live, work, play
TRANSCRIPT
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Live, Work, Play: Urban Planning Proposals
For International Boulevard in East Oakland
By Ingrid Johansen
For SPUR Oakland
Mills College Public Policy Program
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DISCLAIMER
This study has been prepared for the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research
Association (SPUR) of Oakland, California; Liza Baskir, Project Manager and Robert Ogilvie,
Oakland SPUR Director. The author conducted this study in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Public Policy at Mills College. The judgments
and conclusions are solely those of the author, and are not necessarily endorsed by the Mills
College Public Policy Program, the sponsoring organization, or any other agency.
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Table of Contents
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... 3
Tables and Figures ......................................................................................................................... 4
Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................... 5
Chapter 1: How did we get here? ................................................................................................. 7
East Oakland Neighborhoods and International Boulevard ................................................. 9
Chapter 2: Oakland’s Empty Spaces ......................................................................................... 11
Problem Definition .................................................................................................................. 11
Four Topics of Study and the Half-mile Buffer .................................................................... 11
Chapter 3: Zoning and Urban Planning .................................................................................... 13
Chapter 4: Study Area #1 – Housing ......................................................................................... 17
Housing Laws in Oakland ....................................................................................................... 19
Housing Recommendations .................................................................................................... 25
Chapter 5: Study Area #2 - Safe and Healthy Spaces .............................................................. 26
Green Spaces ............................................................................................................................ 26
Art and Public Spaces ............................................................................................................. 28
Crime ........................................................................................................................................ 28
Schools and Accessibility to Parks ......................................................................................... 29
Recommendations for Safe and Healthy Spaces ................................................................... 30
Chapter 6: Study Area #3 – Transportation ............................................................................. 31
Walkability, Bikeability, and Transit Scores ........................................................................ 34
The Bus-Rapid Transit Plan and Transit Oriented Development ...................................... 36
Recommendations for Transportation .................................................................................. 40
Chapter 7: Study Area #4 – Economy ........................................................................................ 41
Community-oriented businesses ............................................................................................. 43
Recommendations for Economy ............................................................................................. 43
Chapter 8: Implementation of Proposals and Evaluation ........................................................ 46
Further Research ......................................................................................................................... 49
Evaluations ................................................................................................................................... 50
Final thoughts on Urban Planning ............................................................................................. 52
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... 53
Appendix A ................................................................................................................................... 54
Appendix B ................................................................................................................................... 56
Appendix C ................................................................................................................................... 58
Appendix D ................................................................................................................................... 59
Works Cited .................................................................................................................................. 61
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Tables and Figures
Figure 1: Half-mile buffer around International Boulevard ................................................... 12
Figure 2: Color-coded polygons in buffer area ......................................................................... 14
Figure 3: Circle graph displaying zoning code percentages in buffer ..................................... 15
Figure 4: Highlighted zoning polygons ...................................................................................... 16
Figure 5: Redlining map of East Oakland ................................................................................. 18
Figure 6: Housing Burden for Renters ...................................................................................... 22
Figure 7: Housing burden for non-mortgaged owners ............................................................. 22
Figure 8: Housing burden for mortgaged owners ..................................................................... 23
Figure 9: Heat map of parks in buffer ....................................................................................... 27
Figure 10: Heat map of distance between schools (markers) and parks ................................ 29
Figure 11: Bike Map of Oakland ................................................................................................ 32
Figure 12: Bus Stops within Buffer Zone .................................................................................. 33
Figure 13: Walk, Bike, and Transit Scores by Neighborhood ................................................. 34
Figure 14: Transit lines within buffer (Bus, BART, & Amtrak) ............................................. 36
Figure 15: BRT Nodes on International Boulevard .................................................................. 37
Figure 16: Heat map of grocery stores in buffer ....................................................................... 42
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Executive Summary
International Boulevard is one of the main corridors that run through East Oakland,
beginning from Lake Merritt and ending at the San Leandro border. Originally titled as East 14th
Street, International Boulevard experienced some major changes following the economic boom of
World War II. The relocation of jobs and families left this area of East Oakland in an economic
decline, which made it easier for gang violence and drugs to plague the boulevard and
surrounding areas. Currently home to a number of ethnically diverse businesses and a large
amount of abandoned storefronts, International Boulevard has become the subject of urban
revitalization.
According to recent research completed by SPUR (San Francisco Bay Area Planning and
Urban Research Association), there is approximately 437,000 square feet of unused space and
abandoned storefronts along International Boulevard. Including parking lots, this adds up to 1.5
million square feet of space. These spaces could be used for commercial businesses, open spaces
(like parks), and housing. Abandoned spaces like these create an urban landscape that appears
neglected and produces urban blight. In order to address this problem, the following report
examines the issues at hand, and offers proposals to solve these issues. Finding a solution for the
excessive amount of space includes the analysis of zoning codes, housing, safe and healthy
spaces, transportation, and the economy. The study area that will be the focus of this report is a
half-mile buffer on each side of International Boulevard. Although the boulevard is the main
focus of the study, the commercial corridor can also impact the surrounding areas. With that in
mind, I attempt to answer these questions in this report: what kinds of development could be done
in these areas, and how can the community benefit from potential development?
First, urban planning involves the analysis of zoning codes, which designate the type of
use for a plot of land. Zoning codes in the study area are categorized for the following uses:
residential, commercial/mixed housing, industrial, special/combined uses, open spaces, and
planned waterfronts. More than half of the buffer area is used for residential zoning, which leaves
International Boulevard as the one of the main commercial corridors for residents that live close
by.
Although residential areas make up the majority of land within the buffer, many of the
residents are paying more than 30% of their household income towards household expense, such
as rent. Between 57% and 71% of renters are experiencing housing cost burdens, and there are
only a few options for affordable housing within the buffer. Urban planning proposals for housing
involve identifying empty spaces that are zoned for residential purposes, and calculating how
much it would cost to construct more affordable housing in these spaces. Other solutions involve
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communicating with large-scale developers and investors regarding foreclosed properties and
allowing tenants to stay, and educating residents on housing rights, and the processes of eviction
and foreclosures.
Currently, there are 30 parks in the half-mile buffer area. These parks come in different
shapes and sizes, and provide the community with a space for recreational activities and a nature
area in an urban setting. Aside from green spaces, urban art and local events can build stronger
communities and neighborhoods. Currently, International Boulevard does not host any large-scale
events that focus on art. Proposals for the improvement of safe and healthy spaces include:
constructing wayfinding maps to parks and recreation centers, incorporate unused spaces for
parks and other green spaces, and gather community and artist input for an event that is similar to
Downtown Oakland’s First Fridays.
Urban areas are often accessible by public transportation. In the half-mile study area
around International Boulevard, there are 84 bus routes and 408 bus stops, along with two BART
stations and an Amtrak station. With a number of transportation options still available, the
majority of commuters in Oakland still use cars as their main transportation method. There is also
a lack of bike lanes within the buffer. Proposals for transportation involve establishing designated
lanes for cars, buses, and bicycles, along with bicyclist signs. And to ease the commute, placing
wayfinding maps and distances to each transit station will help residents and visitors find their
way around transportation options.
In order for any urban area to thrive, it is important to analyze the economy of that area.
East Oakland shifted to a service-based economy from a manufacturing/industrial economy after
WWII, and what followed was a socioeconomic decline due to factories relocating or shutting
down. Currently, the majority of businesses in the half-mile buffer include liquor stores and
various retail outlets, along with some warehouses and other industrial work. There are currently
19 grocery stores within the buffer, which are greatly outnumbered by small corner stores. In
some areas within the buffer, residents would have to travel more than a mile to have access to a
grocery store. Recommendations for the economy include building grocery stores in underserved
areas, in accordance with zoning codes that allow the construction of grocery stores; establish a
corridor-wide community gathering or First Friday event involving business owners and local
artists; and encourage community-oriented businesses, which serve the surrounding community
and hire local residents.
There are some of the recommendations and subject areas that I will be discussing in this
report. I will go more in depth with these topics, which also include GIS maps that illustrate the
zoning within the half-mile buffer.
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Chapter 1: How did we get here?
What do we know so far about Oakland?
As the third largest city in the Bay Area, Oakland holds a reputation for being one of the
most diverse and progressive metropolitan areas in the United States. With a long history of
political activism and economic decline and growth, Oakland gained the nickname “The Town,”
popular as a landmark for artists, musicians, entrepreneurs, activists, foodies, educators, and
environmentalists. Oakland flourished with immigrants and various industries up until the 1950’s,
but slowly declined due to mass migration and increasing crime rates. Recently however,
Oakland has experienced growth in new residents and businesses, reclaiming once again the title
“The Hub of the West.” With Oakland’s renaissance taking place over the last few years, it is
important to recognize that the city itself has a fascinating origin and a tumultuous history (The
Changing Face of Oakland, 2013.).
Originally, Oakland consisted of separate communities, which were annexed and
urbanized to create the city we know today. During the late 1800s, East Oakland was known as
Brooklyn. After the 1906 earthquake and fires had devastated San Francisco, Oakland
experienced a population boom that continued into the 1930s, which resulted in further
development of North Oakland, and sections of West and East Oakland. The area where
International Boulevard is located was originally annexed in 1909. Francis Marion “Borax”
Smith, who created the company called the Realty Syndicate, was already preparing Oakland for
development (Johnson, 2006).
During the early 1900’s, the development company known as The Realty Syndicate
actively bought up vast tracts of land, including the area known as Piedmont Pines and other
portions of the Oakland Hills. Streetcar lines extended into these hilly areas in order to promote
development and improve accessibility. The company continued as Oakland’s leading
development firm until the 1929 stock market crash (Oakland General Plan, Historic Preservation
Element, 1993).
Development of residential planned communities occurred in the 1920’s, with plans for
architectural design controls, street trees, and underground utilities. Residents coined these
developmental plans as the City Beautiful Movement, which included in different areas of
Oakland such as Trestle Glen and Longridge Roads. Other examples include Claremont Pines off
Broadway Terrace, and Oak Lawn Manor in Rockridge. Other developments for working class
residents occurred in North Oakland and Central East Oakland. Vast housing tracts in East
Oakland were developed to accommodate the auto and factory workers (Johnson, 2006).
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Although Oakland stagnated in the 1930’s, it became a major shipbuilding center during
World War II, along with the city of Richmond. Oakland’s long established African American
community increased immensely with the migration of the shipyard workers from the South. In
1945, Oakland’s population reached an all-time peak of 405,301. The end of World War II
resulted in a rapid increase of freeway construction and suburbanization, causing a decline in
Oakland’s overall population and city landscape, especially in West Oakland and Downtown
(Johnson, 2006).
The Federal Housing Administration provided housing for the new residents in Oakland
who planned to work in the shipyards and other war-related industries. The FHA created over
30,000 new public housing units in the East Bay. However, racial segregation in East Bay
neighborhoods due to redlining (categorizing certain neighborhoods as risky areas for investment)
left black families in Oakland with few options for neighborhood choice. I will go into further
details on the process of redlining in Chapter 4.
Between 1940 and 1950, West Oakland was home to 60% of Oakland’s black population,
and it increased to 80% within the decade. Instances of overcrowding were commonplace at this
time. In the 1940s, the increasing usage of the automobile over public transportation and street
cars pushed East Oakland further into a decline, and this technological change is partly
responsible for the shifts in housing patterns and job accessibility in Oakland. In the 1960’s,
affordability was also a prevalent issue in Oakland. Developers believed that public housing
could potentially lower property values, and in 1966, Oakland only had 1,422 public housing
units. (The Changing Face of Oakland, 2013.).
Increasing poverty and racial division were common in 1950s Oakland: industrial output
decreased because the war was over, and the demand for housing outside of Central Oakland
caused a migration of white residents (“white flight”) to move to areas like the Oakland Hills,
Piedmont, and other cities outside of Oakland (Johnson, 2006).
In 1958, the Cypress freeway portion of I-880 cut through West Oakland, demolishing
properties and forcing families to move. The freeway physically segregated the westernmost part
of Oakland from the rest of the city. With the construction of the BART regional commuter lane
through Oakland in the late 1960s, residents of West Oakland demanded changes, such as BART
being more accessible for urban workers, and employment in the BART system. Despite the
residents’ demands, freeway and BART construction and other forms of government urban
renewal destroyed over 7,000 housing units in Oakland. Throughout the 1960’s and 1970’s,
Oakland experienced more highway construction and political struggles over the control of land
use and economic resources from active Oakland residents. Federal programs, such as the Model
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Cities initiative, attempted to address the problems with housing, healthcare, and education, but
were met with resistance from city elites and local government. Racial and class issues regarding
discrimination influenced the formation of the Black Power Movement, with the Black Panther
Party for Self-Defense originating in Oakland in 1966 (Johnson, 2006).
During the 1970s and 80s, economic divestment from the main urban areas of Oakland
caused a decline in the number of urban jobs. Throughout these decades Oakland experienced
large-scale gang controlled drug operations and skyrocketing violent crime. The number of both
white and black residents decreased, greatly changing the demographics and economics of
Oakland. Major retailers were also leaving the city due to lack of business and the increase in
crime. Economic decline plagued Oakland in the 1980’s, particularly in Downtown. Many plans
came and went in an attempt to revitalize Oakland’s city center, including the plans for a regional
retail center with office buildings, residences, and a multilevel mall. Developers were unable to
find any secure tenants, and Oakland mayor Lionel Wilson made many attempts to try and
revitalize Oakland’s economy with shopping centers and a broken deal with Al Davis and the
Oakland Raiders professional football franchise (Johnson, 2006).
As these changes were happening, new immigrants from Asia and Latin America were
moving to Oakland, increasing the populations in many neighborhoods, particularly Oakland’s
Chinatown and the predominantly Latino Fruitvale district. During the 1980s and 1990s, the
Oakland School District noticed an increase in other languages aside from English being spoken
among the schoolchildren (The Changing Face of Oakland, 2013). Beginning in the 1990s, the
Bay Area experienced the first tech and real estate boom, and Oakland also experienced a large
increase in housing development under Mayor Jerry Brown. However, these housing plans drew
more developers from San Francisco, rather than including more affordable housing for current
residents.
East Oakland Neighborhoods and International Boulevard
East Oakland was once home to the General Motors Chevrolet plant, shipyards, defense
plants, and the Granny Goose and Gerber food production facilities. Many industrial and wartime
jobs at these sites helped in making East Oakland prosperous throughout the 60’s, but as they
were shut down, they triggered the socioeconomic decline of the area. The overall area of East
Oakland underwent a similar history, with the boom during wartime and then gradual decline
throughout the remainder of the century. Many residents relocated to other suburban areas, but
those individuals who couldn’t afford to move remained in East Oakland.
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East Oakland was hit particularly hard during the 1980s and 1990s, when drugs and
gangs were prevalent and only worsened the area and its worth. However, the housing boom in
the 1990s spurred a decrease in homicide rates after 1992, and reaching a 30-year low by 1999.
Crime has decreased slightly in the last 10 years, with a dramatic drop in homicides in 2013
(Harris, 2014). Crime is still prevalent in some areas of International Boulevard, with human
trafficking being one of the main problems that plagues the corridor. There have been various
efforts from community members and police involvement to suppress this type of crime, with
some of these efforts being successful, but the boulevard is still reputed to be a dangerous street
with high crime rates.
International Boulevard runs north-south starting at Lake Merritt in Oakland and ending
at the San Leandro border, where it is given its original name, East 14th Street. It is one of the
longest continuing streets in the Bay Area. East 14th Street was renamed to International
Boulevard within the Oakland City limits in 1996 in order to change the image and reputation of
the thoroughfare between Oakland and San Leandro. Proponents argued that the name change
would stimulate economic revival, along with other efforts to revitalize the East Oakland corridor
(Walker, & Bureau, 1996). The name change was upsetting to many residents and merchants,
who called the change irrelevant, and that none of the current problems would be addressed
simply with a new name. International Boulevard connects many neighborhoods, including
Eastlake/San Antonio, Fruitvale, Elmhurst, and Hegenberger. When looking at a map, the lengthy
corridor acts as a spinal cord to East Oakland: connecting cities, neighborhoods, and more than a
hundred avenues. In order to understand the culture of East Oakland, International Boulevard
requires to be understood as well.
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Chapter 2: Oakland’s Empty Spaces
What are the issues pertaining to International Boulevard in East Oakland?
The southeastern portion of Oakland is known as East Oakland, and comprises over half
of the land area of the city. International Boulevard spans from 1st Avenue by Lake Merritt to
107th Avenue at the San Leandro border. Altogether, that is 107 blocks and the total street
frontage is 12.8 miles (this is if you were to walk the entirety of the boulevard in a circle from 1st
to 107th and 107th back to 1st and walking on each side). Although some areas of International
Boulevard have high levels of crime, there are also many culturally diverse and lucrative
businesses, including many food vendors. The neighborhoods surrounding International
Boulevard boast a wide range of ethnic diversity and languages, which adds value to Oakland as a
culturally rich area.
Problem Definition
Based on recent research conducted by SPUR Oakland, there is approximately 437,000
square feet of unused space on International Boulevard. Including empty lots, there are 40 acres
(or 1.5 million square feet) of unused space. With all this empty space in a metropolitan area, this
could be potentially used for other businesses, parks, housing, and many other uses. The
socioeconomic background and rates of crime combined with the unused spaces create an urban
landscape that is neglected and produces urban blight. However, all this unused space could
potentially be used for some purpose, whether housing new retail establishments, parks, or
gathering spaces that is accessible to residents and visitors. In order to solve this problem,
International Boulevard needs to be envisioned for its potential use. In this report we ask what
kinds of development could be done, and how can the community benefit from potential
development?
Four Topics of Study and the Half-mile Buffer
The four main topics of this study will be Housing, Safe and Healthy Spaces,
Transportation, and Economy. All of these topics are essential for an urban area to function,
and each of these topics will be analyzed in terms of their functionality and in context with each
neighborhood within the half-mile buffer around International Boulevard. Focusing solely on
International Boulevard alone would be to focus only on the businesses and transportation along
the corridor, but adding a half-mile buffer around International between Lake Merritt and San
Leandro will provide information on housing and safe and healthy spaces. The majority of the
research in this report will deal with zoning codes and GIS mapping of International Boulevard.
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Figure 1: Half-mile buffer around International Boulevard
Above is a GIS map showing a half-mile buffer around International Boulevard (red line). The buffer
extends from the edge of Lake Merritt to the San Leandro border.
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Chapter 3: Zoning and Urban Planning
The main purpose of zoning is to designate certain areas for a variety of uses. A large
portion of urban planning and economics involves zoning and assigning definitions and meanings
to zoning codes. In urban planning, cities regulate land-use by using zoning plans to segregate
types of land use; this is the reason why commercial, industrial, and residential areas are in
separate zones. The process of establishing zoning codes and restrictions takes into account the
height of the buildings, specific uses, and the number or spaces allowed for these designated uses.
Zones are designated to separate areas due to externalities, such as commercial areas that are in a
different zone than residential areas. For example, zoning areas that are designated as mixed-
residential and commercial allow for retail businesses to be located below the residential units.
These business spaces add a buffer from the foot and automobile traffic that would be heard at
street level, so residents can live more comfortably without the frequent noise. Zoning designates
allowances on properties in order to lessen the potential externalities like industrial pollution and
noise complaints from street and foot traffic. Industrial zoning prevents a landowner from
building a factory in a residential area.
When it comes to looking at the potential uses of these empty spaces on International
Boulevard, zoning codes play a large part in determining what is allowed to be built in that space.
The zoning areas within the half-mile buffer can be broken down into percentages, so we can
easily view what areas take up the most space, and what areas might potentially require more
space.
Each code has a meaning, and this is what helps to differentiate similar codes, because
although there are multiple codes that indicate residential designation, each one is different, and
has certain requirements. The meanings and abbreviations, as well as the square footage of the
codes, are listed in Appendix A.
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Figure 2: Color-coded polygons in buffer area
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Figure 3: Circle graph displaying zoning code percentages in buffer
The circle graph above coincides with Figure 3. According to the graph, Mixed Housing
(RM) and Detached Unit Housing (RD) together make up more than 50% of the total zoning
space within the half-mile buffer. Overall, the study area has a lot of residential zoning, compared
to total 13% of commercial and mixed zoning. The majority of commercial zoning is actually
located on International Boulevard, which shows us that commercial retailers are at the center of
this residential-industrial mixed area of East Oakland. Assuming that most of the residents in the
buffer access retail goods from International Boulevard, then the relatively small sliver of
commercial space needs to satisfy a large residential population.
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Figure 4: Highlighted zoning polygons
Each of the zoning areas mentioned are outlined above with each polygon. Notice how the largest
polygons are Residential zoning areas on the northern side of International Boulevard, and the
Industrial polygons are on the southern side of International Boulevard. The long strip in the
middle is International, and is mainly lined by Commercial, Residential, and mixed zoning areas.
Zoning codes play an important part in each of the four main topics of study, so I will be referring
back to the zoning codes and their meanings throughout this report.
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Chapter 4: Study Area #1 – Housing
Housing prices in East Oakland are steadily increasing as new businesses open in the Bay
Area and more people are relocating. Housing prices in the Bay Area increased dramatically with
the emergence from the 1990s recession, and even after the housing bubble burst in the early
2000s and the market crashed in 2008, the housing market has grown to make this one of the
most unaffordable metropolitan areas in the country. Naturally, the housing crisis that grew too
large in San Francisco is expanding to the East Bay, and Oakland is being particularly affected.
Oakland is still cheap relative to San Francisco, which explains the mass migration between the
two metropolitan areas.
The City of Oakland is 78 square miles and is conveniently located across from San
Francisco. Aside from its distinctive neighborhoods and walkability, Oakland is also a major
transportation hub, with many bus lines provided by AC Transit and the Bay Area Rapid Transit
system (BART). Eight of these BART stations are in Oakland, with transfer stations at
MacArthur and 19th Street.
Within the last decade, the growing demand for housing in Oakland has not been met
against the increasing population and job growth in the East Bay. There is also an affordable
housing crisis occurring in Oakland, where many existing residents and lower-income workforce
are struggling to find housing that’s affordable and in good condition. According to a report by
PolicyLink, 17,000 new jobs were added to the East Bay between March 2013 and 2014, and
approximately 143,000 more jobs will be added by 2020 (Rose & Lin, 2015).
The area of East Oakland has specifically been affected because of the already deplorable
conditions of housing and the majority of residents having low-income jobs. Historically, East
Oakland neighborhoods were negatively viewed and seen as less attractive to investors during the
“redlining” era of the 1930s. It can be argued that the practice of “redlining” is responsible for the
demographic makeup of the neighborhoods that we live in today. After the Great Depression, the
federal agency refinanced more than a million homes. It issued low interest, long term loans to
scores of new homeowners across the nation, but only for some. Safe investment areas were
chosen and then mapped to show which of these areas were “safe” for residents. The Home
Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) classified neighborhoods on whether or not they would be
good investment areas (Marciano, Goldberg, & Hou, n.d.).
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Neighborhoods were sectioned in colors: green for lenders willing to make maximum
loans, blue areas were still considered desirable, but not as much as the green areas; yellow areas
were considered in decline, and the red areas were considered at full decline, and risky for
investment.
Neighborhoods inexorably declined as housing stock decayed and housing styles went
out of fashion, lowering values to the point that a “lower grade population” began
“infiltrating” the neighborhood. This was bad enough when those infiltrators were
working-class or foreign-born whites. Their presence compromised the neighborhood’s
social homogeneity and accelerated the decline of both housing values and neighborhood
desirability. The movement of African Americans into a neighborhood was far worse
according to this model, precipitating the final demise of its desirability and “residential
security.” Thus while HOLC grades were assigned by weighing a variety of factors,
including the age of houses and the fashion ability of particular architectural styles, it is
clear that race trumped all others (Green, M., 2015).
The practice of redlining and discriminatory housing was declared illegal when the Federal Fair
Housing Act was passed in 1968. Although discrimination in housing activities and zoning
practices are deemed illegal, the legacy of redlining and the effects on neighborhoods still persist.
In June 2015, the Supreme Court ruled that unintentional housing discrimination violates the Fair
Housing Act. Homeowners or renters can file suit against government or private policies without
having to prove the intentionality of the alleged discriminatory action.
Figure 5: Redlining map of East Oakland
Source: Green, M. How Redlining Maps Encouraged Segregation in California’s Cities.
http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2015/07/13/redlining/
International Boulevard (East 14th Street on map) is surrounded primarily of neighborhoods in yellow and
red. The majority of the red zones are southwest, and the yellow zones northeast of the boulevard.
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Housing Laws in Oakland
In order to solve the problems associated with the current housing situation in Oakland, I
have listed the following laws and ordinances that affect the housing situation in the City of
Oakland. Following these laws, I have listed the efforts made for more housing in Downtown
Oakland and affordable housing projects.
Title Date What it does Impact
Ellis Act 1985 Statewide housing ordinance that
allows landlords to evict tenants
in an entire building when
landlord intends to change the use
of the building
Increasingly common in
Oakland and San
Francisco, it has been
causing the displacement
of tenants (especially
low-income tenants)
Costa-
Hawkins
Rental
Housing Act
Codified
in 1995;
amended
in 2001
Prohibits municipal rent increase
limitations on certain kinds of
dwellings, allows rent increases
on subtenants, and prohibits
vacancy control
Caused a 300% increase
in the eviction of
Oakland tenants by
allowing landlords to be
exempt from state law
rent controls
Just Cause for
Eviction
Ordinance
(Measure EE)
2002 States that all notices of
termination must include a
statement for the basis of eviction;
a statement from the Rent Board;
and other specific requirements
for owner move-in eviction and
repairs eviction
Demands that landlords
cannot simply evict
tenant without good
reason and notice
Tenant
Protection
Ordinance
(Oakland
Municipal
Code
8.22.600-680)
2014 Includes provisions prohibiting
landlords from actions that
substantially interfere with or
disturb the comfort, repose, peace,
or quiet of any person lawfully
entitled to occupancy, or to cause
any person to vacate the unit
Policy used as a tool to
fight against
displacement, and to
assist tenant advocates
The Ellis Act (Statewide in 1985)
Ellis Act evictions are common in San Francisco, and Oakland residents are increasingly
being affected by these evictions, causing some residents to be displaced if they have no financial
resources to help them move to another location. In order to mitigate relocation costs to tenants,
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Ordinance No. 13358 was adopted on March 1st, 2016, to regulate for relocation payments to
evicted tenants based on income and the size of the housing unit they lived in. (Housing &
Community Development: Withdrawing a Rental Unit from the Market - Ellis Act).
Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, codified in 1995, amended in 2001.
“From January 1999 through December 2000, the effective date of full implementation
of the Costa-Hawkins law, Sentinel Fair Housing has reported a three hundred (300) percent
increase in the eviction of Oakland tenants. This trend has continued to date” (OMC 8.22.320
Findings, 2003). This ordinance was amended in 2001 in order to close a loophole that allowed
owners of apartment buildings to convert their housing units to condominiums and to do so by
being exempt from state law rent controls.
Just Cause for Eviction Ordinance, or Measure EE - 2002
Many Oakland tenants are covered under Oakland's Rent Control Ordinance. This says
that landlords can only raise rents once a year, and only by a certain amount (set by the city every
year). People who live in single-family homes, units built since 1983, and owner-occupied
buildings with 3 or fewer units are not covered by rent control. If someone lives in one of these
types of units, their landlord can raise the rent at any time. In units covered by rent control, the
landlord can raise the rent only once per year. From 2009 to 2010, the maximum increase is
0.7%. If a landlord does not raise the rent for several years, they can add up the maximum
increases for past years and raise the rent by that amount all at once (Causa Justa: Know Your
Rights.).
Tenant Protection Ordinance - approved in November 2014
The ordinance includes 16 provisions prohibiting landlords from “actions that
substantially interfere with or disturb the comfort, repose, peace or quiet of any person lawfully
entitled to occupancy, or intended to cause any person to vacate such dwelling unit”(Oakland
City Council: Ordinance No. 13265. 2014). The TPO allows tenants to sue landlords for
violations in small claims or civil courts at the tenant’s discretion. The City Attorney may choose
to intervene in cases of repeated violations.
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Efforts for More Housing
The 10K plan - 1999
In 1999, the Oakland Mayor Jerry Brown created the 10K plan, an urban planning project
that brought 10,000 residents to uptown and downtown Oakland. This was a continuation of past
Mayor Elihu Harris’s policy plan. The current Mayor of Oakland Libby Schaaf is planning on
unveiling a “34K Plan”, where low-income renters would be able to live in 17,000 new units, and
eventually another 17,000 would be built and sold at market or below market prices (DeBolt, D.
2016).
Current Affordable Housing Projects
As of December 2013, the City of Oakland has a list of affordable housing projects, with some of
these projects within the half-mile buffer of International Boulevard (City of Oakland –
Affordable Housing Development Projects, 2013).
Effie’s House, 829 East 19th Street, completed April 2014
Drasnin Manor, 2530 International Boulevard, completed June 2013
Saint Joseph’s Family Apartments, 2647 International Boulevard, completed November
2013
94th and International, 9400 – 9500 International Boulevard, completed December 2015
In spite of the efforts for affordable housing and tenant protections, many residents are
spending much of their income on housing. Zip codes 95606, 94601, 94621, 94603 fall within the
half-mile buffer around International Boulevard. According to data collected by the U.S. Census
Bureau for tabulated zip codes in Oakland between 2008 and 2014, 57% to 71% of renters in
these zip codes spent 30% or more of their income on housing expenses, including rent. Of non-
mortgaged homeowners, 11% to 22% spent 30% or more of their income on housing expenses,
including utilities. And 52% - 68% of mortgaged homeowners were spending 30% or more on
their mortgage payments and other housing expenses. Normally, spending less than 30% of one’s
income can be expected when it comes to housing expenses, but spending more than this
percentage can place a heavy burden on the renter or homeowner.
On the next page, I have arranged a series of bar graphs using housing information from the
U.S. Census Bureau, specifically the American Community Survey. The American Community
Survey looks at zip code tabulation areas, and the four bars in the graph represent the zip codes
that fall within the half-mile buffer around International Boulevard. In the graph, there are three
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time periods that span five years, in which the percentages were estimated. Each zip code is
represented in the five year estimation, and the percentages show how many residents are paying
more than 30% of their household income towards housing costs. There are three separate tables
for renters, non-mortgaged owners, and mortgaged owners. Non-mortgaged owners have paid off
their mortgage, and the housing costs refer to utilities, housing repairs, and other housing needs.
Approximately 145,000 square feet of the empty space on International Boulevard can be
potentially used for housing. The zoning codes designate these empty spaces as either RU-4 or
RU-5, which specify areas for multi-unit residential development.
57% 58% 58%60% 60% 60%
69% 69% 71%68% 67% 68%
2008 - 2012 2009 - 2013 2010 - 2014
Housing Cost Burden for Renters
94606 94601 94621 94603
Figure 6: Housing Burden for Renters
13% 12%
17%16%
13%11%
17% 17%
22%20% 21% 21%
2008 - 2012 2009 - 2013 2010 - 2014
Housing Cost Burden for non-mortgaged owners
94606 94601 94621 94603
Figure 7: Housing burden for non-mortgaged owners
23
63%
53%56%
60%55% 53%
68%62% 63%65%
56%52%
2008 - 2012 2009 - 2013 2010 - 2014
Housing Cost Burden for Mortgaged Owners
94606 94601 94621 94603
Figure 8: Housing burden for mortgaged owners
Parking
The topic of housing can be affected by parking, in terms of space and cost. Including
parking lots and empty lots, there is approximately 1.5 million square feet of space on
International Boulevard. That leaves approximately 1 million square feet of lot space on
International Boulevard. Although parking lots allow residents, commuters, and visitors to
explore and work along this commercial corridor, parking lots use up a lot of space and impose
high costs. In Donald Shoup’s “The High Cost of Free Parking”, Shoup claims that there are
many significant costs related to parking, such as increased housing prices, unjust subsidies for
cars, distorted transportation choices, sprawl, social inequity, and economic and environmental
degradation (Shoup, 2005). Although parking may seem free, as in residential parking, those
parking fees are often hidden within other costs. Parking requirements often restrict the supply of
housing, and inevitably increase rents. In 1961, there was a parking study done in Oakland to
show the effects of having a parking requirement. The study focused on apartment construction,
and how the addition of parking spaces affected the cost and actual space for housing. The
parking requirement increased the construction cost (the cost per dwelling unit) by 18%, and the
housing density (dwelling units per acre) decreased by 30% (Shoup, 2005). Developers devoted
more land to parking, rather than build more apartments. This requirement also caused a decline
in land values and property tax revenues because of the development cost and reduced feasible
density.
24
Aside from residential parking requirements, off-street parking requirements still need to
be paid for, even if residents do not own cars. This can be harmful especially to low-income and
renter families, and the parking costs consume a share of their income (Shoup, 2005).
It is often the case that the estimated need for parking is exaggerated, thus creating
superfluous parking spaces and lots. Parking studies have been conducted, but results may be
flawed if the surveyors are only studying during peak hours, when parking lots are typically full.
In order to create an efficient survey that would provide accurate parking data, surveyors would
need to observe the parking lots at all hours of everyday. Or, if the lot is connected to a housing
unit, it would be vital to collect information on the number of housing units, the number of
residents, and how many have a car, and whether or not they use the lot. In some cases, city
planners assume that each residential unit will require one or two parking spaces, but what needs
to be taken into account is that not every resident will drive a car.
Focusing within the half-mile buffer, there appears to be only one city-owned parking lot
on Park Boulevard close to Lake Merritt. In lots like this one, the City of Oakland is in charge of
enforcement, collection, and revenue of parking fees. Private parking lots and garaged establish
their own rates and hours, and in this case, there are probably more private lots within the buffer
area. The City of Oakland offers residential parking permits for certain neighborhoods, and
vehicles that display the correct permit are allowed to park in that neighborhood for an extended
period of time. If residents do not own a residential parking permit, they may use these private
lots if the lot or garage is close to their home or destination, although this may be a more
expensive option, depending on the cost of parking in a lot versus a parking permit.
In July 2013, a Residential Parking Survey revealed data regarding parking in the
Fruitvale Transit village and the Fruitvale Villas. It was found that the Fruitvale Village had 24
parking spaces for 47 rental units, and the Fruitvale Villas had 24 spaces for 30 rental units. Of
the total Fruitvale respondents for the survey, 68% owned or leased a vehicle. However, out of all
the study areas, 56% of Fruitvale respondents stated that public transit was the primary mode of
transportation. This might be explained by the proximity to Fruitvale BART and AC Transit
buses. Other conclusions in the study suggest that that “multi-family buildings may have more
parking than needed by residents, and that housing developers may be building more parking than
required by the City’s zoning code” (The Planning Center: DC&E, 2013). According to both
Shoup and this study, it is quite possible that parking space is overestimated, and this unused
space could serve another purpose instead of simply wasting space.
25
Housing Recommendations
Identify areas with empty space that could be utilized for housing according to the zoning
code. This would be done in order to address the lack of affordable housing. These spaces
would be taken from the 145,000 square feet that is zoned for RU-4 and RU-5.
o If more affordable housing is desired in the community of International Boulevard, then
plan accordingly with the amount of unused spaces. Similarly to the housing
development plans of former Mayor Jerry Brown and current Mayor Libby Schaaf,
create a plan for a number of affordable residential units that can be built.
o Collaborate with developers who have worked on other affordable housing projects in
Oakland, such as BRIDGE Housing, East Bay Asian Local Development Corporation
(EBALDC), EAH Housing, Resources for Community Development (RCD), ALPHA
Group, Christian Church Homes (CCH), Affordable Housing Association (AHA),
Habitat for Humanity, AMCAL Housing, and the Oakland Community Land Trust for
foreclosures.
o Calculate the tentative costs for affordable housing specific to East Oakland. It may be
helpful to look at the total construction costs from the City of Oakland Affordable
Housing Development Projects, although these costs are not going to reflect the exact
costs, due to fluctuation of pricing and the market price for each area.
Foreclosed homes force tenants to relocate when they may not be financially able. Connect with
large-scale developers and investors buying foreclosed homes within the buffer, and see if there is
a willingness to rent to the current owner with a long-term lease and affordable rent. Plan with the
City of Oakland Housing Authority for involvement in helping occupants of foreclosing homes to
buy the home, or look for interested buyers who will allow the tenant to stay.
Tenants may not be aware of their rights when it comes to housing, and they might not know of
the housing laws that apply to them. In collaboration with the Oakland Housing Authority and
Causa Justa of Oakland, offer lectures and workshops for residents within the buffer who want to
learn more about housing rights and the process of evictions and foreclosures. Educate the
community on housing ordinances that apply to Oakland residents.
Create and implement a parking survey similar to the one used by The Planning Center.
Surveyors would observe parking lots during various hours, and not just peak hours. The
surveyors would also ask a series of questions related to parking and vehicle ownership to
residents on International Boulevard. By observing how dependent residents and commuters are
on these lots, this recommendation aims to address the problem of superfluous parking lots.
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Chapter 5: Study Area #2 - Safe and Healthy Spaces
Green Spaces
In urban areas, parks provide space for recreational activities, gatherings, exercise, and a
place to relax. Parks provide residents and visitors contact with nature, along with trees and plants
that are native to the area. In a 2003 study from the American Planning Association, it was shown
that parks and open spaces can decrease climate, air, and water pollution impacts on public health
(American Planning Association, 2003). A study from Philadelphia showed that urban vegetation
may be able to decrease crime rates because of social interaction and community supervision of
public spaces. If green spaces in urban areas like International Boulevard can be designated and
maintained, then this might be a possibility for lowering crime rates (Mary K. Wolfe, Jeremy
Mennis. 2012).
Trees in parks and on city streets help improve air quality, and offer shady spaces for
those who need a break from the sun. Natural spaces like parks and gardens are also pleasing to
the eye. Urban areas that are mainly comprised of buildings and industrial surroundings can
create a claustrophobic reaction, whereas adding parks and other green spaces can provide a
refuge from the busy working environment of the city or fresh air from being indoors.
According to the zoning area percentages within the half-mile buffer, approximately 2%,
or 3,707,072 square feet of this land is designated as Open Space zoning. Open Space zoning is
comprised different categories: Athletic Fields (AF), Community Parks (CP), Linear Parks (LP),
Active Mini-Parks (AMP), Neighborhood Parks (NP), Passive Mini-Parks (PMP), Resource
Conservations Areas (RCA), Region-Serving Park (RSP), and Special Use (SU). According to the
zoning map, there are 30 Open Space parks within the buffer, and some of them are considered
mini-parks or athletic fields. 10 of these 30 parks include a recreational center or another facility
such as a school. The parks are listed in Appendix D.
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Figure 9: Heat map of parks in buffer
The map above displays the distance between the parks that are located within the half-mile
buffer. Each black diamond represents a park. If the area is green, there is better accessibily to the
parks, or about a half mile or less. The yellow to red areas indicate less accessiblity to parks, or
one would have to travel more than a half mile. There are actually a fair amount of parks in the
northern and southern parts of International Boulevard, but there appears to be a gap in the
middle that is not as accessible to parks. For reference, this area is close to High Street, a
commuter corridor that runs through International Boulevard.
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Art and Public Spaces
The incorporation of art in public spaces in urban areas allows for residents, business
owners, and visitors to interact with art in the community. Art in public spaces can also brighten
up the urban environment by adding color to the sides of buildings and creating scenery that
would have otherwise not existed without an artists’ vision. Incorporating art also gives local
artists and performers the opportunity to showcase their work while improving the image of their
community, and inspiring others to experiment with art.
Although International Boulevard is a commercial corridor through Oakland, it is also a
visual landscape for murals, signs, wall ads, graffiti, and sculptures. The San Antonio
neighborhood is home to the Eastside Arts Alliance, an organization of artists, cultural workers,
and community organizers of color who are committed to working to support a creative
environment in Oakland neighborhoods.
Crime
Urban crime is a common occurrence around International Boulevard, and is related to
gang and drug violence, along with human trafficking including the commercial exploitation of
women and children. Personal and property crimes are also frequent in the neighborhoods inside
the buffer study area. As seen in Appendix B, each neighborhood inside the buffer area are
graded by how much personal and property crimes occur in that area. These statistics are
provided by WalkScore.com, a data collecting website that focuses on housing and neighborhood
accessibility. WalkScore gathers crime data from police departments, and then crime rates are
compared against city-wide rates and converted into a letter grade. A “C” grade is an average
crime area, where WalkScore states that one should “talk to the neighbors to learn more,” and a
“D” grade is a higher crime area, which is the least safe 10% of the neighborhoods in the city.
Out of the 23 neighborhoods that intersect International Boulevard, 78% received a C or a D as a
personal crime grade, and 52% received a C or a D for a property crime grade. The Oakland
Police Department categorizes crimes and lists them on a map, and I organized the crime types
into a bar graph, which can be seen in Appendix B.
29
Schools and Accessibility to Parks
Safe and healthy spaces thrive when students have accessibility to local parks. Schools
and parks play an important part in the growth of young children, because if the parks are closer
to the students, then they have better accessibility for recreational activities. Below is a GIS Heat
map displaying markers that represent schools within the half-mile buffer. The greener spots on
the map represent distances that are a half-mile or less from parks. There is a lack of accessibility
to parks near High Street, which is in close proximity to five schools. As shown on the map, there
are 34 schools in the buffer, which include preschools, academies, Oakland public schools, and
one college.
Figure 10: Heat map of distance between schools (markers) and parks
30
Recommendations for Safe and Healthy Spaces
In order to help familiarize residents, business owners, and visitors with the
neighborhoods that intersect International Boulevard, constructing wayfinding maps and
signs on corners and near bus stops and BART stations will make for easy navigation to
parks, recreation centers, schools, and community centers. These maps would include
walking distance to destinations along with transportation options for an easy commute.
Incorporate unused spaces for parks and other green spaces to mitigate urban blight and
encourage more outside areas for exercising, recreation, gatherings, and an escape from
the urban surroundings. This may have to be done by amending zoning codes for some
areas, or turning small parking lots into mini-playgrounds.
o The large industrial zoned space on 66th near Lion Creek is an example of unused
space that is close to a residential and industrial area. This could be used for
soccer fields or other athletic facilities with room to spare for bleachers and
picnic areas.
Small urban garden projects and plants in urban areas can beautify and improve a street
or sidewalk. Encourage tree planting on sidewalks and medians on International
Boulevard.
Commuting by bicycle or walking can be difficult without a designated bike path or
walking promenade, and these forms of transportation are inexpensive and healthy.
Incorporate a promenade or bike path underneath the BART tracks near Fruitvale station.
Neighborhood involvement and interaction is a key factor for stronger communities.
Communities where neighbors are familiar with businesses and are involved in activities
can prevent crime and encourage urban development. Gather community and artist input
on the possibility of creating an event similar to First Friday’s in Oakland, but along
International Boulevard. Promote healthy spaces and safety with neighborhood
interaction and open events.
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Chapter 6: Study Area #3 – Transportation
Stretching between Lake Merritt and San Leandro, International Boulevard is a well-
established regional transportation corridor. Transportation accessibility has proven to be an
important issue for Oakland, starting in the 20th Century and up to the present day. When it was
still known as East 14th, the corridor was accessible by the Key Route transit system that ran
throughout the East Bay during the first half of the century. Today, many people commute within
Oakland using buses provided by AC Transit, or trains provided by Bay Area Rapid Transit
(BART), and Amtrak, which is parallel to the International Boulevard corridor. The Bay Area is
also home to many bicyclists who use designated bike lanes or trails to commute. But the largest
share of commuters drive.
Although the options for public transportation and bicycling have increased over time,
individuals using cars for transportation remain in the majority. From 2006 to 2010, 68% of
Oakland commuters ages 16 and up used a car, truck, or van as the means for transportation to
work. Only 10.7% of those using car for transportation carpooled. By comparison, workers who
used public transportation, such as buses, BART, and Amtrak constituted 16.7% of the
commuting population. Bicyclists were measured at 2%, and walkers at 4.4% (Census 2000 SF1,
SF3, DP1-DP4, CTPP, Census 2010 DP-1, and the American Community Survey 2006-2010).
In 2015, the City of Oakland Public Works published the “I [BIKE] Oakland” Bikeways Map, a
full-size map that shows 244 miles of bikeways throughout Oakland and the adjoining cities of
Berkeley, Emeryville, Alameda, Piedmont, and San Leandro. When looking at the map, the areas
of North and Downtown Oakland have many bike lanes and boulevards with a large amount of
bike count locations (essentially check-ins by bicyclists showing what areas are most frequented
by active cyclists). Promoting the development of bike paths, parking, and signs for cyclists
would help to integrate bicycling in the city so that it is a safer and convenient means of
transportation. If the city of Oakland, including International Boulevard, constructed proper bike
lanes, parking, and wayfinding signs, it’s possible that more people would be encouraged to use
bikes for transportation and recreational uses. Bicycles are less expensive than cars, and with less
traffic there would be less congestion in the city. With the current conditions in Oakland,
bicyclists are risking their lives because of the lack of bike lanes and proper signage.
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http://www.oaklandbikemaps.info/counts/
With this information in mind, how does the area of East Oakland compare to the rest of
Oakland? In this chapter, I examine what kinds of transportation options are offered within the
half-mile buffer surrounding International Boulevard in East Oakland. I rate the approximate
accessibility for transportation options in the buffer zone, including the walkability, bikeability,
transit scores, and crime grades for each neighborhood in the buffer zone. By analyzing the Bus
Rapid Transit Plan and the Transit-Oriented Development Plan, which both examine the current
status of transportation in Oakland, I provide recommendations for public transportation
improvements along the International Boulevard corridor.
Figure 11: Bike Map of Oakland
33
Figure 12: Bus Stops within Buffer Zone
Map of Bus Stops within Buffer
Based on the GIS map of the buffer around International Boulevard, there are 408 bus stops
spread out throughout the buffer zone. There is a consistency of stops highlighted along
International Boulevard. The light blue dots are bus stops (some of the blue dots appear layered if
they are in close proximity of each other). The pink area between Lake Merritt and the cut-off
edge of San Leandro is the ½ mile buffer around International Boulevard.
34
Walkability, Bikeability, and Transit Scores
Neighborhood Walk Score Bike Score Transit Score
Merritt 90 90 72
Clinton 79 70 59
San Antonio 78 73 55
Oak Tree 84 69 67
Jingletown 78 85 66
Fruitvale 91 70 72
Fremont 79 53 55
Melrose 77 54 52
Wentworth Holland 74 56 51
Fairfax Business 66 44 50
Seminary 69 56 54
Lockwood Gardens 65 51 68
Havenscourt 76 62 58
Hegenberger 75 61 60
Fitchburg 70 53 67
Woodland 74 50 58
Highland 71 50 50
Arroyo Viejo 72 62 58
Webster 67 58 54
Elmhurst Park 67 49 48
Cox 66 59 53
Iveywood 69 61 53
East 14th Business District 76 57 51
https://www.walkscore.com/CA/Oakland
The data collecting website WalkScore.com scores the accessibility for walking and
biking in the neighborhoods in the half-mile buffer. Each neighborhood was given a score
between 0 (least accessible) and 100 (most accessible). According to the graph, the
neighborhoods between Merritt and Fruitvale, both the Walk Scores and the Bike Scores appear
to be higher than the rest of the scores in the map, at least for a group of neighborhoods. The
walking score indicates how accessible the area is by walking, like running errands and access to
Figure 13: Walk, Bike, and Transit Scores by Neighborhood
35
retail establishments, and pedestrian friendliness. The bike score indicates how easy it is to use a
bicycle as a form of transportation in a certain area, and whether or not there are bike lanes and
connectivity to destinations. Back in Figure 9 of the Oakland Bike Map, it is noticeable that there
is a considerable lack of bike lanes along International Boulevard. There are some bike routes
closer to the Merritt neighborhood, which coincide with the higher bike scores in that area. The
majority of International Boulevard does not have designated bike lanes, but have been proposed
in the Oakland Bicycle Master Plan (City of Oakland: Bicycle Master Plan, 2007).
Transit scores, like walk and bike scores, are rated from 0-100, and these scores measure
how well a destination is served by public transit based on the distance and type of nearby transit
lines. Although the 1 and 1R bus lines are accessible all along International Boulevard, there
seems to be a lack of transportation that runs through some of the neighborhoods aside from
Fruitvale, Lockwood Gardens, and Fitchburg. This may be due to the location of these
neighborhoods being in close vicinity to the Fruitvale and Coliseum BART stations, where a
number of bus lines have stops. Within the buffer zone surrounding International Boulevard,
there are 84 different bus routes. There are a variety of bus routes on International Boulevard and
within the ½ mile buffer. The lines 1 and 1R run the entirety of International Boulevard, and offer
all-day service. The 801 line offers limited service because it is the all-night bus, which typically
run from 12am to 6am.
The Differences between Fruitvale Station and Oakland Coliseum Station
The Fruitvale BART station is easily walkable, whereas the Coliseum station is located in
a more industrial area that caters to destinations like the Oakland International Airport, Oakland
Coliseum, and Oracle Arena. If someone were to walk from International Boulevard, it takes
approximately 15 minutes to walk to the Coliseum BART station. There are two AC Transit bus
lines, the 73 and the 657, which one can take from International Boulevard to the Coliseum
BART station, but there is no Rapid bus or BART shuttle that would take someone directly to
BART without any stops. If one were to walk from International Boulevard to Fruitvale BART
station, it would take approximately 3-4 minutes, and there is a promenade to the Fruitvale
Transit Village, the Avenida de la Fuente, which goes through East 12th Street from International
Boulevard. If one needs transportation and is not as close to Fruitvale Station, taking the 1 or 1R
bus will drop them off on International Boulevard at 34th Avenue, where they can walk 3-4
minutes to the station.
36
Figure 14: Transit lines within buffer (Bus, BART, & Amtrak)
The Bus-Rapid Transit Plan and Transit Oriented Development
The AC Transit Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) Project is a plan for a new bus rapid transit
service that will run along International Boulevard. In the BRT plan, entire lanes will be divided
up specifically for different means of transportation. Buses and bus medians will be located in the
middle, and bicycles and cars on outer ends between the buses and the sidewalks. The plan for
International Boulevard outlines urban design changes that aim to transform and revitalize the
37
Figure 15: BRT Nodes on International Boulevard
corridor. The BRT plan includes proposals for improved walkability and cyclist accessibility. The
Transit Oriented Development plan proposes BRT stations be placed along International
Boulevard, 19 stations from the San Antonio neighborhood to the border of San Leandro. Each
transit station is planned as miniature transit village, located close to shops, services and homes.
BRT stations will be located at major intersections along International Boulevard, including 14th
Avenue, Fruitvale Avenue, 35th Avenue, High Street, Seminary Avenue, 73rd Avenue, 98th
Avenue and 105th Avenue.
Aside from improving transportation accessibility to residents, visitors and businesses
owners, the BRT plan aims to address some other key issues: crime and sex trafficking;
unattractive and dirty streets and sidewalks; run down and abandoned buildings; lack of grocery
stores; retail and banks; traffic congestion; pedestrian safety; need for a diversity of quality and
affordable housing; and lack of jobs and economic opportunity (Raimi and Associates, Inc. 2011).
These transit oriented corridor villages are similar to the nationally recognized model, the
Source: http://www2.oaklandnet.com/Government/o/PBN/OurOrganization/PlanningZoning/DOWD009112
38
Fruitvale transit village, which is just parallel to the BART station. The BRT stations are similar
to the Muni platforms in San Francisco (see below). MUNI stations also have maps that show
different destinations in the area, including other transit options and walking routes.
Source: San Francisco State University high-platform station on the M Ocean view Muni Metro line. Photo taken by (Octoferret) on September 14th, 2005.
BRT: Proposed Lane Differences on International Boulevard
The BRT plan for International Boulevard proposes that there be separate lanes for car parking,
car driving, cyclists, BRT buses, and a median that lane splits in the middle. This would allow for
faster commute times for buses and provide a lane for bicyclists, which would greatly increase the
ability to commute with a bicycle without having to fight for space on the street (Volume IIa,
Appendix A – Plan Sheets: AC Transit East Bay Bus Rapid Transit Project in Alameda County,
2012).
Pictured below is a MUNI Bus traveling on Market Street in Downtown San Francisco, a busy
while cars drive on the left. The bus median splits the lane between the bus lane and the bike lane.
39
Muni Bus in designated bus lane on Market Street, San Francisco (Source: Market Street, looking
east at Seventh Street. Photo: Sergio Ruiz/Flickr)
For the most part, the neighborhoods within the buffer area are walkable, but what should also be
considered in this case is the safety of the pedestrians and the accessibility of retail
establishments, parks, and transportation. Overall, the transportation available within the buffer is
mainly accessible within close proximity to International Boulevard. However, accessibility and
commute tines can always be improved, like the Bus Rapid Transit plan. The lack of bike lanes
makes it dangerous for bicyclists, and without the allowance for bike signs and lanes, drivers
could also be at risk for accidents with bicyclists. With visible lanes that are divided up for buses,
cars, and bikes, this may lead to an increase in commuters using bikes and public transportation to
reach their destination.
40
Recommendations for Transportation
Public transportation and bike lanes should be easily accessible and safe, and they need t
improvements along International Boulevard. In agreement with the BRT and TOD plans
for International Boulevard, I recommend designated bus lanes along with bike lanes.
Establishing separate lanes on International Boulevard has the potential to ease
congestion in busy intersections and allows cyclists room on the street. Construct BRT
stops on certain intersections so that they are accessible and safe for pedestrians. BRT
stops in the place of medians will allow more space for cyclists and cars on the right side
of the street.
The economic downturn in East Oakland has caused the surrounding areas to be less
vibrant. BRT stops and small transit villages have potential to increase foot traffic and
business on International Boulevard. Changing the urban landscape for transportation
will help to boost the economy in the surrounding areas of the transit villages.
An influx of residents and visitors commuting and being familiar with the neighborhoods
can encourage more people to use public transportation. Place wayfinding maps with
distance approximations for walking and biking on each BRT median to ease the
commute of walkers and cyclists. These wayfinding signs should also include other
nearby transportation options like other buses and BART stations.
Currently, International Boulevard doesn’t have a designated bike lane, which makes
traveling for bicyclists very dangerous. Establish visible bike lanes that allow cyclists
easy access and increased safety with other vehicles, and place bicycle signs for lanes so
drivers can respect the boundaries of the bike lanes.
41
Chapter 7: Study Area #4 – Economy
The years after WWII brought an economic decline in East Oakland, and many jobs were
lost due to factories relocating to suburban areas like Fremont. The service industry claimed a
larger share of the economy from the manufacturing sector. For decades, the City of Oakland
experienced economic hardships with longtime businesses leaving or going out of business.
Recently, Downtown Oakland has been experiencing a renaissance, most likely due to the tech
boom in San Francisco and San Jose. Oakland has experienced a rise in new residents, and real
estate prices have increased due to the mass emigration from larger cities where residents are
being priced out. In 2015, there was a 14% jump in median sales price for housing, and a 7% rise
in median rent per month (Real Estate Overview for Oakland, 2016).
The GIS coding from Figure 3 shows us that the majority of the buffer contains areas
with residential codes (RD, RM, and RU). Although certain areas of East Oakland were once
home to large factories and industrial workplaces, the general type of work has changed to a more
service-oriented business. Although there are a few establishments in Oakland that still take up a
lot of land (Oakland Coliseum, Oracle Arena, PG&E, Standard Iron and Metal Co, Alameda
County Household Hazardous Waste Collection Facility, and a few other industrial warehouse
locations), East Oakland is not as industrial as it used to be. For example, there a large lot that is
unused and is zoned as Industrial General. Located at 5543 International Boulevard, the lot takes
up approximately 1,000,000 square feet of space. The lot is located next to an industrial building
(either Quaker Oats or PepsiCo). If the East Oakland community desires more space for housing,
and businesses that aren’t necessarily industrial, then the next course of action would be to amend
the zoning designations.
Standards of grocery stores in the study area
An urban food desert is defined by the U.S. Department of Agriculture as an area where
one has to drive a mile or more to a grocery store. When looking at a map using the keyword
“supermarket” or “grocery stores”, many markets will appear within the ½ mile buffer around
International Boulevard. Within the half-mile buffer, there are approximately 21 grocery stores
and supermarkets. These markets include large chain grocery stores (Lucky, Smart and Final,
Foodmaxx) and independent markets that typically cater to a certain ethnic cuisine (Sun Sang
Market, Three Amigos Market, Super Mercado Mi Pueblo). With all the markets and grocery
stores that are visible from the map, East Oakland wouldn’t be considered a food desert.
However, taking a closer look reveals that many of these markets are corner stores with little
variety in actual groceries and produce, and many of them are primarily liquor stores. Farmer’s
42
Markets are a great way to support farmers and smaller businesses, and to have access to fresh
produce, but not all residents have access to these markets due to distance and ability to travel.
There are currently two farmer’s markets on International Boulevard (Farmers Market at
Fruitvale Transit Village on Sundays and Thursdays, and Farmers Market at 73rd and
International – Fridays) the market on 73rd is only open from April to December. Below is a heat
map displaying 19 grocery stores that are located within the half-mile buffer around International
Boulevard. The area near Hegenberger/73rd lacks a grocery store within a 1 mile radius. Although
there is a Farmer’s Market on 73rd, it is not open year-round like a grocery store.
Figure 16: Heat map of grocery stores in buffer
The heat map above displays the amount of grocery stores (symbolized as asterisks)
within the half-mile buffer around International Boulevard.
43
Community-oriented businesses
A community-oriented business is a retail establishment that is created and maintained by
local members of the community that surrounds the business. A community oriented business
should be accessible, and business owners should be familiar with their neighbors, and vice versa.
“To the extent possible, retail developments should connect to existing places that have meaning
in the community…they should be designed as seamless extensions of existing neighborhoods or
districts and should include other activities, such as places of employment, cultural uses, and
residential components that give further meaning to the place beyond shopping” (Rusin, Slater, &
Call, 2013).
Community oriented businesses do not just involve business owners from outside the
neighborhood, but fellow residents looking to start a business within their community that serves
a purpose, and doesn’t just fill a void. Community members are aware of the wants and needs of
their neighbors, and the support of the neighborhood behind the resident business owner will
potentially keep the local retailer or commercial shop in business. Ideally, community-oriented
businesses will hire members from the community. An advantageous proposal for these
businesses would be to hire students from surrounding schools, such as Laney College, Merritt
College, Castlemont, and other educational community centers nearby International Boulevard.
Work experience is vital for handling money, running a business, networking, and learning about
different careers.
The Oakland zoning code encourages community-oriented businesses in the CN and CC
zones that exist along International Boulevard. International Boulevard is the major retail and
transportation artery in East Oakland. The corridor is where the residential community comes to
shop, and if the retail and commercial businesses are appropriate for the resident’s needs, and if
they are also accessible, then the economy will flourish.
Recommendations for Economy
Some of the economic problems along International Boulevard involve data gathering
and neighborhood knowledge. It would be helpful to research which businesses have
remained on International Boulevard the longest, and gather community input on what
businesses are needed and where, such as grocery stores or corner stores selling more
produce and staple foods.
International Boulevard has a lot of empty storefronts that could be put to use for local
merchants. Utilize abandoned storefronts or spaces for small businesses’ taking part in
44
Popup Hood, where new retailers can rent a building for free during 6 months in order to
get exposure for their business. This would be a great option for community-oriented
businesses. Popup Hood has had success in Old Oakland, just north of the study area.
Some residents living in the buffer may have to endure a longer commute in order to
access groceries and produce. That being said, a solution would be to build more grocery
stores within the buffer. According to the chart of aggregated zoning codes, most grocery
stores are built on zoned lands with the CN, CC, and RU codes.
Adjust and amend zoning codes for certain areas in order to create access to grocery
stores and other necessary commercial businesses for residents who currently live further
away from these businesses. If zoning codes cannot be adjusted for residents within the
buffer, a faster and more accessible transportation route will ease the commute of East
Oakland residents who work or need to travel. If more residents, business owners, and
visitors can travel quickly and with ease (and with multiple BRT locations for
accessibility), this could increase the economic flow on International Boulevard, if
businesses are easier to access.
Aside from Farmer’s Markets and events hosted by the East Side Arts Alliance, there is a
lack of events that could connect neighbors, business owners, and visitors that would
boost the economy and promote local retail. A corridor-wide community gathering or
First Friday event, or some collaborative event involving business owners that
encourages residents and visitors to immerse themselves into their community, and to
explore parts of their neighborhood that they’re not familiar with, and to mingle with
others in different neighborhoods. This would also be an opportunity for artists,
performers, musicians, dancers, DJ’s, culinary artisans, and artist collectives to make an
appearance in the community, and to educate others about the importance of art in its
many forms, and community involvement. This would also increase foot traffic and give
exposure to art in the community. This option could also include an art walk of
International Boulevard to promote art involvement in the community.
45
Kiva Microloans for Oakland Businesses
KIVA Zip Oakland is a lending program that connects local entrepreneurs with lenders who
loan funds to businesses, whether they’re brand new and need money to kick start their
business, or it’s a veteran business that needs funds for improvements or to stay in business.
The loans have 0% interest, and Kiva loans are geared towards entrepreneurs who are making
a positive impact on their communities. Lenders receive repayments on their loans, and
updates on the business’ success, and Kiva encourages lenders to reinvest in other local
businesses after the repayments have been made.
When it comes to community-oriented business, Kiva loans in Oakland can have a major
impact on entrepreneurs and veteran business owners, and their communities. In order to start
and maintain a community-oriented business, the business requires community involvement
in some way. Business owners need to familiar with the neighborhood, residents, and other
business owners. Making positive interactions like these can produce business referrals and a
stronger community that knows more about the local businesses.
Supporting a community-oriented business that offers either goods or services is also keeping
a local business that will potentially employ local residents.
There are a few businesses in the Kiva Oakland network which are located within the ½ mile
buffer of International Boulevard:
o Sal’s Deli (Clinton Neighborhood)
o Pop Art Bakeshop (San Antonio)
o Fashion Palace (Fruitvale)
o VIP Tax Service (Fruitvale)
o House Kombucha (Fremont)
o Three Amigos Market (Clinton/San Antonio)
Abdu, who is the owner of Three Amigos Market, believes that corner stores should sell
healthy food that is accessible to the neighborhood. Loans to Abdu will help him improve the
store and to get access to fresh produce. He titles it as the Healthy Corner Store Conversion
Project.
46
Chapter 8: Implementation of Proposals and Evaluation
To briefly summarize, the study area around International Boulevard is need of better housing
solutions and more affordable housing, more green spaces for recreation and to beautify the urban
areas, accessible transportation that will encourage more commuters who use public
transportation, and economic improvements like community oriented businesses and grocery
stores.
Stakeholders
Housing
In the area of housing, residents and tenants are the stakeholders, because their living situations
are affected by any ordinances or housing construction that may occur. Residents and tenants may
include businesses owners who work nearby. Other stakeholders involved in housing are
landlords, developers, and investors.
Safe and Healthy Spaces
Safe and Healthy spaces also involve residents and tenants. Business owners and visitors may
take part in using green spaces for relaxation or recreation. In particular, children or individuals
who are active and use parks as an outlet for exercise are likely stakeholders in this situation.
Transportation
When it comes to transportation, this area can affect almost anyone because transportation is not
in a set location, but expands throughout the East Bay. However, similarly residents and tenants
will be affected by changes in transportation if they use it or plan to use it. Perhaps an
improvement in transportation will turn certain individuals into stakeholders. Commuters,
especially those who commute to work, will be affected by any changes to transportation.
Business owners might see a change in their business if more individuals are taking public
transportation nearby, but construction of new transportation stations might obstruct shoppers.
Transportation will also affect anyone who might drive down International Boulevard, if traffic is
congested due to construction, or if the transportation changes are not benefiting drivers, then
there would be more congestion after the changes.
47
Economy
Changes to the economy within the study area will affect business owners and residents. An
improved economy might add businesses that are desperately needed (like grocery stores) and
this would positively affect residents who need better access to produce and healthy foods.
Business owners might see some competition with new businesses, or if the businesses vary
enough and are located in different places, then there might not be as much financial competition.
Planning and Building more affordable housing units
Key Implementers: The Department of Housing and Community Development, the Department of
Planning and Building, and the Department of Economics and Workforce Development
Implementing the planning and building of affordable housing would first require the
identification of which spaces would be designated for this type of housing. The next steps would
involve finding a developer and funding to build the housing, and to establish an application for
low income residents who need affordable housing.
As for foreclosures or foreclosing homes, the aforementioned departments would need to find
developers and investors who are buying foreclosed homes who are willing to lease the
foreclosed home to the occupants, or who will simply buy the homes but not convert them to
condominiums.
Convert Empty Spaces and Amend Zoning
The Department of Planning and Building, the Department of Public Works, the Department of
Transportation, the Department of Parks and Recreation, and community benefits districts
In order for the safe and healthy spaces recommendations to be implemented, empty
spaces would need to be converted to open space zoning areas, then parks and recreational spaces
can be developed. This would involve the process of amending the zoning area and designating it
with a new zoning permit. These proposed green spaces could be used for parks, gardens, fields,
and perhaps community vegetation gardens. Planting trees or other garden areas along sidewalks
would involve reviewing city requirements and underground utilities. If there is a sidewalk
landscaping permit, this would be submitted to the Department of Public Works. Planting the
gardens would involve the removal of concrete and possible volunteer coordination with the
planting and maintenance.
48
Building a Bus Rapid Transit system and transit villages
Department of Transportation, AC Transit, BART, the Alameda County Transportation
Commission, the Department of Planning and Building, the Department of Public Works, the
Oakland Mayor’s and City Administrators offices, and transit operators
Implementation has already begun for the BRT plan on International Boulevard, and is
expected to be completed in December of 2017. This implementation will involve construction of
the new BRT stations and painting separate lanes for the buses, cars, and cyclists. I would also
recommend the involvement of community-oriented businesses in each transit village to promote
the interests of the surrounding communities.
Economic Development and zoning amendments
The Department of Economic and Workforce Development, the Oakland Mayor’s and City
Administrators Offices, the Oakland Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce, the community
benefits district, the Oakland City Council, and the Peralta Community Colleges
This implementation process would include establishing which buildings and spaces
could be used for commercial business, based on zoning codes. If buildings are available for
renovation and usage, entrepreneurs interested in business exposure can connect with PopUp
Hood for assistance with their popup business. Buildings that can be used for grocery stores
would need to be permitted and zoned as a grocery retailer, and offers to interested grocery chains
like Berkeley Bowl, Grocery Outlet or Sprouts would be made, in case these stores are interested
in opening a location in the buffer area.
A similar event like First Friday would need approval from community members and business
owners in the area, along with input from the Oakland Police Department and local artists willing
to participate in the community event.
In order for more KIVA Loans to be made available to prospective business owners and current
business owners, representatives from KIVA could approach interested members at city meetings
or local businesses and ask if they are aware of person-to-person loans with no interest.
Within these areas of research and evaluation, SPUR fits in as an advocate for these
neighborhoods. SPUR promotes improvements in urban planning and design, and with these
good planning techniques, the community in the half-mile study area can view these solutions as
options. The organization can gather input from these communities, as well as researchers who
desire improvements in the East Oakland neighborhoods.
49
Further Research
There is still research that can be done in order to make better suggestions for urban
improvements. It is important to establish a dialogue between the City of Oakland and the
community members of International Boulevard. With a dialogue, residents and business owners
can share their input on the conditions of their neighborhoods, and whether or not they want
improvements in their communities. Dialogue also establishes a vital transparency, and this
would create trust between city officials and neighbors.
Although some prior research and planning have been focusing on International
Boulevard, I would recommend a deliberative polling session for each neighborhood within the
buffer area. Deliberative polls would provide details that are listed in this paper to members of the
community, as a knowledgeable resource that describes the urban planning issues in their
neighborhoods. Deliberative polling will offer a representation of what the communities on
International Boulevard think about specific issues. Without providing current information to the
public, the polls will not reflect an accurate opinion. The purpose of this would be to gather input
from the community and what they think their neighborhoods require in terms of development.
This polling could be a form of dialogue, aside from city meetings and events where community
input is collected.
Deliberative polling typically involves random selection through random digit dialing,
letters to random phone listings, which are followed by a phone call. “The distinctive procedural
features of this polling method include a random sample, balanced background materials, and a
series of formal surveys or questionnaires. While the length of deliberation during the actual
‘event’ may vary, in general, deliberations occur over of the course of one or two days. Prior to
the event, prospective participants are required to fill out an initial questionnaire and, once
returned, are sent background materials that present a range of information and perspectives on
the questions under consideration” (Fishkin & Luskin, 1996).
Due to the ethnic diversity in the study area, the polling would need to be provided in
different languages, or the data would be collected by surveyors who could translate. Languages
needed would be English, Spanish, Vietnamese, Mon-Khmer/Cambodian, Chinese, Tagalog, and
Arabic.
I would also recommend a parking survey where each parking spot is counted. I think it would
also be important to note how busy certain parking lots are, and whether or not parking lots are
really needed or if they are simply taking up space that could otherwise be used for something
50
else. Because parking lots and spaces use so much space, this can lead to traffic congestion and
create empty spaces, which are often unsupervised and can lead to crime that may take place in
parking lots. By developing a system to see whether or not a parking lot is being used, the space
that is taken up by the lot could potentially be used for other purposes, like parks, housing, or the
lots could remain as they are, but host farmer’s markets or other events that require a large
amount of space.
Evaluations
If these recommendations are fully implemented, it is important to see whether or not these
recommendations are working properly in the community. The following metrics can be used to
assess whether progress is being made.
For Housing:
Has the number of affordable housing units increased? How many people are living in
these units?
What is the number of foreclosed or foreclosing homes?
Are there any developers or investors who are letting occupants live in currently
foreclosed homes with a lease?
What is the percentage of renters, mortgaged owners and non-mortgaged owners paying
more than 30% or more of income?
For Safe and Healthy Spaces:
Number of parks: Is there an increase in the number of parks?
Are there any vegetation gardens or community gardens? Are they being maintained?
Is there any significant increase in sidewalk trees or plants?
Has overall crime increased? Decreased? No significant change?
Is there a correlation between increased vegetation and a decrease in crime?
Are more residents spending time at parks?
For Transportation:
According to any ridership studies completed by AC Transit and/or BART, is there any
significant change in waiting times? Ridership satisfaction? Accessibility to transit
options?
51
Are there visible bike lanes for cyclists? Can drivers and pedestrians see them easily?
Are the BRT stations built in the locations as planned? Are there wayfinding signs at
each BRT station?
What is the approximate travel time for the BRT buses?
For Economy:
Are there less abandoned storefronts and unused spaces? How many businesses are
located within the buffer?
Are there or have there been any PopUp Hood storefronts? Did they remain in the same
location?
How many grocery stores are there? How accessible are they?
Are there any events similar to Frist Friday or any other community events around
International Boulevard?
How many businesses are connected with lenders by KIVA loans? Did these KIVA loans
have a positive effect?
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Final thoughts on Urban Planning
Urban revitalization cannot be achieved without urban planning, and as I mentioned in
Further Research, community input plays an important part as well. In order for any changes to
made, it is vital to understand the aspects that affect urban areas: zoning codes, housing, safe and
healthy spaces, transportation, and economy. Some of the recommendations I mentioned for each
of these topics (affordable housing, more green spaces, lanes for transportation, and more grocery
stores), are more quantifiable and require construction that might disrupt the daily lives of
residents, commuters, and business owners. Although there is a cost for constructing a grocery
store, the benefits of having access to a grocery store less than a mile away may outweigh the
initial cost. Improving transportation, making room for more parks, and building more affordable
housing are all going to cost millions of dollars, but with the intention of making the community
better off than it was before may be a benefit in itself. Remedying the issues that I mentioned in
the previous chapters is no easy task, but with the proposals in mind, there is hope for a solution.
There are some aspects in urban planning that might be surprising to the average person,
like the high cost of “free” parking and the importance of GIS mapping. Parking spaces take up
space, time, and no one wants to worry about finding a parking space. Parking is a task that most
individuals have to deal with daily, but it plays a larger part in the planning of our cities and
neighborhoods. Like parking, I believe there are other details involved in urban planning that are
not readily recognized, like how transportation routes can design the streets we live on, and how
urban vegetation can deter the effects of global warming and crime. GIS mapping plays large part
behind the scenes in urban planning as well. If we want to get an idea of the land and its size, GIS
is a useful tool that measures the area of each land plot, and for what that plot can be used.
Overall, as an individual who is not a member of the community on International
Boulevard, I am confident that this commercial corridor and the surrounding neighborhoods have
a lot of potential for affordable housing, green spaces, transportation options, and economic
vitality. After researching and discovering the potential in this area, I think there are many
opportunities available, given the resources that I presented in this report. The diversity and the
amount of space in this area is presented with many challenged, given its tumultuous history, but
now is the time to turn begin a new chapter in urban planning history with this Oakland
community. I look forward to seeing if any of these proposed changes will have a positive effect
on this commercial corridor, and if they do, then International Boulevard will stand as a leading
example in good urban planning and community action.
53
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, thank you to SPUR Oakland’s Project Manager Liza Baskir, and Director
Robert Ogilvie. I appreciate that you trusted me with this project and for taking time out of your
busy schedules to educate and collaborate with me.
To Mark Henderson – a true wizard when it comes to GIS maps and Excel, and for keeping a
calm demeanor despite all the chaos that ensued throughout my time at Mills. Thank you!
To my other professors Siobhan Riley, Michael Beller, and Marc Joseph – your patience,
understanding, and knowledge of all things related to policy and law has helped me greatly.
Last but certainly not least, my PPOL 191 Comrades – you’re a good group of people and
someday you’re going to change the world. Thanks for learning and struggling alongside me.
54
Appendix A
Zoning Code Abbreviations and Meanings
Mixed Housing is indicated by the abbreviation RM, which comprises the majority in the
buffer. Mixed housing areas designate a mix of housing types, including detached, townhomes,
multi-unit buildings and some neighborhood businesses. In the study area, mixed housing
comprises 31%, or 63,133,984.63 square feet.
Detached Units are indicated by the abbreviation RD. These are typically detached
single-family structures. These differ from apartment complexes or buildings that are connected to
each other. Detached units comprise 24% of the study area, or 49,580,676.55 square feet.
Industrial General is abbreviated with IG, which designates zoning areas for industrial
uses like custom manufacturing, heavy/high impact manufacturing, research and development,
construction operations, warehousing, hazardous waste management, and freight transportation.
Industrial General comprises 7% of the study area, or 15,014,051.17 square feet.
Urban Residential is abbreviated by RU, which indicates zoning areas where there’s a
commercial ground floor with residential on the upper floors. In the study area, Urban Residential
comprises approximately 7%, or 13,803,018.52 square feet.
Industrial zoning is also indicated by M-, where M-20 indicates light industrial activity,
M-30 is general industrial activity, and M-4- is heavy industrial activity. In the study area, mixed
industrial zoning comprises approximately 7%, or 13,700,206.17 square feet.
CI, or CIX is another indicator of industrial zoning. A numeric digit and sometimes a
letter that indicates what type of industrial activity is allowed in that zone follow the CIX code.
This type of industrial zoning comprises 5% of the study area, or 10,878,398.43 square feet.
Another type of commercial zoning is HB, or HBX. This stands for zoning that is
designated for mixed housing and business. These zones allow for residential and business
activities, and in some cases act as a transitional area between industrial areas and residential
neighborhoods. Home-based businesses are encouraged with these zoning areas as well. Mixed
housing and business comprises 5% of the study area, or 10,118,902.74 square feet.
Neighborhood Center and Mixed Use Commercial is coded as CN, where the storefronts
are pedestrian oriented, and there are a variety of uses for these zones. These zones may include
restaurants and cafes, or a midscale grocery store. However, if new construction is to build a
55
residential unit in this zone, then commercial uses are not required. Neighborhood Center and
Mixed Use Commercial comprises 4% of the study area, 8,662,388 square feet.
Community Commercial zoning is abbreviated as CC. This zoning designates areas for
large scale retail and commercial uses. Like the Special and Combined zoning, numeric values
may follow after CC in order to signify particular uses for the commercial zoning. Community
Commercial zoning comprises 4% of the study area, or 8,030,943.50 square feet.
Special and Combining Zones are signified by S-. The use of the zoning space depends
on the numeric value that follows the S-. Special and Combined zones can be medical centers,
civic centers, mobile homes, scenic routes, residential parking, or transit-oriented areas. Special
and Combining Zones comprise 3% of the study area, or 5,769,944.62 square feet.
Open Space zoning has a variety of separate categories that indicates the purpose for each
open space (OS). Open spaces can be parks of various sizes, athletic fields, conservation areas, or
they have some other special use. In the study area, Open Space comprises 2%, or 3,707,071.91
square feet.
Planned Waterfront zoning is indicated by PW. There is only a small portion of this
within the buffer, and it designates the Brooklyn Basin area that is currently under construction.
Planned Waterfront Zoning comprises 1% of the study area, or 929,059.67 square feet.
56
Appendix B
Crime Grades. Source: https://www.walkscore.com/CA/Oakland
The following page contains information gathered from the Oakland Police Department. The data was
collected between October 2015 and April 2016.
Sources: http://www.crimemapping.com/map.aspx?aid=aabb6970-e7b7-4ce2-b155-cf04843f1625
Neighborhood Personal Crime
Grade Property Crime
Grade Key
Merritt 80 90 A
(90) lowest crime area
Clinton 70 80 B (80) safer than average
neighborhood
San Antonio 70 60 C
(70) Average crime area
Oak Tree 60 80 D
(60) Higher crime area
Jingletown 70 80
Fruitvale 70 60
Fremont 70 60
Melrose 60 60
Wentworth Holland 70 60
Fairfax Business 80 70
Seminary 70 60
Lockwood Gardens 80 70
Havenscourt 60 70
Hegenberger 60 70
Fitchburg 80 80
Woodland 70 80
Highland 70 80
Arroyo Viejo 60 70
Webster 60 70
Elmhurst Park 70 80
Cox 70 80
Iveywood 70 80
East 14th Business District 80 80
57
The vertical axis displays the addresses along International Boulevard that are approx. 1/2 mile
apart. A radius was made around each address, which counted and categorized the crimes that
occurred between October 2015 and April 2016. The radius fit within the buffer area, and there
was scarce overlap between the addresses.
58
Appendix C
(From Page 17)
Adopted 3/1/16
An ordinance to amend the Ellis act ordinance O.M.C. 12530 c.m.c. to (1) extend relocation
payments to all households regardless of income; (2) set the base amount of relocation payment at
$6,500 per studio/one-bedroom units, $8,000 per two-bedroom units, and $9,875 per three or
more bedroom units; (3) require an additional payment of $2,500 per unit for units with tenants
who are seniors, disabled, low-income, or families with minor children; and (4) require that half
of the payment be made when the termination notice is given and the other half of the payment
made upon tenant's move out
https://www.municode.com/library/ca/oakland/ordinances/code_of_ordinances?nodeid=761197
Oakland’s Rent Control Ordinance
(http://www2.oaklandnet.com/Government/o/hcd/o/RentAdjustment/DOWD008793)
The annual CPI rate for rent increases that take effect from July 1, 2016 through June 30, 2017 is
2.0%, and cannot take effect earlier than July 1, 2016. Tenants can only be given one increase in
any 12-month period, and the rent increase cannot take effect earlier than the tenant’s anniversary
date (i.e., at least one year from the tenant’s move-in date or from the last prior rent increase). In
addition, California law requires that tenants be provided with written advance notice of a rent
increase either 30 days (for increases 10% or less) or 60 days (for increases greater than 10%)
before the effective date of the increase. In certain circumstances rent can be raised higher than
the CPI increase (see Rent Adjustment Ordinance and Regulations). If a landlord has "banked"
prior year increases, covered units cannot receive a CPI-based increase of more than 3X the
current year CPI (see Banking in Rent Adjustment Program Regulations).
59
Appendix D
NAME of Location Address Zoning Code
Square Footage
includes recreation center or other facilities
Pine Knoll Park Lakeshore Ave & Hanover Ave OS Park 57,334.88
Athol Plaza Park 1700 Lakeshore OS Park 43,935.87
Peralta Park 2 10th Street OS Park 211,453.98
Channel park 1 10th Street OS park 651,003.46
FM Smith Park 1969 Park Blvd OS Park 68,061.92
Park Blvd Plaza Park 2100 Park Blvd OS park 27,213.81
Clinton Square park 1230 6th Avenue OS park 86,540.97
Franklin Park 1010 East 15th street OS park 89,595.10
Vantage Point Park 1198 13th street OS park 27,312.78
Fremont Plaza between 14th & 15th OS park 49,901.14
San Antonio Park 1701 East 19th street OS park 462,494.16
Garfield Park 2260 Foothill Blvd OS park 65,888.51
Cryer Site 1899 Dennison St OS park 60,856.96
Union Point Park 2311 Embarcadero OS park 311,581.53
Lazear Field 850 29th ave OS park 57,187.54
Lazear Mini park 2863 E. 9th street OS park 3,762.09
Josie de la Cruz park 1637 Fruitvale Ave OS park 90,592.75
Fruitvale Plaza park 1412 35th ave OS park 3,532.86
Foothill Meadows Park 3705 Foothill Blvd. OS park 72,704.31 Foothill meadows park
extension 1800 38th street OS park 11,934.81
Courtland Creek Courtland ave & brookdale ave OS park 91,224.77
Rainbow Park 5800 International Blvd OS park 105,771.25
Tomas Melero-Smith Park 1461 65th Ave OS park 5,999.95
Greenman Field 1390 66th ave OS park 289,478.25
Lion Creek Park 966 66th ave OS park 217,872.68
60
Arroyo Viejo Park 7701 Krause Ave OS park 818,976.51
Tassafaronga Park 975 85th ave OS park 113,413.67
Eula Brinson Mini Park 1722 85th ave OS park 10,599.96
88th ave mini park 1805 88th ave OS park 14,463.65
Officer Willie Wilkins park 9700 C street OS park 87,610.77
Elmhurst Plaza Tennis 1201 98th Ave OS park 29,663.09
Verdese Carter Park 9600 Sunnyside St OS park 134,333.06
Holly Mini Park 9826 Holly St OS park 14,989.52
Lyons Field 1737 99th Ave OS park 187,335.82
Stonehurst Park 10315 E. Street OS park 161,477.50 NOTE: This list includes
parks and fields, also mini parks.
61
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releases-housing-blueprint
James S. Fishkin and Robert C. Luskin. 1996. ‘The Deliberative Poll: A Reply to Our Critics.’ in
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Harris, Harry. (2014) Oakland sees biggest drop in homicides since 2004.
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homicides-since-2004
Housing and Community Development: Withdrawing a Rental Unit from the Market - Ellis Act.
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