous Sector Reports, 20Homs Declaration (2001), 44housing crisis, 6Hugo, Victor, 40

IASTE (International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments) conference, 30

300 Index

Ibn Tulun Mosque, 4Ibrahim, Abdul Halim, 145ICOMOS (International Council

on Monuments and Sites), 60, 214

implementation of the action phase, 96–101

incentives, 100industries, removing, 162informal settlements, 28, 29Information Center of the

Historic Cairo Organization, 124

informative data, 113inlaid marble, 13Institute of Environmental

Studies and Research, Ain Shams University, 190

Institute of Housing Research, 19institutional arrangements, 116Institutional Corridor, 108institutional frameworks,

223–26integrity, 45–47, 115, 135,

155; AKCS-E, 200; conservation, 62; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 192–93

intelligentsia, 13interests, values and, 220International Cultural Tourism

Charter of ICOMOS, 60International Cultural Tourism

Council, 60International Monetary Fund

(IMF), 33Internet, 180–81intervention, physical, 101–102interviews, 100, 119, 147investigation designs, assessments,

118–20

Islamic Capital Cities Charter (ICCC 1997), 44

Islamic revitalization, 104istibdal (exchange of property),

172IT (information technology),

180–81

Jabal Amman, 72Japan International Co-operation

Agency (JICA), 215Jewish Quarter, 73JICA program, 57job opportunities, 206Jordan, 95Judgment Court, 72Jumayza, 84

Khan al-Khalili, 172Khayrbak complex, 206Khedival and Monarchy Period

(1863-1952), 15–17Khurazati House, 186kilns, 180Kings Walk commercial center,

104Kirwan, Tunisia, 24, 89know-how, lack of, 6Krakow Charter (2000), 42, 49Kuwait, 182

lack of public awareness, 6Latin America, 26laws, 32; action phase, 90–101;

Antiquities and Monuments Law, 208; for design control, 85; Urban Design Law, 208

leather wear industry, 199Lebanon, 95legislation, 140, 208–210. See also

guidelines; lawslibraries, 164

301Index

limestone, 185, 189loans, 100local decentralization, 88local investments, 57. See also

fundinglocal planning authorities (LPAs),

86, 128locations, integrity of, 45London, 47, 69Loos, Adolf, 39Louis XVI, 15low-budget housing, 67Lubbock, Sir John, 84

Magra al-‘Uyun, 124, 136, 151, 167

Mainz, 102Mamluk ornaments, 20management: area conservation

units, 86–90; democracy, 42; Framework Planning (FWP), 107–108; heritage, 147; urban, 122; working in partnership, 91–92

Manshiyat Nasir, 205 al-Mansuriya Street, 130marble, 13marketing, 71markets, 201Marrakesh, 71Mashrabeya, 141, 173, 183–89;

conservation, 186–89mashrabiya, 10, 14Mashyakhat al-Azhar, 161master plans, 15–22materials, integrity of, 45meaning of historic areas, 134–35MEDA, 58Medhat Pasha, 71medieval Christian pilgrimages,

59Medina, Tunis, 67, 88

metal, 141, 184metalwork industry, 162methods of conservation, 37Metro, 4Mikawi, Mohamed, 121Ministerial Committee, 125, 134Ministry of Awqaf, 169–74, 210Ministry of Culture, 68, 156–69,

201Ministry of Environment,

207–208Ministry of Housing, 144–56, 210Ministry of IT, 180–81Ministry of Localities

Development, 132Ministry of Social Affairs, 207Ministry of Tourism, 70, 174–80Misr al-Qadima, 63models, assessments of, 116modernization, 48monuments, 158, 213;

conservation of, 48; ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites), 214

morphology, 62mosques, 171motifs, traditional Islamic, 25Mövenpick Resort, 63Mubarak, Hosni, 20Mubarak, Suzanne, xviii, 185, 213Muhammad ‘Ali Mosque, 55muhtasib (urban management

commissioner), 32, 103, 205al-Mu‘izz Street, 123, 136, 175,

184, 189; beautification, 161mukhtar (municipal inspector of

environmental quality), 88, 156, 205

Muqattam Hills, 3Muqattam HPl, 55“Museum without Frontiers,” 57Mustafa Ga‘far Mansion, 173

302 Index

Nadim, Asaad, 182Nahj al-Basha, Tunis,

66Nairobi Charter (1976), 41Napoleon III, 15Nara Charter (1994), 43Nassar, Gamal, 18National Center for

Documentation of Cultural and Natural Heritage of Egypt, 180

National Gallery, 47National Planning Policy

Guideline (NPPG), 83national projects, 124National Supreme Court, 208Nazli Sharif Mosque, 55Near East Foundation (NEF),

197, 212Neoclassical buildings, 21New Zealand Charter (1992), 41NGOs (non-governmental

organizations), 211–13“N” group, 32–34, 119, 126, 127,

220–223; organizations, 128; power arrangements, 215–218

Nile river, 3, 18Nineteenth-century Corridor,

Muhammad ‘Ali Street, 108North Africa, 71

Office for the Revitalization, 88Old Cairo, 56organizational basis, establishment

of, 83–86Organization for the

Development of Fatimid Cairo (ODFC), 144, 147

organizations. See also specific organizations: NGOs (non-governmental organizations), 211–13; “N” group, 128; “U”

group, 210–213; “W” group, 213–15

Ottomans, 10over-centralization, 140ownership, 173; unresolved issues, 6

Palace of Diocletian, 40Palestine, 59Palestinian refugees, 73parapets, 13Parliament, 208Participatory Rapid Appraisal

(PRA), 99partnership, working in, 91–92pedestrianization, 188perfectionist conservation, 62Petropolis Charter (1987), 41, 42physical intervention, 101–102physically oriented approach, 41physical scale, 99Pierra area, Istanbul, 143pilot projects, 98planning: centralized European-

type, 21; conservation, 93; Framework Planning (FWP), 107–108; General Organization of Physical Planning (GOPP), 123; guidelines, 122

Planning Policy Guidelines (PPGs), 51, 83

plans, master, 15–22policies, 96, 113; Framework

Planning (FWP), 107; synthesized policy, 106–108

pollution, 82populations, movement of, 27Port Said Street, 3, 151, 152power arrangements, “N” group,

215–18priorities in conservation,

105–106

303Index

private property, 94processes: AKCS-E,

202–205; areas, 139–43; conservation, 81; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 194–95; improving, 114; legislation, 209; statutory phase, 81–90

profitability of development, 67Project Department, 157property: private, 94; values, 92public baths, 22public housing, 19public squares, 159

al-Qahira, 3, 10Qalawun Mosque, 155Qasr ‘Abdin, 26Qasr al-Sham‘, 63, 68; NGOs,

211al-Qatamiya Highway, 5al-Qimariya, 67, 71quality: area conservation, 128;

environmental, 135quarters of Cairo, 4

Ras al-Tin Palace, 18Regional Arab Conference

on Ownership and Urban Management, 26

regulations, 32, 96rehabilitation of Old Cairo, 56Religion Complex area, 135, 180Religious Legislative House, 146rent control, 19, 171Republic Period (1953 to present),

18–23restaurants, 74, 75restoration, 178; of buildings, 33;

sustainability of, 186Restoration Committee, 158

Restoration Office of the Arab Contractors (Ministry of Housing), 124

restoration of urban architectural forms and institutions, 103

restrictions, 100review of charters, 41revitalization, xix; Islamic, 104Revitalization of Historic Cairo

Project, 125, 147, 153, 163, 172

Riegl, Alois, 40RITSEC (Regional Information

Technology and Software Engineering Center), 180

River Nile, 3, 18Robert, David, 139Roman Theater, 72Rome, Italy, 39Rumi style, 18

Sadat, Anwar, xvii, 19Sadat, Jehan, 122Saint Paulís Cathedral, 47Salah Salim Highway, 4, 5, 151Salih, Fathi, 181Santiago de Compostela, Spain,

87SAVE (Survey of the Architectural

Values in the Environment), 97

Sayyida Zaynab, 19seclusion, 13Second World War, 19; tourism

after, 60sequenced environment

conditions, 113settlements, informal, 28, 29shaykh al-hara, 205Sheraton Hotel, 151shops, removal of, 173Shubra, 15

304 Index

Sidi Bou Said, 70, 76Singapore, 82skills, reintroduction of

traditional, 94slums, 22, 23–29Social Fund for Development

(SFD), 215statutory phase, 81–90steps of the action phase, 91Stirling Townscape Heritage

Initiative (STHI), 92structural integrity, 45–46stucco windows, 13Supreme Council of Antiquities

(SCA), 157suq, 60Suq Barghut area, 77, 84, 85Susa, Tunisia, 90sustainability, 43, 49–53, 115, 135;

Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 192–93; of Mashrabeya, 185; of restoration, 186

Swiqqa market, 69Swiss–Egyptian Development

Fund, 190SWOT (strengths, weaknesses,

opportunities, threats) analysis, 82

synthesis of assessment criteria, 113–15

synthesized policy, 106–108Syria, 88, 95

al-Tablita vegetable market, 201techniques, conservation, 108–10technology, 180–81tent industry, 199textiles, 53, 139, 199tourism, 52, 59–68, 89, 135;

charters, 64; marketing, 71;

Ministry of Tourism, 70, 174–80

traditional Islamic motifs, 25traditional urbanism, 122Trafalgar Square, London, 47traffic, 46, 136, 144al-Tumbakshiya Street, 189Tunisia, 95tunnels, 151Turkey, 95turned wood fenestration, 13turned-wood (mashrabiya) window

screens, 177types of integrity, 45–47typical urban problems of historic

areas, 5–7

“U” group, 30–32, 47, 119, 126, 218–19, 223; organizations, 210–13

Ummayad Palace, 65, 72Umm Qays village, 75UNESCO, 34, 213United Nations Development

Project (UNDP, 1997), xvii, 106

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. See UNESCO

units of analysis for area conservation, 44–53

University Bridge, 55urban beautification, 69Urban Design Law, 208Urban Development Studies, 158,

161Urban Development Studies

Department, 167Urban Development Studies

Division, 125urban management units, 89. See

also management

305Index

urban problems of historic areas, 5–7

urban transformation in Cairo, 9–15

'urf (regional customary rules), 32, 103

values: aesthetic, 46; AKCS-E, 198; Friends of the Environment and Development Association (FEDA), 191–92; and interests, 220; legislation, 208–209; of processes, 29; property, 92; to protect, 183; of states, 29

vandalism, 6vegetable markets, 201Venice Charter of 1964, xxii, 42, 44Vincent, Robert, 57Viollet-le-Duc, 39visual integrity, 46–47

wakaíil, 67Wakail project, 59, 77waqf (religious endowment), 18Washington Charter (1987), 41,

42, 44“W” group, 34–35, 119, 219, 223;

organizations, 213–15

wikala (shopping area with a hotel or collective housing units), 104

Wikalat al-Zaytun, 197Wikalat Bazara, 164Wikalat Kahla building, 193Williams, Caroline, 163women, maintaining seclusion, 13working in partnership, 91–92workmanship, integrity of, 45World Bank, xxi, 20, 33World Heritage Committee of

UNESCO, 49World Heritage List, 147World Heritage mission report,

213World Tourism Organization, 66

Yemen, 105

Zakariya, Mona, 175Zamalek, 12, 15ZAPPAUP, 98zones, 100, 154; of authority,

157; Community Zone, 108; Framework Planning (FWP), 107–108; historic areas, 3. See also historic areas; of homogeneity, 140

living with heritage in cairo: area conservation in the arab-islamic city

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