linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape · abigail sone department of anthropology...
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LINGUISTIC AND SPATIAL PRACTICE IN A DIVIDED LANDSCAPE by
Abigail Sone
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of PhD
Graduate Department of Anthropology University of Toronto
© Copyright by Abigail Sone 2009
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LINGUISTIC AND SPATIAL PRACTICE IN A DIVIDED LANDSCAPE
Abigail Sone
Department of Anthropology University of Toronto
PhD 2009
Abstract of Thesis
This dissertation demonstrates how changes in spatial boundaries map on to
changes in the boundaries of national belonging through an ethnography of
linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape. In Israel, as in many places
around the globe, new forms of segregation have emerged in recent years, as
violence and the fear of violence become increasingly bound up with the production
of social difference and exclusion. In Wadi Ara, a valley in the north of the country
where my fieldwork was based, segregation between Jewish and Palestinian citizens
has dramatically increased since the fall of 2000, as the place of Palestinians in a
Jewish state is being reconfigured. In this dissertation I focus on the changing
movements and interactions of Jewish Israelis in Wadi Ara as they articulate with
changes in the ways difference, belonging, and citizenship are organized on a
national scale. I examine how increased hostility, fear, and distrust have become
spatialized; how narratives of the past shape contemporary geographies; how
competing ways of interpreting and navigating the landscape are mediated; and
how particular forms of encounter are framed. My central argument is that through
daily linguistic and spatial practice people in Wadi Ara do more than just make
sense of shifting boundaries; they bring these boundaries into being and, in the
process, they enact both self‐definition and exclusion, reflecting and circumscribing
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the changing place of Palestinians in Israel. The dissertation is based on 19 months
of fieldwork between 2002 and 2006.
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Acknowledgments
So many people are so happy to see me finish this dissertation. It is with
great pleasure that I take this opportunity to thank them for their roles in seeing it
through.
First, I owe my greatest debt to the people at my fieldsites who welcomed me
into their lives, made me feel at home, and matched each of my questions with two
of their own. In particular I want to thank my friends whom I have called Nurit, Hila,
Rina, and Ruth. I hope that what I have written does justice to their generosity and
audacity.
I gratefully acknowledge funding from the following sources: University of
Toronto (Faculty of Arts and Science, School of Graduate Studies, Department of
Anthropology); Canadian Friends of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Much of this dissertation has been worked out in conversation with my
advisor, Bonnie McElhinny. From the beginning, Bonnie has supported me and
guided me through every step of the process. She has always known when to listen,
when to push me, and when to ask just the right question. There is no more careful,
committed reader than Bonnie, and every page in this dissertation has been
improved by her close attention. Most importantly, Bonnie has been a mentor to
me, showing me by example how to be the kind of scholar I want to be.
My committee members, Michael Chazan and Joshua Barker, have been
generous with their time and insight. Michael’s questions over the years have
repeatedly pushed me to question what I think I know. I am particularly happy to
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have finally earned his “grudging respect.” Joshua’s feat is to be encouraging even as
he asks the hard questions. His nuanced reading of my draft improved the
dissertation considerably. My external examiner, Jasmin Habib, read the
dissertation with great sensitivity and insight. Her comments have given me much
to think about, and I look forward to continuing the conversation with her in the
future. My thanks also to Jennifer Jackson for her constructive questions at my
defense, and for a detailed final read; to Jack Sidnell for all I have learned from him
over the years; and to Monica Heller, Ivan Kalmar, and Hy Van Luong for their
feedback on earlier stages of the project.
I was lucky to share my graduate career with colleagues and friends whose
companionship and critical engagement made the years go by quickly. For
suggestions, edits, debates, and conversations my thanks to Shaylih Muehlmann,
Kregg Hetherington, Irma Molina, Emma Jo Aiken, Laurie Zadnik, Maggie Cummings,
Donna Young, and especially Jessica Cattaneo, Saul Cohen, and Marnie Bjornson.
Jessica and I went through our fieldwork together, long distance from Argentina to
Israel. Her unerring ear and her ability to get me have been invaluable to my
thinking on this project and to my writing. Saul started picking on me on our first
day of the program and, thankfully, he hasn’t left me alone since. Throughout our
sporadic, incoherent lunches over the years he has been a sounding board and kept
me grounded. Marnie always sees through to the big picture, and I rely on her
insight to give me the perspective I need. Being able to laugh about things with her
has made many an unbearable moment bearable. Outside of school, Rebecca
Dworkin, Amie Khondo, Yael Trehearne, and Lea Nogueira were always there to
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send me off and to welcome me home, to cheer me on and to keep me laughing.
During my fieldwork Osnat Efraty, Ayelet Baruch, and Ori and Rocha Zisling and
their boys made Israel feel like home.
My siblings have contributed to my fieldwork and writing in countless ways,
providing crucial emotional, technical, logistical, artistic, and audio‐visual support at
every step. Thank you especially to Judith for being my home in Jerusalem; to David
for taking the pictures in Chapter Five; to Jacob for sending me key Haaretz articles;
and to Eli for Mitzi and for so much more. Without Eli’s endless patience I would not
have had an audio recorder to do fieldwork with, and the dissertation would be
lacking a bibliography, maps, figures, and countless other crucial elements. Thanks
also to Lily for etymological advice and to Jess for her enthusiastic questions.
The knowledge that my parents, Ian and Laurie Sone, love me and believe in
me sustained me in this, as in everything I do. The political and intellectual roots of
this dissertation go back to values I learned from them, and from my grandparents,
Norman and Mary Davis.
My other family also helped get me through the last few years of writing, with
their interest, encouragement, and constant queries as to whether I was done yet.
Thank you to Mara, Mike, Saara, John, Janine, Dr. B, Morley, and the kids.
Jonathan never left my side throughout the long process of writing up, even
when he was in Belfast. He read every word, he finished my sentences, he told me
what I meant to say, he knew what I needed, and he got me through the hard parts.
Doing this without him would have been infinitely harder and much less fun. It is
my good fortune that I didn’t have to.
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Table of Contents
A Note on Translation and Transcription………………………………………………………..ix Maps………………………………………………………………………………………………………………x
1. Israel / Palestine 2. Wadi Ara and Surrounding Area 3. Main areas of Palestinian Localities in Israel
Preface……………………………………………………………………………………………………….….1
1. Linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape 2. A history of the project: From Jerusalem to Wadi Ara
Chapter One Shifting Boundaries and the Place of Palestinians in Israel………………………20
1. October 2000 2. Before and after October 3. Shifting boundaries: Change and the everyday 4. Divided landscapes 5. Linguistic and spatial practice 6. “Implicate relations”: Palestinians in a Jewish state
Chapter Two Wadi Ara: A Divided Landscape............................................................................................65
1. Wadi Ara: Critical historical geography of a divided landscape 2. Givat Haviva: Fieldsite and methodologies
Chapter Three White Spaces on the Map: Geographies of Intimate Distance…………………….93
1. Introduction 2. Aliza: “There’s noone to talk to” 3. Yoav and Benny: “Do they have blue ID cards?” 4. Yuval: “Good morning, neighbour” 5. Daniel: “A little less white” 6. Conclusion: Situated geographic imaginations
Chapter Four Return to the Wadi: Narratives of Nostalgia, Violence, and Fear……………..130
1. Introduction: Return to the Wadi 2. Nurit and Hila 3. “He used to go there all the time”: Narratives of nostalgia 4. “You don’t go into those places”: Narratives of violence 5. Strategies of avoidance: Narratives of fear, risk, and danger 6. Going there: Hila and Nurit’s own boundaries 7. Conclusion: Returning again to the Wadi
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Chapter Five Erasure and Disclosure on the TransIsrael Highway.........................................172
1. Introduction: “In spite of everything” 2. Highway 6 3. Highway 6 and Palestinian citizens of Israel 4. Sign language 5. Conclusion
Chapter Six Fieldtrips and Other Encounters………………………..……………………………………200
1. Mukebele, December 3, 2003 2. Encounter 3. Tiyul 4. “Names without places”: Nazareth, December 30, 2004 5. Ethnographic tourism 6. “A remainder of long, long ago”: Um el Kutuf, November 8, 2004 7. Imperial encounters 8. “Animals in cages”: Barta’a, October 13, 2004
Chapter Seven Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………..261 Figures………..……………………………………………………………………………………………..265 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………283
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A Note on Translation and Transcription
Unless otherwise stated, all transcribed interactions are translated from Hebrew. I
have indicated where the original interaction took place either in Arabic or in
English. I have used the following transcription conventions:
[….. …..] square brackets in two turns mark overlapping speech (.) pause it’s not – dash marks self‐interruption (a word or phrase broken off
before it is finished) xxxx unable to decipher kno::::w colons mark elongated syllable [a bypass road] square brackets mark transcriber’s comments THAT’S what capital letters mark loud, emphasized speech hhhh laughter ‘lets meet’ single quotes indicate quoted speech . . . some material from original transcript has been omitted (shtuyot kaele) original Hebrew or Arabic phrase
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Maps
Israel / Palestine (Wadi Ara area in red) Source: Jewish Arab Mayors’ Forum in Israel (JAMFI)
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Main Areas of Palestinian Localities in Israel Source: Payes 2005
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Preface
1.Linguisticandspatialpracticeinadividedlandscape
EarlyonthemorningofSeptember28,2000ArielSharon,thenmemberof
theIsraeliKnessetandheadoftheoppositionLikudparty,wentuptoHaramal
Sharif/theTempleMountinJerusalem.Hisactionsupsetaprecariousbalanceand
providedthesparkthatignitedviolentconflictintheoccupiedPalestinian
territories.Thistime,theintifadawasnotcontainedoutsidethegreenlineborders
ofIsrael.PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,whoformaminoritycomprisingroughly20
percentofthepopulation,protestedtheactionsoftheIsraeligovernmentand
expressedsolidaritywithPalestiniansintheWestBankandGazaindemonstrations
alloverthecountry.1OvertendaysinOctober,twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsrael
wereshotandkilledbyIsraelisecurityforcesduringprotests.
Followingthistraumaticevent,Palestiniancitizens’nationaldemandsand
critiquesofIsraelcametotheforefrontinincreasinglyradical,vocal,and
demandingways,drasticallychangingtheirrelationsbothwiththeIsraelistateand
withtheJewishmajority.JewishIsraelisreactedwithincreasedhostility,fear,and
distrusttowardthePalestinianminority;thiscanbeunderstoodasaresponsenot
justtothethreatofaminorityperceivedtobeunrulyandpotentiallyviolent,liable
totaketothestreetsonceagain,butalsotothethreatthatPalestiniandemands
presenttoJewishIsraelis’self‐definitionascitizensofaJewishanddemocraticstate.
1WhilemembersofthisgrouparereferredtointhedominantIsraeliidiomas“IsraeliArabs,”Irefertotheminsteadas“PalestiniancitizensofIsrael.”IdiscussmyreasonsforthisinChapterTwo.
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Scholarsandactivistshaverecentlyarguedthat“theboundariesofcitizenshipare
beingredrawn...tocreateanewconsciousnessamongJewsandArabsalikethat
theArabcitizens’‘citizenship’isnotreal;inotherwords,thattheArabsareineffect
‘citizenswithoutcitizenship’”(RouhanaandSultany2003:10).InthisdissertationI
arguethatchangestothe“boundaries”ofcitizenshiparebothreflectedinand
shapedbychangesinspatialboundaries,astheyareworkedoutthroughdaily
movementsandinteractions.
InIsrael,asinmanyplacesaroundtheglobe(seee.g.,Caldeira2000),new
formsofspatialsegregationareemergingasviolenceandthefearofviolence
becomeincreasinglyboundupwiththeproductionofsocialdifferenceand
exclusion.TheprimarywaysIfoundthatIsraelisareexperiencing,understanding,
andmakingsenseoftheviolentupheavalofthepasteightyearsisthrough
movementandthroughtalk.People’sdailyroutinesandhabits,howtheygetto
workandwheretheybuytheirgroceries,areinaconstantstateofflux.Aspeople
goaboutthesemovements,assessmentsofsafetyandcomfort,dangerandfeararea
constant,dailypreoccupation,andaconstanttopicofconversation.Overthecourse
ofmyfieldwork,asIbegantolistentomoreofsuchconversations,andtofollow
peopleintheirmovementsthrougharapidlychanginglandscape,Ibegantoask
questionsabouttheprofoundpoliticalresonancesoftheseseeminglymundane
practices.
Inthisdissertation,basedonnineteenmonthsoffieldworkconducted
between2002and2006inJerusalemandWadiAra,Ifocusontheintersectionof
linguisticandspatialpracticeinacontextofconflictandchange.Ilookathow
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peopleshapetheirsurroundingsastheynavigatein,around,andthroughthem–
discursivelyandspatially.Morespecifically,Ifocusonhowsuchmovementsand
interactionsarechanginginresponsetoviolentconflictand,inturn,onhowthese
changingpracticesarticulatewithchangesinthewaysdifference,belonging,and
citizenshipareorganizedonanationalscale.Thebulkofmyfieldworktookplace
betweenNovember2003andFebruary2005,andfocusedonWadiAra,avalleyin
thenorthofIsraelknownasa“mixed”areabecauseitisinhabitedbyboth
PalestiniansandJews.WadiArawasseenastheepicentreoftheprotestsof
October2000,andsegregationintheareahasdramaticallyincreasedsincethen.My
centralargumentisthatintheirdailymovementsandinteractionspeopleinWadi
Aradomorethanjustmakesenseofshiftingboundaries;theybringthese
boundariesintobeingand,intheprocess,theyenactbothself‐definitionand
exclusion,reflectingandcircumscribingthechangingplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.
2.Ahistoryoftheproject:FromJerusalemtoWadiAra
TheeventsofOctober2000cameatacriticalmomentinformulatingmy
researchproject,forcingareassessmentofmypoliticaloutlookand,intheprocess,
ofmyfieldwork.Myownfears,critiques,doubts,retreats,disillusionments,and
tentativeattemptstomoveforward,aswellasthoseofthepeoplewithwhomIdid
myfieldwork,arereflectedinthisdissertation.Thechangeswroughtbytheevents
ofOctober2000bothshapedmyprojectand,eventually,becameitsfocus.Forthis
reason,andinordertounderstandhowitwasshapedbymypersonalhistory,my
politicalpositionality,andtheparticulartimeandplace,Ithinkitisimportantto
shareabriefchronologyofthisevolvingproject,
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Iappliedtograduateprogramsinanthropologyinthefallof2000,witha
fieldsiteandaclearlydefinedprojecttowhichIwasfirmlycommitted.Mydecision
topursuegraduatestudiesinanthropologyinmanywaysfollowedfrommychoice
offieldsite.Ihadfoundaplacethatfascinatedme,thatIbelievedin,thatIwantedto
contributeto,andIsubsequentlydecidedthatthecontributionIhadtomakewas
throughethnographicfieldwork.MyfieldsitewasNeveShalom/WahatalSalam
(NS/WAS)–abilingualandbinationalprimaryschoolnearJerusalemthatteaches
ArabicandHebrewtochildrenfrombothlinguisticbackgrounds,withthegoalof
promotingcoexistence.
MyinvolvementwithNS/WASbeganwhenIspentmythirdyearof
undergraduatestudiesonafellowshipattheHebrewUniversityofJerusalem.The
yearwas1998‐1999.DespitetherecentassassinationofYitzhakRabinandthe
frequentbombingsinthebusesandcafesofJerusalem,Iwassweptupinthe
optimisticatmosphereoftheOsloyears.ReconcilingmyLabourZionistupbringing
withmyinterestinsocialjusticeandculturalcritiquedidnotseemimpossible.My
maternalgrandparentsmetasyouthleadersintheShomerHatsairmovementin
Torontointhe1930s,andhaveremainedcommittedthroughouttheirlivestoits
principlesofsocialismandZionismeventhoughWorldWarIIpreventedthemfrom
makingaliyah(immigratingtoIsrael),agoalforwhichtheyspenttheirteenage
yearsplanningandtraining.MyparentsbroughttheirfivechildrentoIsraeltolive
onakibbutzintheYizraelvalleywhenIwasfouryearsold,thoughwereturnedto
Torontotwoyearslater.ReturningtoIsraeltostudyinmytwentiesfeltlike
somethingofahomecoming,yetanambivalentone.MyloveforthelandofIsrael
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grewalongsidemyawarenessofthefundamentalinequalitiesandinjusticeson
whichthestateofIsraelrests.IgainedbackfluencyinHebrewandwasthrilledto
findthatthis,alongwithmynativeaccent(thelegacyofmychildhoodyearson
kibbutz),allowedmeto“pass”asIsraeli.Inmyquesttotakeon–oratleast
understand–thispartofmyidentity,IhikedthewadisoftheGolanHeightsandthe
hillsoftheJudeandesertwhileIlearnedinmycoursestoquestionthefounding
mythsofZionism,uncoveringtheimperialist,nationalist,militaristimperatives
behindthesongsandstoriesIhadgrownupon.
Inretrospect,Iseethatmyperspectivereflectedtheblindspotsandshort‐
sightednessoftheOsloera(seeChapterOne).Ihopedforpeace;Ibelievedin
coexistence.IcalledforanendtotheoccupationandforequalrightsforIsraeli
ArabswithoutquestioningtheJewishcharacterofthestate.WhenIwentona
fieldtriptoNS/WASwithoneofmyclassesIwas,likemanyothersbeforeme,
captivatedbythesiteofJewishandArabchildrenplayingtogether(seefigures0.1
and0.2).Thatsameday,Ispokewiththeprincipalandwiththekindergarten
teacherandarrangedtovolunteeratthekindergartenonedayaweekfortherestof
theschoolyear.
Whilemydaysattheschoolweretakenupbythemundanetasksofcutting
andpastingandwipingnoses,Ibecamefascinatedbytheissueswithwhich
membersoftheschoolcommunitygrappledonadailybasis:Howcouldteachers
counteractthetendencyforArabicspeakingstudentstolearnHebrewbetterthan
HebrewspeakingstudentslearnedArabic?CouldIsraelinationalholidays,suchas
IndependenceDay,becommemoratedinawaythatwasinclusiveofthePalestinian
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perspectiveandthatgaveequalweighttobothhistoricalnarratives?Forthe
remainderofmyundergraduatecourseworkatHebrewUniversityandlaterbackat
theUniversityofTorontoIexploredthesequestions,translatedintothetermsof
linguisticanthropology,inmyessays:Howcanbilingualeducationchallenge
languageideologiesaboutdominantandnon‐dominantlanguages?Whatrolecan
educationplayinresistingandchanging,ratherthanreproducing,existingpower
structuresandinequalities?Idrewontheliteraturesoncriticalpedagogyand
languageideologiesinmyproposalstoconductethnographicfieldworkatthe
schoolinordertoexplorethesequestions.
ButevenasIwasdraftingmyapplicationstograduateprogramsin
anthropology,inthefallof2000,ArielSharonwentuptoHaramalSharif/the
TempleMount;thesecondintifadabrokeoutintheterritories;Oslocollapsed;and
twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsraelwerekilledduringprotestsbyIsraelisecurity
forces.Theseeventsplungedtheregionintoviolentconflictandfundamentally
reconfiguredrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.Lessimportantly,
theseeventsalsocalledintoquestionthebasicpremisesandfundamentaltermsof
myproject.
Inthespringof2001,justaftersendinginmyacceptancetothePhDprogram
attheUniversityofToronto,IflewtoIsraelforthreemonthsofpreparatory
fieldwork.Ireturnedagainthefollowingyearforamonth,asIwasbeginningto
writemythesisproposal.ForApril,May,andJuneof2001andDecemberof2002I
waslivinginJerusalemandcatchingtheschoolbustoNeveShalomtwiceaweek.At
NeveShalomImademyselfusefulinwhateverwayIcouldwhiletryingtoclarifymy
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researchquestions.WhenIwasn’tattheschool,Icobbledtogetherlessonsin
colloquialArabicwhereverIcouldfindthem:attheYMCAwithagroupofforeigners
includingjournalists,academics,aidworkers,andactivists(thelanguageof
instructionwasEnglish);atanimmigrantabsorptioncentrewithagroupofyoung
immigrantsfromNorthAmerica;andwithaprivatetutor.Ibecamefascinatedby
thepoliticsoflearningArabicinacontextwherethiswasanincreasinglyunlikely
choiceforIsraeliJews.
OfallthetimesIhavelivedinIsrael,thesewerethehardest.InMarchof
2002IsraelbeganOperationDefensiveShield,reinvadingeveryWestBanktown
(exceptforJericho)thathadbeenturnedovertothePalestinianAuthorityduring
theOsloyears.ThiswasthelargestmilitaryoperationintheWestBanksincethe
1967war.FrommywindowinTalpiot,whichisonthesouthernedgeofJerusalem,
IcouldheargunfireinBeitJalaandplanesflyingoverBeitLechem.Meanwhile,
suicidebombingsinJerusalemkeptincreasinginnumberandscale.Friendsand
acquaintances,includingmanyteachersatNeveShalom,askedmeoverandover
againwhatIwasthinkingcomingtoIsraelatatimelikethis:WasIcrazy?Ishould
gohome.Iftheyhadmyoptionstheyneverwouldhavecome.Infact,theywould
leaveinasecondiftheycould.Itpainedmetoseeeveryonearoundmesuccumbing
tohopelessness,despair,cynicism,andhate.EvenasIcontinuedcommutingto
NeveShalom,Istruggledwithdoubtsandquestions:Whatmeaning,whatrelevance
didcoexistenceinitiativeshaveinthecontextofoutrightwar?Giventhecurrent
circumstances,whatrolecouldbilingualeducationpossiblyplayinforgingabetter
future?
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BackinToronto,in2001‐2003,whileIwaspreparingtogotothefield,the
prospectoffieldworkinIsraelseemedincreasinglydangerous,increasinglyfraught.
Atthesametime,academicdiscussionsofIsraelwereincreasinglyextremeand
increasinglypolarized.IfoundcallsforacademicboycottsunproductivebutIhad
noalternativesuggestionforwhataproductiveroleforanacademicmightbeinthis
context;how,then,couldIinsistongoing?TheeventsinIsraelforcedmeto
reassessnotjusttherelevanceofmyprojectbutalsofundamentalelementsofmy
personalbeliefsandmyidentity;didIwantmyfieldworkandmythesistobecaught
upinthispainfulprocess?
Ispentmyfirstyearofcourseworkexploringotheroptions.Iwasdrawnto
thecomparativelystraightforwardissueofanti‐povertyactivisminToronto.Onthis
issueIknewexactlywhereIstoodandfeltlikeIhadbotharightandanobligation
totakeastand.NearlyeveryoneIspokewithadvisedmetoabandonmyprojectin
favourofonelesspersonallyinvolved,lesscomplicated,lessdangerous,both
physicallyandacademically.Withoutmyadvisor’sunwaveringsupportIwouldno
doubthaveabandonedtheproject,andthisthesis,forbetterorforworse,wouldbe
adifferentone.Yetrightlyorwrongly,inspiteofeverythingandforreasonsIam
notsureIcanexplain,Ipersisted.
AnintensivecourseonthepoliticalsociologyofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,
taughtbyDanRabinowitzinthespringof2003,helpedmetochangethefocusof
myresearchbyforegroundingrecentchangesinrelationsbetweenPalestiniansand
JewsinIsrael,andquestioningNeveShalom’spotentialimpactinlightofthese
changes.Mythesisproposalfocusedonhowconflictingideasofthestateandof
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citizenshiparenegotiatedintheprocessoflearninglocalhistoriesandlandscapesat
NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Iwrote:
[InlightoftheeventsofOctober2000]scholarshaverecentlyargued
thatforIsraeltrulytobeastateforallitscitizens,whatisrequiredis
nolessthanafundamentalre‐evaluation“ofIsraelinessitself”;thatis,
aredefinitionofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeing
Israeli(Rabinowitz,Ghanem,andYiftachel2000).Thisisachallenge
thatmustbemetbybothscholarlyandactivistexperimentsinnew
waysoforderingandinterpretingsocialexperienceinIsrael.My
workaimstocontributetotheprojectofredefiningIsraelthroughan
ethnographicexplorationofonecontextinwhichthischallengeis
beingactivelyengaged.
Stilloptimisticinspiteofeverything,Iarguedthat“throughtheprocessof
negotiatingconflictingversionsofplaceandmemoryatNeveShalom/Wahatal
Salam,newmeaningsofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeingIsraeli,
maybeemerging.”Ashortsectionattheendofmyproposalposedquestionsabout
spatialpractice:“Whogoeswhere?Whoiswelcomewhere?Howdopeopledecide
whichlocationsaredangerousandwhicharesafe?Howarecommon
understandingsoftheseboundariesnegotiated?”Thesequestions,tackedonatthe
endofmythesisproposal,wouldcometoformthecoreofmyresearch.
WhenIarrivedinIsraelinNovember2003,Ihadsuccessfullydefendedmy
proposaltomycommitteebutIremainedprofoundlyuncertain,onapersonallevel,
thatwhatwasgoingonatNS/WASreallyconstitutedarelevantandmeaningful
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engagementwiththecrucialquestionsIhadidentifiedaboutredefiningIsrael.In
myfirstmonthsinthecountry,IwassensitivetothewaysIsraeliacademicsand
activistfriendsrespondedtomyproject.Myquestionsabouttheroleofplaceand
memoryinredefiningIsraeliidentityinterestedthem,butwhenImentionedNeve
Shalommanytunedout,orbecamedismissive.Inthecurrentpoliticalcontext,their
reactionsimplied,therewassomethingnaïvetothepointoflaughablein
coexistenceinitiatives.Theirresponsesmademefeeloutoftune,outoftouch,
compoundingmyowndoubts.
IbegantakingArabiclessonsatGivatHaviva,anArabiclanguageschoolin
WadiAra,soonafterIarrived,commutingfromJerusalemtoWadiAraevery
Wednesdaywithanotherclassmateforafulldayofclasses.Stillfascinatedbythe
complexdynamicsoflanguagelearning,Ialsofoundmyselfdrawntothelandscape
ofWadiAra,oneofthefewareasofthecountrywhereJewsandPalestinianslivein
relativeproximitytooneanotherandaregionthatplaysacentralroleinmobility
andaccessinthecountry(seeChapterTwo).Iwascurioustoseehowmyquestions
aboutfear,movement,andsafetywouldplayoutthere.Iintroducedmyselftothe
studentsandteachersinmyclassesasastudentandanthropologist,andobtained
consentfromthemtotapeourclassesandobserveourinteractionsaspartofmy
doctoralresearch.TherestofmytimeIspentatNeveShalom.
NeveShalomwasgoingthroughaverydifficulttimewhenIarrived.The
dailynewsprovokedongoingandrepeatedconflictsandexistentialcrisesamong
parents,teachers,andadministration.OnthemorninginMarchthatSheichAhmed
Yassin,theleaderofHamas,wasassassinatedbyIsraeliforces,Irodetheschoolbus
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asusualwiththekidsfromBeitSafafa(aPalestinianneighbourhoodinJerusalem),
listeningastheyrepeatedtheoutrageandfeartheyhadheardtheirparentsexpress
atthebreakfasttablethatmorning.Ali,aprecociousandsmart‐aleckygradesixer,
pronounced:“WorldWarThreeisabouttostart!”Inthestaffroomthatdaythere
werebitterargumentsandtears:WasSheichYassinamartyrandaholymanora
terrorist?Howshouldthisbediscussedintheclassroom?Similararguments
followedeachsuicidebombingandeverymilitaryincursionintoGazaortheWest
Bank.
Jewishparentswerepullingtheirkidsoutoftheschoolinalarmingnumbers.
Someofthebestteachersleftfor‘normal’schools;otherssufferedburnout.
Personaltragedyaddedtotheatmosphereofgloomwhenaveteranteacher’sadult
daughtercommittedsuicide.Powerstrugglesandadministrativedisarray
compoundedthesituation.Therewasaprotractedstrugglewiththeministryof
educationandthegoverningbodyofthevillageovertheadministrationofthe
school.ThenewJewishprincipal(oneoftwoco‐principals–theotherwas
Palestinian),anexternalappointmentfromtheministry,confidedinmeoverginger
teainherhomethatshewasnotsureshecoulddothismuchlonger.
ThereIwas,inthemidstofallthis,tryingtofitinandtofeelproductive.I
wroteinmyfieldnotesonFebruary1,2004aboutNeveShalom:“Itdoesn’tfeelright
nowlikeagoodplacetobe.Aplacethatisstruggling,inconflict,notfeelinggood
aboutitselfandwithinitselfisreallynotlikelytowelcomeanoutsider–adubious,
ill‐definedoutsider,pokinghernoseinandhangingaroundandwatching.”Atthe
sametime,mydoubtsabouttherelevanceandimportanceoftheprojectpersisted.
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Wasanyonestillsearchingfora“bridging”narrative,awaytoreconcileopposed
perspectivesonhistoryandmemory,outsideofNeveShalom,orhadn’tthatsearch
beenabandonedasPalestiniandemandsshiftedfromintegrationtoautonomy(see
Bar‐On2006)?Shouldchildrenbemadetobearthemistakesoftheirparents’
utopianexperiments(seeBekerman2006)?MyquestionsaboutredefiningIsraelin
relationtopeople’smovement,safety,andboundariesincreasinglyfeltliketheright
ones,butNeveShalomfeltlikethewrongplacetobelookingforanswers.Ifound
thatmyfieldnoteswerefilledwithmoreinterestingobservationsfrommyonedaya
weekatGivatHavivathanfromtherestoftheweekatNeveShalom.WadiAra,a
placewhere,duetotheparticularhistoricalgeographyoftheregion(seeChapter
Two),negotiatingchangingsocialboundarieswasadailypreoccupation,feltmuch
morerelevantthanNeveShalom,aplacewhereJewsandPalestinianswerebrought
togetheronlyinthecontextofastrugglinginstitution.
WhentheschoolyearendedinJuneIdecidedthatIwouldnotreturntoNeve
ShalominthefallandthatmyprimaryfieldsitewouldbeWadiAra.GivatHaviva
wouldbemyhomebase,Idecided,mywayintoWadiAra,andlearningArabic
wouldbemywayintoquestionsaboutspatialandlinguisticpracticeandshifting
boundariesinthearea.InAugustImovedtoWadiAraandjoinedanintensive
ArabiclanguagecourseatGivatHavivafulltimeasatrueparticipantobserver:both
astudentintheclassandananthropologist.IremainedinWadiAraforthe
remainderofmyfieldworkand,whilemyexperienceatNeveShalomandlivingin
Jerusaleminformedmywriting,thisisthefieldsiteIfocusoninthisdissertation.
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Thereisonefurtherimportantwaythatthefocusofmyresearchchanged
overthecourseofmyfieldwork.WhileIsetoutinitiallytowriteanethnographyof
JewsandPalestinians,onethatwouldbridgedivisionsindescribingadivided
landscape,thedissertationhasbecomesomethingelse.Whilethedissertationis
concernedwiththeimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael,
theserelationsarepresentedprimarilyfromthediversepointsofviewofJewish
Israelis.InChapterOneIexplaintheimportanceofscrutinizingtheeveryday
movementsandinteractionsofJewishIsraelisbecauseoftheoftenoverlookedrole
theyplayinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.Thisfocusisintendedbothto
fillanimportantgapintheliteratureonPalestiniansinIsraelandasacorrectiveto
feelingsofcomplacencyandblamelessnessonthepartoftheJewishmajority.
ConcernedasIamwithsilencesanderasures,itisimportanttopointoutthat
Palestinianvoicesandperspectivesarelargelyabsentfromthisdissertation.Thisis
becausethisabsenceisaveryrealpresenceforIsraeliJewsinWadiAra,anditis
theirperspectivethatIamtryingtoconvey.Infocusingontheimplicaterelations
betweenJewsandPalestiniansIstilldostrivetowriteagainstdivisionsbutinaway
thatdoesn’twritethesedivisionsoutoftheexperiencesofthosewithwhomIdid
myfieldwork.
TobeanethnographerofJewsandPalestiniansinWadiAraatthetimeIdid
myfieldworkwas,forme,animpossibility.Thisisafurtherwaythatmypersonal
identity,mypoliticalpositionality,andtheparticularitiesoftimeandplaceshaped
thefieldworkthatIdid.WhileIdidgettoknowPalestinianresidentsofWadiAra
andPalestinianmembersoftheschoolcommunityatNeveShalom,andwhileIlived
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forthemonthofAugust2004withafamilyinKafrKara(aPalestinianvillagein
WadiAra),IwasalwayspositionedinmyfieldworkasaJewish(andmanyassumed
Israeli)researcher.AttheparticulartimethatIdidmyfieldwork,beingaJewish2
researcherinPalestiniantownsandvillagesinWadiAradidnotfeellikeawelcome,
appropriate,orpoliticallysensitivewaytopositionmyself.Iwasalwaysacutely
awareof–anduncomfortablewith–myownroleincontinuingahistoryofIsraeli
Jewish“expertise”inArabmatters(seeEyal2006,Rabinowitz1998)thathasboth
beenenabledbyandcontributedtothescrutiny,surveillance,andcontrolof
Palestiniancitizensbythestate.Further,Iwasneverabletointeractconsistently
withPalestiniansinArabic–partlyasaresultofmylackoffluencyandpartlyasa
resultofthecomplexpoliticsoflanguagechoiceinthiscontext:mostPalestiniansI
interactedwithpreferredtospeaktomeinHebrew.Forthesereasons,overthe
courseofmyfieldwork,Ibecameincreasinglyuncomfortablewithpositioning
myselfasanethnographerofPalestinians,andIchoseGivatHavivaasmyhome
baseinpartinresponsetothesereservations.
Ihavebeencarefulinwritingthisdissertationnottooverstatemyaccessto
andunderstandingofPalestinianperspectives.Inmyreluctancetopositionmyself
asanexpertonPalestiniancitizensofIsraelinmywritingasinmyfieldworkIdon’t
meantodenythemavoice,oragency,oranactiveroleinthedynamicsIdescribe.
HereIfillinbutonemulti‐facetedsideofthepicture–acomplex,volatile,changing
picture,andonethatIinevitablyviewthroughthelensofwhoIamandwhoothers
2SincemostpeoplerelatedtomeasanIsraelibecauseofthewayIspokeHebrew,despitethefactthatIalwaysintroducedmyselfasastudentfromCanada,thefactthatIamnotanIsraelicitizendidnotseemtomitigatethisdynamic.
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perceivemetobe.Theworkoffillingintheotherside(s)ofthepictureIleaveto
others(suchasthescholarsIciteinChaptersOneandTwo),ortotheworkIhopeto
dointhefuture.IhopethatthedynamicswillbedifferentwhenInextreturnto
Israeltodofieldwork.Inthemeantime,thevoicesyouwillhearinthisdissertation
arethosethatIfeelIambestpositionedtolistento,andtoconvey.ChapterTwo
providesdetaileddescriptionsofthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork,ofWadi
Ara,ofGivatHaviva,andofmymethodologies,butfirst,inthenextchapter,I
elaboratemyargumentsandsituatemyquestions.
3.Overviewofthethesis
InChapterOne,“ShiftingBoundariesandthePlaceofPalestiniansinIsrael,”I
discusstheeventsofOctober2000insomedetail,inordertoprovidecontextfor
thechangesinrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansthatthethesisaddresses.I
thenelaboratethecentralquestionsandtermsofthethesisinrelationtothe
literaturesondividedlandscapes,linguisticandspatialpractice,andquestionsof
nation,state,andcitizenshipastheypertaintothePalestinianminorityinIsrael.
InChapterTwo,“WadiAra:ADividedLandscape,”Isetthesceneforthe
chaptersthatfollowbysketchingacriticalhistoricalgeographyofthelandscapein
whichthisdissertationissituatedandintroducingtheplaceswhere,andthepeople
withwhom,Ididmyfieldwork.InthefirstsectionIoutlinethecontoursofWadi
Araandthehistoryofwar,dispossession,landconfiscation,andpreferential
settlementthathasshapedthisdividedlandscape.Thesecondsectionentailsa
descriptionofmyprimaryfieldsite,GivatHaviva,anintroductiontothepeoplewith
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whomIdidmyfieldwork,andadiscussionofmymethodologies.
ChapterThreeiscalled“WhiteSpacesontheMap:GeographiesofIntimate
Distance.”MeronBenvenistiwrotethatin1948,justbeforethefoundingofthe
stateofIsrael,“onthementalmapcarriedby[Jews],theArabcommunitieswere
whitepatches–terraincognita”(2000:56).Thischapterexploresthecontemporary
relevanceofBenvenisti’sobservationbydescribingthewaysthatincreasedhostility
anddistrustbecamespatializedinWadiAraduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork
there.Intracingthecontoursofthislandscapeanditsvariousboundaries,asthey
areunderstoodandexperiencedbythepeoplewhonavigatethroughthem,what
emergesisapictureofintimatedistance,maintainedbydailyactsofencounteror
avoidance.Itisadistancemaintainedinthefaceof“unavoidableproximities”
(Hartigan1999:86);itthereforerequiresaconsiderableamountofinteractional
work.InthischapterIarguethatwhilePalestinianspacesintheWadiareshaped
byvariousformsoferasure,theyarefarfrombeingignored.IsraeliJewsreturnto
themagainandagain,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,whetherthroughcritical
reflectionorthroughfear,astheyworkouttheconflictedmeaningsofthesespaces
inconversationwithoneanother(thoughalmostneverwiththePalestinianswho
liveinthem).Throughthejuxtapositionoftheverydifferentperspectivesofa
varietyofclassmatesandinformants,Icomplicatemyownrubric,borrowedfrom
Benvenisti,addingnuanceandcolourto“thementalmapcarriedbyJews,”showing
insteadofasingular“mentalmap”avarietyofsituatedgeographicimaginations.
ChapterFour,“ReturntotheWadi:NarrativesofNostalgia,Violence,and
Fear,”explorestheroleofevocationsofthepastinshapingcontemporary
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geographies.Whilethepreviouschapterisconcernedwithhowsocialboundaries
shiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople,thischapterisconcernedwithhowthey
changeovertime.InWadiArapeopleadjusttotheirconstantlychangingrealityby
constantlyrevisingtheirpersonalgeographies,makingdecisionsaboutwheretogo
andwherenottogo,wheretheyfeelsafeandwheretheydonot.Yetevenasonce
familiarplacesarecutoffbynewboundaries,bothtangibleandintangible,the
placespeoplenolongergohavenotdisappearedfromtheirtalk;onthecontrary,
theseplacesprovideaparticularlypoignantnarrativeframethroughwhich
memoriesofbetterdaysandtheexperienceofdrasticchangearearticulated.Inthis
chapterIanalyzeasequenceofplace‐basednarrativescommonlyheardinWadiAra
duringthetimeofmyfieldwork:narrativesofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear.
Thesenarrativesaboutspecificplacesinvokememoriesofrecentviolencethatmark
certainspacesasoff‐limits,whilesimultaneouslyinvokingmemoriesofbetterdays,
whenthesespaceswereaccessible.Throughdetailedanalysisofthesenarratives
thischapterexploreshowthetemporalityofthecontemporarygeographyofWadi
Araisnarrated.
ChapterFiveiscalled“ErasureandDisclosureontheTrans‐IsraelHighway.”
ThehistoryofthePalestiniancitizensofIsraelhasbeencharacterizedasaseriesof
“distortionsofomissionandcommission”(Slyomovics1998)thateradicate
Palestinianpresenceinthelandscape,reinscribingJewishclaimstolandover
Palestinianonesinwaysthatareatoncematerialanddiscursive.Thischapter
exploresaveryspecificandveryrecentsetof“distortionsofomissionand
commission”–thosefoundintheArabicplacenamesonroadsignsontheTrans‐
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IsraelHighway.“Highway6”isanewprivateexpresstollhighwaythatrunsfrom
thenorthtothesouthofIsrael;justbeforeIbeganmyfieldwork,constructionwas
completedonthesectionofthehighwaythatreachesWadiAra.InthischapterI
beginbylookingatthespecifichistoricalandpoliticaleconomicconditionsofthe
road’sconstructionandthefierceopposition,onenvironmentalandsocialgrounds,
withwhichitwasmet.Ithenexaminealesscommonlyvoicedcritiqueoftheroad
basedonitsimpactonPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,placingitinthecontextofthe
ongoing“Judaization”(makingJewish)ofthelandscapeofIsrael.Ithenfocusonthe
experienceofdrivingonthisroad,lookingattheroadsigns,athowtheirmeaningis
interpreted,andathowtheyparticipateinbothobscuringandrevealingPalestinian
presencesinthelandscapeofIsrael,beforeandafter1948.Ifocusnotonatextual
analysisofthesignsthemselvesbutonanethnographicdescriptionofhowtheyare
read,questioned,jokedabout,ignored,justified,explained,andcritiquedbydrivers
andpassengersonthisroad.Ininterrogatingcompetingwaysofinterpretingand
navigatingthelandscapeanditsvarioushistories,Iexploretheroad’simplications
notonlyformobilitybutalsoforvisibility.
WhiletheearlierchaptersareconcernedwiththemanywaysJewsand
PalestiniansinIsraelmaintaintheirdistanceChapterSix,“FieldtripsandOther
Encounters,”askswhathappenswhentheymeet.AnintegralpartoftheArabic
languageclassesIparticipatedinatGivatHavivawastheopportunityforfieldtrips
ortiyulim(singular:tiyul),astheywerecalledinHebrew.InthischapterIexamine
thissetofhighlystructured‘encounters’–eventscarefullyandself‐consciously
orchestratedtoenableJewishIsraelistospeakArabicandtointeractwith
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PalestiniansbytravelingtoPalestinianspaces.Iarguethattheencountersenabled
bythesetiyulimareover‐determinedbyanumberoftropes–prototypical
encounters–thatstructureandconstrainthepossibilitiesavailabletoparticipants:
thegenreoftiyul;thetouristexperience;theanthropologicaltriptothefield;and
behindallthese,thecolonialencounter.Throughethnographicdescriptionsof
fieldtripsIparticipatedintoNazareth,Barta’a,UmelKutuf,andMukeble,Iargue
thattherelianceonthesetropeseffectivelyensuredthatwhilewedidcross
boundariesinthesefieldtrips,theencountersenabledonlycertainsortsof
interactionswhilepresumingcertainsortsofcitizens.
InChapterSevenIconcludebyreturningtomycentralargument.Recognizing
thattheprocessesIdescribeheredidnotbeginwhenIarrivedinthefield,nordid
theyendwhenIleft,Ialsoextendmyanalysistoconsiderbrieflysomerecentevents
inIsraelandinWadiAra.
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ChapterOne
Introduction:ShiftingBoundariesandthePlaceofPalestiniansinIsrael
1.October2000
EarlyonthemorningofSeptember28,2000ArielSharon,then‐memberof
theIsraeliKnessetandheadoftheoppositionLikudparty,walkedupawooden
rampcoveredingreentarpaulin,leadingfromaplazawithawalltoanotherplaza
aboveitwithtwodomes,goldandsilver.Atthebottomoftherampwasthe
WesternWall,theKotel,aremnantoftheretainingwalloftheSecondTempleanda
siteholytoJews.Intheopenplazainfrontofit,internationaltouristsregularly
flocktosnappictures;observantJewsgathertopray,walkingbackwardacrossthe
plazaastheyleavethewallsoasnottoturntheirbacksonit;Israelisoldiersinthe
darkgreenuniformoftheBorderGuardsurroundtheplazaandsurveilitfrom
above,monitoringallentranceswithmetaldetectors.TheplazaoftheKotelis
accessedononesidefromtheJewishQuarter,andontheotherthroughthenarrow
alleysoftheshukoftheMuslimQuarter.DesignedbyarchitectMosheSafdie,the
plazawasbuiltshortlyafterIsraeliforcesconqueredtheOldCityin1967,once
againgivingJewsaccesstothisholysite.ItwasbuiltonthegroundofPalestinian
homesthatwererazedtomakewayforit(seeAbuEl‐Haj2001,Weizman2007).
TherampleadsfromthefootoftheKoteltoitstop,whichlevelsouttoforma
plateau–anotherplaza,overlookingtheonebelow–onwhichstandtheAl‐Aqsa
mosqueandtheDomeoftheRock,theirgoldandsilverdomessurroundedby
cedars.ThissiteisholytoMuslims,andtherockbeneaththegoldendomeis
believedtobebothwheretheworldbeganandthesitefromwhichMohammed
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ascendedtoheaven.ThisplazaisaccessedfromtheMuslimquarterandis
administeredasawaqf,orIslamicreligiousendowmentland,ratherthanbyany
nationalsovereignty.TheplazafillswithdevoutMuslimsregularlyforprayers,and
especiallyeveryFridayatnoon,whentheImam’ssermonissometimesfollowedby
demonstrations.
Thissiteisboththesymbolandthecore,theepitomeandtheextreme,of
spatialrelationsinthisregion;itiseverythingthatisholyandeverythingthatis
dividedinthismostholyanddividedcity–condensed,concentrated,andliterally
piledoneontopoftheothertoproduceaneffectof“verticalschizophrenia”
(Weizman2007:54).1ThefutureoftheTempleMount/HaramalSharifwasthe
mostcontentiousissueinthefailedIsraeli‐PalestiniannegotiationsinCampDavid
inJuly2000.Inthelastweeksofsummerin2000,then,thesetwoholysiteswere
coexistinginaprecariousbalance,oneontopoftheotheryetresolutelyseparate,
awaitingadecisionontheircollectivefate.WhenSharonwentuptheramponthat
morninginSeptember(hisactionisalwaysdescribedinHebrewusingtheverb
la’alot–togoup),heviolatedthiscarefullymaintainedbalancingactofvertical
1EyalWeizman,acriticalIsraeliarchitect,understandsthisasthemostradicalmanifestationofaparticularlyIsraelpatternofverticalsegregation.InhisbookHollowLand,hearguesthatby2006theseparationbetweenIsraeliandPalestinianareasintheoccupiedterritories“wasnotarticulatedonthesurfaceoftheterrainalone,”butratherinthree‐dimensionalspace:“Revisioningthetraditionalgeopoliticalimagination,thehorizonseemstohavebeencalledupontoserveasoneofthemanyboundariesraisedupbytheconflict,makingthegroundbelowandtheairaboveseparateanddistinctfrom,ratherthancontinuouswithandorganicto,thesurfaceoftheearth”(2007:12).IsraelcontrolsthemilitarizedairspaceandsubterraneanaquifersoverandunderareasofPalestiniancontrol;Israelisettlementsarebuiltonhill‐topsandconnectedbyraisedroadsandextendedbridgesortunnels;inturn,PalestinianmilitantsdigtunnelsunderthewallsofGazatosmugglepeopleandexplosives,andlaunchrocketsoverthem.
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segregation,invadingMuslimspacewithallthesymbolicforceoftheIsraelistate.
Accompaniedbyanentourageandsurroundedbyhundredsofarmyand
securityforces,Sharon’sactionwasnotspontaneousorunanticipated.2Ithadbeen
announcedinthemediathreedaysearlier,andoppositiontoithadbeenbuilding
amongPalestinianreligiousandpoliticalleaders,whoregardedthisprovocative
moveasastatementofclaimtotheMuslimholysite,atatimewhenthefateof
Jerusalemwasyettobedecided.Policeandeyewitnessreportsestimatethatthere
were1,400PalestinianswaitingforSharon,amongthemrepresentativesofthe
PalestinianAuthorityandtheIslamicMovementinIsrael,aswellasseveral
PalestinianmembersoftheIsraeliKnesset,whoweregatheredto“protectAlAqsa.”
Whiletheensuingmeleeendedinonlyminimalinjuries,thefollowingdaywas
Fridayand,followingnoonprayersatthemosque,clashesbetweenPalestiniansand
Israelisecurityforcesresumed.SevenPalestinianswereshotandkilledbyIsraeli
securityforces.
Thewarintheoccupiedterritories,widelyunderstoodtohavefollowedfrom
theseevents,becameknownastheSecondIntifadaortheAl‐AqsaIntifadaandwas
2MydescriptionoftheeventsofSeptember28‐29,2000isdrawnfromtheReportoftheOrCommission(Or,Khatib,andShamir2003a)–thefulltextinHebrewoftheofficialreportofthegovernment‐appointedcommissionofinquiryintotheevents,releasedin2003–andfromDalal’s(2003)critiqueofthereport.DescriptionsofsubsequenteventsaredrawnfromtheOrCommissionreport,theEnglishlanguagesummaryofthereport(Oret.al.2003b),alecturebySarahOzacky‐Lazar(2004),andvariousreportsputoutbyAdalah,theLegalCentreforArabMinorityRightsinIsrael.AdalahisanNGOappointedbythefamiliesoftheArabvictimsandtheHighFollow‐UpCommitteefortheArabcitizensinIsraeltorepresentthembeforetheOrCommissionofInquiry.(FormoreinformationonAdalahanditspositioninrelationtootherPalestinianNGOsinIsraelseePayes2005.ForcritiquesofandresponsestotheOrReportseethefollowingsection.)
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televisedaroundtheworld.Thelossoflife,humanitariancrisis,abuseofhuman
rights,destruction,economicdamage,andrestrictionsonfreedomofmovement
thatensuedintheWestBankandGazahavebeenwellpublicized(seee.g.,B’Tselem
2001a,b,c).WhatislesswellrememberedoutsideIsrael,buthasbeensearedinto
thememoryandcurrentconsciousnessofIsraelisasanationaltrauma,arethe
eventsofthenextfewdayswithinthegreenline,nowcommonlyknownasIruei
October–theOctoberEvents.
OnSeptember30,ShabbatandRoshHashana,theArabsectorinIsrael
declaredageneralstrike,adayofprotestandmourningindefenseofAlAqsa,in
solidaritywithPalestinianswhowereengagedinclasheswithIsraeliforcesallover
theWestBankandGaza,andoutoffrustrationandhopelessnesswithpolitical
avenuesforimprovingtheirownsituation.3Onthefollowingday,October1,as
protestscontinuedthroughoutthecountry,crowdsofprotesterscamedownfrom
thehillsofUmelFachemandbegantoblockWadiAraroadattheUmelFachem
intersection,throwingstonesand(accordingtoreports)molotovcocktails.Asmall
groupoftheborderpatrol(Magav)wasstationedattheintersection,onthefarside
oftheroadfromthecity,withinstructionstokeepthepeace.Theyusedlive
ammunition,teargas,andrubberbulletstodisperseprotesters.AreportbyAdalah,
theLegalCentreforMinorityRightsinIsrael(dateunknown),indicatesthat60
peoplewereinjuredatthisspotonthisday,includingSheikhRa’edSallah,the
MayorofUmelFachemandaleaderoftheIslamicMovementinIsrael.Mohammed
3RoshHashanaisinevitablyoneoftheworstdaysoftheyearfortrafficinIsrael,sincepeopleareontheroad,travelingtobewiththeirfamilyfortheholiday.Thisincreasedtheimpactofprotestersblockingtheroads,particularlyinWadiAra.
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AhmedJabarin(24)wasshotdead,andAhmedIbrahimJabarin(19)diedthenext
dayinthehospitalfrominjuriessustainedfromashotintheabdomen.Bothyoung
menwerecitizensofIsrael,shotandkilledbysecurityforcesoftheirowncountry.
Forthenexttendaysahistoricallysilentandoppressedminority
participatedinmassdemonstrationsalloverthecountry,theirtoneheightenedby
outrageatthekillingofIsraelicitizensandofincreasingnumbersofPalestiniansin
theterritories.ApressreleaseissuedbyAmnestyInternationalonOctober2,2000
reportedthat,afterfourdaysofclashes,35Palestinianciviliansintheoccupied
territoriesweredeadwithhundredsofothersinjured,andcondemnedthis
“indiscriminatekilling”(Dalal2003).WadiAraroadwasclosed,blockedby
protestingcrowds,andtrafficlightsalongitslengthweresmashed.Banks,post
officesandotherinstitutionsassociatedwiththestateweresetonfire.OneJewish
IsraelicitizenwaskilledbystonethrowingwhendrivingnearJisra‐Zarka.Between
October1andOctober9,twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsrael,fromUmelFachem,
Nazareth,Sakhnin,Arrabeh,Moawiye,KufrManda,Jatt,andKufrKana,wereshot
andkilledbyIsraelipoliceforces.4Reportsindicatethatsomeofthevictimswere
shotintheback;otherswerekilledbysniperfire(seeDalal2003).5OnOctober8
JewishresidentsfromNatsratIlitattackedtheeasternPalestinianneighbourhoods
inNazareth;AdalahreportsindicatedthatpoliceprotectedtheJewishIsraelisand
4TheirnamesandhometownsarelistedinanundatedAdalahreport.5AdalaharguedbeforetheOrCommissionthatpolicefireondemonstratorswas“massiveandindiscriminate,”providingevidencefrommedicalstudiesoftheinjuriesinflictedasaresultofpolice(seeDalal2003).HumanRightsWatch(2000,citedinDalal2003)foundthatsecurityforcesdidnotappeartofaceimminentthreatstotheirlivesorseriousinjury.
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allowedthemtocontinuetheirattackonPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,aimingtheir
weaponsonlyatPalestiniandemonstratorsandkillingtwo(Dalal2003,Adalah,date
unknown).
ThreeyearslatertheofficialsummationoftheOrReportontheeventsof
October2000,commissionedbythegovernment,describedtheirimpactsuccinctly:
“Thelandshook”(Or,Khatib,andShamir2003b).SarahOzacky‐Lazar,aresearcher
onPalestiniancitizensofIsraelattheGivatHavivaJewish‐ArabCentreforPeace,
describedherreactiontotheeventsofOctober2000asfollows:6“Ifelt?Thatthat's
it.Thisistheend.Thateverythingwasgoingtofallapart.Thattherewouldreally
beacivilwarherethatwouldbemuchmoredangerousthanthestruggleinthe
territories.”Therewasnocivilwar,buttheseeventswereadramaticbreaking
pointinrelationsbetweenthePalestinianminorityandboththestateandthe
JewishmajorityinIsrael(seeOzacky‐LazarandGhanem2001,Dichter2001,
RouhanaandSultany2003,RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005,Rekhess2002,
Smooha2004).Thebreakingpointdidnot,ofcourse,comefromnowhere.Sharon’s
visittotheTempleMountisoftencalledthe“spark”thatignitedtheeventsof
October2000;whilethiseventdidprovidethespark,thecoalswerealreadythere,
asOzacky‐Lazar(2004)putit,andtheywerehot.Decadesofexclusion,alienation,
discrimination,anddeprivationwerebehindtheeventsofOctober2000,broughtto
theforebyanumberofmorerecentdevelopments.7
6HercommentsweremadeinalectureonthesubjecttoourArabiclanguageclassatGivatHaviva,October13,2004.7Anoutlineofthishistory,especiallyasitpertainstoWadiAra,isfoundinChapterTwo.FordetailedhistoriesofPalestiniancitizensofIsraelfrom1948untilthe
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2.BeforeandafterOctober
The1990swasadecadeofchangeintheMiddleEast,inIsrael,andalso
amongPalestinianIsraelis.Fromthelate1980sto2000,Israelisexperiencedthe
Intifada(beginningin1987),theGulfWar(1990‐91),theMadridPeaceConference
(1991),theOsloagreements,culminatinginmutualrecognitionbetweenIsraeland
thePLOatthehistoricsigningontheWhiteHouselawn(1993),thebigsuicide
bombsandexplodingbusesofthemid‐1990s,theassassinationofYitzhakRabin
(1995),aNetanyahu‐ledLikudgovernment(elected1996),andthenaBarak‐led
Labourgovernment(elected1999).Theusualwayofnarratingthissequenceof
eventsimpliesthatwereitnotfortheassassinationofRabin,peacewouldhave
prevailed;incontrast,criticspointoutthattheOsloaccordsandtheir
implementationweredeeplyandinherentlyflawed(seee.g.,RabinowitzandAbu
Baker2005:99‐102;Mansour1993;Yiftachel2001,2004),andmanyarguethatthe
ragethateruptedintheterritoriesinOctober2000wasinlargepartaresultof
thesefailures.8
periodIfocusonhereseeGhanem2001,Lustick1980,Rouhana1997,Kretzmer1990.ForhistoriesofPalestinianlifebeforethefoundingofthestateofIsraelseeDoumani1995,Benvenisti2000.8ThemostcommonlyvoicedcritiquesofOsloincludethefollowing:theterritoryofferedtothePalestinianAuthorityundertheaccordsamountedtoaseriesofcantons,dividedbyIsraeliroadsandsecurityzones,thatcouldneversupportaviablestate;duringtheOsloyears,whilesupposedlyfacilitatingthetransferoftheWestBankandGazatoPalestiniancontrol,Israelcontinuedtobuildsettlementsandexpandsettlementinfrastructure,whileincreasingmilitarypresenceintheterritoriesandrestrictionstoPalestinianfreedomofmovement;ultimately,whileOsloprovidedthePalestinianswiththe“symbolictrappings”ofstatehooditfailedto
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ThissamedecadewasatimeofchangeamongPalestinianIsraelis,partlyin
responsetotheeventsoutlinedabove.Followingabriefperiodofhopethatthe
Osloprocesswouldprovideanopportunitytoimprovetheirownlotinadditionto
thatofPalestiniansintheWestBankandGaza,PalestiniansinIsraelquickly
understoodthattheyweretobemarginalizedandexcludedfromthisprocessas
fromsomuchelse.Caughtinabindof“doubleperipherality,”theywere“removed
atoneandthesametimefromboththePalestinianandtheIsraelicontext”(Rekhess
2002:7).IgnoredbyboththePalestinianleadershipandtheIsraeligovernment,
theirstatusandtheirfutureascitizensofanIsraelistateneighbouringafuture
Palestinianonewassimplynotontheagenda.
Meanwhile,intheparliamentaryarena,theRabin‐Peresgovernment(1992‐
1996)didinitiatesometangibleprogressforPalestiniansinIsrael,bothinthe
allocationofresourcesandinrecognitionoftheirciviclegitimacyatthe
parliamentarylevel(Dichter2001:14,Rekhes2002:8).9Nobodyexpectedthe
subsequentLikudgovernment,undertheleadershipofNetanyahu,tocontinuethis
trend,butexpectationswerehighamongPalestiniansinIsraelfortheBarak
addressinameaningfulwaytheirdesireforself‐determination(seeStein2008:131).9WhenRabinwasforminghiscoalitiongovernmentin1992,twoArabpartiesagreedtosupporthiscabinetinKnessetvoteswithouthavingseatsinit;thisarrangementprovedcrucialtothestabilityofthecoalitionastheyformeda“blockingmajority”onanycontestedvote.Inreturn,RabinincreasedtheshareofthenationalbudgetdirectedtothePalestiniansector,improvingeducation,housing,andinfrastructure(seeRabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:96,Dichter2001:14).Dichterarguesthatthis“bestowedonArabMKsanewleveloflegitimacy”(2001:14),andthatitwasaclearstatementofRabin’scontroversialpositiononacriticalissue:thatamajorityofthepolity,notnecessarilyaJewishmajority,isnecessaryforcrucialparliamentarydecisions.
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(Labour)government.Electedin1999,andhavingreceivedanunprecedented95%
oftheArabvote,Barakimmediately“turnedhisback”ontheArabelectorate,
excludingArabMKs(membersofKnesset)entirelyevenfromthecoalition
negotiations,letalonefromthecoalition,andsubsequentlyignoringthePalestinian
sectorcompletelyandpointedly:noofficialvisits,noconsultationswithArab
leaders,nodiscussionoftheirissues.Palestiniansfelt“neglected,used,betrayed”
(RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:97).Thedisappointmentandbitternessover
theseeventsamongmanyPalestiniansinIsraelwasstillpalpablefiveyearslater,
whenIwasinthefield.Ozacky‐Lazar(2004)argues,andmyexperienceconfirms
this,thatifyouaskPalestiniansinIsraelaboutthecausesofOctober2000manywill
tellyouthatBarakwasatfault,andnotSharon.
Increasinglydisillusionedwithparliamentaryandcivicactionasameansof
bringingaboutmeaningfulchangetotheirsituation,andfacingever‐worsening
economicandsocialconditions,PalestiniansinIsraelwereturningtonewgoalsand
newtacticsbythefallof2000.Afterdecadesofquiescence,anewgenerationof
leaderswas“determinedtoredefinetheirsituationwithinIsrael,modifyingthevery
natureofthestateintheprocess”(RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:10).
RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker,intheirinfluentialandwidelycitedbook,TheStandTall
Generation(publishedinEnglishin2005asCoffinsonOurShoulders),sawthisasa
generationalshift,fromageneration“wornout”bythestruggletoachieveequal
rightsascitizensthroughdemocraticparliamentaryandlegalmeans,ageneration
whosegoal–broadlyspeaking–wastomakeIsrael“astateforallitscitizens,”toa
generationpreparedtomakeitsclaimsinincreasinglynationalist(i.e.,Palestinian)
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terms,andinincreasinglyvocalanddemandingways.ElieRekhess(2002)
characterizedthesechangesasthe“localizationofthenationalstruggle”–demands
wereincreasinglyfocusedinward,oncivicstatusinsideIsrael,yetincreasinglyin
termsofaPalestiniannationalidentity.Whatwasatstakewasnolessthana
fundamentalre‐evaluation“ofIsraelinessitself”–thatis,aredefinitionofthestate
andofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeingIsraeli(Rabinowitz,Ghanem,andYiftachel
2000).ByOctober2000,PalestiniansinIsraelwerereadytotaketothestreets.
FollowingthosetendaysinOctoberatensecalmprevailed,buttheBarak
governmentfailedtodealproperlywitheitherthedeathsortheunderlying
problems.Acommissionofinquiry–theOrCommission–wascalledthatpublished
areportin2003.Whilethereportdidmakesomestridesinacknowledging
discriminationagainstPalestiniansinIsraelandcallingattentiontotheneedfor
change(seee.g.,Shamir2005),itfailedtorecommendthatanypoliceofficersbe
broughttojustice.Tothisdaythefamiliesofthosekilledhavenotbeenableto
identifywhokilledtheirsons,letaloneseethemtriedandconvicted.
Theseeventsandtheiroutcomes,alongwiththecontinuationand
intensificationofthewarintheterritories,ledontheonehandtoincreasing
politicizationamongPalestiniansinIsraelandontheothertoincreasingdistance
fromthestate(OzackyLazarandGhanem2001:20).Thesetrendsculminatedinthe
IsraelielectionsinFebruary2001,whichthePalestiniansinIsraelresoundingly
boycotted.Itwasonlybyrefrainingfromvotingthattheywereabletomake
themselvesheard,“demonstrat[ing]theirpresenceviaaverysignificantactof
absence.Itwasperhapsthemostthunderousoftheirsilences”(Dichter2001:8).
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AsPalestiniansexpressedtheiranger,frustration,andpoliticaldemands,all
ofwhichhadbeenmountingfordecades,inincreasinglyvocalanddemandingways,
theybegan,notforthefirsttime,tobeseenbyIsraeliJewsasafeared,dangerous,
hostileelement.RelationsbetweentheJewishmajorityandthePalestinianminority
changeddramaticallyafterOctober2000.PalestiniansinIsraelweredeeply
disappointedwithJewishIsraelireactions,andespeciallywithlackofsupportfrom
theIsraelileft.Notonlywastherenoidentificationwiththeirpainovertheheavy
loss,Palestiniansfeltthattheythemselveswereblamedforwhathadhappened
(Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001).AtthetimeIarrivedformyfieldwork,inthefall
of2003,increasedhostility,prejudice,hatred,andfearwerepalpableinWadiAra.
Theboundariesofnationalbelongingwereintheprocessofbeingreconfigured.
ThesetrendshavebeendocumentedbyanemergingcohortofPalestinian
academics,manyofthemassociatedwithNGOssuchasMada,Sikkuy,andAdalah
thatareconcernedwiththerightsofPalestiniansinIsrael(Sultany2003;Smooha
2004;RouhanaandSultany2003;Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001).10Rouhanaand
Sultany(2003)documenttheemergenceofa“newconsensuswithinIsraelisociety
insupportofdiscriminatorypoliciesandpracticestowardthePalestinianminority”
(5).TheycallthisthenewZionisthegemony,andarguethatitisshrinkingthe
boundariesofcitizenshipanddemocracy,institutingnarrowerlimitsthanwhatwas
previouslytolerated.Theyprovideevidenceofthisingovernmentpolicy,
legislation,and“publicdiscourse”–consistingofpublicstatementsinthemediaby
prominentfigures.Theypointoutthatamendmentstoexistinglawswerepassed
10OnPalestinianNGOsinIsraelseePayes2005.
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bytheKnessetin2002thatstipulate(amongotherthings)thatcandidatesrunning
forKnessetwillbedisqualifiedandexistingelectedKnessetmemberswillhavetheir
immunityliftediftheyrejectIsrael’sidentityasa“Jewishanddemocraticstate.”
Newlegislationwaspassedin2003thatpreventsPalestiniansfromtheterritories
whomarryIsraeli(Arab)citizensfromlivinginIsrael.Publicopinionpolls
indicatedasubstantialincreaseinthenumberofIsraeliJewishrespondentswho
supporttransferor“encouragedemigration”ofArabcitizensofIsrael.Rouhanaand
Sultanyconcludethat“theboundariesofcitizenshiparebeingredrawn...tocreate
anewconsciousnessamongJewsandArabsalikethattheArabcitizens’‘citizenship’
isnotreal;inotherwords,thattheArabsareineffect‘citizenswithoutcitizenship’”
(2003:10).Thisconsensus,theyargue,hasariseninthecontextof“Jewishpolitical
ethnocentrismandself‐deception,”aheightenedsenseofexistentialthreat,and
despairaboutthesolvabilityoftheconflict.
Sultany(2003)alsoprovidesdetailedevidenceofthe“declineinthelegal
andcivicstatusofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael”(9),concludingthat“theprocessof
exclusion,alienation,anddelegitimizationofPalestiniancitizensinallareasoflifein
Israelisreadilydiscernible”(9).Ingovernmentdecisions,publicopinionsurveys,
andstatementsbypublicfigureshedemonstrates“ahegemonicdiscourseofhate...
onethatdominatespublicdebate,publicconsciousness,andrealityitself”(10).
Thesereactionscanbeunderstoodasrespondingnotjusttothethreatofanunruly
andpotentiallyviolentminority,liabletotaketothestreetsonceagain,butalsoto
thethreatthatPalestiniandemandspresenttoJewishIsraeli’sself‐definitionas
citizensofaJewishanddemocraticstate.
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3.Shiftingboundaries:Changeandtheeveryday
ItwasinthisclimatethatIarrivedinIsraelformyfieldworkinthefallof
2003.ThiswasthefourthtimeIhadbeeninIsraelsince1998.AsItraveledback
andforth,IwasstruckeachtimebyhowdrasticallydifferentwasthedailyrealityI
arrivedatfromtheoneIhadleftbefore.EachtimeIarrivedinJerusalemittookme
afewweekstoacclimatizetonewroutines,newrestrictions,thenewpatternsand
rhythmsofdailylife,sodifferentin1998,2001,2002,andthenagainin2003.Could
Itakebusesnow?CouldIsitinacaféonEmekRefaim?CouldIshopinthemarket
intheoldcity,orinMahaneYehuda,themarketdowntown?CouldItakethe
shortcutthroughSheikhJarah,inEastJerusalem,onthelongwalkfromthe
universityonMountScopustodowntown?Likeeveryonearoundme,Iadaptedto
newrealities.Ilistenedtothenewseverymorningandallday,obsessively.I
plannedmyday’sitinerarybasedonwhatIheard,foregoingbuses,cafes,markets,
andentireneighbourhoodsifthesituationsoundedparticularlytense.Iboughta
newover‐the‐shoulderbagtoreplacemyknapsack–easiertoflipopenfora
securitycheckeverytimeIenteredapublicbuilding.Ilearnedtopauseandwait,
uponhearingaloudboom,afrequentoccurrence,toseeifitwasfollowedbysirens;
ifnot,itmeantitwasn’tabombbutafighterjetbreakingthesoundbarrier.I
developedalternateroutesforarrivingatfamiliardestinations;onsomedays,I
stayedclosetohome.
AsIbegantosettleintoaroutine,myperspectiveshifted.Afteraninitial
periodofacclimatizingtothechangessinceIhadlastbeenthere,Ibegantorealize
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33
thattheacclimatizationprocesswasongoing,andthatIwasnotaloneinit.The
shifting“boundaries”ofcitizenshipdescribedintheprevioussectionhavemore
thanjustametaphoricalresonance;spatialboundariesbetweenJewsand
PalestiniansinIsraelhavealsobeeninfluxsince2000.Newwalls,barriers,and
checkpointshavedrasticallychangedthelandscapeofIsrael/Palestineduringthat
time(seeWeizman2007,MisselwitzandRieniets2006),butalsowithinIsrael,
segregationbetweenPalestiniansandJewshasdramaticallyincreased
Ifoundthattheprimarywaysthatpeoplearoundmeexperiencedand
respondedtotheviolenceandupheavalwasthroughmovementandthroughtalk.
People’sdailyroutinesandhabits,howtheygottoworkandwheretheybought
theirgroceries,wereinaconstantstateofflux;aspeoplewentaboutthese
movements,assessmentsofsafetyandcomfort,dangerandfearwereaconstant,
dailypreoccupation,andaconstanttopicofconversation.AsIbegantolistento
moreofsuchconversations,andtofollowpeopleintheirmovementsthrougha
rapidlychanginglandscape,Ibegantoaskquestionsabouttheconnectionbetween
thesechangingpracticesandchangingrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestinians.I
searchedforawaytoaccommodatethedynamismandfluxIobserved,andthe
importanceoftheeveryday,inthewayIthoughtaboutsocialandspatial
boundaries.
SarahOzacky‐LazarandAs’adGhanem(2001:44)describeincreased
segregationbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsraelasfollows:
SincetheeventsofOctober2000mostJewshavesteeredclearofArab
townsandvillages:notvisitingthem,notshoppingthere,noteatingin
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restaurants.ThosewhosejobsrequirethemtoenterArab
settlementsexpressedfearandsometimesbringalongarmedguards.
BusinessesthatsuddenlylosttheirJewishcustomershavesuffered
severeeconomicdamage.Onthepersonallevel,Arabstooareafraid
togoshoppingorvisitingplacesofentertainmentinJewishcities.
TheyreportanxietyaboutspeakingArabicinpublic,discomfortat
stayinginhotelsandresorts,andsendingtheirchildrentoshopping
malls.Oneresultofthisisatrendtowardeconomicsegregationand
anattempttomakedowiththeservicesavailableinArablocales–
bothtosupportArabbusinesses...andtoavoidtheunpleasantness
associatedwithrubbingagainsttheJewishstreet.
Monterescu(2007),RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker(2005),andothersnoticesimilar
changestopersonalandsocialgeographies.Whilethesestudiesseemtosuggesta
correlationbetweenchangingattitudestowardPalestiniansandchangingspatial
practices,theprecisenatureofthisdynamicisnotexplored.Whatisthe
relationship,then,betweenshiftingsocialgeographiesontheonehandandshifting
limitsofcitizenshipontheother?Howdochangesinspatialboundariesmaponto
changesintheboundariesofnationalbelonging?
Todatetherehasbeennoresearchpublishedthatprovidesethnographic
evidenceoftheimportantchangesinIsraeli“consciousness”describedabove,or
thatexploreshowthisnew“consensus”manifestsitselfinpractice.Neitherhas
therebeenethnographicdocumentationofchangingspatialpracticesandtheir
relationtothisnewconsensus.Thisdissertationaimstofillthisgapby
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demonstratinghowspatialboundariesmapontotheboundariesofsocialbelonging
throughanexplorationoflinguisticandspatialpracticeinadividedlandscape.In
changestodailymovementsandconversations,changesinrelationsbetweenJews
andPalestiniansareprofoundlyfeltatthelevelofeverydaypractice.Itismy
contentionthattheseeverydaypracticesinturnplayacrucialrolenotjustin
reflectingbutalsoinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.
4.Dividedlandscapes
Israelisnottheonlyplacetoseetheemergenceofnewboundariesinrecent
years.Asviolenceandthefearofviolencebecomeincreasinglyboundupwiththe
productionofsocialdifferenceandexclusion,newformsofspatialsegregationare
emergingincitiesacrosstheglobe(seeCaldeira2000).InBelfast,SaoPaulo,
Johannesburg,Detroit,Jerusalem,Toronto,andParis,wallsandfencesarebeing
erected(Weizman2007,MisselwitzandRieniets2006),gatedcommunitiesand
fortifiedenclavesarebeingcreated(Caldeira2000,Low2003),“ghettoes”and
“innercities”arebeingdisplacedandreformed(SilversteinandTetreault2005,
KipferandKeil2002,Wacquant2008),publicspacesareshrinking(Mitchell2003).
Newboundariescreatedby“anti‐terror”securitymeasures,neoliberalrestructuring
andgentrification,crimeandpolicing,andmigrationintersectwithandsometimes
transformolderboundariesformedaroundviolentconflict,gender,race,and
poverty.Boundariesareinscribedandreinscribedonthespaceofthecityusing
everyavailablematerialandsemioticresource,inattemptstomarkselffromother,
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tomakeclaimstoterritory,toexcludeandenclose,andtosecure,control,and
surveil.
Thisisnotanethnographyofadividedcity,yetIturntothisliteratureto
helpmethinkthroughthewayssocialboundariesarechanginginWadiAra.Ibuild
ontheinsightsofanthropologistswhohaveexploredurbanterrainsofconflict,
violence,andfearinnuanceddetail.Inparticular,Iengagewithrecentworkthat
triestocapturethedynamismandfluxofsocialboundaries,theirsituated,shifting,
andperspectivalnature,andthewaystheyareconfiguredandreconfiguredthrough
dailypractice.Toooftenstudiesofsegregationreproducesegregationinthetelling;
thatis,portraitsofdividedcitiesoftenoverstatethefixedness,rigidity,and
impermeabilityofsocialboundaries,exaggeratingthecoherenceanduniformityof
eachsideofthedivideinemphasizingdifferenceacrossthedivide(e.g.,Schnelland
Ostendorf2002).Instead,alongwiththeauthorscitedbelow,Iemphasizetheother
sideofsegregation:ambivalenceandflux,contactandentanglement,encounterand
confrontation,avoidanceanddisregard,distancesmaintainedinthefaceof
unavoidableproximities.ToparaphraseJohnHartigan(1999:110),Ifocusonallthe
wayslives,bodies,andspeechbrushandgrindagainsteachotherinenacting,
challenging,andreshapingdivisions.
WhileIengageinmoredepthwiththeworksoftheseauthorsinthechapters
thatfollow(seeespeciallyChaptersThreeandFour),hereIprovideabriefoverview
oftheworkondividedcitiesthathasshapedmyapproach.Ifocusonwhateach
authorhascontributedtomyunderstandingofthechangingnatureofsocial
boundaries,thearticulationofviolenceandfearwithsocialspace,andtheroleof
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37
languageinthesedynamics.Inthesectionthatfollows,Idevelopmyunique
approachtotheseissues,whichfocusesontheintersectionoflinguisticandspatial
practice.
InBelfast,thecitymostoftencomparedtotheIsraelicontext,anearlypaper
byFrederickBoal(1973)wasimportantinshiftingthefocusofsegregationstudies
fromresidentialpatternsto“spatialactivitypatterns.”InhissurveysBoalasked
ProtestantsandCatholicsalongtheShankill‐Fallsdivide,akeyinterfacearea,where
theywaitforthebus,wheretheybuytheirmorningpaper,andwhichhomesthey
visitintheneighbourhood.Hiswork,whilestillpresentingastaticpictureof
segregation,invitedfurtherquestionsonhowpeoplemovethroughandusedivided
spaces.AllenFeldman’s(1991)influentialbookaddedanethnographicdimension
indelineatingthewaysviolence,thememoryofviolence,andtheanticipationof
violencearemappedontosocialspace.Hisworkemphasizedtheimportanceof
narrativeandembodiedpracticesincontinuallyreconfiguringsocialboundarieson
avarietyofscales.RecentworkbyJarman(2005)focusesoninterfacesasdynamic
spaces,emphasizingthewaysnewformsofintersectionandconjunctionemerge
throughvariationsinuse,development,andregenerationina“post‐conflict”
context.ShirlowandMurtagh(2006)likewiseemphasizechangestotheurban
landscapeproducedthroughconstantlynegotiatedandcontestedspatialpractices,
contendingthat“divisionisnotstaticbutisbeingmaintainedwithinaworldthat
constantlyalters”(7).Thequestionstheyaskaboutmobilityandimmobilityare
particularlyimportant.
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The“intertwinedmutationofurbanspacesandculturalorders”(Hartigan
1999:52)hasalsobeenextensivelyexploredintheAmericancontext.Whilehere
theboundariesaredrawnalongdifferentlines–poverty,crime,andracearemore
importantthanarmedconflict–Americanurbananthropologyhascomefarfrom
RobertE.Park’s(1925)earlydefinitionofthecityasamosaicofsocialworldswhich
“touchbutdonotinterpenetrate.”SallyEngleMerry’s(1981)earlyworkon
perceptionsofdangerwasimportantinshowingthewaysurbanspaceis
transformedasfearis“encoded”onthelandscape.Thestrengthofherwork,for
me,liesinherdetailedethnographicanalysisoftheways“patternsofstayingaway”
areworkedoutthroughdailymovementsandinteractions.Morerecently,John
Hartigan(1991)exploresthe“nuancedterrain”ofclassandracialdifferenceasthey
mapontourbanspace.Hepayscarefulattentiontotheroleoflanguageinshaping
thelocalinflectionsthroughwhichpeopleunderstandandexperiencethe
significanceofraceandclass.The“interpretiverepertoires”thatpeopledeployto
makesenseof“encounters,avoidances,andexchanges”(3)areshowntobekey
waysthroughwhichracializedandclassedidentitiesareconfiguredand
reconfiguredinurbanspace.
Anotherrecentethnographythatpicksupontheimportanceoflanguagein
theongoingproductionofsocialboundariesisTeresaCaldeira’sCityofWalls:Crime,
Segregation,andCitizenshipinSaoPaulo(2000).Caldeiraoffersanethnographic
analysisofthewayscrime,fearofviolence,andthedegradationofcitizenshiprights
intersectinchangestotheurbanlandscape.Shepresentsfascinatinginterviewdata
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tosupportherarguments,includingnarrativesofviolencethatcloselyresonate
withthoseIanalyzeinChapterFour,arguingthat:
Likeothereverydaypracticesofdealingwithviolence,crimestories
trytorecreateastablemapforaworldthathasbeenshaken.These
narrativesandpracticesimposepartitions,buildupwalls,delineate
andenclosespaces,establishdistances,segregate,differentiate,
imposeprohibitions,multiplyrulesofavoidanceandexclusion,and
restrictmovements.Inshort,theysimplifyandenclosetheworld
(20).
ThestrengthofCaldeira’sanalysis,forme,liesinherinsistenceonthecentralrole
ofeverydayconversationinshapingandtransformingsocialboundaries.
InthisdissertationIaimtounderstandtheproductionandtheimpactof
shiftingsocialboundariesinatimeofconflictandchange,andtheimbricationof
space,violence,andfear.InthisregardIparticipateinconversationsraisedby
theseauthors,thoughthelandscapeinwhichmyanalysisissetisnotanurbanone.
IntheIsraelicontextdivided(or“mixed”)townsandcitiesaretheobviousplaceto
examinesegregationbetweenJewsandPalestinians,andthesehavebeen
extensivelystudied(seeMonterescuandRabinowitzeds.2007,Misselwitzand
Rienietseds.2006,Yacobi2004,Torstrick2000,Rabinowitz1997,Romannand
Weingrod1991,Benvenisti1983).Butitisnotasthoughtheresidentsofakibbutz
(arelativelyprivileged,exclusivelyJewishspace),forexample,donotparticipatein
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excludingPalestiniansfromIsraelipublicspace.11Recentworkonsuburbsand
otherexurbanspaces(e.g.,DuncanandDuncan2004)encouragesustoask:Ifwe
thinkofthespatializationofviolenceandfearprimarilyintermsofcityspaces,what
kindsofdynamicsofscaleandmovementareobscured?Ifweconsideronlythose
wholiveinthesamecityastheir‘others’tobeparticipatinginsegregation,what
kindsofpracticesofexclusiondoweoverlook?Inmovingbeyondtheurbanthis
projectparticipatesinproblematizingquestionsofscopeandscaleinworkon
dividedlandscapes.Italsoaimstoexploresuchlandscapesthroughanovelanalytic
approach:theintersectionoflinguisticandspatialpractice.
5.Linguisticandspatialpractice
InthisdissertationIfocusontheintersectionoflinguisticandspatialpractice
inacontextofconflictandchange.Iexaminepeople’spracticalengagementswith
thespacesandplacesoftheirdailylivesanduncoverthewaystheseactivitiesare
mediatedandaccomplishedthroughlanguage.Thatis,Ilookathowpeopleshape
theirsurroundingsastheynavigatein,around,andthroughthem–discursivelyand
spatially.Morespecifically,Ifocusonhowsuchmovementsandinteractionsare
changinginresponsetoviolentconflictand,inturn,howthesechangingpractices
articulatewithchangesinrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.Itismy
contentionthatthe‘ordinary,’‘everyday’movementsofIsraeliJewsareintimately
11StudiesofsegregationinruralareasofIsraelhavefocusedonthewaysregionalplanningprocessesreproduceinequalityandexclusion(seeYiftachel1992,2006),butthefocusonpeopleandpracticestakenupinstudiesofmixedcommunitieshasnotbeenexploredinthiscontext,norhavethechangesbroughtaboutbyfearandviolence.
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boundupwiththewaysdifference,belonging,andcitizenshipareorganizedona
nationalscale.Morebroadly,myanalysissuggeststhatthelinksbetweenchanging
linguisticandspatialpracticesandchangingboundariesofnationalbelonging
shouldbemorefullyexplored.
Practice,asanorientationtosocialtheory,iswidelyunderstoodtohave
emergedinthelate1970sandearly1980s,withtheworkofPierreBourdieu
(1977[1972]),AnthonyGiddens(1979),MicheldeCerteau(1984),andothers.
Broadlyspeaking,theemphasisonpracticeemergedinreactiontothelimitationsof
earliertheoreticalframeworks,particularlythosethatover‐emphasizedstructure.
Practicetheoristsshiftedthefocusofanalysisfromstructuringrulesandsystems
(betheysymbolic,social,linguistic,oreconomic)totheactionsandinterestsof
individual‘actors’or‘agents’–theirordinary“waysofoperating”(deCerteau
1984:xiii)–astheyshapeandinturnareshapedby“historicallysituatedsystemsof
meaning”(CollierandYanagasako1989:36).Genealogiesofpracticetheorymaybe
tracedacrossarangeofdisciplines,alongpathsoverlappingandoftenobscuring
eachother(seeMcElhinny1998),astheconceptofpracticeistakenupbyand
adaptedtoverydifferenttheoreticalandpoliticalprojects.
Myworkdrawsontheconceptofpracticemoreasanapproachthanas
eithertheory,method,orsymbol(seeMcElhinnyandMuehlmann2006:699,Collier
andYanagasako1989,Ortner1984).Idonotattemptinthisthesistoresolveanyof
theclassictensionsordebatesassociatedwithpracticetheory.12Rather,Iusethe
12Idonotclaimtoovercome,onceandforall,thedividebetweenstructureandagencyanditsattendantdichotomies(forrecentdiscussionsofagencyseeBourgois
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conceptinanattempttodrawtogetherdivergentbodiesofliterature,someofthem
derivedfromtheworkofpracticetheorists,whichtogetherallowmetoapproach
theintersectionoflanguageuseandlivedspaceinacontextofconflictandchange.
Inparticular,Idrawontheconceptofpracticeasithasbeenvariouslyarticulated
byfeministanthropologists(seeOrtner1984,1996,CollierandYanagasako1989,
McElhinny1998),linguisticanthropologists(seeGoodwin1990,Hanks1990,Eckert
andMcConnell‐Ginet1992),andcriticalgeographers(seeLeFebvre1991[1958],
1991[1974],13Massey2005,Harvey2001,Soja1996).Forme,theappealofthe
approachliesinitsusefulnessinforegroundingchange,theeveryday,andthe
ongoingproductionofsocialreality.
Ortner(2006:16‐17)explainstheappealofpracticetheorytofeminists,
Marxists,andothercriticalanalystsinterestedinsocialchangeasfollows:“theidea
thattheworldis‘made’–inaveryextendedandcomplexsense,ofcourse–through
theactionsofordinarypeoplealsomeantthatitcouldbeunmadeandremade.”One
ofthewaysthatthemakingandunmakingofthesocialworld–ortheproduction
andreproductionofsocialrelations–hasbeentakenupcanbetracedbackto
Marx’sconcernwiththeproductionofcapital.WhileMarxwascertainlynopractice
theoristhisconcern,whentakenupbycriticalgeographersandappliedtospatial
relations,broughtconceptsofpracticeandtheeverydaytothefore.Questions
2003,Wardlow2006,Ahearn2001),nordoIpresentaunifiedtheoryofpracticewhichfinallyandadequatelyincorporatesissuesofpowerandhistory(seeOrtner2006),thoughmyworkdoesremainattentivetoboth.13Lefebvre’swork,ofcourse,wascontemporaryto,ratherthanderivedfrom,theearlytheoristsbutwaspickedupinthecriticalgeographyliteratureprimarilyafteritstranslationintoEnglishin1991.
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43
abouttheproductionofspace(Lefebvre1991,Harvey2001),theproductionofscale
(Smith1984,Brenner2001),andtheproductionofmobility(Cresswell2006)
ensued.14ItisfromthisgenealogythatIborrowtheconceptofspatialpractice.
ByspatialpracticeImeanpeople’spracticalengagementswiththespaces
andplacesoftheirdailylives–thewaystheyorienttothemandthewaysthey
navigatein,around,andthroughthem.FollowingdeCerteau(1984),Clifford
(1997:186)describesthepremiseofspatialpracticeasfollows:
‘space’isneverontologicallygiven.Itisdiscursivelymappedand
corporeallypracticed.Anurbanneighbourhood,forexample,maybe
laidoutphysicallyaccordingtoastreetplan.Butitisnotaspaceuntil
itispracticedbypeople’sactiveoccupation,theirmovementsthrough
andaroundit.
EyalWeizman(2007:7),inhisanalysisofthe“elasticgeographies”ofthefrontiersof
thePalestinianoccupiedterritories,writes:
Thevariousinhabitantsofthisfrontierdonotoperatewithinthefixed
envelopesofspace–spaceisnotthebackgroundfortheiractions,an
abstractgridonwhicheventstakeplace–butratherthemediumthat
eachoftheiractionsseekstochallenge,transform,orappropriate.
Notwithstanding–orperhapspreciselybecauseof–theinevitableovertonesof
“occupation”intheIsraelicontext,Iusespatialpracticeasananalyticinorderto
capturethewayalandscapeacquiresbothshapeandmeaningthroughthevarious
14IowetheneatformulationofthisgenealogytotheCriticalSpatialPracticereadinggroupoftheUniversityofIllinoisatUrbana‐Champaign(www.walkinginplace.org).
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waysitisoccupied–thatis,thewaysalandscapeischallenged,transformed,and
appropriatedthroughpeople’smovementsthroughitandactionsinit.InLefebvre’s
(1991:18)words,Iaimtounderstandthe“interactionbetween‘subjects’andtheir
spaceandsurroundings.”
Thefocusonspatialpracticeismeantasacorrectivetothetendency,
particularlyintheIsraelicontext,tofocusonspaceandplacethroughthelensof
thephenomenological,thesymbolic,thesacred,orthehegemonic.Spaceand
placehavefiguredprominentlyinIsraelisocialanalysis,asscholarsattemptto
makesenseofconflictingnation‐buildingprojectsthatconvergeoveracommon
territory.Israelianthropologistshavebeenparticularlyeffectiveinshowingthe
waysthatthe‘socialconstructionofplace’(seeTuan1991,HirschandO'Hanlon
1995)hasbeenimplicatedinnationalistandcolonial‐settlerprojects;theyhave
alsorevealedhowplaceandspacehavebeenusedtodefinecollectivities,tomake
claimstohistoryandterritory,andtocontrol,regulate,excludeandresist.These
studieshavelocatedthemeaningofplaceinritualandcommemorativeacts(see
Zerubavel1995,Katriel1995,HandelmanandKatz1990),inmaterial
manifestationsofsocialinterventionsinthelandscape(seeBoyarin1994on
ruins,AbuEl‐Haj2001onarchaeology),infolkloreandoralhistories(see
Slyomovics1998),butrarelyinspatialpractice(forexceptionsseeWeizman
2006,Yacobi2004).Asaresult,thesewritersoftenfocusoninstitutionalized
visionsimposedbythestate–static,homogenized,one‐sidedones–ratherthan
exploringhowsuchvisionsareinterpreted,contested,andchangedindailyways.
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Thefocusonpracticeasawaytounderstandlivedspace,then,allowsmeto
recognizethesignificanceofchangesinpeople’spracticalengagementswiththe
spacesoftheirdailylives:whethertheytakeashort‐cutorchoosenotto;whether
theystopforgasataparticularstationorwaitforthenextone;thewaystheygive
directionsandinterpretroadsigns;wheretheyvisitandhowtheyfindtheirway
home.Italsoallowsmetorecognizeandinterrogatethepoliticalresonancesof
theseeverydaymovements,linkinguptheboundariesthatareinscribedandre‐
inscribedthroughsuchpracticeswiththeboundariesthatcircumscribedifference,
identity,andbelonging.
Butifspatialpractice,followingLefebvre(1991:18),isaboutthe“interaction
between‘subjects’andtheirspaceandsurroundings,”itisalsoaboutinteractions
betweensubjectsabouttheirspaceandsurroundings.Acentralargumentofthis
dissertationisthatthemovementsandactivitiesthatgiveshapeandmeaningto
socialspacearemediated,accomplished,andproducedthroughlanguage.Like
otherdefinitionsandvisionsthatestablishourunderstandingofsocialreality,they
arealways“inscribedinlanguage,andenactedininteraction”(Gal1991:197).
Whilecriticalgeographers’analysesofspatialpracticeoftenclaimthatspace,scale,
ormobilityare,atleastinpart,“discursively”produced,theirclaimsarerarely
broughtdowntotheleveloflinguisticanalysis.Assuch,animplicitdichotomy
betweenthematerial(readasspatial)andthediscursive(readaslinguistic)is
maintained,andthedetailedwaysinwhichspatialpracticestakeshapeandare
givenmeaningisnotexplainedinthisliterature.
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Themakingandunmakingofthesocialworldisalsoacentralconcernof
linguisticanthropologists,forwhomabeliefintheproductivecapacityoflanguage–
theabilityofwordsto“contributetoproducingwhattheyapparentlydescribeor
designate”(Bourdieu1991:220emphasisinoriginal)–maybeoneofthefew
principlesthatunifyadiversediscipline.15Myworkaimstointegratetheinsights
oflinguisticanthropologistswiththoseofcriticalgeographers,lookingattheways
spatialpracticeismediated,madesenseof,accomplished–produced–through
linguisticpractice.Inturn,Iargue,itisintheintersectionofchangingspatialand
linguisticpracticesthatchangingmeaningsofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsrael
andofbeingIsraeliarenegotiated.
Inanthropology,workonlanguageandplacehasbeeneffectivein
delineatingthewaysinwhichsensesofplacearelocallyarticulated(seeJohnstone
1990,Basso1996,BassoandFeld1996,Stewart1996,Frake1996),whileafocuson
the“multivocalityandmultilocality”ofplace(Rodman1992)hasusefully
foregroundedgeographiesofdisplacementandmarginality,contestationand
resistance(Selwyn1995,Williams2001,BenderandWiner2001,Susserand
Schneider2003,BaynhamandDeFina2005,Modan2007).Theseliteratures
approachthesocialanddiscursiveconstructionofplaceintermsofexperience,
sense,memory,perception,meaning,narrative,anddiscourse;inorderto
foregroundthecentralityofchange,theeveryday,andtheongoingproductionof
sociallife,Ifocusinsteadonlinguisticpractice.
15SeealsoFraserandGordon1994:310;Butler1990:147;Williams1976:13;EckertandMcConnell‐Ginet1995:470;Foucault1972:49;Volosinov1973:19.
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Whiletheapplicationofpracticetheorytolinguisticanalysisremains
scattered(McElhinnyandMuehlmann2006:699),somefundamentalcommonalities
canbediscerned.Apracticeapproachfocusesonlanguage“asaformofactionfully
embeddedinthesocialworld,”locatinglinguisticpracticein“situatedprocessesof
verbalcommunication”andforegrounding“thearticulationofspeechwithother
aspectsofthesocialworld”(Hanks1990:9‐10).
Amongotheraspectsofthesocialworld,linguisticpracticehasbeenstudied
throughitsarticulationwithspatialknowledge,socialorganization,and
interactionalusesofspace(seeLevinson1995forreview).Posingsuchquestions
as“Howdopeoplerefertoplaces,describespatialarrangements,saywhere
someoneisgoing,andsoforth?”(Levinson1995:355),thisliteratureputseveryday
languageuseatthecentreofunderstandinghowsocialspaceisgivenmeaning.
Whiletheseanalyses–byandlarge–focusonorientationstospaceimplicitin
linguisticformssuchashonorifics(Keating1994),deictics(Hanks1990),or
elicitations(Sidnell1998),myanalysisinsteadfocusesonthoseoccasionswhen
people’spracticalengagementswithplacesbecomeexplicit.Thisworkisoriented
towardlanguageaspractice,butnotnecessarilytowardspaceaspractice,atleast
notintheovertlypoliticalsenseinwhichcriticalgeographersunderstandit.Itis
concernedwithuncoveringhowashared"tacitunderstanding"ofa"common
sense"geographyisaccomplished;suchunderstandingsmaybeeitheruniversalor
specifictolocalculturesorlanguages,buttheyarenotoftendifferentiatedwithin
them,andnotoftenshowntobeopentocontestation,negotiation,orchange
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(Sidnell’swork,1998,isanexception).Theresultisadynamic,detailed,though
decidedlydepoliticizedapproachtospace.
Incontrast,morerecentworkbyJanBlommaert,JamesCollins,Stef
Slembrouck,andothersexploresthe“dialecticofspaceandlanguage”specificallyin
relationtohierarchyandsystemicinequalityasking,amongotherquestions,“how
doesspaceorganizeregimesoflanguage”(CollinsandSlembrouck2005:198)?
Focusingonquestionsofglobalization,migration,anddiaspora,theseauthors
revisitfoundationalconceptsinlinguisticanthropologysuchascompetency,
socialization,community,andcontext,inordertoexplorehowmultilingualism“is
structuredandregimentedbyspacesandrelationsbetweenspaces”(Blommaertet.
al.2005:205).Theirargumentabouttheimplicationsofspatialanalysisforhowwe
thinkaboutlanguageisanimportantinterventionyet,whiletheydoposethe
obversesideofthequestion(CollinsandSlembrouck2005:191)–howlanguageuse
contributestotheproductionofspace–thisreceiveslessattentionintheirwork.
ItisthisquestionthatIpickuphere,alwayswithattentiontothepolitical
resonancesofbothspatialandlinguisticpractice.Thisfocusresultsinavery
differentviewoftheintersectionbetweenlanguageandlivedspacethanthatof,for
example,WilliamHanks(1990)inhisinfluentialstudyofreferentialpracticeamong
theMaya.Hanksfocusesonsocialnorms,onwhatBourdieucalledthe“immanent
regularityofpractices”(1977:22,citedinHanks12).Theseareasetofschemesor
orientationsthat“existinapracticalstateinagents’practice,andnotintheir
consciousness,orrather,theirdiscourse”(Bourdieu1977:27).Thatis,theyare
groundedinwhatactors“actuallydoandnotwhattheysaytheydo;”assuchthey
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“neednotbesubjecttodiscussionorconsciousregulation”(Hanks1990:12).While
thekindsofdailymovementsIanalyzehere–navigatingahighway,stoppingfor
gas,shoppingforgroceries,choosingaroutetoafriend’shouse–canbeunderstood
to“existinapracticalstate,”theyarefarfrombeingcommonlyagreedonortacitly
understood.Inacontextofconflictandchange,suchmovementsneedtobe
understoodbothbywhatpeopledoandbywhattheysaytheydo;theybecomeboth
practicalandideological.16Atimeofchangecallsintoquestionbothsocialnorms
andthe“regularity”ofsuchpractices.
Inacontextofdrasticchange,memoriesofviolenceandthepotentialof
futureviolencehavemadethesepracticesthesubjectnotjustofconsciousreflection
butofintensescrutiny.Thesekindsofmundane,quotidianmovementsare
constantlydiscussed,indetailandatgreatlength,astheyareconstantlychanging.It
isthesediscussionsandconversationsIfocusonhere.Ilookatthestoriespeople
tellabouttheplacestheynolongergo;thewaystheyarticulateandlocatetheir
fearsandthewaystheyassessthefearsofothers;howtheymakechoicesabout
theirmovementsandhowtheyexplain,justify,orlamentthesechoices.Iarguethat
theseconversationsdomorethanjustmakesenseofshiftingsocialboundaries;they
bringtheseboundariesintobeingand,intheprocess,theyenactbothself‐definition
andexclusion.Tounderstandthenatureofself‐definitionandexclusioninIsrael,
thenextsectionexaminesquestionsofnation,state,andcitizenshipinrelationto
thePalestinianminorityinIsrael.
16OntherelationshipbetweenpracticeandideologyseeEagleton1991:78ff.
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3.“ImplicateRelations”:PalestiniansinaJewishstate
WhileIsraelhastraditionallybeencharacterizedasaJewishdemocracy,the
contradictionthisentailsbecomesclearwhentheIsraelistateisviewedthroughthe
prismofitsrelationswiththePalestinianminority.Thisprismisitselfmulti‐
faceted,astheviewitofferschangesdependingonhowitisframed:questionsof
state,nation,citizenship,colonialism,minorityrights,orethnic/religious/national
identityhavebeenforegroundedintheworksofdifferentscholars.Workingfrom
thesediversecriticalperspectives,scholarshavecharacterizedIsraelasacolonial
power(Zureik1979),asettlersociety(Shafir1989,Kimmerling1983),asystemof
control(Lustick1980),anethnicdemocracy(Smooha1990),anethnicrepublic
(Peled1992),asystemofgraduatedcitizenship(Migdal2004,2006),andan
ethnocracy(Yiftachel1999,2006).17
Kretzmer(1990)providesadetailedanalysisofhowinstitutional
discriminationworksinIsrael,inwaysbothovertandcovert,throughbudgetary
discrimination,resourceallocation,andimplementationoflaws.Hepointsoutthat
theKnessethasthepowertoenactlawsthatinfringeuponallbasicconstitutional
principles,includingtheprincipleofequality.TheLawofReturnandtheNationality
Lawarethemainpiecesoflegislationthat“expresslyusethecriterionof‘Jew’asa
17Lustick(1980)looksatthefragmentationandcooptationofPalestiniancitizensundermilitaryrule(inthe1950sand60s),analyzingthestatemechanismsthatweredeployedtoensurecontroloverthisminority.Smooha’s(1990)ideaofethnicdemocracytriestoreconcileethnicdominancewithdemocraticprinciples.HehasbeencritiquedbyPeled(1992),whopointsoutthatthedefinitionofandaccesstopublicgoodarealwaysinJewishhands,andYiftachel(1999),whoarguesthatbecauseofethnicdominance,Israeldoesnotreallyqualifyasademocracybeyondadherencetonarrow,minimaldemocraticguidelines.IamgratefultoDanRabinowitzinwhoseclassIworkedthroughthisliterature.
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conditionforarightorprivilege”(Kretzmer1990:89).Beyondthis,non‐
governmentalorganizationssuchastheJewishAgency,theJewishNationalFund,
andtheWorldZionistOrganizationaregrantedauthorityoversuchintegralservices
asimmigrantabsorption,ownershipandallocationofland,infrastructurefornew
andexistingsettlements,waterrights,educationalinstitutions,andsocialservices:
“Whileentrustedwithtasksthatareparexcellencetasksofagovernmentalnature,
theirmandate[asJewishinstitutionsaimedatfurtheringJewishaimsonly]restricts
themtodealingwiththeJewishsector”(96).Assuch,theiractivitiesareawayto
realizediscriminatorypoliciesthat“maynotbeadoptedbygovernmentagencies
boundbytheequalityprinciple”(97).18Theselegalandextra‐legaldistinctions
convergetoshapeaprofoundlyunequalgeographythatYiftachel(1999,2006)
characterizesasanethnocracy.InChapterTwoIexploretheroleofIsrael’sland
policyregimeinundergirdinganunequalstate,whenIdescribethehistorical
geographyofWadiAra.
ThewaysexclusionandstratificationworkinIsrael,thoughextreme,arefar
fromunique,andmanyscholarsarticulatetheircriticalanalysesofIsraelthrough
theidiomofcomparison.Indeed,asonlysomeoftheseauthorsrecognize,
discriminatorypoliciesandpracticesinIsraelarenotonlysimilartobutdrawupon
andbuildontechnologiesofruleusedinavarietyofcolonial,post‐colonialand
multi‐ethniccontexts.Zureik(1979)equatestheZionistprojectwiththecolonial
trajectoryofEuropeanstates,comparingPalestinianstonativepopulationsin
18Afurthermeansofcovertdiscrimination,inKretzmer’sterms,istherequirementforarmyserviceforallJewsbutnotPalestinians,andthesubsequentrestrictionofaccesstocertainjobs,resources,orprivilegesbasedonarmyservice.
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classiccolonialsituations.Shafir(1983)andKimmerling(1989)refinethis
sweepingcomparisontospecifythehistoricalparallelstoimmigrant‐settler
societies,suchasCanada,theUS,Algeria,andSouthAfrica,inparticularwithrespect
tolandandlabour.Theypointoutthatinthesesettlersocieties,asinIsrael,landis
alienatedfromthelocalpopulation,whoarethenusedtoproducegoodsoutofthe
land.19Thishistory,theyargue,iswhatultimatelyshapesrelationsbetweenJews
andPalestinians,understoodasimmigrant‐settlersandalocalpopulation.
AnotherapproachframestherelationsofPalestiniansinIsraeltothenation
andthestateintermsofcitizenshipandminorityrights,comparingIsraeltoother
multi‐ethniccontextswhererightsaredifferentiallydistributedamongcitizens
basedonethnicity(e.g.,Rouhana1997,Sultany2003).Forexample,Rouhanaand
Ghanem(1998:322)arguethat“itisnotcitizenshipormembershipinthestate
systemthatdeterminestheextentofservicesandprivilegesthatthestatebestows
ontheindividualandthegroup:thedeterminingfactorismembershipinthe
dominantethnicclass.”JoelMigdal(2006),however,critiquescomparisonsofIsrael
tostateswithadominantethnic/nationalgroupandarelativelylargeminority
(suchasethnicLatviansandRussiansinLatviaorethnicTurksandKurdsin
Turkey),arguingthatsuchanalyses“tendtotakethevariousgroupsasgivenand
thelinesofdifferentiationasimmutable”(5).Headvocatesinstead“amore
complexmultigroup...categorization,encompassingrelationsbetweenJewsand
ArabsaswellasstatusandidentitydifferencesamongJewishsubgroupsthemselves
19Kimmerlingfocusesonthe“degreeoffrontierity”–thepresenceorabsenceoffreeland–asthecentraldistinguishingfactorinthesecases.HecharacterizesIsraelasasettlersocietywithoutafrontier.
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(and,toalesserextent,amongArabs)”(5).MigdalarguesthatIsraelisbest
characterizedasasystemof“graduatedcitizenship”:differentgroupswithinthe
statecarrydifferentlevelsofformallegalrightsandobligations(asdescribedby
Kretzmer1990)aswellasdifferentinformal,affectivefeelingsofbelongingtothe
state.Thefocusongraduatedcitizenshipasahierarchyofprivilegesand
obligationsthatisnotfixedbut“dynamic,changingunderthepressureofinter‐and
intragroupstruggle”(22)bringsothercomparisonstolight.Ong(2006)discusses
themultiplemodesofgovernancethatadministersegmentsofthepopulationin
MalaysiaandIndonesiadifferentially“intermsoftheirrelevancetoglobalcapital”
(78);Thobani(2007)discussesthewaysdominantCanadianideasofnationhood
bothrelyonandexcludeimmigrantsandFirstNations;DeGenova(2007)argues
thatthepositionofmigrantMexicanmigrantworkersinChicagoisstructuredboth
byideologiesof“nativism”andbyracializedpolaritiesbetweenblackandwhite.
YetwhilesituatingIsraelinacomparativeandhistoricalperspectiveisan
importantanalyticmove,wemustrecognizethat,asAnnStolerhasrecentlyargued,
“actsofcomparison[also]performimportantpoliticalwork”(2006:57).Stoler
pointstotheneedtohistoricizethe“politicsofcomparison”inimperialstudiesin
particular,andtotracethechangingstakesinvolvedinrecognitionofconnections
andclaimstoexception.InthecontextofIsrael/Palestine,certainlyIthinkthemore
interestingquestionisnotwhichcomparisonsaremoreapt,butratherwhichare
deployedbywhichscholars,politicians,activists,andjournalists,inwhichcontexts,
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andforwhatpurposes.20WhenisIsraelcomparedtoSouthAfrica,whento
NorthernIreland,andwhentotheUS?Whenisitseenasanexception?Whenare
PalestiniansinIsraelreadasanindigenouspopulation,whenasanethnicminority,
andwhenassecond‐classcitizens?Thoughansweringthesequestionsisbeyond
thescopeofthisdissertation,Iremainattentivetohowcomparisonscirculatein
criticalanalysesoftheIsraelistate,andtohowquestionsofinequalityinIsraelare
framed.21
Whatalltheauthorscitedaboveshare,despitetheirvariouswaysofframing
theproblem,isthegoalofdestabilizingtheconsensusaroundIsraelasaJewish
democracy.WhileIaimtoparticipateinthisimportantproject,andwhileIbuildon
theirwork,manyoftheiranalysesfocusonhowIsrael’sself‐definitionasaJewish
democracyframesanddefinescitizens,ratherthanonhowcitizensunderstand,
experience,andimaginethiscontradiction,intermsofthestate,thenation,andthe
boundariesofbelonging.AnneStoler(2006b:95)hasrecentlyarguedthat,in
imperialstudies,thefocusonmacroscalesofpolicyandstrategy,securityand
design
somehowremain[s]unmooredtomicromovementsofpeopleswho
aresubjectandscarred,beholdentoandinvestedintheseempireson
theground.Thisis...acalltoidentifythosestructuredimperial
predicamentsbytracingthemthroughthedurabilitiesofduressinthe
20Recentconflictsaround‘anti‐apartheid’campaignsonuniversitycampusesinCanada,whichcompareIsraeltoSouthAfrica’sapartheidregimeasawaytomobilizesimilartacticsofopposition,arebutonedemonstrationofthehighlychargednatureofcomparisonsinthiscontext(seeAiken‐Klar2008).21ThisissomethingIhopetoexplorefurtherinfutureresearch.
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subsoilofaffectivelandscapes,intheweightofmemory,inthe
maneuversaroundtheintimatemanagementofpeople’slives.
Myfocusonlinguisticandspatialpracticeismeanttoilluminatepreciselythese
micromovements,the“maneuversaroundtheintimatemanagementofpeople’s
lives”withinastateprofoundlystructuredbyimperiallegacies.
SteinandSwedenburg(2005:6‐7)arguealongsimilarlinesthatradical
scholarshiponIsrael/Palestinelargelyoverlookstherealmof“dailycultural
practices”becauseofadefinitionofthepoliticaloverlyinfluencedbynation‐state
paradigms.22Stein(2001:4)suggeststhatethnographycanilluminate"thefluid
waysinwhichstateinstitutionsanddiscoursesproducecitizen‐subjects,practices,
culturalformationsandregimesofintelligibility,evenastheyareproducedbyand
throughthem."(OnethnographiesofthestateseealsoGupta1995,Mitchell1991,
Scott1998,SharmaandGupta2006.)Acriticalanthropologicalperspectiveon
Israel(seeStein1998,2001,2008,Rabinowitz1997,Slyomovics1998,Kahn2000,
Kanaaneh2001,MonterescuandRabinowitz2007,Habib2004),andespeciallya
focusonlinguisticandspatialpracticeasdescribedabove,canmakevisiblethedaily
practicesthroughwhichtheIsraelistateandnationareconstituted,andthrough
whichchangingideasofIsraelandofIsraelicitizenshiparenegotiated.Iarguethat
itisparticularlyimportanttobringsuchpracticestolightinIsrael,aplacewhere,to
paraphraseBrettWilliams(2001),thestateliesheavyontheland.
22The“dailyculturalpractices”exploredintheireditedvolume,however,aregenerallylimitedto“expressive”practices,understoodaspopularculture.
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ThecriticalscholarlyliteratureonIsrael/Palestineisalsodeeplydivided,with
veryseparatehistoriesandtrajectoriesofworkonPalestiniansintheWestBank,
Gaza,andthePalestiniandiasporaontheonehand,andIsraelisontheother.23Asin
somuchelse,PalestiniansinIsraelarecaughtinbetween,excludedfromeithergroup
andoverlookedinscholarshipasinpolicyanddiplomacy(seealsoRabinowitz1998).
ThefewcriticalethnographiesofIsraelwhichtakeseriouslythepresenceof
PalestiniansinIsraeleitherstudytheminisolationorpointoutomissionsand
erasureswithoutfillingthemin(thoughseeRabinowitz1997,Slyomovics1998,
RabinowitzandMonterescu2007,Torstrick2000forexceptions).Iamnotthefirstto
pointouthowthisscholarshipremainsstuckintheverynation‐basedparadigmsit
seekstocritique(seeSteinandSwedenburg2005,Monterescu2007).Mywork,as
discussedabove,isastudyofsegregationthattriesnottoreproducethissegregation
inthetelling;Ifocusonsocialboundariestoilluminatenotdivisionbutambivalence
andflux,contactandentanglement,encounterandconfrontation,avoidanceand
disregard,distancesmaintainedinthefaceofunavoidableproximities.Itherefore
startfromtheunderstandingthatthelivesofJewsandPalestiniansinIsraelarenot
onlyhighlyinterdependent,butmutuallyconstitutive.
InthisIdrawontheworkofYuvalPortugali(1993),whocharacterizes
relationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansas“implicate,”todenote“enfoldedinward”
(xii).Thatis,hearguesthatIsraeliandPalestinianhistories,societies,and
individualscannotbedefinedorunderstoodindependentlyofeachother(39);
23SeeSteinandSwedenburg’s(2005)insightfulgenealogyofradicalscholarshiponIsrael/Palestine.
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rather,theyaremutuallyconstitutedandmutuallyconstitutive–historicallyformed
andcontinuallyformingagainsttheotherbutalwaysinrelationtotheother.
Portugaliisageographer,andhisinsightshavebeenfruitfullyappliedtothespatial
dynamicsofPalestinian‐Jewishrelationsinparticular.Monterescu(2007),inhis
analysisofthesedynamicsinJaffa(amixedcity),followsPortugaliinarguingthat
“thetwogroupsandtheiridentitieswereconstitutedinaseriesofdialectic
oppositionsandhomologieswhichnotonlyopposedeachother,butatthesame
timedialecticallycreatedeachother,indynamicbutconstantlyasymmetrical
relationsofpower”(175).Yiftachel(2006)similarlyreliesonPortugali’stheoryof
implicaterelationstoarguethatintheZionist‐Palestinianstruggleforterritory“the
spatialpracticesandideologiesofeachmovementprofoundlyinfluencedtheother”
(57):“neighbouringentitiesdevelopandchangeinconstantinteraction,becoming
‘enveloped’throughaprocessofmutuallydependentdevelopment”(8).These
analysesprovideanuancedwaytounderstandtheinterconnectionsandreflections
thatunderliewhatmayonthesurfaceappearassegregation,emphasizingthatwhat
isdividedisfarfromseparate.
ShuliDichter(2001),headoftheNGOSikkuythatworksfortheadvancement
ofcivicrightsinIsrael,beganhissubmissiontotheOrCommissionInquiryintothe
eventsofOctober2000withthefollowingcritiqueofscholarshiponPalestiniansin
Israel:
Untilthelastdecade,ingeneral,inquiriesintotherelationsbetweenthe
stateandArabcitizenshavebeenexaminedfromtheperspectiveofJews
andofthestate,meaning,theJewsareconductingtheresearchandthe
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objectbeingstudiedhasbeenArabcitizens.
Theexceptiontothisincisivecritiqueistheemergingbodyofworkonandby
PalestiniancitizensofIsrael(workingintheacademyorinNGOs),whichhas
continuedtogrowandstrengthensince2001,whenDichterwrotethis.24An
ethnographicperspectiveisregrettablyandnotablyabsentamongthesescholars
(seeKanaaneh2001fortheonlyexceptionIknowof,inEnglishorHebrew).
Dichtercontinues:
AninherentassumptionofthisapproachisthatArabcitizensand
theirbehaviorconstitutethemainvariable,andthatrelations
betweentheStateofIsraelandArabcitizensaredeterminedmainly
bythebehaviorofArabcitizens,whilethestatemerelyreacts.Only
rarelyisthebehaviorofthestateitselfexaminedcriticallyby
academicsorbystateinstitutions.25
Evenmorerarely,Iwouldargue,isthebehaviourofIsraeliJewsexaminedcritically
intermsoftheroleitplaysinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.This
dissertationattemptstocounterthetrendsdescribedbyDichterbyfocusingonthe
“implicaterelations”betweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael,asseenthroughJewish
Israelieyes.JewishIsraeliperspectivesarethusmadetheobjectofstudy,rather
thanremainingtheimplicit,unmarked,andthereforeprivilegedgaze.Thisanswers
Stein’s(2008:15)calltopaymoreseriousattentionto“boththetermsofIsraeli
24ThisisthebodyofworkIreliedoninmakingtheargumentabouttheshrinkingboundariesofPalestiniancitizenshipinthebeginningofthischapter.25Thischapter,though,citesthoseauthorswhodo.Rabinowitz(1998)similarlyarguesthatIsraelischolarstendtostudyPalestiniansocietyinisolationfromitspowerrelationshiptotheIsraelistate.
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dominanceandtheeverydayIsraeliculturalmachineryofPalestinian
dispossession.”
Dichter(2001)furtherwritesthatrelationsbetweenPalestiniansandJewsin
Israelfluctuatealongaxesofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard;the
tensionsbetweenthesepolesanimatedmyresearch,anditispreciselythe
negotiationofthis“matrix,”inlinguisticandspatialpractice,thatmyworkseeksto
understand,foritiswithinthismatrixthattheimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsand
Palestiniansareplayedout.26Dichterarguesthatthephenomenonofdisregard
“expressesthegeneralattitudeofJewstowardArabsinthecontextofIsraeli
citizenship.”HetoodrawsonPortugali’sresearchtoillustratethis,which
demonstrateshowdisregardismanifestedspatially:
Forthemostpart,JewsinIsraelignoreArablocalities,meaningthat
theydonotexistontheJews’cognitivemaps...Infact,thedisregard
describedherehasbeenoneofthelongstandingbehavioralmodesof
Jewsandofthestateinthisconflictthroughoutthepastfiftyyears...
Thephenomenonhasalsobeentermedignorance,alackof
knowledge,anabsenceoftheopportunityforsocialcontact,andso
on.Butthetruthisthatknowledgeofthefactsofblatant
discriminationisnoguaranteeofachangeinattitude;thisdisregard
maywellbewhatitappears–partofthebehaviorofarulingmajority
preoccupiedwithitselfalone,behaviorthatmerefactsareinadequate
toalter.Thedisregard,ratherthanapreventivetoconflict,isan
26SeealsoHandelmanandShamgar‐Handelman1997on“thepresenceofabsence.”
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activeconflictualbehavior:awayofhandlingtheconflictthataimsto
diminishit.Motivatedindifferenceofthissorthasmanyfaces,some
ofthemelusiveanddifficulttodistinguish.Byitsnature,itisnot
drivenbymaliciousintent,butbytheintentionnottocometogrips
withtheconflict.Generally,theonewhodisregardsinthisfashionis
surprisedwhenconfrontedwiththefactofhisdisregard,indeedwill
exerthimselftoremainunawareofit,andwillrejectthefactswhen
broughttohisattentioninonewayoranother(Dichter2001:8).
Muchofthisdissertationprovidesethnographicevidenceofthewaysthisdisregard
ismanifestedlinguisticallyandspatially,throughprocessesoferasureandof
distancing.ButthedissertationoveralltakesDichter’sargumentonestepfurtherin
exploringthepoliticsofrecognitionbehindthisdisregard.Morethanawayof
avoidingdealingwith“theconflict,”Iarguethatthisdisregardisawaytoavoid
confrontingthefundamentalcontradictionentailedinIsrael’sself‐definitionasa
Jewishdemocracy.ItthereforeplaysacrucialroleinconstitutingIsraeliJewish
nationalidentity.
Iwouldarguethatthisisthesamepoliticsofrecognitionthatunderlies
BenedictAnderson’sinfluentialdefinitionofthenationas“animaginedpolitical
community.”Andersonarguesthatthenationis“imaginedbecausethemembersof
eventhesmallestnationwillneverknowmostoftheirfellow‐members,meetthem,
orevenhearofthem,yetinthemindsofeachlivestheimageoftheircommunion”
(6).Thenationalcommunity,then,isconstitutedthroughanimaginativeactof
recognition–that“imageofcommunion”thatconnectsfellow‐membersseparated
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byspaceandeventime.Forthoughtheymaynevercomefacetoface,theyare
linkedbytheirsharedexperienceofthespaceandtimethatseparatethemor,more
specifically,byanimaginativeawarenessofthissharedexperience.Theythus
conceiveoftheirnationas“asolidcommunity”movingsteadilyonwardthrough
sharedcalendricaltime(27),throughashared“familiar”landscape(32),andina
commonlanguage(44).Inreadingthemorningpaperorsingingthenational
anthem,theindividualislinkedtoothermembersofthenationthroughthe
awarenessthatthissame“massceremony”“isbeingreplicatedsimultaneouslyby
thousands(ormillions)ofothersofwhoseexistenceheisconfident,yetofwhose
identityhehasnottheslightestnotion”(35).
Ifitisthroughtherecognitionofthis“experienceofsimultaneity”(145)that
thenationisconstituted,thenitispreciselythroughthedenialofrecognitionthat
thedividednationalcommunityinIsraelisimagined.InIsraelPalestiniansandJews
tracewidelydivergentpatternsofcollectivememoryoveracommonpastandover
acommonlandscape(Slyomovics1998:xii;seealso,e.g.,AbuEl‐Haj2001,
Benvenisti2000,Boyarin1994).Theynotonlylocateandlocalize(Slyomovics
1998)imagesofaradicallydifferentpastinthesameplace,theyalsomovethrough
differentcalendricalcycles,whichareinturnlocatedandlocalizedindifferent
spacesandinscribedindifferentlanguages.Storesandmarketsareclosedon
SaturdayinJewishneighbourhoods,andonFridayinPalestinianones;the
calendricalcycleofIsraelinationalholidaysandstateceremoniesisbasedona
narrativethatdeniesthepresenceofPalestinians,orrendersthemonlyasanenemy
(HandelmanandKatz1990);Israelinationalsymbolslikethenationalanthem
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likewiseexcludePalestinians(Rabinowitzet.al.2000).The“experienceof
simultaneity”fortheJewishmajorityinIsraelthusdependsontheactivedisregard
ofthosewhomitexcludes.
Thisdenialofrecognitionisnotcontradictorynorperipheralbutintegralto
theconstitutionoftheIsraelinationalwhole.Inmanywaysthisdissertationis
concernedwiththewaysIsraeliJewsimaginethenationasadividedcommunity:
itsbordersandboundaries,itsinternalfrontiers,anditsothers.Iexaminethe
practicesthroughwhichmanyIsraeliJews–who,followingAnderson,donotknow,
meet,hear,orseemostoftheirfellow‐members–contrivetorecognizeonlysomeof
thesefellow‐members,disregardingothers,orimaginativelyconstructingtheir
absence.Iargueforthecrucialroleofdailylinguisticandspatialpracticein
imaginingthisdivide.Ialsoconsidermaps,census,andidentitycards(seeChapter
Three),roadsigns(seeChapterFive),placenamesandmuseums(seeChapterSix)–
centraltechnologiesthroughwhichthestateshapesthisdivide,butalsokeysites
whereboundariesofbelongingareactivelynegotiated.IarguethatinIsrael
nationalbelongingisconstructedinpartthroughtheimaginationoftheabsenceof
Palestinians,thatthenationisconstitutedinpartthroughthisexclusion.
SuneraThobanihasrecentlyarguedthatinCanadaitistheexclusionofthe
other(FirstNations,immigrants)that“rendersthenationpossibleandcoherent”
(2007:20):“thenationalsubjectisnotonlyexistentiallybutalsoinstitutionallyand
systematicallydefinedindirectrelationtotheoutsider”(Thobani2007:5).Further,
followingfeministandpostcolonialcritiquesofnationalismmoregenerally,she
pointsoutthat“anationalidentitythatisformedprimarilyinrelationtothatwhich
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itexcludesremainstiedtotheexcluded,andtheexcludedOtherbecomesthe
nation’sdouble”(20);inotherwords,theirrelationshipisalwaysimplicate,always
enfoldedinward,alwayswrappeduponeintheother.Likeconstructionsof
nationhoodinothersettlersocietiessuchasCanada,Iargue,constitutionofIsraeli
nationalidentityreliesbothonitsformsofalterityandontheirdenial.Thefigures
of“thenative”and“thestranger,”arguablyconflatedinthecaseofPalestinians
Israelis,playacriticalrolein“hownationalsubjectsexperienceandconfigurethe
nationalcommunity’sborders”(Thobani2007:15).InthewordsofAmyKaplan
(quotedinStoler2006b:100),thesefigures“bothremainlodgedwithinthe
‘domestic’senseofthe...nationandcastadarkshadowacrossitsunstable
borders.”
IwouldarguethatthedisregarddescribedbyShuliDichterissodeeply
entrenchedpreciselybecauserecognitionofPalestiniansinIsraelnecessitatesnot
justcomingtogripswith“theconflict”butapainfulreckoningwiththefundamental
contradictioninIsrael’sself‐definition.Thatis,onlybyignoringthepresenceof
Palestiniansintheirmidst(disregardingthem,denyingthemrecognition,actively
imaginingtheirabsence)canIsraeliJewsmaintaintheirself‐imageascitizensofa
statethatisbothJewishanddemocratic.27Torecognizetheimpossibilityofthe
Palestinians’positionandthevalidityoftheirdemandsistoacknowledgetheneed
27SeealsoRouhanaandSultany(2003:8)onthe“self‐deceivingconsensus”:“NoZionistparty,includingontheLeft,haseveracknowledgedthefundamentalcontradictionbetweenIsraelasanethnicJewishstateanditsclaimstobedemocratic.Onepossibleexplanationforthisdenialisthe‘invisibility’oftheArabminorityforIsraeliJews.Theprevailingattitudeofthegeneralpublic...isthatifIsraelisthestateoftheJewishpeople,andiftheJewishcitizensenjoydemocracy,thenIsraelbydefinitionmustbebothJewishanddemocratic.”
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forafundamentalreconsiderationoftheveryessenceofIsrael.Iwouldarguethat
thishaslongbeenthefundamentaldynamicofJewish‐Palestinianrelations,butthe
eventsofOctober2000andfollowinghavebroughtthispainfullyanddramatically
tothefore.InthenextchapterIdescribethehistoricalandgeographicalprocesses
throughwhichthismatrixofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard,was
formed.Inthechaptersthatfollow,IanalyzehowpeopleinWadiAranavigatethis
matrixastheymovethroughadividedlandscape.
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ChapterTwo
WadiAra:ADividedLandscape
1.Introduction
InthischapterIsetthesceneforthechaptersthatfollowbysketchingthe
geographical,historical,andpoliticallandscapeinwhichthisdissertationissituated
andintroducingtheplaceswhere,andthepeoplewithwhom,Ididmyfieldwork.In
thefirstsection,IoutlinethecontoursofWadiAraandthehistoryofwar,
dispossession,landconfiscation,andpreferentialsettlementthathasshapedthis
dividedlandscape.Thesecondsectionentailsadescriptionofmyprimaryfieldsite,
GivatHaviva,anintroductiontothepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork,anda
discussionofmymethodologies.
Ibeginwithanimportantnoteoncontext.Whilethisdissertationfocuseson
WadiAra,itisimportanttokeepinmindthesituationinIsrael/Palestinegenerally
duringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork.DuringthetimeIwasinIsraelaSharon‐led
Likudgovernmentwasinpower;theplanfordisengagementfromGazawas
announced(December2003)andwascarriedoutthesummerafterIleft(August
2005);constructionoftheseparationwall(beguninJune2002)wasprogressing,
withthenorthernsectionthatrunsjustsouthofWadiAracompletedwhileIwas
livinginthearea;twoleadersofIslamicHamas(SheikhAhmadYassinandAbed
AzizalRantissi)wereassassinatedbyIsraeliforces(MarchandAprilof2004);
YasserArafatdiedinParis(November2004);MahmudAbbaswaselectedtothe
presidencyofthePalestinianAuthority(January2005).InWadiAraalone,inthe
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threeyearsbetweenOctober2000andmyarrivalinthefield,29peoplewerekilled
interroristattacks.
OrenYiftachel(2006)hasrecentlyarguedthat“theentireareaunderIsraeli
control–thatis,Israel/Palestinebetweenriverandsea–shouldbeanalyzedasone
political‐geographicunit”(8).Whilehisargumentiscompelling,andwhilethe
followingchaptersshouldbereadwiththesituationinGazaandtheWestBank
alwaysinmind,itshouldbenotedthatthefocusofthisdissertationdoesremain
firmlywithinthegreenline.Thisreflectsboththelimitsofmyexpertiseandthe
perspectivesandexperiencesofthosewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork.1
2.WadiAra:Criticalhistoricalgeographyofadividedlandscape
WadiAraisthenameofawide,shallowvalleyinthenorthofIsrael(see
mapsandfigures2.1‐2.4).IfyoufollowthecoastalplainnorthfromTelAviv,about
aforty‐fiveminutedrive,andthenturneast,youcanfollowthisvalleyacrossthe
widthofthecountry,asitskirtsthenorthernendofthehillsoftheWestBank.A
highwayrunsthroughthevalley,andtheslopinghillsthatriseoneithersideofit
arecoveredwithfarmland,interspersedwithmostlyPalestinianvillages,afew
Jewishones,andonePalestiniancity:UmelFachem.Thenorthernslopesofthe
WadimergewiththegreenplateaucalledinHebrewRamatMenashe,afterthe
biblicaltribethatsettledinthatarea;inArabicitiscalledRoha,meaningrest,since
itwasaplacewheretravelersonanancienttraderoutewouldrestontheirjourney.
1ForarecentethnographicaccountofsocialandspatialpracticeintheWestBankduringthesecondintifada,seeAllen(2008).
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Tothenorth‐west,beyondthisplateau,theCarmelmountainsrisetowardHaifa,
anddirectlytothenorthliestheGalilregion.TheWadi’seasternendconnectswith
avalleycalledIbnAmerinArabic,forthetribewholivedthereinOttomantimes,
andYizraelinHebrew.ThecityofNazarethliestothenorth‐east,andAfulais
locatedatthejunctionofthetwovalleys.TheWadi’swesternendslopestoward
Haderaonthecoastalplane.
Thegreenline,thearmisticelineofthe1948‐49warthatseparatesIsrael
fromtheoccupiedterritoriesofGazaandtheWestBank,runsjustoverthesouthern
slopes,immediatelybehindUmelFachem.Duringthetimeofmyfieldwork,the
portionofthewallthatrunsthroughthisareawascompleted,sealingWadiAra
fromthehillsoftheWestBanktothesouth.ThismeansthatWadiAraroadisthe
firstplaceyoucandriveacrossIsrael,easttowest,asyougonorthfromthecentre
ofthecountry,connectingtheheavilypopulatedcoastalplaintothelowerGaliland
EmekYizrael.ThecountlessstandstilltrafficjamsIhavesatinattesttothevalley’s
centralityasanaccessroutetothenorth;onweekendsandholidaystrafficis
routinelyatastandstillfromMegiddotoHighway6,andyoucanseethebraveror
morefoolhardydriversbumpingalongthefieldsthatlinetheroadastheybypass
you.ThehillstothesouthhavemeantthatWadiArahasplayedthisroleof
crossroadsforcenturies–longbeforethecurrentconfigurationofbordersand
traffic.ThehighwayfollowsthepathofanancienttraderoutebetweenEgyptand
theareathatisnowSyriaandLebanon.
ThemajorityoftheresidentsofWadiAraaregenerallyreferredtoinIsrael
as“IsraeliArabs”andcollectivelyas“theArabsector.”Incontrast,Irefertothemas
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PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,amarkerofpoliticalandnationalidentitywithwhich
theyincreasinglyidentify(seeOzacky‐LazarandGhanem2001:59,Smooha2004),2
andwhichemphasizesthatIsraelinessformanyisaquestionofcitizenshipandnot
ofnationality;thatis,manyseetheirnationalidentityasPalestinianandtheir
citizenshipasIsraeli.3Rabinowitz(1993)furtherexplainsthatthecommonlabelof
'IsraeliArab'isimposed,notchosen,emphasizescultureovernationality,and
silencesthelinkwhichPalestinianshavetothedisputedland.ThesePalestinians
(asopposedtothoseintheWestBank,Gaza,orthePalestinianDiaspora)liveinthe
stateofIsrael,asdemarcatedbythegreenline,andhaveIsraelicitizenship.They
livemostlyintheNegev,theGalil,theTriangleregionandWadiAra,andinthe
mixedcitiesofLod,Ramle,Yaffo,Haifa,andJerusalem(seemaps).
Theparticularityoftheirsituationdatesbacktotheendofthe1948warthat
followedthedeclarationofthefoundingofthestateofIsrael,knownastheWarof
IndependencetoIsraeliJewsandasal‐NaqbahortheCatastrophetoPalestinians.
ThiswardrasticallyreconfiguredtheterritoryofIsrael/Palestineingeneraland
WadiArainparticular.4In1947therewereapproximately600,000Jewsin
2TheresultsoftwosurveysconductedbyAs’adGhanemprovidestatisticalevidenceofthischange.Inresponsetothequestion“Whichofthefollowingbestdescribesyouridentity?”in1995,38.4%chose“IsraeliArab”while27.4%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael”;in2001,21.8%chose“IsraeliArab”while36.2%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael.”InaseparatesurveyconductedbySammySmooha(Smooha2004),22.9%chose“IsraeliArab”and41%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael.”3Theterm“IsraeliArab”isusedinthethesiswhenIamrelayingthewordsorperspectivesofotherswhothemselvesuseit.Thisisbecausethelabelsareanimportantpartofidentifyingandunderstandingdifferentperspectives.4Themostcommonlycitedsourcesonthe1948warinthecriticalliteratureonPalestiniancitizensofIsraelareBennyMorris(1989)andWalidKhalidi(1992).On
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Palestine,theirlandholdingscovering8%oftheterritory;by1949,78%ofthis
territorywasinJewishhands(Yiftachel2006:58).5Between700,000and750,000
Palestiniansweredisplacedfromtheirhomesandbecamerefugees,andmorethan
420villagesweredestroyed.ThenumberofPalestinianswhoremainedwithinthe
greenlinebordersofIsraelattheendofthe1948warisoftenestimatedat160,000
–approximatelyonesixthofthepopulationbeforethewar.Israelicitizenshipwas
grantedtoallthosewhoeitherremainedwithinIsraelthroughoutthe1948war,
returnedthereshortlyafter,orhavebeenborntheresince.Althoughmany
PalestiniancitizensofIsraelfeel“solidarity,unity,andasharedfate”(Rabinowitz
1997),aswellasasharedhistory,withthosePalestinianslivingoutsidethegreen
thehighlycontestedhistoriographyofthe1948warseee.g.,Ram(1996).Inparticular,theissueofwhetherPalestinianrefugees“fled”orwere“expelled”isahighlycontentiousone.5InthischapterIreportstatisticalandnumericaldatagatheredbyotherswithsomefrequency.WhileIrecognize,alongwithIanHacking(1990),MaryPoovey(1998),CharlesBriggs(2003),andothers,thatthecollectionandcirculationofsuchnumbersisheavilyimplicatedinnationalprojectsofproducing,maintaining,andsurveillingdifference,Ifoundthemimpossibletoavoid.TheyaresuchasignificantpartofhowPalestiniansinIsrael(likeotherminoritizedorindigenousgroups)arerepresented,andofhowtheyhavecometorepresentthemselves.Reportsofnumbersofrefugeesdisplaced,villagesdestroyed,anddunamsoflandconfiscatedcirculateinacademia(asinotherarenas)inattemptstodrawattentiontothehistoricalwrongsdonetoPalestiniansinIsrael.Similarly,statisticsonpoverty,unemployment,andinadequatefundingforeducationorinfrastructureareincreasinglyusedtocallattentiontothecontemporarysituationofthisgroup.ThismayhavesomethingtodowiththerecenttrendLaurieKingIrani(2007b)hasidentifiedtowardtheuseofthediscoursesandtermsofinternationallawandhumanrightsinadvocacyworkbyandforPalestiniansinIsrael.Manyofthesenumbersaredebated,oftenfiercely(seeRam1996),andcertainlytheyarewieldedbyspecificsourcesforspecificpurposes,butthisisnotmyfocushere.Incasesofdiscrepancyordebate,Ihavechosentopresentthenumbersmostconsistentlyoffered,orofferedbythosescholarsororganizationswhomImosttrustandwhosepurposesImostagreewith.
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line–includingthoselivinginvillagesvisiblefromtheirwindows–theirIsraeli
citizenshiphasmeantthattheyhavelivedverydifferentlives.
Comprisingapproximately20percentofthepopulationofIsrael,
PalestiniansinIsraelareprecariouslysituatedandvariouslyunderstoodasa
religious,linguistic,cultural,ethnic,andsometimesnationalminority.Whichever
wayyoudefinetheirminoritystatus,thefactremainsthattheyaresystematically
deniedfullrightsascitizensonthebasisofthisstatus.WhiletheyareequaltoJews
“atthedeclaratorylevel”(Payes2005:7),Israel’sself‐definitionasaJewishstateis
usedtojustifyunequalbudgetallocationsanddiscriminatorylawsonissuessuchas
housing,education,andpoliticalparticipation(seeKretzmer1990,ChapterOne).
Someofthemostwidelycirculatedofthestatisticsgatheredinthelasteightyears
thatdemonstratesocialandeconomicdeprivation,underdevelopment,
unemployment,poverty,andexclusionamongPalestiniansinIsraelincludethe
following(fromDalal2003,Dichter2001,Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001,Payes
2005,RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005):
• Three‐quartersofthecommunitiesdefinedbyIsrael’sBureauofStatisticsas
low‐incomearePalestinian.
• TheinfantmortalityrateforPalestiniansisnearlydoublethatofJews.
• The24townswiththehighestratesofunemploymentareallPalestinian
towns.
• ThepovertylevelamongPalestinianchildrenisthreetimeshigherthanthat
amongJewishchildren.
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• Palestinianlocalcouncilsreceive50percentlessfundingpercapitafromthe
governmentthanJewishIsraelicouncilsreceive.
• Only5.7%ofallcivilservantsarePalestiniancitizens,andofthese
only2%havepolicy‐relatedroles.
• Inacademia,approximately50collegeanduniversitylecturersare
Palestinians,amongapproximately5,000overall.
Underlyingthisinequalityisalonghistoryofdispossession,confiscation,and
marginalizationfromlandandterritory.
OrenYiftachel(2006:143),ageographerwhoseworkonthisissueiswidely
cited,arguesthatitisthestate’slandpolicythatcreatesthespatialfoundationfor
whathecallstheIsraeli“ethnocraticregime.”Hesummarizesthisgeographyof
inequalityasfollows:
• Palestinianscomprisebetween16and18percentofthepopulationbut
privatelyown3.5percentofavailableland;theareaofmunicipaljurisdiction
forArabmunicipalitiescovers2.5percentoftheareaofIsrael.
• OverhalfofthelandownedbyArabsin1948hasbeenexpropriatedbythe
state.
• Palestiniansareblockedfrombuying,leasing,orusinglandin80percentof
statelandarea.
• Morethan700Jewishlocalitieshavebeenbuiltsincethefoundingofthestate;
duringthesametimenonewPalestiniansettlementshavebeenbuilt.
Tounderstandhowthisgeographyofinequalitycametobe,wemustreturntoWadi
Araattheendofthe1948war.
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TheborderintheareawascreatedinApril1949,whenthearmistice
agreementsbetweenIsraelandJordanweresignedatRhodes,afterthewar.Wadi
ArawashandedovertoIsraelinexchangeforlandinthehillsofHebron,andthe
residentsoftheWadi,likeotherPalestinianswhoremainedwithinthegreenlineat
theendofthewar,weregrantedIsraelicitizenship.Newman(1995)explainsWadi
Ara’sstrategicimportanceatthetimeasfollows:
Israelinsistedoncontrollingkeytransportationroutesthatlinked
differentpartsofthecountry,evenifitmeantsignificantdeviation
fromtheceasefirelines.Thisinvolvedterritorialexchanges.The
inclusionoftheWadiArrahregion,includingfifteenArabvillages
withinIsraelwasagreedtobytheJordanianssothatIsraelwouldnot
reopennegotiationsoverpartsofSamaria(Pappe1992).Controlof
thisarea,includingsomestrategiclocationsinthesurrounding
foothills,ensuredIsraelicontrolovertheroadlinkingthetownsof
AfulaintheeasttoHaderainthecoastalplain[i.e.,WadiAraRoad].
WadiAra’scentralroleinmobilityandaccessintheregionhasrepeatedlybeenkey
inshapingthefateofitsresidents.Thecontinuedimportanceoftheregioninthe
geographyofcontemporaryIsraelwasdemonstratedduringtheeventsofOctober
2000:keepingtheroadsclearandunblockedbyprotesterswasconsideredofthe
higheststrategicimportance,andseniorofficialswerequotedsayingthattheroute
mustbeopened“atanycost.”
Forthisreasontheborderintheregion,aselsewhere,followedstrategic
imperativesthatprovedtomakelittlesenseinhumanterms.Therouteofthegreen
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lineintheareaessentiallysplitinhalfacorridorofheavilypopulatedArabland:
“Whathadpreviouslybeenasinglefunctionalandculturalspacesuddenlyfound
itselfdividedbetweentwoseparatepoliticalentities”(Newman1995:9).Themost
dramaticexampleofthisisthetownofBarta’a,splitdownthemiddlebetweeneast
andwest,WestBankandIsrael(seeChapterSix,Grossman1992),butseparating
theadjacenturbancentresofUmelFachemandJeninwasequallyarbitrary.
ThenewbordermeantthattheresidentsofWadiAra–Arabcitizensina
newJewishstate–followedaveryseparatetrajectoryfromtheirneighboursacross
thegreenline.Forthefirstseventeenyearsoftheircitizenship,until1966,they
wereundermilitaryrule.Duringthistime,theIsraeligovernmentimplementedan
aggressiveprojectofsettlement,aimedatconsolidatingitsnewbordersand
maintainingademographicadvantagebybuildingandpopulatingnewsettlements,
forJewsonly,onlandpreviouslyinhabitedbyPalestiniansdisplacedinthewar.To
facilitatethisavarietyofnewlawsandregulationsenabledtheconfiscationof
1,288,000dunams6ofArabland(Benvenisti2000:162).7Landcontinuedtobe
confiscatedfromtheremainingPalestiniantownsandvillages,effectivelycuttingoff
theirfuturegrowth.Jiryis(1976)reportsthatUmelFachemandthesurrounding
townsinWadiAralostover40,000dunamsbetween1945and1962.
6AdunamisaunitofareausedbytheOttomansandstillusedinIsraelandothercountriesthatwereformerlypartoftheOttomanempire.Ithasbeenstandardizedinavarietyofwaysindifferentcountries;inIsraelitisequalto1,000squaremetres.7Themostimportantofthesewasthe1950LawontheAcquisitionofAbsentees’Property,whichallowedthestatetoconfiscatethepropertyofanyonewhodidnotoccupyhisorherpropertyonSeptember1,1948.ThisaffectedhundredsofthousandsofPalestinianswhoweredisplacedbytheeventsofthewar,andwereonthatdayeitherindifferentpartsofIsraeloroutsidethecountry.
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Bytheendof1949,117newJewishsettlementshadbeenfoundedwithinthe
newbordersofIsrael(Newman1995);bytheendofthe1960sover600Jewish
settlementshadbeenfounded(Yiftachel1999).TheinfluxofJewishrefugeesand
immigrants,fromEuropeandNorthAfrica,wasmobilizedforstateimperativesand
settledinthenew“developmenttowns”ofthe“periphery.”8Meanwhile,notasingle
newPalestiniansettlementhasbeenbuiltsince1948(Dalal2003,Yiftachel2006).
OrenYiftachel(1999:372)callsthiscombinationofdisplacement,confiscation,and
selectivesettlementa“state‐orchestratedandessentiallynon‐democratic
Judaizationproject.”9(SeealsoBenvenisti2000:Chapters4,5,Jiryis1976.)
Thenewbordersofthestatewerepriorityareasforsettlementinthe1950s,
andWadiArawasoneoffivestrategic‘frontier’regionstargetedforsettlement
8Thispolicyhadtheeffectofcreatingandsegregatinganethnicunderclass,forginga“geographyofdependence”(Yiftachel1999:375)thatunderliesrelationsbetweenJewsinIsrael.Thesettlementof“mizrahim”–JewsofNorthAfricanorMiddleEasterndescentwhoimmigratedtoIsraelafterthefoundingofthestate–indevelopmenttownsand“frontier”urbanneighbourhoodsplayedasignificantroleinestablishingandcontinuingtheirunequalanddiscriminatorypositioninthestate.Yiftachel(1999:381)arguesthattheyare“positioned–culturallyandgeographically–betweenArabandJew,betweenIsraelanditshostileneighbours,betweena‘backward’Easternpastanda‘progressive’Westernfuture.”9Yiftacheldescribesthedevelopmentoftwoparallelprocessesonthesameland,whichwerefundamentaltotheestablishmentofIsraelaswhathecallsanethnocracy:“thevisibleestablishmentofdemocraticinstitutionsandprocedures,andamoreconcealedyetsystematicandcoerciveseizureoftheterritorybythedominantethnicgroup”(372).Essentially,thiswasaccomplishedbygrantingnon‐stateorganizationssuchastheJewishNationalFund,theJewishAgency,andtheZionistFederationauthorityoverland,development,andsettlement.Theresultinginstitutionalandlegallandsystemmeantthatlandcouldbetransferredintothehandsoftheseunaccountablebodies,whocouldthenimposewhatevernon‐democraticlimitstheywantedonit–suchasprohibitingnon‐Jewsfrombuyingitorbuildingahouseonit.Thisensuredthatconfiscatedlandbecame“ajointpossessionofthestateandtheentireJewishpeople”(373),thatitcouldneverbesold,andthatalllandtransferswereunidirectional:“fromPalestiniantoJewishhands,andneverviceversa”(373).
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activitybeginningin1949(Newman1995).Thefrontier“becameacentraliconand
itssettlementwasconsideredoneofthehighestachievementsofanyZionist...The
glorificationofthefrontierthusassistedbothintheconstructionofnationalJewish
identityandincapturingphysicalspaceonwhichthisidentitycouldbeterritorially
constructed”(Yiftachel1999:372).“Strategicdepth”and“territorialcontiguity”of
JewswerekeyimperativesdrivingsettlementinIsrael,andareasinhabitedby
Arabswithinthestatethusbecomeaninternalfrontier.InWadiAra,thisis
compoundedbyitslocationalongthegreenline,theliteralfrontierorborder.The
endresultwas“thepenetrationofJewsintomostArabareas,theencirclementof
mostArabvillagesbyexclusivelyJewishsettlements(wherenon‐Jewsarenot
permittedtopurchasehousing),andthevirtualghettoizationoftheArabminority”
(Yiftachel1999:373).
Norweretheseimperativeexhaustedinthefeverishsettlementofthe1950s
and60s.The1967warchangedthenatureofthegreenline(seeNewman1995),
creatingnewimperativesforsettlementsonbothsidesofit.In1991ArielSharon,
thenministerofhousing,revivedtalkofsettlingtheperipherywithhis“Stars”
settlementplan(tochnityishuveihakochavim),inwhichheoversawthebuildingof
eightnewsettlements,justinsidethegreenline(ontheIsraeliside),asitrunsfrom
WadiArainthenorthtoModi’ininthesouth,includingtheexpansionofKatsir‐
HarishinWadiAra.10
10SeeLevy‐Barzilay2001.ThesevillagesweresuccessfullymarketedasanaffordablewaytoachievethecommonIsraelidreamofahousewithagardenandallthepeace,quiet,andgoodairofcountryliving.Thevillageswerelocated,though,directlyacrossthegreenlinefromexistingJewishsettlementsintheWestBank(or
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LandconfiscationalsocontinuestocurtailthegrowthofPalestiniantowns
andvillages,albeitlessopenlyandwithmoreoppositionthanduringtheyearsof
militaryrule(seeChapterFive).InWadiAra,amilitarycampwasbuiltonland
confiscatedfromthevillageofKafrKara(seefigure2.5).LandsinRohawere
confiscatedforashootingrange.In1998thegovernmentattemptedtoconfiscatea
further60,000dunamsofagriculturallandinRoha,acrossfromUmelFachem,for
militarytraining.Theselandswerethelastreservesofnon‐builtlandforthecity,
whose33,000residentsliveononly35,000dunams(Payes2005:97).Inapreview
ofwhatwastocometwoyearslater,protesterswerebrutallyrepressedbypolice
andarmyforces(Payes2005:97,Benvenisti200:331).
TheresultingconfigurationofJewsandPalestiniansintheregionisthe
reasonWadiAraisknownasa“mixed”area.Inpracticethismeansitissegregated
onasmallerscale:JewishandPalestiniancommunitiesintheWadiareincloser
proximitytoeachotherthantheyareinmuchofIsrael,butstillcompletelyseparate.
ConventionalwisdomhasitthatasyoudrivealongthehighwaysofIsrael,youcan
tellJewishfromArabvillagesinthedistancebytheroofs:Jewishhomeshavethe
slopingterracottashingles,whileArabroofsareflatandwhite,oftenwith
protrudingelectricalwiresandotherbitsofinfrastructuretoenablethefuture
constructionofanadditionalstory–acommonadaptationtothecombinationof
patrilocalmarriagepatternsandthescarcityoflandproducedbythelandpolicy
broughtintheinfrastructureneededtobuildnewones).Sharon’sideawasthatwithtimethesettlementswouldgrowintoeachother,blurringthegreenlinethatdividesthemandachievingterritorialcontiguityaswellasademographicadvantageintheseborderregions.
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regimeI’vejustdescribed.InWadiAra,though,manyofthePalestinianvillages
haveadoptedthe“Jewish”style,andtheroofsofKafrKara,forexample,aremixed
(seefigure2.6).AsyoudrivealongWadiAraroadandupthesouthernslopesin
particular,themorereliablewaytodistinguishavillagefromadistanceisits
location:Jewishvillagesareoftenperchedontheridges,lookingdownoverthe
Palestinianvillagesbuiltontheslope.TwoexamplesareMeiAmmi,whichsitsatop
UmelFachem,andKatsir,whichoverlooksBarta’a,Ara,andEina’Sahla.Inaddition
tobeingclosertothegreenlinethantheirPalestinianneighbours,formingabuffer
thatbreaksupPalestinianterritorialcontiguitybetweenthevillagesofWadiAra
andthoseoftheWestBank,thislocationalsoaffordsthestrategicadvantageof
height;notcoincidentally,bothKatsirandMeiAmmiareimmediatelyadjacentto
armybases.Anotherdistinguishingfeature,particularlyinmorerecentyears,is
thatJewishvillagesaretheonessurroundedbyelaboratefencing,withelectrical
gatesbarringtheirentrances(seefigures2.7‐2.9).
2.GivatHaviva:Fieldsiteandmethodologies
OntheedgeofWadiAra,justsouthofWadiAraroadandjustwestofthe
newlyconstructedTrans‐IsraelHighway(seeChapterFive)liesthecampusofGivat
Haviva.Itissurroundedbycottonfields,kibbutzim(Ma’anit,EinShemer,Metzer,
Barka’i),andPalestiniantownsandvillages(Meyser,BakaalGharbiya,UmelKutuf).
Thegreenlinerunsjusttotheeastofit,ontheothersideofthenewhighway.The
nearestJewishcityisHadera,ahalf‐hourdrivewest,onthecoast,andthenearest
PalestiniancityinIsraelisUmelFachem,afifteenminutedriveeastalongWadiAra
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road.GivatHavivawasfoundedin1949asthenationaleducationcentreofthe
KibbutzArtsimovement(afederationofkibbutzimthroughoutIsraelthatis
ideologicallyaffiliatedwiththeLabourZionistShomerHaTsairmovement).Itwas
here,attheArabiclanguageschool,thatmyfieldworkwasbased.InthissectionI
providesomebackgroundaboutGivatHavivainordertounderstandhowitis
situatedinthelandscapeofWadiAra,whoIdidmyfieldworkwith,andhowthey
endedupthere.
Thelayoutandphysicalstructuresofthecampusrevealitskibbutzorigins:
clustersoflow,white‐washed,red‐roofedbuildingsareseparatedbystretchesof
greenlawn,connectedbywidedirtpaths,withmatureshadetreeshereandthere
(seefigures2.10‐2.12).Therearedorms,offices,classroomsandlecturehalls,a
cafeteria,alibrary,anarchive.Inwintertheinstitutionalausterityofthebuildings
isbrokenbyflowerbedsandcascadesofbougainvillea,fuschiaandpurpleagainst
thewhitewalls.Arowofpinesfollowstheperimeterofthefencearoundthe
property.Entranceisthroughthefrontgateandcarsareleftintheparkinglotat
theentrance;aguardoperatestheelectricbarrierattheturn‐offfromtheroad,
checkingeveryonethatentersbeforeraisingit.
ThelargestandmostactivecomponentofGivatHavivaistheJewish‐Arab
CenterforPeace,foundedin1963andrecipientoftheUNESCOPrizeforPeace
Educationin2001.Thecentercomprisesdepartmentsofeducation,community
involvement,regionalcooperation,andteachertraining;thewomenandgender
studiesunit;theinstituteforpeaceresearch;andtheinstituteforArabicstudies.
Therearealsothepeacelibrary,thecentreforholocauststudy,theartscentre,and
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anarchiveoftheShomerHaTsairmovement.Inadditiontothesecoreprograms,
GivatHavivahasbeenforcedinrecentyearstotakeonrolesthatareoutsideits
mandate,essentiallyrentingoutitscampusoritseducationalservicesinorderto
coverbudgetshortfalls.Thishasresultedinsomestrangeminglingsalongthe
pathwaysofthecampus.
OnatypicaldayatGivatHavivain2004‐2005youcouldseesoldiersin
uniformclearingtheirtraysinthecafeteria,theirriflesstrappedontheirbacks(the
armypaysGivatHavivaforthespacetorunhighschoolequivalencycoursesfor
youngsoldiers);agroupofjuniorhighkidssittinginacircleonthelawn,holding
multi‐colouredballoons(GivatHavivaruns‘encounter’programs,promoting
dialogueandcoexistence,forschoolchildren);agroupofPalestinianwomeninhead
scarveswalkingalongthepaths(theyarehereforanenrichmentcoursefor
managersofArabwomen’sNGOs);teenagedJewishboysandmiddleagedJewish
womennoddingoffoverArabicverbconjugationsintheclassrooms;andatour
groupofNorthAmericanJews,manyofthemdonors,snappingpicturesofitall.A
fewyearsearlieryoumightalsohaveseenworkshopsofpeaceactivistsfromIsrael
andtheWestBank,butthatendedin2000.Shortlyaftertheoutbreakofthesecond
intifadaPalestiniansintheterritoriesdeclaredabanoncooperationwithallgroups
withinIsrael,andGivatHavivasufferedseriouslossoffundingfrominternational
NGOsasaresult.
Thecontradictionsapparentinthisunlikelyjuxtapositionofpeopleand
activitiesarereflectedalsoinGivatHaviva’smissionstatement,asitappearsinthe
Englishlanguageversionofthe2003and2004‐2005annualreports:
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GivatHavivaimplementsactivitiestodeveloptheexperienceof
equalitybetweenJewsandArabslivinginIsrael,andprovidestoolsto
thisend...Today,aftermorethan50yearsofinnovativeteaching,we
continuetopromotetheprinciplesonwhichIsraelwasfounded...We
believethatinatruedemocracy,equalrightsforallcitizensarean
essentialcomponent.Ourmission,therefore,istocontendwiththose
pressingnationalissuesthatconfrontIsrael’scollectivesocial
conscience.
Aswasdiscussedinthepreviouschapter,trueengagementwithcivicequalityin
Israel,inawaythatmeaningfullyaddressesthecurrentdemandsofPalestinians
citizens,necessitatesacriticalre‐evaluationof“theprinciplesonwhichIsraelwas
founded.”Themost“pressingnationalissuesthatconfrontIsrael’scollectivesocial
conscience”–thosediscussedinChapterOne–areside‐steppedbyclaimingto
promotecivicequalitywhilecontinuingtopromote,uncritically,thefounding
principlesofZionism.
TheultimateexpressionofthesecontradictionsatGivatHavivaisfoundin
theinstituteforArabiclanguagestudies,wheremyfieldworkwasbased.The
instituterunsday‐longArabiclessonsatthebeginnerandadvancedlevelsevery
Wednesdayduringtheschoolyear,amonth‐longcourseinthesummer,andasix
monthintensiveprogrameachyear,fromSeptembertoFebruary.Iwasa
participantobserverintheweeklylessonsfromDecember2003toFebruary2005,
inthesummercourseinAugust2004,andintheintensivecoursefromSeptember
2004toFebruary2005.
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MostoftheteachersattheinstituteforArabiclanguagestudiesatGivat
HavivacomefromWadiAra.TheteachersofliteraryArabictendtobeJewish
Israelis,whiletheteachersofcolloquialArabictendtobePalestinianIsraelis.11
MostoftheJewishteacherswerekibbutzniksfromthearea,withuniversitydegrees
inArabiclanguageandliteratureandmanyyearsofteachingexperience.Manyof
themareideologicallymotivatedtoteachArabic,believingthatlearningthe
languagepromotescoexistence.ThetwomainPalestinianteachers,Riyadand
Fouad,12liveinvillagesinWadiAra.Eachofthemhasawifeandtwoyoung
children.Botharetalented,dedicatedteachersandbothremainedsomethingofa
mysterytomethroughoutmytimeatGivatHaviva.Iwasunabletointervieweither
FouadorRiyad;thoughtheywillinglyassentedtohavingtheirclassestaped,and
whileIgottoknowthembothquitewell,theybothevadedandavoidedinterviews
withme,withouteverrefusingoutright.Afterrepeatedefforts,Ieventuallygaveup,
attributingtheirreticencetothesensitivityandprecariousnessoftheirpositionat
GivatHaviva,andnotwishingtointrude.Asaresult,Inevergottoaskthemthe
questionsabouttheirintentionsandmotivationsthatcontinuetopuzzleme:
questionsaboutloyalty,resistance,strategy,andnecessity.Thereaderwillgetto
11Thisisastrangeandsomewhatdisturbingpattern,implyingthatPalestiniansareonlyrecognizedasexpertsintheirownlanguageinitslessprestigiousform(thelocalcolloquialdialect),displayingasortofauthenticfolkexpertise.WhereknowledgeofArabicholdsthemostculturalandlinguisticcapital,intheliteraryform,itisJewswhoarepositionedasexperts.(SeeEyal2006onthehistoryofJewishexpertiseinArabmattersinIsrael.)TheJewishteachersexplainedthistomebysayingthatitismoredifficulttoteachone’sownlanguageclearly,butmyPalestinianteacherswerequalifiedenoughtoteachliteraryArabicinthePalestinianhighschoolsinthearea.12Allnameshavebeenchanged.
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knowbothofthemthroughthepagesthatfollow,butonlytotheextentthatthey
wishedtobeknown.
TheweeklyclassesandthesummercourseatGivatHavivaattractstudents
interestedinlearningArabicfromWadiAra,butsomecomefromasfarawayas
JerusalemandTelAviv.OverthecourseoffourteenmonthsatGivatHaviva,
approximately60studentsintheweeklyandthesummerprogramsparticipatedin
myresearch(thisinadditiontotheapproximately30studentsintheintensive
program,introducedbelow).Myclassmatesintheweeklyandsummerprograms
weremenandwomen,youngandold,AshkenaziandMizrachi,mostlymiddleclass,
fromimmigrantstothird‐generationIsraelis,witharangeofpoliticalviewpoints
fromoneextremetotheother.Amongthemwere:Rafi,aretiredmusicteacherand
biblicalscholarfromanearbykibbutzwhowantedtolearn“thelanguageofthe
enemy”inordertobetterunderstand“theenemy’smindset”;Yosi,amiddle‐aged
contractorfromKatsir,fatheroftwo,whowantedtolearnArabicinordertobeable
tocommunicatewithhisworkers;Boaz,anIsraelidoctoralstudentinMiddleEast
strategicstudiesatanAmericanuniversity;Efrat,astudentofArabiclanguageand
literatureattheUniversityofBe’erShevawhowantedtoaugmentherstudieswith
colloquialArabic;Chaya,asinglemotheronwelfarefromPardesChanawhowas
outragedthatPalestinianIsraelismustlearnHebrewwhileIsraeliJewscanremain
entirelyignorantofArabic;andRuth,whomwegettoknowinChapterFive,a
foundingmemberofMachsomWatch–anorganizationofIsraeliJewishwomenwho
monitorhumanrightsviolationsatcheckpointsbetweenIsraelandtheWestBank.
ThemotivationsofthesestudentsforlearningArabicvariedfromthepragmaticto
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thevaguelyidealistic,fromorientalistcuriositytofear,fromneighbourlygood‐will
toradicalpoliticalengagement.Despiteageneralconsensusthatpoliticsshouldbe
kept“outoftheclassroom,”thismixoflocations,politicalorientations,andlife
storiesmadeforsomefascinatingconversations.
Themake‐upofthesixmonthlongintensivecourseisconsiderablymore
complicated,anditisherethatthemajorcontradictionofGivatHavivaisfound.
Michal,thecoursecoordinatorandheadArabicteacherherselfstudiedArabicinthe
intensivecourseatGivatHavivaasateenager.Inaninterviewoverteainherhome
inEinShemer,theneighbouringkibbutzwhereshegrewup,sheexplainedtome
thecomplexhistoryofthecourse.TheinstitutebeganteachingArabictoIsraeli
Jews47yearsago.Initsearlyyearsitattractedkibbutzyouthfromaroundthe
country.WhenMichaltookthecourseherself,sometwentyyearsago,itwasa
longer,lessintensiveprogram,eightmonthslong,attendedmostlybyyouthfrom
thekibbutzimwhowantedsomethingtodobeforetheygotcalledupforthearmy,
orwhoweresimplyinterestedinlearningArabic.Thecoursehadareputation,
though,andattractedpeoplefromalloverthecountrywhowantedtolearnArabic,
mostlyoutofmotivationsofcoexistence–theprofessedgoaloftheinstitute.
Overtheyears,Michalexplainedtome,thearmytooknoticeofthequalityof
thegraduatesofthisprogram.TheneedforrecruitstrainedinArabicforjobsin
ArmyIntelligenceorModi’ingrewasthenumberofJewishnativespeakersofArabic
inthecountrynaturallydwindled(asimmigrationfromNorthAfricaandtheMiddle
Eastslowed).Thearmybegantogivepartialscholarshipstocoverthecostofthe
courseatGivatHavivatoyouthwhocommittedtojoiningModi’inoncompletionof
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thecourse.AsGivatHaviva’seconomicsituationworsenedinthe1990s(duetothe
economicdeclineofthekibbutzmovementmoregenerally),thearmy’sinvolvement
inthecoursegrewandbecameformalizedunderthetitleof“ProjectElAd.”There
wasaneedforstrong,well‐trainedleadersfluentinArabicandthegraduatesofthis
course,accordingtoMichal,werethecreamofthecrop:highlymotivated,
intelligent,andknowledgeable,theybecameofficers,commanders,andeducatorsin
Modi’in.
TwoyearsbeforeIjoinedthecourse,in2002,withGivatHavivainthemidst
ofafinancialcrisis,thearmysteppedinandchangedtheformatofthecourse.Itis
nowshorter(sixmonthsinsteadofeight)andmoreintensive,andthearmy
subsidizesthecostscompletelyforthestudentsitsends.Theincreasedfinancial
supportfromthearmygrantsitinturnmorecontrol.Thearmynowvetsand
choosesitsparticipantsbeforethecourse.Armyofficialscomeonceamonthto
administerastandardizedtestand,asoftheyearIjoined,thereisafulltime
madrichorcounselorfromthearmy,whodealswithmotivationanddiscipline.His
presence,andparticularlythefactthatheisinuniform,meantforMichalthatshe
feltshewasalwaysbeingwatched;he“clippedherwings,”shesaid.Icanonly
imaginethatthiseffectwasamplifiedforFouadandRiyad,myPalestinianteachers.
Michalfindsthissituationincreasinglyimpossibleandabsurd,areflectionof
the“crazycraziness”(haterufhametoraf)ofcontemporaryIsrael:“Inwhatother
countryintheworldwouldtherebeacentreforpeacethatpreparespeoplefor
armyintelligence?”Atthesametime,shesays,withoutthearmy’sinvolvementthe
coursewouldnotbeabletocontinuetofunctionandwouldnotbethereforthe
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otherparticipants.AfteryearsofteachingArabicsheisnolongeratpeacewithher
role,andcontemplatesleaving:“Iaskmyself:Isitmyroletopreparepeoplefor
Modi’in?AndIthinkno.”
The“otherparticipants”intheintensivecourse,thoseciviliansforwhomthe
coursewasoriginallyintended,nowconstituteaminority.In2004‐2005,the
intensivecourseconsistedof22participantsin“ProjectElAd”andtwelve“others,”
includingoneanthropologist.AmongthesewasYael,aJerusalemnativeinher
twenties,whomarriedaSwedeandmovedtoSweden.ShereturnedtoIsraelto
participateinthecoursebecauseshewantedtoapplyforanundergraduate
programinArabiclanguageatauniversityinSweden.Gadiisasoft‐spoken,
moderatelywell‐knownpoetandpsychologist,ofEuropeanorigins,livingwithhis
familyinJerusalem(hisdaughterwasrecentlycalledupforarmyservice).He
speaksEnglish,French,andHebrewfluently,withafaintaccentinallofthem;
despitethis,hestruggleswiththeArabiclanguage.OshriisthedaughterofIsraelis,
raisedinFlorida,whoisspendingayearinIsraelbeforereturningtotheUSfor
university.Tsachi(inhislate30s)immigratedfromtheUKtoIsraelsometenyears
earlierandnowlivesinTelAviv.HespentsometimeteachingEnglishintheWest
BankandthismotivatedhimtolearnArabic.Nurit,Rina,andHila,whobecamemy
closestfriendsintheclass,willbeintroducedinChaptersFourandSix.
The22participantsinProjectElAdwereallyoungmen,recenthighschool
graduates,eighteenornineteenyearsold.Theycamefromalloverthecountry:
Haifa,TelAviv,Jerusalem,RoshHaAyin,KfarYona,Afula,Nahariya,Rehovot,
Ra’anana,etc.Manybutnotallofthemwerefromrelativelyprivileged
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backgrounds;allbuttwoofthemwereAshkenazi(thetwoexceptionswerethesons
ofimmigrantsfromMoroccoandYemen).Asacollective,theyweregenerally
referredtoas“theboys”(habanim)bytherestofusintheclassandbythe
teachers.13Theythemselvesoftenusedthisnametodistinguishthemselvesasa
groupfromtheclassasawhole,andItoousethisnamewhenIrefertothemasa
groupinthethesis.IdothiseventhoughIamawareofthepotentiallyinfantilizing
effectofthistermanditsforegroundingofthemasculine,becauseitreflectsthe
termsonwhichtheinteractionsandgroupingsthatIobservedwerebased.(See
Dunk1991foradiscussionofhisuseof“theboys”andPaulWillis1988on“the
lads.”)Imakeeveryefforttocounteractthepotentiallyhomogenizingeffectof
sometimesreferringtothese22youngmenasagroupbyalsodescribingmanyof
themindividually,indetail,attheplaceinthethesiswhereIdiscusseachoftheir
particularinteractionsorcomments(seeespeciallyChaptersThreeandSix).Inthis
wayIallowthereadertogettoknowthemasindividualswithverydifferent
perspectives,opinions,andexperienceswhoarenonethelesspartofawell‐defined
groupwithitsowndefiningcharacteristics(whichmayormaynotmatchupwith
thoseofeachindividual).
Indeed,alargepartoftheexperienceofGivatHavivafortheseboyswasthat
of“gibush,”orgroupbonding,aninitiationintoasortofquasi‐militarygroup
identity(ongibushseeKatrielandNesher1986).Thiswasastrangesortofliminal
periodforthem.Mostofthemhadgraduatedfromhighschoolthepreviousspring
(afewwerecomingtothecourseafterayearofnationalservice–shnatsherut–
13Analternatetranslationwouldbe“theguys”.
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followingtheirgraduation)andalltheirfriendshadalreadygonethroughthenearly
universalrightofpassageforJewishIsraelisof“giyus”–beingrecruitedorcalledup
tothearmy.14Theywerenotyetofficiallycalledup(theywouldbeamonthafter
completingthecourse),theywerenotinuniformnorhadtheybeenissued
weapons,buttheirliveswerealreadyinmanywaysnottheirown.
WhilewaitingatthestationinHerzliyaforthetraintoJerusalemoneFriday
afternoon,Yanivpatientlyexplainedtometheprocessbywhichheandtheothers
hadarrivedinthecourse.Iwasonmywaytomysister’sfortheweekend;Yaniv
wasonhiswaytohisfriend’sswearinginceremonyattheKotel.HelivesinRishon
LeZion,apredominantlyworkingclasstownsouthofTelAvivandisthesonof
Russianimmigrants.YanivtoldmethatheneverwantedtolearnArabic(hetookit
inJuniorHighandhatedit)buthealwayswantedtobeinModi’in.Theirgroupof
22,heexplained,wasselectedfromabout1000youngmenwhowereinvitedtothe
firststageoftry‐outsforModi’in,afewyearsearlier.Theywereselectedbasedon
theirphysical“profile”(ascoreoutof100basedonstrength,fitness,eyesight,etc.
thatdeterminesyoursuitabilityforvariousrolesinthearmy),gradesinschool,the
resultsoflinguisticaptitudetests,personalityassessmentinterviews,andasecurity
screening.Theirsisanelite,selectgroup,heexplained(andMichalconfirmedthis).
Yaniv,liketherestoftheboys,didn’tknowmuchaboutwhathewoulddoin
hisservice,andhewaslikelynottellingmeeverythingheknew.Whateveritisit
willbeimportantandtopsecret,hetoldme.Therewasmuchspeculationonthe
14OnmilitarisminIsraelseeLieblich1989,BenAriandLomsky‐Feder1999,Kimmerling2001.
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subjectamongtheboys.Afterthecoursetheyexpectedtobecalledup,thensentto
anarmybaseforfurtherlanguagetraining,specializinginaparticulardialectof
Arabic,forsixmonthsorayear.Fromthere,theywouldgotowork.Thegeneral
consensuswasthattheirjobwouldbe“listening”(ha’azana)–asdistinctfrom“field
intelligence.”Theyhadavagueideathattheywouldsitforhoursonendpluggedin
toear‐phones.Butwhatwouldtheybelisteningto?Theywouldbefollowing
Arabicmedia,accordingtosome,listeninginonwiretaps,accordingtoothers.Most
ofthemagreedthattheywouldbeworkingtopreventbombingsandtokeepIsrael
safe.Someofthemacknowledgedthattheywouldlikelygiveinformationthat
wouldleadtopeople’sdeaths.Afewofthemwererelievedthattheywouldnot
havetobeincombat,thattheywouldnothavetostandatacheckpoint.Two
(ShacharandDaniel,whomwemeetinChapterThree)chosetogotoModi’in
despitetheircombat‐readyphysicalprofilepreciselytoavoidthis;ideallythey
wouldhavelikedtorefusetoservebutwerenotwillingtotakeonthe
consequences.Atleastone(Benny,whomwealsomeetinChapterThree)saw
Modi’inasashamefulsecondbest,themostprestigiouspositionhecouldgetwith
hisnon‐combatphysicalprofile.WhenIaskedYanivwhattheywouldbedoinghe
winked:“IcouldtellyoubutthenI’dhavetokillyou.”Theywereeighteenand
nineteenyearsoldtheyearIspentwiththem,andthethoughtofthembeinghanded
automaticweaponsinafewmonths’timeregularlybrokemyheart.Bynow,they
willbenearingtheendoftheirarmyservice.
Ourswasamake‐shiftcommunity,broughttogetherbythecommongoalof
learningArabic,despitegreatdifferencesinmotivationsandagendas.Thediverse
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backgroundsandperspectivesoftheseindividuals,aswellastheirmovementsand
interactions,offerawayintounderstandingtheplacewhereweallcametogether:
WadiAra.Inthechaptersthatfollow,thereaderwillgettoknowmanyofthemin
greaterdetail.
MydaysatGivatHavivawerespentbalancingtwodifferentroles,each
exhaustingandintensive:Iwasafull‐timestudentofliteraryandcolloquialArabic
andafull‐timeanthropologist.Iconjugatedverbs,didhomework,andwrotetests
andquizzesalongwithmyclassmateswhileatthesametimeobserving,recording,
andmakingnoteoftheirinteractionsandconversations.Isatatmydeskinclass
withmyrecorderonandwithtwonotebooksopeninfrontofme:oneforfieldnotes,
oneforclassnotes.Iswitchedbackandforthbetweenthem,makinganoteofthe
timeontherecorderwhenevertheteachermadeacommentthatinterestedme,or
wheneverclassdiscussionorthewhisperingsaroundmetookaninterestingturn.
Classbeganat8:30a.m.andendedat6:15p.m.,withanhourandahalfbreak
forlunch,SundaythroughThursday.Fridaymorningswehadatestbeforewe
scatteredfortheweekend.Thebulkofourschedulewassplitbetweenliteraryand
colloquialArabic,withafewhoursaweekon“TheMiddleEast”andwithoccasional
lectures(e.g.,“October2000”),workshops(e.g.,“ArabMusic”),andfieldtrips(see
ChapterSix).Weconjugatedverbs,wrotedailyvocabularyquizzes,translated
passagesfromArabicnewspapers,theQur’an,radiobroadcasts,andUmKulthoum
songs.Ourclassroomswererickety,flimsystructures,coldinthewintermonths
andterriblydamponrainydays.OnewetmorninginJanuaryIarrivedlatetofind
everybodymillingaboutinthehallway,giddyattheinterruptiontoroutine:our
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classroomhadfloodedovernight.Therewasacornerinthehallway,stockedwith
theubiquitousNescafeandteaand,ifyouwereluckyandiftheadministratorwasin
agoodmood,aboxofcookies.Danielkeptthecornerstockedwithwildmint,sage,
andlemongrass,forwhichheforagedonbreaks.Therewasanold,out‐of‐tune
pianointhecorner,andShacharoftenplayedduringbreaks.
Outsideoftheclassroom,IcarriedmyrecorderaroundwithmewheneverI
could,duringbreaks,onfieldtrips,andwheneverIfeltitwouldnotbetooobtrusive.
WhenIleftitbehind,IoftenfoundmyselfwishingIhadit,andinsteadtookdetailed
fieldnotesatthenextopportunity.Ialsojoinedmyclassmatesintheirlivesoutside
ofGivatHaviva:eatingmeals,doinghomeworkandstudying,goingonhikesand
bikerides,hangingoutinpubsorcoffeeshops,visitingtheirhomesonweekends
andmeetingtheirfamilies.InallItapedapproximately230hoursoftalk.
Ialsocarriedoutopen‐ended,informalinterviewswithapproximately25
people.IconductedmostofmyinterviewstowardtheendofmytimeinIsrael,so
theywerewithpeopleIhadcometoknowwelloveraperiodofatleastsixmonths
beforeinterviewingthem.InthechaptersthatfollowIhavetriedtoinclude,where
possible,thecontextoftheinterviewsorconversationsIquotefrom,aswellas
personalinformationabouteachspeaker,inordertoavoidtheeffectofquotes
comingfromnowhere.InafewcasesIinterviewedmorethanonepersonatatime
–friendswhowereofteninconversationwithoneanother,andwhowere
comfortabletalkingtogether,withme.Whileatthetimethiswasmoreofa
pragmaticthanamethodologicalchoice,Ifindthatthesearesomeoftherichest
interviews,sincetheyallowedmetoaudio‐tapeconversationsbetweenfriendsthat
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Iwasoftenapartof–butoftenwithoutwithmytaperecorder.Ihopeitwillbe
clearthatthequestionsIaskedinmyinterviewswerenotimportedtheoretical
concerns;indeed,theywerenotthequestionsIcametothefieldwith.Iusedthe
interviewstofollowuponeventsIhadobservedorparticipatedin,toaskabout
howpeopleunderstoodandinterpretedtheseevents,andtoaskpeopletoexplain
theirreactionsortheirpointsofview.
Icastmynetwidely,andmynotesarefilledwithobservationsthathavenot
madeitintothisthesis.IpaidattentiontocommentsaboutArabsandIslam,about
modernityandbackwardness,aboutwomeninArabsociety(afavouritetopic),
aboutthemilitaryandmilitarisminIsrael,abouttheconnectionbetweenarmy
intelligenceandlanguagelearning,abouthomophobiaanddisplaysofmasculinity.I
notedthewayspeopletalkedabouttheArabiclanguageandaboutlanguage
learning,abouttheirreasonsforlearningArabic,aboutArab“customsand
traditions”(widelyagreedtobeanecessarypartoflearningtheArabiclanguage),
aboutRamadan,theQur’an,Muslimweddings,Arabfood,traditionalsayings
(anotherfavouritetopic),folktalesandsongs.Ilistenedwhenpeopletalkedabout
politicsandwhentheyrespondedtowhattheyhadheardonthemorningnews.
Theobservationsandinteractionsthatformthecoreofthisthesis,though,
arethosethathavetodowithplaceandspace,movementandmobility–withhow
peopleunderstand,interpret,andnavigatethelandscapearoundthem.Ilistened
whenpeoplegavedirectionsordiscussedthebestroutesordetoursorhowtoget
places.IpaidattentiontohowpeoplenavigatedwhenIdrovewiththem,which
landmarkswererelevantandhowtheynamedthem,howtheyidentifiedroadsand
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valleysanddirections.Conversationsaboutfear,safety,ordangercaughtmy
attention,asdidstoriespeopletoldaboutplaces.Ilistenedwhenpeoplementioned
thewall,orthenewhighway,orthecheckpoints.Ilistenedtohowpeopletalked
aboutplacestheynolongerwent.Thesearethestoriesandvoicesyouwillhearin
thecomingpages.
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ChapterThree
WhiteSpacesontheMap:GeographiesofIntimateDistance1.Introduction
MeronBenvenistiisafamiliarvoiceintheIsraelimedia,mainlythroughhis
frequentopinionpiecesinHaaretznewspaper.Hewritesjudiciously,passionately,
andalwayswithconcernforthehistoricalandcontemporarywrongsdoneto
PalestiniansinthenameofthefoundingandcontinuedexistenceofaJewishstate.
Eventhemanywhodisagreewithhispointofviewareforcedtoacknowledgehis
expertise,whichstraddlespoliticsandintellectinawaythatistypicalofmany
Israelipublicfigures:trainedasageographer,historian,andpoliticalscientist(and
sonofafamousgeographer),hewasdeputymayorofJerusalemforsevenyearsin
the1970s.
InhisbookSacredLandscape,publishedin2000,Benvenistitriestofillina
pictureofthePalestinianlandscapelostinthe1948war.Hebrieflyconsidershow
thislandscapelookedtotheJewishpopulationinwhatwasthenBritishMandate
Palestine,justbeforesomuchofitwasdestroyed:
[F]ew...JewshadevervisitedanArabvillage,andeventhosewho
haddonesodidnotspeakArabicandsocouldnotcommunicatewith
thevillagers,inanycase.Infact,theyhadnoreasontomakesucha
visit...Eventheinsignificantminoritywhoshowedaninterestin
theirArabneighbourshesitatedtoactuallyventureintothosealien
communitiesforfearofbeingharmed.Onthementalmapcarriedby
[Jews],theArabcommunitieswerewhitepatches–terraincognita.
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TheJewswere,ofcourse,awareoftheArabcommunities,butthese
towns,villagesandneighbourhoodshadnoplaceintheJews’
perceptionofthehomeland’slandscape.Theywerejustaformless,
randomcollectionofthree‐dimensionalentities,totallyisolatedfrom
theJewishlandscapeandviewedasifthroughanimpenetrableglass
wall.There–inthatotherlandscape–werehouses,orchards,and
peoplewhohadmeaningfortheJewsonlyastheobjectsoftheir
perceptionsandpoliticalconcerns,butnotassubjectsintheirown
right.TheattitudeoftheJewishpopulationtowardtheArab
landscape–physicalandhumanalike–wasastrangemixtureof
disregard,anxiety,affection,superiority,humanitarianism,
anthropologicalcuriosity,romanticism,and,aboveall,European
ethnocentricity(Benvenisti2000:56).1
IreadthissittingonabenchinOctobersunshinein2003,inBaka,a
neighbourhoodofJerusalem,whereIhadjustrentedaone‐roomapartment.Ihad
recentlyreturnedtoJerusalemtobeginmyfieldwork,andwasacutelyawarethat
mynewneighbourhoodhadoncebeenpartofthelostPalestinianlandscape
Benvenistidescribes.Theoldstonehouseswiththeirhigh,archedwindowsthat
madetheneighbourhoodsopicturesquehadbeeninhabitedbyArabsuntilthe1948
1SeealsoOzAlmog(1997),EllaShohat(2001),GilEyal(2006)fordescriptionsoftheambivalentattitudeofJewishsettlersinthepre‐stateperiodtotheirArabneighbours.EyalWeizmansummarizesthissuccinctly:“ZionistssawthePalestinianseitheraslate‐comerstotheland,devoidofthousand‐year‐oldrootsor,paradoxically,astheverycustodiansoftheancientHebrewcultureandlanguageofthisland–allthiswithoutanysenseofcontradiction”(2007:44).SeealsoChapterSixforfurtherdiscussion.
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war.AtthispointIhadstartedlearningArabicbutmostlymydayswerestill
absorbedwithsmallsweetpilgrimagestofamiliarandbelovedspotsinthiscitythat
Ihadsomissed,amongthemthebookstoreattheHebrewUniversityonMount
Scopus,whereIfoundthisbook.Thepassageresonatedformeinawaythatatthe
timewasdifficulttoarticulate.Inowseethatitencapsulatesmanyofthethemes
whichassertedthemselveswithgrowinginsistenceduringmyfieldwork,andwhich
becamethefocusofmydissertation:theintimate,dailywaysinwhichJewsand
Palestiniansmaintaintheirdistance;theconnectionbetweenspatialandlinguistic
practice;andtheroleoffearandoferasureincreatingandmaintainingsocial
boundaries.Theimageofthewhitepatchesonthemapisparticularlyvivid,calling
tomindtheoldmapsofexplorers,onwhichthewhitespacesmarkedtheareaofthe
unknown–terraincognita–throwingintorelieftheboundarybetweenasafe,
civilizedselfandthewild,unknowableother.The‘whiteness’ofthesespacesis
racializedinunexpectedways,relyingonoldoppositionsbetweenlightand
darkness,selfandother,evenasitreversesthem.Itistheseoppositionsthatmake
theimagesoresonant,inBenvenisti’sdescription,sincethe‘white’spaceshe
describesarebothobscuredandracialized–rendereddark–byignorance,erasure,
avoidance,andfear.2
2ThoughBenvenistidoesnotmentionJosephConrad,andthoughIrecognizethisonlybelatedly,itisperhapsConrad’sdiscussionof“whitespacesonthemap”inHeartofDarknessthatgivestheimageitsparticularenduring,contradictoryresonance:toexplorethewhitespacesonthemaponemustventureintotheheartofdarkness.Nesiah(2003:4),inheranalysisofJosephConrad’suseoftheimageinrelationtointernationallaw,boundaries,andterritoriality,writes:“Conradbothinvokesdualismsandthenalsorearrangestheirinheritedmeanings.Here...thefamiliarpositivemoralconnotationsofwhiteinrelationtoblackareinvokedinonepage,thenreversedinthenext.Moreover,thetransitionfromwhitespacesona
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ThischapterexploresthecontemporaryrelevanceofBenvenisti’s
observationbydescribing“theattitudeoftheJewishpopulationtowardtheArab
landscape”(Benvenisti2000:56)inWadiAraduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork
there.Specifically,IexplorehowthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldworknavigate
in,around,andthroughPalestinianspaces–discursivelyandspatially.Intracing
thecontoursofthislandscapeanditsvariousboundaries,astheyareunderstood
andexperiencedbythesepeople,whatemergesisageographyofintimatedistance,
maintainedbydailyactsofencounteroravoidance.3Itisadistancemaintainedin
thefaceof“unavoidableproximities”(Hartigan1999:86);4itthereforerequiresa
considerableamountofinteractionalwork.Whilethesespacesareshapedby
variousformsoferasure,theyarefarfrombeingignored.IsraeliJewsreturnto
themagainandagain,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,whetherthroughcritical
reflectionorthroughfear,astheyworkouttheconflictedmeaningsofthesespaces
inconversationwithoneanother(thoughalmostneverwiththePalestinianswho
liveinthem).Thehistoricalandgeographicalcontextoutlinedintheprevious
chaptersshouldemphasizethatthesediscussionsandmovementsareoccurringin
maptotheheartofdarknessisnotjust(althoughitisinescapablythattoo)anallusiontoacontinentofblackpeople,itisalsoanallusiontowhitespacesonamapthatarefilledupbythedarknessofimperialismandallthebrutalityandplunderassociatedwithit.”SeealsoAnderson(2006[1983]:173‐176)ontheroleofmap‐makersandexplorersin“fillingin”thewhitespaces,makingthemlegibleinparticularcolonialforms.3ThisformulationisalsoinspiredbyBenvenisti(2006),whowritesofthe“intimatedisregard”betweenJewsandArabsinIsrael:“likethatofamanwhocanignorehisownshadow,butcannotberidofit.”RebeccaStein(2008:89)hasrecentlywrittenonissuesofinteriority,proximity,andsmallscaleinplanningPalestinianvillagesastouristspacesintermsofa“geographyofintimacy.”4ThisishowJohnHartigan(1999)describesthespatializationofraceintheextreme‐povertyneighbourhoodofDetroitwherehedidfieldwork.
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thecontextofaveryspecificpoliticalhistoricalmomentandatimeofcrisisand
change.Iarguethatchangingmeaningsofthesespacesinpeople’stalkand
movementsbothreflectandcircumscribethechangingplaceofPalestinianswithin
theIsraelination.5
InthischapterIintroduceAliza,Yoav,Benny,Yuval,andDaniel.Insections
organizedaroundeachofthem,Ifollowthemintheirmovementsthroughthe
dividedlandscapeofWadiAra,asIlistentothemexplainhowtheyrelateto
differentspaces:wheretheygoandwheretheydonot,howtheymakethese
choices,andhowtheyunderstandtheimpactoftheirmovementsandthoseof
others.Throughtheirmovementsandconversations,Iexplorethemeaningofthe
“whitespaces”onthemap,theboundariesthatkeepthemfromenteringPalestinian
places,and,morebroadly,whatIcallinthischapterthegeographiesofintimate
distancethatdivideandconnectJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.
Initsfocusonindividuals,thestructureofthechapterisintendedto
emphasizethehighlyperspectivalandcontingentnatureofsocialboundaries(see
alsoYuvalDavisandStoetzler2002b).Whilethenextchapterisconcernedwith
howsocialboundarieschangeovertime,Istructuredthischaptertofocusonhow
theyshiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople.InthisIengagewithrecentwork
thattriestocapturethedynamismandfluxofsocialboundaries,theirsituated, 5ItmustbenotedthatthischapterdescribesPalestinianspacesastheyappeartoIsraeliJewsandnotastheyaretothosePalestinianswholiveinthem.WhileafewPalestinianvoicesareheardinthechapter,andinthethesis,IdidmyfieldworkprimarilywithIsraeliJewsandassuchamlimitedtotheirperspectives(IdiscussthisinthePreface).Iwouldsuggest,andIhopetoexplorethisinfutureresearch,that‘intimatedistance’wouldbeanaccuratewaytodescribethesegeographiesfromtheperspectiveofPalestinianIsraelisaswell,butboththeintimaciesandthedistancewouldtakeverydifferentshapeandform.
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shifting,andvariednature,andthewaystheyareconfiguredandreconfigured
throughdailypractice(e.g.,Hartigan1999,Caldeira2000,MisselwitzandRieniets
2006,MonterescuandRabinowitz2007;seeChapterOne).
ThepeopleIencounteredduringmyfieldworkwereIsraeliJewsbrought
togetherinArabiclanguageclassrooms.6Theirmovementsandfearswereasvaried
astheirpoliticalperspectives:somespenttheirtimemonitoringhumanrights
violationsintheWestBank,andotherswereafraidtogotothemarketinthe
neighbouringArabvillage.Throughthejuxtapositionoftheseradicallydifferent
perspectives,Ihopetocomplicatemyownrubric,borrowedfromBenvenisti,
addingnuanceandcolourto“thementalmapcarriedbyJews,”showinginsteadofa
singular“mentalmap”avarietyofsituatedgeographicimaginations.
2.Aliza:“There’snoonetotalkto”
OntherareoccasionswhenRuth,myregularlift,couldnotmakeittoour
ArabicclassatGivatHaviva,Alizagavemearide.Shewouldpickmeupatthebig
mallbythesideofthehighwayinNorthTelAviv,nearherhomeinaluxuryhigh
risewithaviewoftheMediterranean.Probablyinherearlysixties,Alizaisnow
enjoyingasecondcareerinsemi‐retirement:sheleftahigh‐poweredbankjobto
becomeaguidewithaninternationaltouringcompany.Everysooftenshewould
returntoclassafteranabsenceandtellusabouthertriptoBerlin,Budapest,one
timeIndia.ShelovedBerlin,butcouldn’twaittoleaveIndiaasshesaidshewas
overwhelmedbythedirt.Shewouldexplainhowsheresearchesherdestinations 6SeeChapterTwoforadetaileddescriptionofthesestudentsandoftheirreasonsforlearningArabic.
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beforethetrips,downloadingmapsandhistorical,archaeological,andcultural
materialfromtheinternet.ThedaughterofIraqiimmigrants,shewouldjokethat
sheisjustlikethestereotypeofaninsularresidentofTelAviv:shecanfindherway
aroundbetterinEuropeancapitalsthanintheruralnorthofIsrael.Alizais
immaculatelywelldressedandmanicured,andhercarisspotless,spacious,and
veryair‐conditioned.
Aswedrovenorthalongtheshoreroad,onemorninginMay,sheheldforth
onwhyshewashavingsomuchtroubleimprovingherArabic:“Theproblemisthat
there’snoonetotalkto.(Einimmiledaber.)Really,there’snoonetoopenyour
mouthwith.”7SheexplainedthatforZoharandothersintheclasswholiveinthe
north(aroundWadiAra)there’ssomuchmoreopportunity.Butforher,livingin
TelAviv,there’snoonearoundtospeakArabicwith.True,sheadmitted,sheis
surroundedbyArabicspeakers:hercleaninglady,thegreengrocer,thecar
mechanic.ButsheneverspeakswiththeminArabic.Foronething,theyallspeak
Hebrewsoitfeelssilly.WhenshetriestospeaktotheminArabic,shefreezes.The
bestwaytolearnalanguageis“onthestreet”(barechov),sheinsisted,repeating
adviceweheardoftenfromourteachers.8Buttheproblemisthat“thereisnoArab
streetinIsrael”(einrechovAravi).
7MyconversationwithAlizawasnottaped.Inthissection,then,Iamparaphrasingwhatshesaid,basedonmynotes.ThepartsthatareinquotationmarksaretheonlypartswhereI’msureIgotherwordingexactlyright.ThebracketeditalicsaretheoriginalHebrewwordingofcertainkeyphrases.8Riyad,oneofourteachers,putitthisway:“Hereyou’regoingtolearnmaybethirtypercentofthelanguage.You’llgetthebase.Thebestistolearninthestreet.Gooutside,golivewithafamilyforthreeweeks.Threeweeksinavillageisbetterthanayearinaclassroom.”
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Aswetooktheturn‐offfromtheshoreroadandheadedeastonaroadthat
windsthroughpicturesquefieldsandmoshavim(agriculturalsettlements),Aliza
continued.ThelasttimesheactuallyspokeArabicwithsomeoneoutsidetheclass
waswhenshecalledhersoninLondonandreachedawrongnumber.Thevoiceat
theotherendcouldn’tunderstandher,andshecouldtellitwasanArabicspeaker.
SoAlizasaid“wrongnumber”inArabicbeforeshehungup.
“Einimmiledaber”(there’snoonetotalkto)wasacomplaintIheardoften
fromAlizaandotherclassmateswhowantedtopracticetheirArabicwithnative
Arabicspeakersbutcomplainedofalackofappropriateinterlocutors.My
classmatesfrequentlybemoanedthefactthattheydidnothaveanopportunityto
speakArabicoutsideoftheclassroom.Afewexpressedjealousythat,withmy
CanadianpassportandnativeEnglish,IcouldgolearnArabicinCairoorAmman.
TheywonderedwhyIdidn’t,sincethereIcouldlearnthelanguageinthebestway
possible:onthestreet.Theabsenceof“Arabstreets”9remarkedonbystudentsina
schoollocatednottenminutes’driveawayfromtwoArabcitiesisstriking.
Likewise,itisremarkablethatsomeonelivinginacountrywhereatleasteighteen
percentofthepopulationspeaksArabicasanativelanguageneedstocallawrong
numberinLondoninordertofindsomeonewithwhomtospeak.
9SeeAsefBayat(2003)andRanyaAbdelSayed(2003)fordiscussionsofrecentWesternpreoccupationwiththe“Arabstreet”andits(imagined)roleinthepoliticsofdissentintheArabworld.Bayatarguesthat“the‘Arabstreet’isdamnedifitdoesanddamnedifitdoesn’t–itiseither‘irrational’and‘aggressive’oritis‘apathetic’and‘dead.’”Eitherway,theconcept“reifie[s]thecultureandcollectiveconductofanentirepeopleinaviolentabstraction”(44).ItisinterestingthatforAlizaandotherslikeher,the‘Arabstreet’isalsofoundlacking,butitfiguresinstead–albeitinitsabsence–asthesiteofcultural/linguisticauthenticity.
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Aliza’scomplaint,though,isbasedonmuchmorestringentcriteriathan
linguisticcompetence;recallthatherArabic‐speaking‘cleaninglady’doesnot
qualify.ItisnotjustanArabicspeakerthatsheseeksanddoesn’tfind,buta
particularkindofspeakingsubjectand,byimplication,aparticularkindofcitizen.
Hercriteriaforheridealinterlocutorremainunspoken(implyinganassumption
thatIwouldunderstandthemandagreewiththem–anassumptionIfoundmyself
resenting),butitissafetosaythattheyareinformedasmuchbyrace,class,gender,
andpoliticalideologiesasbylanguage.
Inordertounderstandthis,itisnecessarytohearanechoatworkinher
words.“There’snoonetotalkto”tastes–touseBakhtin’s(1981)word–ofanother
context.10AcommonexplanationforthecollapseoftheOsloaccordsandthe
subsequentfailuretore‐startnegotiationsisthelackofaliberal,democratic,
moderatemainstreamamongPalestinians.“There’snoonetotalkto”isthe
frequentshorthandexplanationforthisincertainsoft‐leftliberalcirclesinIsrael–
thosesamedisillusionedcirclesthatvotedLikudforthefirsttimeinJanuary2003,
bringingArielSharonintopower(seeChapterOne).11Thepre‐conditionfor
negotiatingforpeace,asexpressedbythiscomplaint,istheexistenceofanideal
negotiatingpartner–orinterlocutor–bearinganappropriatecivicandpolitical
sensibility.InfailingtoliveuptothisidealthePalestiniansprovethemselvesan
10“Eachwordtastesofthecontextandcontextsinwhichithasliveditssociallychargedlife”(Bakhtin1981:293).ThankyoutoMarnieBjornsonforbringingthisquotetomyattention.11Anothercommonwaytophrasethisis“einpartner”(there’snopartner).UsingtheEnglishwordpartner(ratherthantheperfectlygoodHebrewwordforit–shutaf)“tastes”oftheAmericaninvolvementbothinthenegotiationsandininterpretationsoftheirfailure.
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unworthy“partner”inpeace.Becausethisidealisinformedasmuchbyorientalist
asbyethnocentricjudgments,thePalestinianssimultaneouslyprovethemselvesan
inadequately“civilized”globalsubject.12Thosewhovoicethiscomplaint,then,
locatetheblameforthecurrentimpasseinintrinsicallyPalestinianfailures.In
additiontoabsolvingthemselvesofanyguilt,theyexpressatonceawillingnessto
negotiateandtheirregretattheimpossibilityofanyproductivenegotiations.
Aliza’scomplaintthatshecan’tfindsomeonetospeakArabicwithisphrasedin
exactlythesametermsand,infact,itseemsthatherinterlocutorsandthoseofthe
peaceprocessarefoundlackinginsimilarways.
AsweapproachedGivatHavivawepassedtheroadcomingfromBakaal
Gharbiya,aPalestiniantownthatwehadbypassedonourroute.Alizamused,“I
wonderwhywedon’tdrivethatway–it’smuchclosertodrivethatway.”Shethen
proceededtoanswerherownquestion:“ButtheretheyhateJews.”WhenI
expressedsurpriseatthisjudgment,sheofferedevidence.Onetime,shetoldme,
shedrovederechhabik’a(alongthe“valleyroad”thatcutsthroughtheWestBank)
andstoppedatabakeryalongtheway.Shechattedwiththebaker,anArabman,
andaskedhimwherehewasfrom.“FromBaka,”heanswered.Soshetoldhim
she’dliketogothere,toseewhatit’slike.Hisreply:“Mapit’om!”–anexpressionof
surpriseanddismaythatcouldberoughlytranslatedas“Whatareyoutalking
about!”“I’mscaredtogothere,”Alizaconcluded.“IheartheyhateJewsthere.”
12Theinadequatelycivilizedsubjectis,ofcourse,acommontropeinimperial/colonialdiscourse,usedasajustificationforoccupationinavarietyofcontexts(seee.g.,Pratt1992,Grewal1996,Rafael2000;seealsoChapterSix).
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WhileAlizadoesnotmakethisconnectionherself,itseemscleartomethat
herfearofenteringBaka(andplaceslikeit)providesareadyexplanationforthe
absenceofanArabstreetinherunderstandingofIsraelitopography.Whileitisnot
withinthescopeofmyresearchtodiscussthisindepth,Iwouldsuggestthatthe
Israelileft’sassessmentoftheirPalestinianinterlocutorsmaybesimilarly
compromised.
3.YoavandBenny:“DotheyhaveblueIDcards?”
TheschoolbusturnedoffWadiAraroadandbeganasteepascentalonga
roadthatslowlydeterioratedasweclimbed,untilitwasjustdirtandgravel.Atthe
pointwherethebuscouldgonofurther,weclimbeddownandclusteredaroundour
teacherRiyad,onasparsewind‐sweptridge.ItwasaWednesdayafternoonin
October.Ontheschedulepostedonthebulletinboardoutsidetheclassroom,the
day’sdatewasblockedoffandoveritwaswrittenClassTrip:GreenLine.
Thegreenlineisthearmisticelineof1949:theborderofIsraeluntil1967,
whenIsraeloccupiedtheWestBank,Gaza,andtheGolanHeights(alsoSinaibutthat
waslaterreturned)intheSixDayWar.Whilethegreenlinecurrentlymarksthe
internationallyrecognizedbordersofIsrael,thelinedoesnotappearonmost
Israeli‐mademapsofthecountry–includinganymapstheboyswouldhave
encounteredinschool.Thisfollowsagovernmentdecisionin1967toeraseitfrom
atlases,maps,andtextbooks(seeNewmanandYacobi2005).13
13InDecember2006(aftermyfieldwork)YuliTamir,MinisterofEducationandamemberoftheLabourparty,recommendedthatthegreenlinebeincludedinallmapsappearinginnewtextbooksandcurriculummaterials.Thisrecommendation
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Belowustothenorthwasapanoramicviewofthewhiteroofsofthecityof
UmelFachem(seefigure3.1).BelowustothesouthRiyadpointedtowherethe
wall–herenotconcretebutafence,bothbarbedwireandelectric,withswathsof
landoneitherside–cutthroughthelandscape,thehillsoftheWestBankinthe
distancebeyond(seefigure3.2).Whileinotherpartsofthecountrytherouteofthe
wallcutsintoPalestinianterritory,Riyadexplained,hereitfollowsalongthegreen
line.Theborderherewascreatedin1949,hecontinued,whentheceasefirehalted
theretreatingJordanianarmyhere,onthesouthsideofthisridge,beyondUmel
Fachem.14ThisleftWadiAra(whichatthetimewaspopulatedalmostentirelyby
Palestinians)insideIsrael.TheinhabitantsoftheWadi,includingthoseofUmel
Fachem,weresubsequentlygrantedIsraelicitizenship.Theyarefullandequal
citizens,formallyentitledtothesamerightsandprivilegesasJews,thoughthe
realityissomewhatdifferent,explainedRiyad(seeChapterTwo).AsRiyadoffered
anexampleoftheirtreatmentbytheIsraelistate,explaininghowlandwas
confiscatedfromUmelFacheminordertobuildamilitarycampoverthere,inthe
hillsofRamatMenashetothenorth,Yoavinterruptedhim:“Waitaminute,waita
minute.InUmelFachemdotheyhaveblueIDcards?”(yeshlahemteudotkchulot?)
Thatis,dotheycarrythesameformofidentificationthatallIsraelicitizenscarry?
InordertounderstandYoav’squestionitisimportanttorecognizethe
centralplaceofidentitypapers(Hebrew:teudatzehut;Arabic:hawiye)inthehighly
stratifiedsystemthatregulateswhohasaccesstowhatrightsandprivilegesand wasmetwithanuproarfromLikudKnessetmembers,whoaccusedTamirofforcingherleft‐wingideologyonthenation’schildren,andrabbinicalauthorities,whoforbadestudentsfromusingthenewtextbooks.(SeeEldar2006,Pogrund2006.)14ThisisaslightlydifferentversionofeventsfromwhatIoutlineinChapterTwo.
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whocangowhereinIsrael.15Inparticular,Palestinianscarrydifferentcoloured
identitycardswhichmarktheirdifferentialstatus:thoselivingintheWestBankand
GazacarrygreencardsandhavenoclaimswhatsoevertoIsraelicitizenship;those
livinginEastJerusalemcarryorangecardsandareconsideredresidents,butnot
citizensofIsrael;andthosewholiveinsidethegreenline,withintheundisputed
bordersofIsrael,carryblueidentitycards–thesameasanyothercitizenofIsrael.
AllIsraelicitizensarelegallyobligedtocarrytheseidentitycardsatalltimesand
presentthemondemand,aspertheIdentityCardCarryingandDisplayingActof
1982.Onthesecards,inadditiontosex,placeofbirth,andnamesofmotherand
father,thereisaspacemarked“leum,”whichcanbetranslatedasnation(thoughthe
Hebrewwordhasmultipleovertones).Themainoptionsforfillinginthisspace–
JeworArab–pointtothewayscategoriesofidentityinIsraeloverlapinconfusing
andhighlyloadedways.16ThisbelieswhatBenedictAnderson(2006:166)calls“the
15SeeKelly2006foraninterestingdiscussionof“theroleofidentitydocumentsinproducingtheparticulartextureofrelationshipsbetweenpersonsandstatesintheIsraeli‐Palestinianconflict.”16OtheroptionsincludeDruzeandCircassian,buttheseareaverysmallminority.Leumcanbetranslatedasnation,butwhereitdistinguishesbetweenbearersofthesamecitizenshipcard,itcanbeunderstoodasreferringtoethnicaffiliation.Jew,then,isinthiscontextamarkerofethnicornational,notreligiousidentity,anditsoppositeisArab,notMuslimorChristian,andcertainlynotPalestinian.NationalidentityusedtobefilledinonidentitycardsbytheMinistryoftheInteriorregardlessofthecard‐bearer’spreference.Asof2005(aftermyfieldwork)thiscategorywasremovedfromidentitycards.Thisoutcomefollowedfromadisputenotoverthequestionable‘nationality’ofPalestinianIsraelisbutoveranotherfundamentaldilemmaofIsraeliexistence,referredtoasthe“whoisaJew”debate.WhentheSupremeCourtruledthatpeoplewhoconvertedtoJudaismthroughaReform(ratherthananOrthodox)conversionbeidentifiedasJewsontheiridentitycards,theMinisteroftheInterior(amemberofShas,anOrthodoxparty)decidedtoremovethecategoryaltogetherratherthanidentifyasJewsthosenotconsideredJewishbyOrthodoxJewishlaw.
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fictionofthecensus”:“thateveryoneisinitandthateveryonehasone–andonly
one–extremelyclearplace.”
WhenYoavaskedwhetherresidentsofUmelFachemcarryblueidentity
cards,hisquestionwasmetwithafewsnickers(hewasnotoriousintheclassforhis
frequentquestions,oftencomingfromsomewhereinthevicinityofleftfield).But
heisnotaloneinhisconfusionoverthestatusoftheresidentsofUmelFachemand
placeslikeit.AfewminutesearlierLior,athoughtfulandearnestboywhogotthe
bestmarksintheclass,hadapproachedmeandquietlyasked:“IsUmelFachem
Israeli?”
OnwhichsideofthegreenlinearePalestiniancitizensofIsraellocated?This
questionpersisted,evenaswestoodonaridge,peeringdownoverthegreenlineas
itclearlyandconcretelydividedthelandscape,withtheWestBankononesideand
IsraelandUmelFachemontheotherside.Beyondgeographicconfusion,Iargue
thatthepersistenceofYoav’squestionreflectsadeepambivalenceoverwhetheror
nottoincludePalestiniancitizensofIsraelwithintheimaginativegreenlinethat
markstheboundariesoftheIsraelination.
YoavandhisfriendBennywerethetoughguysintheclass.Disappointed
thattheywereassignedtoarmyintelligence(thiswasthereasontheywereinthe
course),theymadeitclearatanyopportunitythattheyhadwantedtobeassigned
toacombatunit.Benny’sfamilylivesinoneofthemanydormitorysuburbssouth
ofTelAviv,awealthyone.YoavisthesonofYemeniteimmigrantsandlivesinRosh
HaAyin,atownonthecoastalplane,populatedlargelybyotherfamiliesfrom
Yemen.Iinterviewedthembothonedayduringourlunchbreak,sittingondesksin
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theteachers’lounge.BennytoldmehehadneverbeeninanArabvillagebeforethe
course:
InmywholelifeI’veneverbeeninanArabvillage.Whynot?Because,
stam(justbecause),there’snothingformethere.(Einlimalechapes
sham–literally,I’vegotnothingtolookforthere.)Youknow,welive
apart.Me,theArabvillagenearesttomeismaybe100kilometres
away,it’snotclose...AJewlikeme,wholivesinthecentre,inGush
Dan[theareaaroundTelAviv],thingslikethisdon’tconcernyouso
much.Arabs.It’slikeakindofbubble.It’sakindofbubble.
ThenearestArabvillagetoBenny’shomeisactuallyaroundtenkilometresaway,
thoughitisintheWestBank.ThenearestArabvillagewithinIsraelistwenty
kilometresaway.IaskedYoavifitwasthesameforhim,ifhehadneverbeeninan
Arabvillagebeforethecourse.Herespondedwithabitofbravado:
Nonono.MydadworkswithArabssosometimestheycomeeatat
myhouseandstufflikethat(shtuyotkaele).I’vebeentoKfarKasem,
KfarBara.
Yoav’sdadisacontractorwhohiresArabstodoconstructionworkforhim.Both
KfarKasemandKfarBaraarelocatedwithinatenkilometreradiusofYoav’shome.
WhenIaskedYoavwhyhehadgonetotheseplaces,helaughedandanswered:
Onadrivinglesson!No,butalsotobuythingslikecoal,firecrackers.
Mydadgoesthere...Peoplewilltellyou:‘einlechamalechapessham’
(there’snothingforyouthere).Butme,mydad,whenIcametothe
courseforthefirsttimeforinstance,wedrovethroughBakaal
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Gharbiya.Okay,atfirstitwasbymistake[helaughs]butafterhe
stopped,gotout,boughtthings,feltathome[hirgishbabayit],you
know.
Yoav’sdescriptionofhisdadfeeling“athome”(babyit)inBakaechoeshisearlier
mentionofhisfather’sArabemployeeseatingathisownhome.Heretherecurrent
imageofhouseandhome(theHebrewwordforthemisthesame:bayit)createsa
pictureofintimateproximityconstruedasneighbourliness;theother,more
threateningsideofthisproximity,however,soonemerges.IaskedBennyifthe
‘bubble’hefeelshelivesinhasanythingtodowithfear,andheresponded:“More
thanfearit’slackofknowledge”(choseryeda).Yoavadded:
Listen,there’snofearandallthatbutonedayit’sgoingtocomeback
atyouforsure.(yomechadzeholechlehitnakembechabedugri—
literally,it’sgoingtogetrevengeonyouforsure.)We’veheardabout
lotsofpeopleonthenewswhoalltheydidwasgotodosomenormal
business(iskaregila),likealways,everySundaysittinganddrinking
coffeewithsomeArab(eizearavi)andintheendtheygotshot.(kiblu
eizekadur–literally,caughtsomebullet)
TheimplicationofYoav’swarningisthatweareperhapslulledintoafalsesenseof
security,thatitisourlackoffearthatwill,intheend,provedangerousor‘get
revenge’onus.ItispreciselyourintimateproximitytoArabs–thefactthattheyeat
inourhomesandwefeelathomeshoppingintheirtowns,thefactthatdrinking
coffeetogetheris“normalbusiness”–thatputsusindanger.Thisisnot,itturns
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out,animageofneighbourlinessbutanexplanationofwhyitisdangeroustotrust
Arabs.Havingneverheardofsuchaneventmyself,IchallengedYoavonhisstory:
Abigail:We’veheardaboutthis?InSIDEIsraelorintheterritories?
Yoav:[No,inIsrael‐
Benny:No,intheterritoriesthat’s‐]
Yoav:Ya,like,intheterritories,youwenttosomeArab(halachtale
eizearavi)and–
Abigail:Ok,buttogotoBakaalGharbiyaisnottogoto,Idon'tknow,
Hevron.
Yoav:Still,listenwhat,alsoinJeninthere’suh‐
Abigail:Jenin’sintheterritories.
Yoav:Um,Jenin!Ha!um,alsoinUmelFachemthere’sstufflikethat
(shtuyotkaele).
Yoav’sconfusionoverwhereJeninislocated–whetherintheterritoriesorinIsrael
–andhisuncertaintyoverwhichsideofthebordertheviolencehedescribestook
placein(despitemyinsistencethatthisdistinctionisimportant),echoeshisearlier
questionabouttheinhabitantsofUmelFachem.Itseemsthatthecrucialhistorical,
political,andgeographicaldistinctionbetweenPalestinianslivingintheterritories
andPalestiniancitizensofIsraelisnotonethatisrelevanttoYoavandBenny.What
isrelevanttothemistheArabidentityofthesepeopleandtheplacesinwhichthey
live,ratherthantheirlocationonthisortheothersideofthegreenline.Umel
FachemisnotdistinguishedfromJeninbecausebothareunderstoodasequally
dangerousandinaccessible,andequallyoutsidetheboundsoftheIsraelistate–
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thoughoneisadministeredbythelocalregionalcouncilandtheotherisacrossa
wallandacheckpoint.Whatmattersisthatineitherplaceyouareliabletobe
harmedby“someArab.”
Theconflationoftheseverydifferentlypositionedgroupsrepresentsa
curiouselisionoftheinternationallyrecognizedborderthatseparatesthem.Critical
Israelischolarsunderstandtheerasureofthegreenlinefromstatemapsasan
attempttoincorporatetheoccupiedterritoriesintotheIsraeliterritorial
imagination.DavidNewman(1995:15)callsthisaprocessof“territorial
socialization,”meanttocreatementalimagesofhomelandmapsfocusingonthe
areaofmandatePalestineasaterritorialwhole.YoavandBennyshowthattheyare
indeednotclearonthelocationofthegreenline,itscontours,andwhichArabslive
onwhichside;onthemapsthatIaskedthemtodrawformeatthebeginningofour
interview,thegreenlineismarkedlyabsent.
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TheterritoriesoftheWestBankandGazaarenotmarkedofffromIsraeliterritory
inanywayoneitherofthesemaps.Instead,theyappearaswhite,emptyspaces
encasedwithintheclearlyboundedspaceofIsrael.17Theabsenceofthegreenline
isparticularlyglaringgiventhatthesemapsweredrawnafterconstructionofthe
wallwascompletedalongmostofitslength,andafterwewentonaclasstripwith
theexplicitpurposeofseeingandlearningaboutthegreenlineandthewall.18In
17OtherwhitespacesincludetheNegev,onBenny’smap,andthenorthernGalilonYoav’s–bothknownincommonIsraeliparlanceasthe“periphery,”andbothareaswheremanyPalestinianIsraelislive.WadiAraitselfisfilledinbecauseIaskedthemtomarkoffGivatHavivaandtheplaceswewentonourfieldtrips.18Benny’smap,ontheleft,depictsIsraelasneatlyenclosed,hermeticallysealedwithinitsmaximalborders,floatinginmorewhitespace:noneofthesurroundingcountriesareindicated.Yoav’smapindicatesEgypt,Sinai(somehowelevatedtothe
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describinghowmapsanticipatespatialrealtyAnderson(2006:176)describesthe
linesoflongitudethatsetsovereigntyonmanycolonialmapsas“invisibleline[s]
whichcorrespondedtonothingonthegroundbutboxedinConrad’sdiminishing
whitespaces.”OnYoav’sandBenny’smapstheabsenceofahighlymilitarized,
increasinglyfortifiedlinethathasaveryconcreterealityonthegroundisanactof
erasurethatlikewiseanticipatesrealityandboxesinwhitespaces.
Itismorethanjusterasurethatisatwork,though.Whilethegreenlineis
erasedfromthesemaps,itseemstoretainamobilepresenceindemarcating
internalfrontiers,settingtheboundsoftheimaginednationalcommunityinways
thatconflictwiththenationalterritorialimagination.Intheirconfusionoverwhere
thegreenlinerunsandwholivesonwhichsideofit,ratherthanincorporatingthe
WestBankintoIsrael,YoavandBennyseemtoexpelplaceslikeUmelFachemfrom
Israel,incorporatingthemintotheWestBank.Itisasthoughthegreenlineisboth
erasedandrecursivelyprojectedwithinthestate,toseparateJewishfrom
Palestiniancitizens.OthershavecommentedontheIsraelinationalimagination
thatseesthepresenceofPalestiniansasa“‘defiled’substancewithinthe‘Israeli’
landscape,”or,drawingonMaryDouglas,as“matteroutofplace”(Weizman
2007:20).ButiftheseboysexpelPalestinianIsraelisfromtheimaginednational
community,theydosoinawaythatassumestheirbelongingtoalargerPalestinian
nation.Indoingso,theironyisthattheygranttheArabminorityinIsraela
Palestiniannationalidentity,anidentitythatisroutinelydeniedthembytheIsraeli
statusofaseparatecountry),Lebanon,andSyria;Israel’snorthernborderiscuriouslyleftopenonhismap.
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state.19AsYoavandBenny–andotherslikethem–engagewiththemeaningand
locationofthegreenlineintheireverydaylives,movementsandinteractionsform
“temporarylinesofengagement,markedbymakeshiftboundaries”;these
boundariesare“notlimitedtotheedgesofpoliticalspacebutexistthroughoutits
depth,”markingexclusionandinclusioninavarietyofoftencontradictoryways
(Weizman2007:4‐5).
4.Yuval:“Goodmorning,neighbour”
Anewstudentarrivedinclassonemorning.ItwasOctober,onlythesecond
monthoftheintensivecourse,sohisentranceinterruptedthetediumofgoingover
someverybasicvocabularyincolloquialArabic:Whatdaywasyesterday?
Tuesday.Whatwasthedaybeforethat?Monday.Theheadoftheschoolbrought
himin,introducedhimbrieflytousinArabic,andleft.“Howdowegreetthenew
student?”Riyad(ourteacher)promptedus.Wechimedindutifully,“Ahalanwa
sahalan”–welcome.“Whowantstogettoknowthenewstudent?”Riyadasked,
takingadvantageofhisentrancetoletustryoutsomeofour“gettingtoknowyou”
questionsinaclose‐to‐real‐lifesituation:ifnotwithanArabicspeakerthenatleast
withsomeonewedidnotyetknow.Westumbledoverthequestions,making
mistakesoftenseandagreement,butthequestionsweaskedweredeterminednot 19ThisisaperspectivethatisnotuniquetoYoavandBennybutiscommonamongright‐leaningIsraeliJews.Stein(2008:56)identifiesasimilarcontradictioninthe“discursiveshift”thatattendedshiftsintouristpracticesinIsrael:“Intimesofpeace,thevillagesoftheGalileewereenjoyedasexplicitly“Arab”places.Atmomentsofcrisis,theirthreateningstatusof“Palestinian”camesuddenlytothefore.Thestate‐sponsoredfictionofadenationalizedArabminority,apopulationstrippedofitsPalestinianidentityandhistory,oftencollapsedundertheweightofpoliticalcrisis.”Iwouldarguethattheubiquityofthisperspectivedoesnotdetractfromitsirony.
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onlybyourlimitedvocabulary,itseems,butalsobysomethingmorefundamental:
“What’syourname?”followedby“Whereareyoufrom?”OverandoverIobserved
thatthisisalwaysthesecondquestionthatisaskedwhenmeetingsomeonenewin
Israel.Theanswercarriesawealthofessentialinformation,allowingyoutoplace
thenewpersoninmanymorewaysthanjustgeographically.20
Thenewstudent,Yuval,saidheisfromMetser.Sincethisisasmallplace,he
explainedfurther:“NorthofBaka.”Riyad,locatingYuval’shomeinrelationtoa
morefamiliarlandmark,added:“KibbutzMetser,nearGivatHavivaya’ni(thatis).”
WeaskedhiminArabichowoldheis,hisoccupation,whetherheismarriedor
single,thenamesofthemembersofhisfamily.ThenGadiaskedhimanother
essentialquestion:“WhydoyouwanttolearnArabic?”Yuvalansweredinhesitant
Arabic,interspersedwithcorrectionsandclarificationsfromRiyad,andfromYael,a
studentintheclass:
Yuval:Allthe(.)place(makan).IntheTriangle‐
Yael:region(mantika)?
Yuval:AlltheregionoftheTrianglewhereIlive–me,tomyleftisBaka,
tomyrightis‐
Riyad:Meyser.
Yuval:Meyser.
Riyad:Ya’ni(thatis),kifmabtita’labitshufArab.Whatdoesthatmean?
[HetranslatesintoHebrew.]EverywhereyoulookyouseeArabs.
Yuval:EverymorningatthreeinthemorningIhear– 20Forexample,Alizasayingshe’sfromNorthTelAvivtellsyoushe’swealthy;Yoavsayinghe’sfromRoshHaAyintellsyouhe’smostlikelyofYemeniteorigin;etc.
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Yael:themosque?
Yuval:Ihear“Alahuakbar”(Godisgreat).
Riyad:Everymorningatthreeinthemorningyouhearthecallofthe
muezzin.
YuvalisamemberofKibbutzMetser,acooperativeagriculturalcommunityafew
kilometresdowntheroadfromGivatHaviva.Locatedjustinsidethegreenline,its
nearestneighboursinIsraelarethetownofBakaalGharbiyaandthevillageof
Meyser,bothpopulatedbyPalestinianIsraelis.Metserislocatedononecornerof
anareacalledinArabicIlMuthalath,“theTriangle,”oneoftheregionsofthecountry
thatisheavilypopulatedbyPalestiniancitizensofIsrael(seemapsandChapter
Two).YuvalrespondedtothequestionofwhyhewantstolearnArabicby
describinghissurroundings,presentingapictureofintimateproximitywithhis
Arabneighboursashisreason.SurroundedbyArabspaces,hefeelshimself
surroundedbytheArabiclanguageandsowantstolearnit.Whilebeing
surroundedbyArabsisoftenawaytotalkaboutfeelingsoffearorencroachment,I
don’tthinkthatisthereinYuval’sdescriptionofhissurroundings.Speakingin
ArabicofhisdesiretolearnArabic,hedescribedthislandscapeinArabicterms:the
landmarksheused(Baka,Meyser,theTriangleregion)arenottheusualwaysto
locateKibbutzMetser–theregioniscalledtheChefervalleyinHebrew.21Inusing
thesignpostsofaPalestinianandnotaJewishlandscape,Yuvalrevealsanunusual 21DescribingaplaceasbeinglocatednearanArabplace,inaconversationbetweenJews,issounusualastobemarkedasastatementofsomesort.YouwouldusuallynameaJewishlandmark,evenifitwerefartheraway.(SeePortugali1993:160‐161forstrikingsurveyevidenceofthis.)Forexample,Rina(whomwemeetinChapterFive)alwaysdescribedTnuvot,whereshewasliving,asbeing“nearKalansawa”inaconsciousanddeliberate(anddeliberatelyprovocative)reversalofthistendency.
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sensitivitytohissurroundings,andtothepoliticsofdescribingthislandscapeinthe
Arabiclanguage.Riyad,though,seemedtopickuponYuval’swordsinanother
register–asthoughhewasdescribingfeelingsurroundedbyanunwanted
preponderanceofArabs:“Ya’ni,everywhereyoulookyouseeArabs.”
Yuvalcontinuedwithanexampleoftheever‐presenceoftheArabiclanguage
inhislandscape:thesoundofthecalltoprayerwhichisbroadcastfrommosquesin
Baka,fivetimesdaily,includingapre‐dawncall.(Thereusedtobeamuezzinwho
wouldcallpeopletoprayoveraloudspeaker,butnowitisarecordingthatis
played.)Thissound,broadcastfrommosquesalloverthecountry,canbeheard
frommanyJewishtownsandneighbourhoods,includingfromthewindowofmy
apartmentinJerusalem.TomanyitservesasacommonintrusionofMuslim‐nessin
anotherwiseJewishlandscape,andaconstantreminderofthesurprisingproximity
ofseeminglydistantArabneighbours.Theauditoryminglingalsocreatesan
unexpectedsenseofclosenesssince,forinstance,Ineverwenttoseethemosque
nearmeinJerusalem,wherethesesoundsoriginated,yetmydaysweremarkedby
theechoesofthesecalls,theirmelodysoundingsometimeseerie,sometimes
melancholy,sometimescomforting.InYuval’saccount,physicalproximityisfelt
throughthisaudiblepresence,theforeignsoundsincorporatedintohisdaily
environment.
BenedictAnderson(2006)describessingingthenationalanthemorreciting
ceremonialpoetryasonekindofexperienceofsimultaneitythroughwhichthe
nationalcommunityisimagined:
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Howselflessthisunisonancefeels!Ifweareawarethatothersare
singingthesesongspreciselywhenandasweare,wehavenoidea
whotheymaybe,orevenwhere,outofearshottheyaresinging.
Nothingconnectsusbutanimaginedsound(145).
Thecalltoprayercanbeunderstoodassuchanexperienceofsimultaneitypar
excellence–an“echoedphysicalrealizationoftheimaginedcommunity”thatsets
bothacommonrhythmandanawarenessofcommonalityforthoseitcalls,
wherevertheymaybe.Yetitdoesnotcallallwhohearit.Ifthecalltoprayer
connectsMuslimsallovertheworldthroughtheexperienceofimaginedsound,it
alsoformsotherconnections–anddivisions–closertohome.22
Barker(1999)discussestheroleofsoundinmarkingandcreatingdegreesof
belongingandnot‐belonging,gradationsofinsideandoutside.Thesoundofthecall
toprayerreferencesmultipleandconflictingboundaries,reinforcingsomewhile
crossingothers.LikethesoundofthekentonganthatBarkerdescribes(thehollow
instrumentstruckbynightwatchmenintheneighbourhoodsofBandung),the
soundofthecalltoprayerpunctuatesthenightsofallwithinitsrange.Forthose
whohearit,JewsandMuslimsalike,it“createsanephemeralorder,atempointhe
night”;itthusgivescoherence“notjusttoatemporalitybuttoamilieuinwhichall
thenearbydwellingsaredrawntogether”bythesharedexperienceofthissound
(Barker1999:109).ItisthisthatYuvalrespondsto,embracingthesoundasan
experienceofaudibleconnectionamongneighbours. 22AndersonreferencesHegelwhoobservedthat“newspapersservemodernmanasasubstituteformorningprayers”(35).Yetinthiscontexttheimportanceofmorningprayerspersists,alongsidetheother“massceremony”ofreadingthemorningpaper.
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Yetthekentongan,asdescribedbyBarker,hasotherfunctionsbeyond
connectivity.Itnotonlydrawsalinearoundthosewhohearit;italsodistinguishes
betweendifferenthearers,markingcertainhouseholdsanddemandingparticular
responsesfromparticularhouseholdsorindividuals.Thesameistrueofthecallto
prayer:itinterpolatesonlysomeofitshearers.IncallingMuslimlistenerstoprayer,
itrequiresaresponse;itactivatesarelationship;itestablishesapresence;itmarks
outaterritory.Incontrast,noresponseisrequiredofJewishlisteners.Theymay
continueabouttheirbusiness,gobacktosleep,ormostoftenlearntotuneitout,
havingonlythevaguestawarenessofitstimingorsignificance.Therelationship
activatedbythissoundhasnorelevancetothem;byextension,theterritoryit
marksdoesnotincludethem.HowdoIsraeliJewsrespondtotheregularaudible
reminderofaforeignpresenceintheirmidst?Noteveryonechoosestoconstrueit,
asYuvaldid,asareminderofneighbourlyconnection.
WhileRiyadwasusuallyeasilydistractedfromgrammartoelaborationsof
Muslimtraditions,hedidnottakethisopportunitytoexplainthescheduleof
Muslimprayers.Instead,hemovedonandreturnedtothelesson:Whatdayis
tomorrow?Thursday.Whatisthedayaftertomorrow?Friday.
Buttheconversationwasnotyetover.Tenminuteslater,theclasshad
movedonandweweretakingturnsreadingaloudastoryfromthetextbook.We
encounteredavocabularywordthatwehadlearnedtheweekbefore:neighbour
(jar).Riyadreinforcedthewordbyremindingusofanumberofproverbsinwhich
itappears.(HewouldfrequentlytellusthatthekeytoArabcultureisinitswealth
ofproverbs.)What’stheproverbwelearnedabouttheimportanceofknowingyour
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neighbour?heaskedus.“Askaboutyourneighbourbeforeyouaskaboutyour
house.”(Neighbour–jar–rhymeswithhouse–dar.)What’stheoneaboutnot
gettinginvolvedinyourneighbour’sbusiness?“Sabachilcher,yajari.Intafidarak
waanafidari.”(Goodmorning,neighbour.You’reinyourhouseandI’minmy
house.)Riyadpausedbeforetheendofthelineandwechimedinwiththerhyming
word.ThenRiyad’sexplanationofthisproverb,inaddressingYuvalasanexample,
suddenlybecameaboutalotmorethanproverbs.HecontinuedinArabic:
That’sright.Goodmorningneighbour,ya’ni(thatis),youandMeyser
[addressingYuvalandmentioningtheArabvillagenexttohis
kibbutz],that’srightthatyouhearArabicbutyouarealoneandheis
alone.Wesay:goodmorningneighbour,you’reinyourhouseandI’m
inmine.Ya’ni,[translatesintoHebrew]you’reinyourhouseandI’m
inmyhouse,you’reinyourheadandI’minmyhead.[Atababyit
shelchave’anibabayitsheli.Atabaroshshelchave’anibaroshsheli.]
Ya’ni,wedon’twanttogetinvolvedineachother’sbusiness.(Hebrew:
lorotsimlehitarev.)
ComingafterYuval’sdescriptionofintimateneighbourliness,ofacommonmilieu
boundedbysharedsound,thiscouldbeunderstoodasRiyad’scounter‐claim
regardingthespatialrelationsofJewsandArabsintheregion:youareinyour
house,Iaminmine;you’reonyourown,I’monmyown.LikeYoavintheprevious
section,Riyadishereusingtheimageofhouseandhometoassertadifferent
versionofneighbourliness,emphasizingseparatenessdespitephysicalproximity:
theremaybeauditoryminglingbutweremainfundamentallyseparate,eachwithin
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ourownhomeandeachwithinourownmind‐set(“that’srightthatyouhearArabic
but...”).Thiscounter‐versiontowhatYuvaldescribedasaclose‐knit,integrated
landscape,unifiedbyacommonexperienceofsound,couldbereadasanassertion
ofterritoriality,areminderoftheveryseparateexperiencesandrealitiesofthe
residentsofMeyserandMetser.23
Riyad’swordssetupaparallelbetweenhouse/home(thewordforbothin
Hebrewisbayit)andhead:“You’reinyourhouseandI’minmyhouse,you’rein
yourheadandI’minmyhead.”24“Head”canhereberead,followingcommonIsraeli
parlance,asmind‐setorhead‐space.25Accordingtothisparallel,entering
somebodyelse’sspace–theirhome–couldpossiblybeconstruedasentering
someone’shead–thatis,takingon,oratleastrecognizing,theirperspectiveorpoint
ofview.Riyad’sformulationcaninturnbereadasanassertionoftheneedto
preserveanautonomousspaceinordertoprotectonespointofview.Entering
somebodyelse’shomecanthusbereadasanintrusion,asachallengeto
territoriality,orevenasathreattoautonomy.Iwouldarguethatwecanaddathird
layertothisparallel:language.Tospeaksomeone’slanguagewasoftendescribed
tomeasto“entertheirhead,”tounderstandtheirculturalviewpoint;likewise,the
linkbetweenlearningsomeone’slanguageandenteringsomeone’sspacecomesup
repeatedlyinthedissertation.Whetheravisitorisreadasaguestoranintruderin
23Itcouldalsobereadasawarning(‘don’tgetinvolved’;‘stayout’),asareminderthatsegregationlooksdifferentdependingonwhichsideyouarelookingatitfrom,orasacritiqueofoccupationmasqueradingasneighbourliness.24ThankyoutoMichaelChazanforpointingoutthisinterestingparallel.25“Toentersomeone’shead”(lehikaneslarosh)istoseethingsfromtheirperspective.“Tobeinonehead”(lihiyotberoshechad)istoagree,tobeonthesamepage.
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one’shome,head,orlanguageperhapsdependsonwhetherornotheorshehas
beeninvitedin(seealsoBarker1999:109‐111).ThatRiyadswitchesfromArabicto
HebrewinaddressingthiscommenttoYuvalperhapsemphasizesthatheisnot
extendinganinvitation.
WhatwasnotmentionedeitherbyRiyadorYuval,butwhatwasunderstood
byeveryoneintheclasstoformthesubtextofthisinteraction,isthetragicrecent
historyofKibbutzMetser.InNovember2002(twoyearsbeforeYuvaljoinedour
class),aPalestiniangunmancrossedoverfromtheWestBankonenight,enteredthe
kibbutz,andshotandkilledfivepeople.InthecoverageofthiseventintheIsraeli
media,twodetailswereemphasized,makingthisstandoutasparticularlytragic
amongothersimilarevents:first,amongthevictimswerea35yearoldmotherand
hertwosons,agesfourandfive,whowereshotintheboys’bedroomassheread
themabedtimestory;andsecond,thespokespersonforthekibbutzstatedthat,in
thewakeofthekilling,thekibbutzremainedcommittedtotheidealofcoexistence
withitsArabneighbours.Dependingonthesource,thiswaspresentedeitheras
misguidedfollyorutopianhope,butmuchwasmadeinthecoverageofthehistory
offriendshipandcooperationbetweenMetseranditsneighbour,Meyser.Meyser
shareditswellwiththenewkibbutzwhenitwasinitsearlyyears,andsincethen
generationsofMeyserchildrenhavecometoplayinMetser’splayground.26A
monthbeforetheshootingmembersofthekibbutzprotestedtheconstructionofthe
wallwhichwastobebuiltsomedistanceoverthegreenline,cuttingoffthefarmers
26SeeChapterFourforanalysisofnostalgicnarrativesofcoexistence.
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ofthevillageofKafin,Metser’sotherneighbours,ontheothersideofthegreenline,
fromtheirfields.
Themoredistanthistoryofthekibbutzformsanimportantsubtexttothis
storyofcoexistence,thoughitisahistorythatisnotincludedindominantIsraeli
versionsofthepast.Thekibbutzwasfoundedin1953onlandthathadbeen,until
1948,aPalestinianvillage.27ItwasfoundedbyagroupofArgentineanimmigrants
anditslocationrightontheborder,surroundedbyArabs,wasnotcoincidental:it
waspartofasettlementpolicyofthetimeof‘Judaizing’thefrontiers(seeChapter
Two).
Thisisthecontextforthetwoopposingversionsof‘neighbourliness’
presentedbyYuvalandbyRiyad.Understoodintheseterms,whatisatstakein
describingMetserassurroundedbyorseparatefromitsPalestinianneighbours,
connectedtothemordividedfromthem,isclearer.TheminglingthatYuval
describescanbeunderstoodtohavedangerousconsequences–theinfiltrationof
thesoundofthecalltoprayerintoacontainedJewishspaceparallelingamore
lethalinfiltrationfromPalestinianspaces.Assertingtheseparatenessofthese
spaces,despitetheirproximity,canthenbeunderstoodasawayofminimizingthe
27Itsname,Metser,isaHebraicizationofthenameoftheArabicname,Meyser.Duringtheerainwhichthekibbutzwasfounded,itwascommontoincorporateformerArabicplacenamesinnamingnewJewishsettlements(seeBenvenisti2000–oftentheArabicsourcewasretainedinsomeform,butdistortedinordertoaddsomeBiblicalornature‐relatedmeaning).ButtheunusualthingisthatMeyserisstillthere,theneighbouringArabvillage.ItisnotcleartomewhetherthelandonwhichMetserwasfoundedhadformerlybeenpartofMeyserorwhetherasecondArabvillagehadbeenlocatedonthatland.
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potentialthreatpresentedbyMetser’sPalestinianneighbours–athreatwhich
Yuvaldidnotreferto,butwhichRiyadappearstohaveunderstoodasimminent.
5.Daniel:“Alittlelesswhite”
OnagreydaytowardtheendofDecember,wewentonafieldtripto
Nazareth–acityofPalestinianArabs,themajorityChristians,locatedintheGalil,
north‐eastofWadiAra.ThedroopingandsoggyChristmasdecorationsaddedtothe
forlornatmosphereofthequietstreetsweexplored.Afterabusymorningwe
stoppedforlunchatafalafelrestaurant.Theywereexpectingus,andbroughtthe
foodouttothetablesassoonaswearrived:shishkebabs,shwarma,falafel,chips,
freshpita,manysmallplateswithsaladsandpickles.Theyhaddesignatedoneof
thefourtablesvegetarian,andIsattherewithNurit,Hila,andDaniel–theonly
vegetarianamongtheboys.
Danielisayearolderthanmostoftheboys,sincehedeferredhisarmy
serviceinordertodoayearofvoluntary“nationalservice”(sherutleumi),buthe
oftenseemedtomefarmoremature.Hespentthisyearworkingasacounselor
(madrich)fornewimmigrantteenagersinapoornortherntown.Theotherboys
wouldteasehimforhis“flowerchild”ways(hekepttheteacorneroutsideour
classroomstockedwithwildlemongrassandmint,whichheforagedforonthe
breaks,andprovidedmewithanexcellentrecipeforgranola)butreallyhewas
deeplyrespectedbyalltheboys.Heisdeliberateandthoughtfulineverythinghe
does,andhechooseshiswordscarefully.Deeplyconflictedabouthisimminent
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armyservice,hetoldmethatjoiningarmyintelligencewasacompromise;theideal
wouldhavebeentorefusetoserve.
NuritandIhadspentChristmasinNazarethearlierintheweek,goingto
midnightmassattheChurchoftheAnnunciation,andstayingoverataconvent(see
figure3.3).DanielandhisfriendNiv,wholivesnearbyinAfula,haddrivenupfor
ChristmasEveaswell.NuritandIhadtriedtomeetupwiththembutdidn’tmanage
tofindtheminthecrowds,sonow,overfalafel,thethreeofuscomparednotesof
ourexperience.
Weweresurprisedandthrilledbyourabilitytounderstandthemassandthe
cardinal’sspeech,bothofwhichwereinthemostformalofliteraryArabic.Our
attemptstospeakcolloquialArabic,however,werelesssuccessful.Danielsaidthat
heandNivenjoyedwanderingaroundthestreets,attemptingtochatwithpeoplein
Arabic,untiltheymadethemistakeoftellingsomeonethattheywerelearning
Arabicforthearmy–amistakehewouldn’tmakeagain.Hesaidhe’dliketoask
otherpeoplewhowentthroughthecoursebeforehimhowtheydealtwiththis
dilemma,howtheymanagedtospeakArabicwithArabswithoutgettingintothis
explanation.Hesaidhe’dliketoaskthemalsohowthiscoursechangedthem.
Unabletoresist,Iaskedhimhowhethinksthiscoursechangedhim,andhepaused
reflectivelybeforeanswering:“I’malotlessafraidtowalkaround,let’ssay,in
placeslikeNazarethnow.”
AfewmonthslaterIinterviewedDanielathisarchitectparents’beautiful
homeinBinyamina.Sittinginasunnybackroom,cross‐leggedonrugsonthefloor,
Iaskedhimwherethisfearcamefrom.Thiswashisreply:
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Prejudiceandignorance,attheendoftheday(batachlis).Andit
perpetuatesitself.Ihavenothingpersonalagainst–therecouldbean
Arabperson,oneonone,fine.Sohe’sArab,okay.Ihavenothing
againsthim,I’lltalktohimandeverything'sokay.No.That’snot
entirelytrue.Idohavesome(.)twitch,somepinchinthestomach
let’ssay.IfIsee(.)aguywholookslikeatoughArabgettingonthe
bus.I’llstillhaveathought–let’ssayoverwhetherornotIwantto
hitchhikewithanArab.
Abigail:Wouldyou?
Daniel:Ihave.
Abigail:Withthatpinchinthestomachthough.
Daniel:Yes.Anditgetsallmixedup,Idon'tknow.BeyondthatIdon't
know.
Evenasheadmitshisfears,Danielseemstoexpressregretandguiltoverthem.We
wentontodiscusshowthisfearbecomesspatialized:
Abigail:It’sbecomeakindofdailypreoccupation,Ithink,especially
livinghere[nearWadiAra]orlikeforme,inJerusalem,wheretogo,
wherenottogo,whethertodrivethroughhere–
Daniel:It’smorebecomeakindoftabooalready.Likeno–youdon't–
it’snot–youdon’tthink‘waitaminute’–likeforexample,mymom
lovesmarketsand‘there'snomarketsinthearea.’Actually,thereare
marketsreallyclosebutwedon'tgotothem.GoingtoFaradisorto
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Jiser[nearbyArabtowns],it’sjustnot–there’snosuchthingforus.
Formeatleast.IneverthoughttogotoJiser,toBarta'aorsomething.
IsuggestedtoDanielacommonexplanationforthis,tellinghimthatlotsofpeople
saidtome“there’snothingforyouthere”(einlechamalechapessham).Hereplied
slowly:
Ihavethisfeelingthat(.)justasecond(.)[he’sthinking]thatthisthing
iserasedalittle.Idon’tneedtoknowabouttheseplaces,Idon’tneed
tospeakthislanguage,Idon’tneedtoknowthesepeopleinorderto
livehereagood,full,nicelifefromthedayIamborntilthedayIdie.
It’sasif(.)it’serasedforme.Theseareareasthat(.)it’snotthatI
don'thavewhattolookforthere,thequestiondoesn’tevencomeup
forme.There’snot‐itjustdoesn’tcomeup.Idrivebyplaceslikethis
andit’sasifitpassesthroughmyheadsomehow.Isuppressitalittle.
Iignoreit.
Daniel’swordsreturnustotheimagewithwhichIopenedthechapter,ofthewhite
spacesonthemap.Indeed,thiswasoneofthoseexcitingmomentsoffieldwork
whentheoryseemstojumpoutofthebookandintothemouthsofinformants.I
sharedmyexcitementwithDaniel,tellinghimofBenvenisti’sdescriptionofthe
whitespacesonthemapwhichsocloselyresonateswithhisown.Thinkingofwhat
hehadtoldmeoverfalafelinNazareth,IaskedDanielwhetherlearningArabichas
changedthisatallforhim.“It’smadeitmoreofanoption,letssay.It’smadeita
littlelesswhite.”Hepaused.“Inthemeantimethere’snobigchangethough.Itstill
feelstomeveryfaraway.”
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6.Conclusion:Situatedgeographicimaginations
Incharacterizing“theattitudeoftheJewishpopulation[before1948]toward
theArablandscape–physicalandhumanalike,”Benvenisti(2000:56)wrotethat
thewhitespacesonthemapwerefilledinby“astrangemixtureofdisregard,
anxiety,affection,superiority,humanitarianism,anthropologicalcuriosity,
romanticism,and,aboveall,Europeanethnocentricity.”Thestrangemixture
describedbyBenvenistiaccuratelyencompassesthevarietyofperspectivesofthe
IsraeliJewsIdidmyfieldworkwith,somesixtyyearslater.Yetwhileallthese
attitudescontinuetoplayaroleinthewaysomeIsraeliJewsviewPalestinian
spaces,Ihavetriedtoshowthathowthesespaceslookdependsonwhoisviewing
them.Ihavetriedtosketchthecontoursofamapthatismoreactive,moresocial,
morevaried,andmoresituatedthanthe“mentalmap”describedbyBenvenisti.It
maybeusefultothink,insteadofamentalmap,ofavarietyofsituatedgeographic
imaginations.
IdrawhereonStoetzlerandYuval‐Davis'(2002)conceptofthe“situated
imagination”assomethingthatconstructsthemeaningofsocialknowledge,
experience,andpracticewhilesimultaneouslystretchingandtranscendingit.28
CombiningBenedictAnderson’sinsightswithfeministtheoriesofstandpointand
situatedknowledge,theyarguethattheimaginationissituatedinthat“our
imaginaryhorizonsareaffectedbythesocialpositioningofourgaze.Butatthe
28RebeccaStein(2008:8),followingSaid(1978:53‐54,citedinStein),similarlywritesofan“imaginarygeography,”butitisunderstoodinthesingular,asthedominantregimeofintelligibilityproducedby“prevailingpoliticaldiscourses.”
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sametime,itisourimaginationthatgivesourexperiencestheirparticular
meanings,theircategoriesofreference”(327).Itisthroughstandpointthatthe
imaginationbecomesideological,inthesenseofperspectival,value‐laden,and
positioned(seeGal2003).InsuchahighlypolarizedcontextasIsrael,wherethe
tendencyistooverstatethecoherenceanduniformityof,forexample,“theattitude
oftheJewishpopulation,”itisparticularlyimportanttoemphasize(asIhaveinthis
chapter)that“collectivityboundariesareconstructedbytheimaginationinspecific
waysthatareaffectedand–todifferingdegrees–determinedbythesituated
positioning–bothsociallyandpolitically–ofthosewhodotheimagining”(Yuval
DavisandStoetzler2002b:331).
Whatemergedthroughthewritingaswell,though,aresomefundamental
commonalitiesthatunderlietheseverydifferentperspectives.Thecommonality
liesfirstintheconstantpreoccupationwiththewhitespaces:whetherintheformof
apresenceoranabsence,theyloomlargeinalltheseverydifferentlandscapes.
FurthercommonalitieslieintheassumptionthatPalestinianspacesareeasilyand
obviouslyrecognizableassuch;inthefrequentslippagesbetweenbodiesand
languagesandspaces;andincertainrecurringtropesandrefrains:‘there’snothing
foryouthere’;‘there’snoonetotalkto.’Anothercommonalityliesinthecentrality
ofimagesofhouseandhomeinconstruingintimacy,enmity,neighbourliness,trust,
anddanger.Inallthesediscussionsofproximityordistance,presenceorabsence,
visibilityorerasure,thepoliticsofrecognitionanddisregardarealwaysthereinthe
background.Whatthesestoriesrevealisthatdespiteallthetalkoffearanddanger,
people’smovementscannot,inmostcases,beexplainedasbeingonlyabout
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maximizingpersonalsafetyandsecurity.Rather,theyareaboutredrawingsocial
boundaries,re‐enactingsegregationandexclusioninatimeofcrisisandradical
change.
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ChapterFour
ReturntotheWadi:NarrativesofNostalgia,Violence,andFear
1.Introduction:ReturntotheWadi
Succotisaweek‐longholidaythatusuallyfallsinOctober,shortlyafterthe
majorholidaysofRoshHashanaandYomKippur.InIsrael,thelong,hotsummeris
finallycomingtoanend;thefirstrainhasfallen;schoolisabouttostart.Secular
IsraeliJewsareboredandlookingfordistraction.OnOctober7‐9,2004,theywere
offeredanoveldiversion.Amongthelistofnaturehikes,puppetshows,galleries,
andotheractivitieslistedinthedailypapers,appearedanadtitled:“Returntothe
Wadi.”Thead,aimedtoenticeIsraeliJewstospendaleisureafternoonoftheir
holidayexploringWadiAra,promisedanexhibitbylocalartists,markets,guided
toursofcoffee‐roastinghousesandolivepresses,and,thehighlight,“twentyhouses
willopentheirdoorstothevisitingpublicandallowapeakintotheArabwayof
life.”1
Ina1998paperontheemergenceofruralethnictourisminIsrael's“Arab
sector”duringtheyearsoftheOslopeaceprocess,RebeccaSteindescribeshow
“sitesoncedeemedhostilewererepackagedasplacesofJewishleisure”(92).
Previously,Steinwrites(andmyfieldworkconfirmsthis),JewishIsraelismighthave
enteredruralPalestiniancommunitiesinIsraelbecausevegetableswerecheaperin
1Notetherecurrenceoftheimageofhouseandhomehere,inthe“opendoors.”Incontrasttosomeoftheusesofthisimagediscussedinthepreviouschapter,itishereusedtoconveyaninvitationandanenthusiasticwelcome.SeeStein(2008:71‐96)onthepoliticsofinteriorityinPalestiniantouristspaces.
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themarketsthere,ortobringthecartothemechanic.Many,though,kepttheir
distance–takingthelongwayaroundratherthandrivingthrough.Inthemid
1990stheseplaceswerebeingofferedupforJewishconsumptionaspartofanew
popularcuriosityabouttheArabworld,whichaccompaniedthethen‐utopianvision
ofthe“newMiddleEast.”ButthesePalestinianspaceswerereincorporatedintoa
newstate‐authorizednationalgeographyonlyinverycircumscribedform:asde‐
historicized,de‐territorializedperformancesofauthentic,native,andlocalArab
culture(seealsoChapterSix).
“ReturntotheWadi”playsonpreciselythetropedescribedbyStein,
attemptingtorepackagesitesoncedeemedhostileasplacesofJewishleisure.But
thereistothisiterationanaddedelement:IsraeliJewsarebeingexhortednotto
“cometotheWadi,”butratherto“return.”Whatismeantbythis?Betweenthe
timeofStein’sfieldworkandthefallof2004theburgeoningindustryshedescribes
hasallbutdisappeared.Intheinterveningyearstherehasbeenaviolentrupturein
the“wayoflife”inWadiAra,asinallofIsrael.Fearandenmityhavereplacedany
“desire”forthingsArab,andthegeographiesofintimatedistancediscussedinthe
previouschapterhavereplacedthe“newproximities”Steindescribes.Theword
“return”isrootedinthiscurrentrealityofincreasedfear,distrust,andsegregation
betweenPalestinianandJewishcitizensofIsrael.
Morethanthat,though,“return”setsupaparticularwayofnarratingthe
temporalityofthiscontemporarygeography,condensingnarrativesofnostalgia,
violence,andfeartoproduceaparticularconfigurationofpast,present,andfuture
landscapes.“Return”impliesthatpeoplehavenotbeencomingtotheWadi;thatis,
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itsuggeststhatJewishIsraelisarenowafraidtogotoplaceswherePalestinianslive,
therebyobliquelyreferencingalandscapemarkedbyviolence.“Return”expresses
aninvitation,aplea,ahopethattheywillcome.Butitalsoinvokesatimeinthepast
whenpeopledidcome,ahappytimewhentheWadiwasfullofguests,whenJews
andPalestiniansmingledinpeacefulcoexistence.Implicitinthewordisalament
overthelossofthisgoldenpast,andawishtoreturntothesebettertimes.The
wordexpressesacommonnarrativeofcontemporaryIsraelimemory,rootedin
changingpoliticalandsocialgeographies.
Israelisadjusttotheirconstantlychangingrealitybyconstantlyrevisingtheir
personalgeographies,makingdecisionsaboutwheretogoandwherenottogo,
wheretheyfeelsafeandwheretheydonot.InWadiAra,duringthetimeIdidmy
fieldwork,thiswasaconstantpreoccupationforbothPalestiniansandJews.As
socialboundariesareconstantlyre‐shapedthroughdailyinteractionsand
movements,placesthatlastyearwerepartofone’sroutineandfamiliarterritory
maybecome,forallpracticalpurposes,gone–cutoffbynewbarriersoffearand
perceiveddangerasmuchasbynewwallsandborders.Buttheplacespeopleno
longergohavenotdisappearedfromtheirtalk;onthecontrary,theseplaces
provideaparticularlypoignantnarrativeframethroughwhichmemoriesofbetter
daysandtheexperienceofdrasticchangearearticulated.Thewishforareturnto
thegoodolddaysofthepastisrepeatedlyexpressedthroughthewishtoreturnto
theplacesonenolongergoes:theneighbouringPalestinianvillage,themarketin
theoldcityofJerusalem,theharbourinAkko,thefalafelrestaurantinAbuGhosh,
WadiAraroad.Ineverydayconversation,storiesabouttheseplacesabound–
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storiesabouttheease,familiarity,andcomfortwithwhichtheseplacesusedtobe
approachedandthewarmwelcomeoneusedtobeabletocounton.Atthesame
time,andalmostinthesamebreath,thesestoriesareoftenfollowedbystories
abouttheviolencethatnowmarkstheseplacesasoff‐limits,emphasizingdanger,
anxiety,andfearasthereasonswhy“wedon’tgothereanymore.”Togetherthese
stories–andparticularlytheirsequencing–resonatewithtensionsbetweenfear
andsafety,conflictandconsensus,blameandguilt,autonomyandintegration.
Throughtheirtellingandre‐telling,peoplemakesenseoftheexperienceofdrastic
changeand,morespecifically,thechangingplaceofPalestinianIsraeliswithinthe
nation.
Thischapterexplorestheroleofevocationsofthepastinshaping
contemporarygeographies.Whilethepreviouschapterisconcernedwithhow
socialboundariesshiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople,thischapteris
concernedwithhowtheychangeovertimeand,morespecifically,withhowthese
changesareunderstood,experienced,andtalkedabout.Ifocusonasequenceof
narrativestoldinaninterviewwithtwofriendsandinformants:NuritandHila.In
analyzingtheirstoriesofnostalgia,violence,andfearasoneexampleofarecurrent
narrativesequence,Iexplorehowthetemporalityofthecontemporarygeography
ofWadiAraisnarrated.
2.NuritandHila
NuritandHilaweremyclosestfriendsintheclass.BothwereborninIsrael
andspentmostoftheirchildhoodthere,buttheirfamiliesleftfortheUSwhenthey
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wereyoung.TheywenttohighschoolthereandhavedegreesfromAmerican
universities,butbothspentalotoftimebackinIsrael,wheretheirextended
familieslive,overtheyears.Likeme,NuritandHilacanpassasnativespeakersof
HebreworofEnglish,andaseitherIsraeliorNorthAmerican.Bothofthem
codeswitchwithease,switchingbackandforthbetweenHebrewandEnglish
dependingonwhomthey’respeakingto,butalso,betweenus,withinconversations
andevenwithinsentences.
BothNuritandHilawerelearningArabictohelpthemwiththePalestinian
humanrightsandadvocacyworktheywereinvolvedin.Iwasprivilegedtohave
twosuchincrediblysharp,critical,engagedwomenasmyfriendsandconfidantes
duringmyfieldwork,andthethreeofusfoundcomfortinoursharedperspectiveon
Israelisociety.NuritandHilabothbroughtakeencriticaleyeandheightened
sensitivitytothegoingsoninIsrael,likemefeelingthemselvesbothapartofand
slightlyremovedfromIsraelisociety.They(alongwithafewothers,mostnotably
RinaandRuth,whomwemeetinChaptersFiveandSix)sustainedarunning
commentarythroughoutmyfieldworkonthecomplexpoliticsbehindthemost
seeminglymundaneinteractionsandmovements.IoftenfeltthatIwascheatingin
myconversationswiththesewomen–thattheyweredoingmyanalysisforme.I
couldtryoutmyemerginginterpretationsonthemandtheywoulddisagree
vociferously,orprovideconfirmation,oraugmentwiththeirownobservations.
TheywouldpointoutthingsthatenragedthemthatIhadn’tnoticed,orrespondto
anunfocusedquestionwithanhour‐longdebate.
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Yet,becauseofthenatureofourfriendship,Ialwayshadtroublepullingout
myrecorderwhentalkingtothemorhavinga“formal”interview.Sooneevening
towardtheendofmytimeinIsrael,wethreewentoutfordinnertoasushi
restaurantnearPardesChana.Thiswasourofficialinterview–thoughfarfroma
formalone–whichtheyheldmetobyremindingmetotakeoutmytaperecorder
andbysteeringtheconversationbacktobusinesswhenwegotofftoofarinto
gossip.Itreallyranjustlikecountlessotherconversationsbetweenus,though.
TheyaskedasmanyquestionsasIdid,andthetopicswereoneswehadcovered
before,andonesonwhichmythinkinghasbeengreatlyinfluencedbytheir
perspectives.OnthisoccasionourconversationwasinEnglish,sothetranscripts
thatfollowareintheoriginallanguage.
MuchofourconversationrevolvedaroundNuritandHila’sunderstandingof
the“whitespaces”onthemap–oftheboundariesthathadkeptusandour
classmatesfromenteringplaceslikeBakaand,morebroadly,whatIcalledinthe
previouschapterthe“geographiesofintimatedistance”thatdivideandconnect
JewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.OurconversationwasfocusedmainlyonHilaand
Nurit’sanalysisofhowtheseboundariesareexperiencedandmaintainedbyothers:
bytheotherstudentsinourclassespecially,butalsobyourfriends,family,and
acquaintances.Whatwehavehere,then,isprimarilyNuritandHila’svoicingsof
whattheyseeastheperspectives,fears,andprejudicesofothers.Butwhatwealso
seeisthem–andme–delicatelystakingoutourownpositionsvisàvisthesepeople
andeachother.
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Ifocusspecificallyonapartofourconversationthatfollowedthecommon
andpredictablesequenceofnarrativesthatarecondensedbythecallto“returnto
thewadi”:narrativesofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear.Throughthesenarratives
NuritandHilaoffersomeinterpretiveframeworksthroughwhichtomakesenseof
theinteractionsandmovementsofAliza,Yoav,Benny,Yuval,Daniel,andotherslike
them,aswellastheirown.Theybothvoiceandatthesametimecritiqueacommon
wayofnarratingthetemporalityofthegeographiesofintimatedistancedescribed
inthepreviouschapter.
3.“Heusedtogothereallthetime”:Narrativesofnostalgia
OurconversationbeganwithaquestionfromHila.SheaskedmewhatIhad
beenaskingothersintheclassintheirinterviews,andIrepliedthat,amongother
things,IwasinterestedintheirreactionstoourclasstripstoPalestiniantownsand
villages(seeChapterSix):
Abigail:Iwascurioustoseewhateffectgoingtotheseplaceshadon
them.BecauseIkindofhadahunchanditturnsoutIwasright,and
thisistrueIthinkofmostIsraelisoralotofIsraelis,thatlike,they
just.don’t.go:::there,theyjustdon’tgotothoseplaces,[Nurit:right]
theyjustdon’t–likeyoucouldliveinKfarSaba[aJewishtown]and
neverbeinTira[aneighbouringArabvillage],likeever.Everever
ever.Doyouguyshavethatimpressiontoo?
NuritandHilaagreed,andwebeganalengthydiscussionofwhythisisthecase.
Althoughmyquestiondidnotspecifyatimeframe(Isaid“theyjustdon’tgotothose
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places”andnot“theydon’tgothereanymore”)thediscussionimmediatelyturned
tothetemporalityofthegeographyIhaddescribed.Aseriesofnarrativesfollowed
–ofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear–thattogetherattempttohistoricizeandmake
senseofthispresentlandscapethroughtellingaparticularversionofhowitcameto
be.
Hilabeganwithastoryaboutherfatherwhousedtospendlotsoftimein
Arabvillagesforworkandhadgoodrelationswithpeoplethere,butnowrefusesto
gointotheArabvillagesnearhishome.IquoteHila’snarrativehereatsomelength,
becausehervoicecomesthroughclearlywhenyoulistentothestoryinfull.My
owninterjectionsandthoseofNuritareinsertedinthetextinsquarebrackets:
Butyouknowwhen–whenIwasgrowingupmydad–mydad’s
companyumworked–theyhadcontractswiththeelectriccompany
intheRa’anana‐KfarSabaarea?Andtheywouldbasicallycutdown
thetreesaroundthehighwires–theelectricalhighwiresbecauseyou
can’thaveplantsinterferingwithit,andalotofthepeopleheworked
withumwerefromthevariousArabvillagesandtownsintheKfar
Sabaarea.Andtherewere,youknowreallygoodrelationslikethey
wouldcomeovertoourhouse–Imeantheirwiveswerepretty
traditionalsotheywouldn’ttravelsomuchbuttheyinvitedustotheir
villageandwhenwecametheywouldlikehhhslaughterala:::mb,
whichwasverytraumatictomeasachildhhh.Butyouknowlikemy
momandI–[Abigail:Wherewasthis?]Theywerevarious–they
werelivinginvariouslittleplacesaroundKfarSabaIthink[xxx]
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aroundQalqilya.2Andum–youknowandmymomandIwouldbe
allowedtobewith–withallthemenupontheroofwherethekhafla
was(Arabicforparty)andthewomenwouldbeinthekitchenbutwe
wouldlikebeabletogoinbothplaces–Iwasyoung,Iwasvery
young.Andthenrecentlymydad–whenmydadwasherein
Septemberforthehighholidayshelea::rnedthat,oneofthesepeople
whoheusedtoworkwithdiedrecentlyfromaheartattack.Hemust
havebeenlikefifty–likeaprettyyoungmanandleftyouknowa
wido::w,hehadabunchofkids.Somydadwantedtogotothevillage
andgivethewifemoney?AndhewasAFRAID!That’swhathetold
me!Heusedtogothereallthetimeandhesaidyouknow–[Nurit:
Really.Andthiswasclose,closetowhere–]Qalqilya,nearQalqilya?
[Nurit:Whichisclosetowhereyouliveright?Like–]Ya,it’snotthe
DISTANCE–[Nurit:It’sjustthefactthatit’s–]Hesaidtome–you
knowheusedtogotherealot,hesaid‘Ireally–’andthisisfunny
becausemydadisnotknownasaphilanthropist,hesaid‘Ireallywant
togoandgivehermoney’youknow,heWORKEDforhimforlike
twentyyearsalmost,youknow‘Ireallywanttogo’...Andhesaidto
me–actuallyIwasthereImean‘I’llgowithyou’andhewaslike‘I’m
2ItisinterestingthatHilahereusesalandmarkthatisacrossthegreenline,intheWestBank.Itispossible(thoughlesslikely)thatherfather’semployeescamefromtheWestBank(seeBornstein2002onPalestinianworkersinIsrael).Becausesheisvagueaboutboththetimeperiodandtheexactlocationofthese“Arabvillages,”itisdifficulttoascertainwhethersheistalkingaboutPalestiniansfromIsraelorfromtheWestBank.Itispossiblethatshe,atthetime,wasnotherselfawareofthedistinction,thoughshecertainlyisnow.
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just–Idon’tfeelcomfortablegoing.’Whichwasinterestingbecause
forapersonwhousedtogotherequiteabi::t,whoworkedwith–He
wasalwaysverysuspicious,hewasn’tlike‘Oh,lets–’youknow,itwas
alwayslike‘kabdehuvechashdehu’(respecthimandbesuspiciousof
him–aHebrewaphorism)kindofthing.But.Therewasalotmore
like–youknowtheywouldcalleachotheronthepho::ne,therewere
GOODlike–therewasgoodrelations,Iwasreallysurprisedthathe
would–...Buthejustsaid‘no::,I’mjust–I’mafraidtogo::.’
Nurit’snarrativesetsupacontrastbetweenatimeinthepastwhenherfatherhad
good,neighbourlyrelationswithhisPalestinianemployees,whenhewouldgoto
theirvillages“allthetime,”whensheherselffeltcomfortableandwelcomethere,
andthepresent,whenthesegoodrelationshavebrokendowntothepointthateven
herfatherisafraidtogothere.ThenarrativefirmlylocatesthegeographyI
describedinmyquestionasacontemporaryphenomenon,arelativelyrecentone,
rephrasingmyoriginalformulation–“theyjustdon’tgotothoseplaces”–inslightly
differentterms:“Theydon’tgothereanymore.”Thoughthisisnotidentifiedin
Hila’sstory,theimplicitbreakbetweenthegoodolddaysofthepast,when
convivialitywasmanifestinmobility,andthepresent,whenfearismanifestin
segregation,isthebeginningofthesecondintifada:October2000.
“Wedon’tgothereanymore”wasalamentIheardoftenfromasurprising
varietyofpeopleandperspectives.3Indiscussingthepossibilityofanend‐of‐year
3JaneHill(1998)foundthat,intheMexicanocommunitywhereshedidherfieldwork,thosemostlikelytorepeattheformulasofnostalgicdiscoursewere
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triptoSinaiwithsomestudentsduringabreak,myliteraryArabicteacherSharon
reminisced:“JusttoSinai?WealwaysusedtogotoCairo,everyyear.Thatwasback
intheday.Itwasanotherera.NobodybelievesnowthatweusedtogotoCairo.”4
ClassmatesandteacherswholivedinWadiArareminiscedaboutcheapvegetables,
freshcoffeebeans,andgoodoliveoilintheArabmarketstheynolongervisited.
“ThebestcoffeeisintheoldmarketinNazareth,”oneenthused.“ButIdon’tgo
thereanymore.”Anotherrecalled:“OnSaturdaysthemarketsinUmelFachem
usedtobefullofJews–buyingshoes,DVDs,furnitureandgroceries.Thiswasfive
yearsago,beforetheintifada.Nowwe’reafraidtogonearUmelFachem.”Thereis
asceneinoneofourcolloquialArabictextbooks,writteninthe70sbyoneofour
teachers,Noam,inwhichtwoyoungArabiclanguagestudentsfromakibbutzhitch‐
hiketoJenininordertohaveachancetopracticeArabic.Thefriendstheymeet
theresubsequentlycometovisitthemonthekibbutz.Theludicrousnessofthis
scenariotakingplacetoday,inthecurrentsituation,ispointedoutoverandoverby
myclassmatesaswe'rereadingthesestories,withbothuproariouslaughterand
regret,totheextentthatmyNoamhassaidthathewillhavetomakechangesinthe
neweditionhe'sworkingon.
successfulmen–thosewhosepracticesarelegitimatedbytraditions.Incontrast,theubiquityofnostalgianarrativesamongthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldworkwasstriking:IheardsuchnarrativesfrombothJewsandPalestiniansfromacrossthepoliticalspectrum.Perhapsitservedasasortofunifyingorbridgingnarrative:theonethingthatpeoplecouldagreeonwasthatthepresentsituationwasterribleandthepastwasbetter.4Intheend,evenourtriptoSinaiprovedtoo‘dangerous’anundertaking:afterabombexplodedattheHiltonHotelinSinaiinOctober2004,killingmanyIsraelitourists,therewasnomoretalkofaclasstriptoSinai.
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Theselamentsoverplacespeoplenolongergo,whilemorecondensed,
followanidenticaltemporallogictothatfoundinHila’snarrative.Likethestories
ofcrimeinSaoPaulodiscussedbyTeresaCaldeira(2000),inwhichpeopleexpress
nostalgiafortheidylliclivestheyleadbeforetheyweredisruptedbycrime,these
narratives“divid[e]localhistoryintobeforeandafter,”simplifyingandoverstating
each:“thebeforebecomestoogood;theafterbecomestoobad.”(28)5
Thisisacompellingnarrative,oneIoftenfoundmyselfparticipatingin,in
conversationsamongfriends,andoneIstillfindmyselfdrawntoasIattemptto
reconstructtheeventsofmyfieldwork.But,followingthewarningofMarilyn
Strathern(1995)andtheexamplesofJaneHill(1998),RenatoRosaldo(1993),
JasminHabib(2008),andothers,Iwanttoshiftnostalgiafrommeansofanalysisto
objectofinquiry,whilesimultaneouslyinterrogatingtheconstructionsofplaces–
pastandpresent–whichthisnarrativeassumes.
Nostalgia,Strathernwrites,“mournsforwhatismissingfromthepresent,
andthuscreatesrepresentationsofthepastastheplacewherewhatisgonewas
oncepresent”(1995:111);butnostalgiaalsoparticipatesin“themakingofa
particularpresent”(1995:114).Thus,asJasminHabibputsit(2008:78),“whatisin
thehereandnowismiredinthepastandthefuture.”Nostalgicdiscourses,
accordingtoJaneHill,actasapragmaticclaimonthepresent,“using‘pastness’asa
‘naturalizing’ideologicalstrategy”(1998:78).Rhetorically,theclaimisthatthose
5ThenarrativesCaldeiradiscussestemporalizespatialchangesfollowingaremarkablysimilarlogic:“Theneighbourhoodbecameworsesincethecrowdfromthenorthstartedtoarrive....Thiswasaboutfifteenyearsago.Nowtherearetoomanyofthem.Gorgeoushouses,beautifulhousesofMoocaweresublet,andtodayitisimpossibletoenterthem,they’vetornthemdown.”
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practicesthataremostlikethepast(goodrelations,goingtoPalestinianspaces)are
themostvaluable,yetthisnarrativebothassumesandconfirmsthatthepeople
producingitarenotengaginginpreciselythesepractices.
Theresolutiontothiscontradictioniscontainedinthenarrative.Narratives
suchasHila’sparticipateinaparticularexpressionoflongingidentifiedbyRosaldo
(1993)as‘imperialistnostalgia’:“wherepeoplemournthepassingofwhatthey
themselveshavetransformed”(2).The“particularpresent”thisnostalgia
participatesinmaking,then,isconstructedasregrettableatthesametimeasthe
teller’sinnocenceinbringingaboutthisrealityissecured;nostalgiathus
“transformstheresponsible(colonial)agentintoaninnocentbystander”(3,my
brackets).
LikeWilliamJones,theearlyanthropologistoftheIlongotwhoseletters
homeRosaldoanalyzes,Nuritlongsfor“anirretrievablylosttime,atonce[her]
childhoodandaperiodofhistory”(1993:13).Thelongingforchildhood–themost
innocentofdesires–isthuslinkedwiththedesireforaparticularpolitical,social,
andculturalorderandtheideologicalisthuslinkedwiththesentimental(Rosaldo
1993).Likethepre‐colonialIlongotwayoflifewhoselossJoneslaments,the
namelessPalestinianvillageofthepastisdescribedinHila’snarrativein
stereotypically‘traditional’terms.Thekhafla,theslaughteredlamb,andthe
sequesteredwomenarecontrastedwithHila’sownfreedomandmobility(notonly
couldshevisitaPalestinianvillage,shecouldbeeitherontheroof,wheretheparty
was,orinthekitchenwiththewomen).Hila’sconstructionofthepastfriendship
betweenherfatherandthePalestinianmenhe“workedwith”uses“compelling
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tendernesstodrawattentionawayfromtherelationship’sfundamentalinequality”
(Rosaldo1993:16).GiventherealityoftheIsraelilabourmarket(seee.g.Romann
andWeingrod1991,Bornstein2002),whatIknowofHila’sfamily’ssocioeconomic
position,andherfather’slaterroleinthestoryaswould‐bebenefactor,I’mquite
certainthatthesePalestinianmenwereHila’sfather’semployeesandnothisco‐
workers,thoughsherepeatedlysaystheyworkedwithhimandnotforhim.
Nostalgiahasbeenidentifiedasacommonelementinnarrativesofforced
displacementorrelocation(seeHabib2008,McCormick2005),whereoftenan
integralpartoftheexpressionoflongingistheawarenessthat“thisdesiredoesnot
conformtoanactualplaceintheworldanymore”(Habib2008:76).Incontrast,
whileHila’snarrativeexpressesasimilarlongingforlostlandscapes,thevillagesshe
remembersstillexist;sheandherfatherhavenotbeenforciblydisplaced,buthave
madeachoicetonolongergothere.Narrativesofnostalgiaofthistypecanbe
understoodasastrategicwayofconstructingthepresentthatlamentsalossevenas
itsecurestheteller’sinnocenceinbringingaboutthisloss.Implicitinthelamentis
ashrugofhelplessself‐righteousness,arefusaltoacceptresponsibilityforthe
choicetostayawayfromtheseplaces,andadenialoftheconsequencesforthose
wholiveinthem.
Nuritconcludesherstorywithacoda:
AndIthoughtthat’sverytellingaboutlikeevenifyouwerethere–
youhearstorieslikewellsomebodywaskidnapped,somebodywas
shotator–andthat’senou::ghtosortofcolour,twentythirtyyea::rs
ofpositiveexperiencethato:::neonebadstoryyouheard.
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Inidentifyingthesignificanceofhernarrativehere,Nuritevaluatestheperspective
fromwhichshetoldit,therebydistancingherselffromthisperspective.Thepeople
–identifiedas“you”–whostayawayfromPalestinianspacesbecauseofonebad
storytheyheardareheregeneralizedbeyondherfather,buttheyseemnotto
includeher(thisisconfirmedlaterintheconversation–seebelow).Thenostalgic
pointofview,then,isnotpreciselyherownbutalsonotpreciselyoneshecritiques.
Nurit’scodaisalsoimportantbecauseitlinksustothenextnarrativeinthis
sequence:the“badstory”sheidentifies,thatreinscribesboundariesandmarksonce
familiarplacesasoff‐limits,isthenarrativeofviolence.
4.“Youdon’tgointothoseplaces”:Narrativesofviolence
ImmediatelyfollowingHila’snarrativeofnostalgia,Nuritagreedwithher
assessmentandbuiltonherpointbytellingtwostoriesofherown.Theseare
preciselythe“badstories”thatplayedaroleinHila’sownnarrative:storiesofpast
violence.InNurit’swords,thesearetheeventsthatpeople“referbackto”inmaking
senseofPalestinianplacesor,morespecifically,inexplainingwhytheydon’tgo
thereanymore.
Thefirststoryisaboutoneofthemosthorrificandmostenduringimagesin
Israelis’recentmemory,yetNurit,Hila,andIhadaconsiderableamountoftrouble
namingtheeventandlocatingit:
Nurit:IthinkalsoforalotoftheboysthatI’vetalkedtoaboutgoing–
I’vetalkedtoafewofthemaboutgoingplaces,either–evenwhen
theywenttolikeUmelFache::m,placesthata::ren’t[xxx]theyalways
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referbacktoum(.)thatmassacrethatwas?Andkindof–youknow
whatI’mtalkingabout?Um,youknow–
Abigail:Ohyoumean–youmean–whatareyoutalkingabout?
Nurit:Likeitwas–um::(.)Idon’trememberwhereitwasbutitwas
like–thereweretwosoldiers,andxxx
[Abigail:ItwasinHevron.Hevron–
Nurit:Andtherewasthatfamouspicturewiththatgu:::y–]
[…]
Abigail:Youmeanwhenabunchofs–IthinkitwasinHevron,right?
WhenabunchofsoldierswentintoHevron–
[Nurit:Idon’tknow,theycamedownandtherewaslike–
Abigail:–andtheirbodies–andallthat.]Isthatwhatyou’retalking
about?
Nurit:Ya,andtherewassome–therewaslikethisfamouspictureof
like–ofsomebodyatthewindowandtheyhadbloodallovertheir
hands
Abigail:Yaya.Itwasthat.Yourememberthat?
Hila:Ithinkitwascivilians
Nurit:Itwassoldiers.Miluim[reserve]soldiers–
Hila:Right,butIfeellikethat’ssuchadifferentthing–
Nurit:Right,butalotoftheboysItalkedto?TothemlikeTHAT’S
whattheyreferto,they’relikewell–likehowtheyacted,howthey
killedthesepeople.
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Nuritisherereferringtothe“lynching”oftwomen,Israelireservists,inRamallah
onOctober12,2000.Thedetails,asreportedintheIsraelimedia,areasfollows:At
theheightoftheinitialoutburstthatbecameknownasthesecondintifada,twooff‐
dutyIsraelireservistsenteredRamallahinanunmarkedcar,incivilianclothes,and
wereattackedandkilledbyaPalestinian“mob.”Thestorywasthattheyhadlost
theirwayandendedupinRamallahbymistake.Thegruesomeimagesofthemen’s
deathatthehandsofthecrowdwerecapturedonfilmbyanItalianjournalistand
televisedinIsraelandaroundtheworld.TheimagethatNuritmentions,ofthe
bloodyhandsinthewindow,becameparticularlyiconicoftheevent.
Thisstory,whileclearbytheendtoallthreeofus,isneverdirectlytold.In
fact,weallseemtogotogreatlengthstoarriveatmutualunderstandingofthe
eventwithoutdirectlystatingit,afeatthatrequiresaconsiderableamountof
collaborativeinarticulateness:“youknowwhatI’mtalkingabout?Um,youknow”;
“Ohyoumean–youmean–whatareyoutalkingabout?”;“Isthatwhatyou’re
talkingabout?”RayMcDermott(1988)pointsoutthatincertaincontextsthe
appearanceofinarticulatenessrepresents“notadisabilitybutaninvitationtolisten
inanewway”(40).6Thisisaninvitationweallseemtoheed.Inourtellingofthis
eventwehave‘forgotten’someessentialdetails–boththeplace(Ramallah,not
Hevron)andthekeywordassociatedwithreportsoftheevent(“lynching,”not
6“Occasionswhenpeopleareleftwithoutwordsaresystematicoutcomesofasetofrelationsamongagroupofpersonsboundinasocialstructure.Theclaimisthatinarticulatenesssisnotwellunderstoodasanindividualdisability,butbetterunderstoodasawellorchestratedmomentinwhichinarticulatenessisinvited,encouraged,dulynoted,andremembered,nomatterhowmuchlamented”(McDermott1988:38).
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“massacre”)arenotnamed,anditisnotuntiltheendofthetellingthatthe
protagonistsareidentified.Further,theactatthecentreofthestory,thekillingof
thesemenatthehandsofthemob,isneverexplicitlystated;insteadtheiconsofthis
violence(thebodies,thebloodyhandsatthewindow)actaseffectivemneumonic
devices,allowingustojointlyrememberwithouteveractuallynamingtheevent.7
Boththedetailsoftheeventandourhighlydysfluentattemptatitscollaborative
reconstructionareimportanthere;boththehorrificresonanceoftheimagesand
thelackofspecificityinthememoryareimportant,sincetheplaceofthiseventin
publicmemoryissomewhereinbetween(seeDasetal2000onviolenceandpublic
memory).Withthepassageoftime,thedetailsoflocationandidentityfadebutthe
gruesomeimagesretaintheirpotency.
ThesecondeventNuritmentioned(ofwhichIhavenorecollectionandfor
whichIhavebeenunabletolocateanewssource)isabout“twoguyswhoopeneda
coffeeshopinTelAvivwhowenttobuyplatesandwerealsokidnappedand
murdered.”WhenIpressedNuritfordetails,sheandHila(whoalsoremembered
theevent)saidithappenedinthe“shtachim”(theterritories);inthe“gada”(the
bank,ie.,theWestBank).ApparentlytwoIsraelimenwentshoppingsomewherein
theWestBankinsearchofthecheapergoodsthatareavailablethere.Inpeople’s
accountsoftheyearsbeforethesecondintifada,thisisacommonreasonwhyJews
wouldbefoundintheWestBank,takingadvantageoftheeconomicdisparityand
thethenrelativelyporousborders(seeBornstein2001,Stein1998).Carmechanics,
7Thelackofspecificityalsohastheeffectofinflatingtheevent:“massacre”impliesmanydeaths,and“abunchofsoldiers”isaboutmorethantwo.
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fruitsandvegetables,andblackmarketelectronicswereprobablysomeofthemore
commonlysoughtaftergoodsandservices,butashoppingtripforequipmentfora
newrestaurantwouldmakesenseinthiscontext.Theendresultofthisfamiliarand
banalexpeditionintounfamiliarterritoryisthesameasinthefirststory:theywere
kidnappedandmurdered.
Nuritdescribedtheimpactoftheseeventsonourclassmatesasfollows:“And
tothemthat’slike,that’sit.Youdon’tgointotheseplaces,you’renotwantedthere.”
Thesestories,beyondbothbeingabouthorrificactsofviolencehaveafewthingsin
common.Bothtellofpeoplewhostrayinnocently–inadvertentlyorforafamiliar,
commonpurpose–intotheterritoryoftheother,and,inbothstoriesitisbecause
theyareoutofplaceintheseplacesthattheybecometargetsofviolence.The
storiesrely,then,ontheassumptionofclear,commonlyunderstoodboundariesthat
demarcateselffromother,locatewhobelongswhere,andmakeiteasytoidentify
whoisoutofplace.Theinvocationofthesestoriesnotonlyassumesbutreinforces
theimpermeabilityoftheseboundariesbyprovidingahorrificreminderofthe
dangeroftransgressingthem:“Youdon’tgointotheseplaces,you’renotwanted
there.”Ratherthanmarkingboundariesbetweenselfandother,thesestoriesof
violencerelyonsocialboundariesalreadytheretodemarcatewhathasbecamenot
onlyaspaceoftheother,butnowaspaceoffear.
AllenFeldman(1991),writingonBelfast,describesthedemarcationofsocial
spacethroughviolence,thememoryofviolence,andtheanticipationofviolence.In
NuritandHila’sstories,violenceissimilarly“territorialized”(Feldman1991:34):
theviolencetheydescribepunishesthetransgressionofboundariesandthe
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memoryoftheseviolentactsreinscribestheseboundaries.Feldmandescribesa
processinwhichviolenceisinscribedonalandscapesuchthatcertainplacesaccrue
ahistoryofviolencethatmarksthemassitesoffear.Certainsitesaretransformed
into“repositoriesofasocialimaginary,”turnedinto“investedsurfaces”bythe
violencethathappenedthereandthememoryofit(64).Hedescribesa
“cartographyofdeathevents”inwhich“thespacesofthedead”formapermanent
geographyforthelocalcommunity(68).TheprocessNuritdescribes,wherethe
boys“referbackto”theseeventswhenencounteringPalestiniansspaces,issimilar
towhatFeldmandescribes,butwithadifference:whilebothNurit’sandHila’s
storiesareverymuchgroundedinplace,theparticularlocation(theshtachim,the
gada,Ramallah)becomeslessimportantinthetellingthanthefactthatitis
Palestinianterritory.Thesitesoftheseviolentactsbecomeplacestobeavoided,
butnotonlythesespecificsites.
VeenaDas’(2007)discussionofrumoursandfearhelpstoexplainhownot
onlyRamallahbut“theseplaces”–read,Palestinianspaces–cometobeavoided.
AccordingtoDas,rumour,asaregisterofspeech,isdefinedbylackofasignature
(thatis,itisnottraceabletoaspecificidentifiablesource)andowestothisits
propensitytospread:“Words...canalsobelethalasinthecaseofwordsfloating
aroundinpanicrumorswithoutbeingtetheredtoasignature”(Das2007:9).The
narrativesofviolencetoldabovedonotfunctionasrumours,accordingtoDas’
formula,sincetheyarelocatableintermsofsource;whatislacking,though,inthe
circulationofthesestories,isthespecificsiteofviolence.Fearthatlacksaspecific
location,thatisnottraceabletoaspecificidentifiableplace(likerumourslackinga
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specificsignatureandnottraceabletoanidentifiablesource)maybesimilarly
pronetospreading.Ifovertime,inthetellingofnarrativesofpastviolence,thesite
offearlosesitsspecificlocationthefearmaygrowtoencompassawiderarea.The
effectisthattheseiconicplaceswhereboundary‐markingviolencehastakenplace
(eg.,Ramallah)castashadowfarbeyondtheirperiphery;inourcollaborativetelling
ofthesetwostories,theentireWestBankbecomesimplicated.
InCityofWalls:Crime,Segregation,andCitizenshipinSaoPaulo(2000)
TeresaCaldeiraalsoarguesthatnarrativesofviolence“helpviolencecirculateand
proliferate”(37).Sheoffersanethnographicanalysisofthewayscrime,fearof
violence,andthedegradationofcitizenshiprightsintersectinchangestotheurban
landscape.Shedescribestheretreatofthemiddleclassintofortifiedenclaves,the
creationofdistanceamidshockinglandscapesofadjacentwealthandpoverty,the
disappearanceofpublicspace,andtheexploitationoffearofcrimetojustify
escalatingpoliceviolenceandtheerosionofcivilrights.
Caldeiraarguesthatchangestoeverydaylifeandthecity,wroughtbycrime
andfear,arereflectedindailyconversation(19).Sheanalyzestalkofcrimeasa
ubiquitousgenreofinteractionthroughwhichresidentsofSaoPaulo(particularly
middleclassones)attempttorestoreordertoadisordereduniversewhile
simultaneouslypolicingtheboundariesofsocialbelonging(72).Throughnarratives
ofviolence,sheargues,everydayconversationsplayanimportantroleinshaping
andtransformingsocialboundaries:
Likeothereverydaypracticesofdealingwithviolence,crimestories
trytorecreateastablemapforaworldthathasbeenshaken.These
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narrativesandpracticesimposepartitions,buildupwalls,delineate
andenclosespaces,establishdistances,segregate,differentiate,
imposeprohibitions,multiplyrulesofavoidanceandexclusion,and
restrictmovements.Inshort,theysimplifyandenclosetheworld
(20).
ThestoriesNuritandHilatell,inmakingsenseofpastactsofviolence,alsoestablish
distance,reinforcingtheimpermeabilityofsocialboundariesbyemphasizingthe
dangerofcrossingthem.
Nurit,Hila,andIclearlyparticipateinthecirculationofthesestoriesthrough
conversationssuchasthese.AccordingtoNurit,however,ourclassmatesareguilty
ofagreaterimprecisioneventhanourown:intheirimaginativegeographiesthe
memoryofviolenceisnotconfinedbygeopoliticalborders,creepingacrossthe
greenlineandintoPalestinianspaceswithinIsrael.ItisnotjustRamallah,oreven
theWestBankthattheyfear,butUmelFachemandBaka.Thiscomesthrough
clearlyinthepreviouschapter,inthesectiononYoavandBenny’sconfusionover
thegreenline.Nuritputitthisway:“It’sinterestingthattheydon’tdrawthe
differencebetweenUmelFachemwhenwewerethereandlikeRamallah...It’slike
whatwedidtoday,”Nuritconcluded,referringtothetripthethreeofustookearlier
thatdaytothePalestinianIsraelitownofBaka(seebelow).“Idon’tthinkthey[our
classmates]wouldhavegonetoBaka.”
5.Strategiesofavoidance:Narrativesoffear,risk,anddanger
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ChantalTetreault(2008),inherarticleonracializedspaceintheParisian
subburbs,arguesthatcertainnarratives“establishthewaysthataparticularsocial
group...discursivelycomestostandinforstigmatizedpublicspace.”Parisians
speakoflaracaille(malestreettoughs)inawaythatindexesanationalmoralpanic
aboutcités(subsidizedhousingprojects).InHilaandNurit’snarrativeswhatIsee
happeningismorethereverse:stigmatizedspacesdiscursivelycometostandinfor
thepeoplewhoinhabitthem.InfactNuritpointedoutthatinassessmentsofrisk,
safety,anddangertheArabidentityofavoidedspacesisoftennotdiscussed:
Nurit:ItalkedtoDafnathispastweek.Shewasdrivinghomeandit
wasnightanditwasrainingandIwantedhertodrivebyBarkai
[whereNuritwasliving]andpickupsomestuffandsayhelloandI
waslike,wellyoucouldgothroughWadiAratogettoGivon[where
Dafnalives],causeit’sreallyclose,yougothroughWadiAraandyou
makealeftatMeggido,andshe’slike‘no:::it’sreallydarkthe:::re,’and
itwasnottalkedabout,notinthewaythat–Idon’tknow.
Abigail:Youmeanthatiswhat’sgoingonbutit’snottalkedaboutin
thoseterms?
Nurit:OhIKNOWthatshe’sscaredtogotherebecauseit’slike,there
wereallthosemehumot(riots,disruptions)thereinthepast.Idon’t
knowifshespecificallytome–saidtomeit’sdarkthere,it’sno
darkertherethanotherplaces.
NuritheredescribesasetofcircumstancesunderwhichherfriendDafnachosenot
todriveonWadiAraroad,andsuggeststhatthereasonsshegaveforavoidingit
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werenotherrealreasons.Nuritatthistimewaslivingnextdoortome,inatrailer
inKibbutzBarkai,rightontheedgeofWadiAraandatenminutebikeridefrom
GivatHaviva.Inherrecountingoftheconversation,shesuggeststhatDafnastopby
herplaceonherwayhome,andsuggestsaneasyroute.Dafnarefuses,andoffersan
excuse:“no:::it’sreallydarkthe:::re.”ButNuritrejectsthisexcuse,alongwithits
racializedundertones(“it’snodarkertherethanotherplaces”),insistingthather
realreasonisnottalkedabout.InNurit’sview,atleast,Dafnaseemstothinkthatit
ismoreacceptabletospeakofbeingafraidofWadiArathanitistospeakofbeing
afraidofArabs.ThesilencethatNuritidentifies(“doyoufindthatit’snottalked
about?Notinthatway?”)indicatesareluctanceamongcertainpeopleincertain
contexts,tonamePalestiniancitizensofIsraelasthesourceoftheirfear.
Nurit’sanalysisalsoaddsnuancetothemoregeneralformulationImade
above,basedonTetreault’sargument.Ifstigmatizedspacescometostandinforthe
peoplethatinhabittheminthesestories,itisonlyamongcertainpeopleandin
certaincontexts.Butwhichpeople?whichcontexts?Nuritsays:“Idon’tknowifshe
specificallytome–saidtomeit’sdarkthere.”WhatthissuggestsislessthatDafna
“doesn’ttalkaboutit”andmorethatsheexhibitedaheightenedsenseofawareness
ofwhoshewastalkingto;shedoesn’ttalkaboutitwithher‘radical’friendNurit,
whoisnotonlystudyingArabicbutlivinginWadiAra.Tomethisimpliesnotthat
fearofArabsistaboo(Iheardmanypeopleinvariouscontextstalkingaboutthis
quiteexplicitly)butratherthatnarrativesofviolenceandassessmentsoffear,risk,
andsafetyalwaysbringintoplay,arepositionedinrelationto,andthrowintorelief
people’spoliticalsubjectivities.NuritsuggeststhatDafnadidnotmentionherreal
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reasonsforavoidingWadiArabecauseDafnaknewthatherfriendNuritwouldnot
agreewithorwouldnotlikeherrealreasons.Andshewasright.
ButwhyexactlydoesDafnaavoidthewadi,andwhydoothers?Deciding
whetherornottodrivethroughWadiArainvolvescomplicatedassessmentsofrisk,
danger,comfort,safety,andconveniencethataresometimesarticulatedasbeing
aboutfear–andsometimesnot.Whatexactlyarepeopleafraidof?Nuritsays,“OhI
KNOWthatshe’sscaredtogotherebecauseit’slike,therewereallthosemehumot
thereinthepast.”Nuritdoesn’telaborateonmehumot,buttheword,anevocative
andambiguousword,meaningriotsordisturbancesfrommehuma(noise),conjures
upthosetendaysinOctober,andtheperiodfollowing,whenWadiAraroadwasthe
siteofprotestandunrest(seeChapterOne).Whiletherewasactioninmanyother
partsofthecountry,WadiAraroad,andtheUmelFachemintersectioninparticular,
wereseenastheepicentreofprotest–perhapsbecause,asthiswasanareawhere
Jewsdiddrivethroughonaregularbasis,theprotesthaditsmostdisruptiveeffect
there.Itwasduringthattimethatsomepeoplebegantofindalternateroutesto
avoidthewadi,asmuchtoavoidthetrafficjamscausedbyroadclosuresasforfear
ofhavingrocksthrownattheircars.ButatthetimethatNuritinvitesDafnatodrop
by,inthefallof2004,WadiAraroadhasbeenquietforyears–apartfrom
commemorativeactionsontheanniversaryofthosedaysinOctober.Thereareno
morerocksbeingthrown,andonlytheusualtrafficjams.Butpastviolencehas
markedthelandscapeinawaythatrefusestoremaininthepast,transcendingsome
boundaries–thistimetemporalones–asitreinforcesothers.
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AnotherreasonthatNuritandHilasuggestforwhypeopleavoidplaceslike
BakaandUmelFachemistheunfamiliarity.AfterNurittoldthestoryofDafna,I
remindedherofarecenttimewhenshediddrivethroughWadiArawithsome
friends,andevenstoppedinUmelFachemtobuyknafe,asweetcheese‐based
pastrywhich,inthebakeriesofWadiAra,comesoutoftheoveninsheetsinthelate
afternoon,andisquicklygrabbedup.
Abigail:Buttherewasthatothertimeyouguysdrovethroughthere
andyouwentintoUmelFachemandyougotknafe
Nurit:Ya,andtheywerealittlescared,theywerereally(.)Iwasthere
withSagi[hersister’sboyfriendwhohadstudiedArabicinTelAviv]
soitwasthetwoofuswhocanreadArabicandtwootherswhodon’t
knowanythingaboutArabic.AndwegointoUmelFachemandit’s
kindoflikeBaka–everythingthereisinArabicallofasuddenandit’s
like–you’reinIsrael.Youpassthisplaceallthetime,andtothemit’s
like–wedon’tunderstandanythingthat’sgoingonhere.
Hila:[Andit’sSCARYwhenyoudon’tunderstandanything
Nurit:It’sSCARYwhenyoudon’tunderstandanything]andit’sscary–
Hila:Forallyouknowitsayshorriblethingsaboutyou
Nurit:Exa:::ctly.
Toacertainextent,thefearcomesfromtheinabilitytonotsomuchnavigateas
interpretanunfamiliarlandscape,markedinanunfamiliarscriptinanunfamiliar
language.AsBenny,oneoftheboysdiscussedinthepreviouschapterputit,“When
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156
youdon’tunderstandyouthinkeverywordispiguathis,piguathat.”Piguaisthe
Hebrewwordforasuicidebomb.
AtonepointinourconversationHilapointedouthowodditisthatthereis
nobodycheckingyourbagwhenyougointorestaurantsinUmElFachem.Ipicked
uponthislater,sayingthat,inanoddreversal,it’salmostasthoughpeoplesee
Palestinianspacesassaferfrompiguim,thatthey’relesslikelytohappeninUmel
FachmthaninChadera(anearbyJewishcity).NuritandHilabothrespondedin
excitedoverlappingspeechtocontradicttheimplicationthatUmelFachemis
thereforeseenasarelativelysafespace:
NuritandHila(overlappingspeech):Right,buttheotherthingthat’s
goingtohappenisyou’llbekidnappedandmu::rdered,you’llget
TARGETTED.Itwon’tberandombutyou’llgettargetted,it’llbe
specificallyagainstyou.
Nurit:It’slikeyoukno:::wthatthey’ll–Ihaveafeelingit’slikethat
wholecityhasbeenlike.um.likeinsteadofhavingaguardatthedoor
there’slikesomethingintheentrancetotheplacethatlikeyoudon’t
go–youdon’tenter.It’slikeifyouenter?you’rea:::llreadyatrisk
Hila:It’sassumptionofrisk
Nurit:Likeit’snot–you’renotevensupposedtobethere.Likethe
busesislike,youdon’thaveachoi:::ceyouhavetogettowo:::rk,it’s
like,Idon’tthinkpeopleseeitassafer.
Abigail:Peopledidn’tstoptakingbuses,thatIknow.Toalargeextent
that’salsoaboutmoneyandaboutwhocanstoptakingbuses.People
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didn’tstoptakingbusesandyet,theysureashellstoppeddrivingon
WadiAraorgoing–
Hila:Butthat’ssomethingtheyneedtodo,theyhavenonee:::d
Nurit:WadiAra?YougoonHighway4[abypassroad].Andyougo
around.
NuritandHilahereseemtocreatetypologiesofviolence,distinguishingbetween
randomviolenceandtargetedviolence,violencethattransgressesborders,and
violencethatpunishestheirtransgression.Inmakingassessmentsofriskand
safety,indecidingwhichspacestoavoid,itseemsthatthesearesomeofthe
relevantcriteria.
6.Goingthere:HilaandNurit’sownboundaries
NuritandHila’sdiscussionthusfarfocusesontheirunderstandingofother
people’sbehaviour,otherpeople’spracticesoffearandavoidance:whentheymake
statementslike“it’sscarywhenyoudon’tunderstandanything,”“youdon’tenter,”
“you’renotevensupposedtobethere,”“you’renotwantedthere,”the“you”they
arereferringtodoesnotseemtoincludethem.WhileIam–nominallyatleast–
interviewingthem,whattheyaresharingwithmeistheircritiqueofotherpeople’s
behaviour,asimplicitlycontrastedwiththeirown.Theypositionthemselvesas
slightlyremovedfrommainstreamIsraelisociety–asparticipantsinit,but
participantsatarmslength,alsocriticalobservers.Ourconversationaboutwhy
IsraeliJewsdonotgointoPalestinianspacestakesplaceverymuchinthecontextof
ourself‐satisfactionathavingjustthatmorninggonetoBaka,anearbyPalestinian
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town.Wehadwanderedalongthemainstreetandstoppedinalocalbakerytobuy
acakeforourclass,tocelebratetheendofthecourse.Inexplainingwhyothers
wouldhavebeenafraidtogotoplaceslikeBaka,aswehaddone,NuritandHilaare
alsocritiquingthisperspectiveanddistancingthemselvesfromit.
YetthistripwasthefirsttimeanyofushadbeeninBaka,atownlocatednot
eventenminutesaway(bycar)fromGivatHaviva,wherewehadspentthelastsix
months.WealsospokeEnglishorArabicthewholetimewewerethere,jokingthat
wewere“undercover”–presentingourselvesasNorthAmericanstudentsofArabic
ratherthanasIsraeliJews.Weagreedthatthiswasthebestwaytogetothersto
speakwithusinArabic,butwestillweren’tentirelycomfortablewiththisstrategy
(seebelow).ClearlyNuritandHilaarenotoutsideofthedynamicsoffearand
avoidancealtogetherand,ofcourse,neitheramI.Wetoomakechoicesaboutwhere
togoandwherenottogo,basedonassessmentsofrisk,safety,anddanger.What
comesthroughinthisconversationisthatwetoodrawboundaries,butindifferent
placesthanourclassmates(whoseemtorepresentwhatNuritandHilaperceiveto
bethemainstreamJewishIsraeliperspective),andfordifferentreasons.Inthefirst
twostoriesofviolence,forexample,Nuritcritiquesourclassmatesforhavingan
irrationalfearofUmelFachembecauseofsomethingthathappenedinRamallah.In
herownassessment,then,shedistinguishesbetweentheWestBankasanunsafe
spaceandUmelFachemasasafespace,whilecritiquingothersforfailingtomake
thisdistinction.
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Itisinteresting,then,thatwhenIaskedNuritandHilaabouttheirown
spatialpractices,theirownfears,bothturnedintheiranswerstotheWestBank.I
askedthem:
Howdoyouguysmakethosedecisionsaboutwheretogo?Because
eventhoughitisaboutignoranceandracism,thereareplaceswhereI
wouldbescaredtogo.Howdoyoudealwiththat?
Nurit’sresponseappearsatfirstnottoanswermyquestiondirectly:
SinceSeptemberwhenIstartedlearningArabic–andthisiseven–
I’mnotgoinganywhere,I’minGivatHavivalearningArabic,butI’m
goingtoUmelFache:::m,goingtoNazare:::th,andmeetingArabic
speakers,thereactionI’vehadfrompeoplehasbeensohostileandso
hateful.Hateful.Ohya,peopledon’tunderstandwhyIwouldlike–
[Hila:who?]myfamily,mysisters’andmyroommates’friends.Ifind
itverytiringtoexplaintopeople,ortonotliebutnotexplain
everythingornotexplainmypoliticalviewsbecauseIjustdon’twant
togetintothatdiscussion.
NuritheremakesitclearthatlearningArabic,forher,goeshandinhandwith
“meetingArabicspeakers”andgoingplaceslikeUmelFachemandNazareth.These
choicesaretiedtoherpolitics,andevenindexherpolitics:learningArabic,
interactingwithPalestiniansorgoingtoPalestinianplacesindicatetoothersa
particularpoliticalposition,onethatshefeelsisoutsideofthemainstream.Telling
peoplesheisgoingtotheseplaces,then,necessitatesajustificationanddiscussion
ofherpoliticswiththosewhosepoliticsopposehers,adiscussionshefinds
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exhaustingandonerous.Sheclearlyfeelsthatamongherfamilyandfriendssheis
intheminorityinmakingthesechoices,andinherpoliticalopinions,totheextent
thatherpositionismetnotonlywithademandforexplanation,butalsowith
hostility.Thisdoesnotstopherfromgoingtotheseplaces.DuringourtimeatGivat
Haviva,inadditiontotheclasstripswetook,NuritdidvisitplaceslikeNazareth,Um
elFachem,KafrKara–tripssheoftentookwithme.Shedidsometimeslieaboutit–
byomission–toheroldersister,whohadneverbeentotheseplacesandwas
scaredtogo,muchinthewaythatteenagerswouldnottelltheirparentsthatthey
haddonesomethingtheirparentswouldconsiderdangerous.Sheneverspokeof
beingafraidoftheseplaces,thoughshedidfeelacertainamountofdiscomfort
goingthere.
Thewishtoavoid“thatdiscussion,”however,didstopherfromgoingtothe
territories.Immediatelyaftertheabovequoteshecontinued,nowturningmore
directlytomyquestion:
Nurit:Soforexample,inNovember,myfriendwho’slivinginJaryis[a
villageintheWestBank],wheneveryonewasgoingfortheolive
harvestshewaslike‘youshouldco:::me,everyone’sgoing’andforme
thatwasaconsciousdecisionof,Ireallydon’twanttodealwith
everyone,withmysister,withmyaunt,andtellingthemthisiswhere
Iwanttogo.
Abigail:Likeit’shardenoughtellingthemyou’regoingtoUmel
Fachem,letalone–
Nurit:Exactly.Andit’sdisappointingthatIthinkthatway.
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Hila:Towho?
Nurit:Tomyself.
ThefriendNuritmentionsisfromherundergraduateprogramintheUS,ayoung
AmericanwomanwhowaslivingandvolunteeringinavillageintheWestBank.
TheoliveharvesteveryyearattractsactivistsandsupporterstotheWestBankto
assistinthepicking,butalsotohelppreventattacksfromsettlers,whichare
particularlycommonduringthistime(seeMeneley2008).EventhoughIexplicitly
askedaboutfear,andeventhoughherearlierstoriesseemtoimplythatthereis
somethingtobelegitimatelyafraidofintheWestBank,Nuritdidnottalkaboutfear
asherreasonfornotenteringtheterritories.Instead,shesaidthatshemadea
“consciousdecision”nottogoinordertoavoidhavingtodealwiththefalloutthat
wouldcomefromtellingherfamily“thisiswhereIwanttogo.”Ifgoingto
PalesetinianplacesinIsraelisamarkedchoiceindexinganunwelcomepolitical
position,thengoingtotheterritoriesisallthemoreso.
Nuritoftenspokeofgoingtotheterritories,debatedwhetherornottogo,
butneverwent,duringthetimeIspentwithheratGivatHaviva.Shecontinuedher
explanationbygivinganotherreason;againitisnotaboutfear:
AlsoknowingthatIwouldenterwithmyAmericanpassport,notmy
Israelipassport,notspeakHebrew,nottellanyonethatI’mIsraeli
mostlikelyandkindof–howdoIfeelaboutthatlikeknowingthat–I
don’tknowIdidn’t–Ithinkthatpartespeciallymakesmevery
uncomfortable.Alsoliketoday[inBaka]likewedidn’tfeel
comfortable–wewantedtospeakArabicbutwedidn’tknowwhat
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162
theirreactionwouldbe...Ithinkthat’ssomethingthat–Idon’tknow.
Idon’tknowifinmyheadIdecideaheadoftimethatwe–I–won’tbe
welcome.Idon’tknow.MaybeIdo.
WhileNuritisabletogo“undercover”asanAmericaninordertofeelmorefreeand
morewelcomespeakingArabicinthebakeriesofBaka,shedoesnotdothiswithout
acertainamountofguiltanddiscomfort.Itisalsoonethingtopassivelyprojectan
identitybyspeakinginEnglish,butanotherthingentirelytoactivelydenyherstatus
asanIsraelicitizenbycrossingbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankonherAmerican
passport.(Unlikeme,bothNuritandHilahavedualcitizenshipandcarryboth
passports–theycanpasswiththeseofficialmarkersofidentityaswellaswith
language.)Havingexperiencedthissamediscomfort,Iwouldsaythatitpartly
comesfromdenyingapartofyouridentity–thesamediscomfortfeltbyotherswho
“pass”inothercontexts(aswhite,asstraight).Itisalso,though,guiltandregretfor
actingontheassumptionthattheotherpartofyouridentityshouldbehidden–that
is,thatitwon’tbewelcome.WhetherwegotoBakaortoRamallah,wearehighly
awarethatpeople’sreactiontouswillbeinlargepartbasedonouridentity,and
“we[don’t]knowwhattheirreaction[will]be.”TogoasAmericansistoassume
fromtheoutsetthatthereactiontoJewishIsraeliswouldbeanegativeone.8That
thisisanassumptionthatsheisnotcomfortablewithisshowninthehedgingand
self‐interruptioninNurit’slastline–itsoundslikeapainfulconfessiontomake:“I–
8Also,oddly,thatthereactiontoAmericanswouldbemorepositive.Althoughthisdidnotstrikeusatoddatthetime,inretrospectitissurprisinggiventhecommonperceptionofanti‐Americansentiment(largelyduetosupportofIsrael)amongPalestiniansspecificallyandintheMiddleEastmoregenerally.
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Ithinkthat’ssomethingthat–Idon’tknow.Idon’tknowifinmyheadIdecide
aheadoftimethatwe–I–won’tbewelcome.Idon’tknow.MaybeIdo.”
UnlikeNurit,HiladidsometimesgototheWestBank.Amonthearlier(on
January9,2005)shehadspentthedayofthePalestinianelectionswitha
democraticprocessmonitoringgroup,travelingaroundtheWestBank.
Immediatelyaftertheaboveexchange,sheansweredmyquestionbyrecountingher
experiencesonthatday:
Butthatquestionthatcriteriaofhowyoudecidewhethertogo
somewhereornot.Imean–Idon’tknow,whenIdecidedtogowith
thatgrouptoRamallahfortheelectionsandtheysaid‘letsmeetin
Ramallahinthemorning,’Iwaslike,inmymindIwaslike‘Ohno.’
Andnotbecause–IknewIwouldhavetogothereatsomepointbutI
thoughtitwouldbewiththem,andI’veneverbeentherebeforeandI
wasjustthinking‘Nononono,Idon’twanttodotha:::t!’hhbutIalso
justdidn’twanttobelikeababy,youknow.Andmaybethatwaslike
theirwayoftestingmetooyouknow,whoknows.Maybesomebody
couldhavecomepickedmeupbuttheywantedtobelike,‘wouldshe
dothat.’
LikeNuritbeforeher,Hilarespondedtomyquestionaboutherpersonalboundaries
byturningimmediatelytotheWestBank,leavingPalestinianspacesinIsrael
completelyoutofthediscussionofplacesshemightpossiblybeafraidtogo.She
tellsastoryofasituationwheresheisreluctanttogosomewhere(“Nononono,I
don’twanttodotha:::t!”)butgoesanyway.SheisgoingtoRamallah,amajorWest
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164
BankcityandthesiteofthelynchingdescribedearlierbyNurit,butsheseemsto
implythatitisnotRamallahitselfthatispotentiallydangerousbutthe
circumstancesunderwhichshewasaskedtogothere:alone,earlyinthemorning,
toaplaceshe’dneverbeenbefore.Infact,herwillingnesstogotoRamallahseems
toestablishsomekindof‘trialbyfire’whereinshecanprove,throughherlackof
fear,herappropriatepoliticalcredentials.9
Inhercontinuednarrationoftheevents,sheseemsatpainstoestablishthat,
thoughshewas“IMMENSELYuncomfortable,”thiswasnotcausedbyanything
particulartoRamallah,totheWestBank,ortoPalestinianplacesmoregenerally.
Rather,sheestablishesanumberofother,moregeneralreasonsforherfear:
Hila:...Maybesomebodycouldhavecomepickedmeupbutthey
wantedtobelike,‘wouldshedothat.’
Abigail:Andyouweren’tsocomfortablebutyoudiditanyway.
Hila:Ididitanywayanditwasveryuncomfortable.
Nurit:YouwentasanAmerican?
Hila:WellIdidn’thavetoshowany–Iwasgoingtobutya–well
theoreticallyyes.AnditwasIMMENSELYuncomfortable.Ididn’t
reallyknowhowtogetthere.ImeanIhadbeentherebeforebutnot
aloneanditwasreallyearlyinthemorningandfiguringoutwhich
busorwhichlittlemini‐bus–andItoldyouIendeduphitch‐hiking
withsomereallyniceguywhowasaPalestinianwhowasgoingdown
9ComparethistoNurit’sfriendDafnawhoalsorecognizesthattoacknowledgefearistomarkyourpoliticalstanceinsomeway.
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theroadfromA‐RamtoQalandiya,whichisjustanilladvi:::sedthing
todoanywhereintheworld.ButIdidn’twanttobelate.Sohetook
meinhiscarandwe’rechatting,andthiswouldnotbesomethingI
woulddoifIwere–
Nurit:Youactuallyhitched?Likeyoustuckoutyourhand?
Hila:No,Ijuststoodtherelookingdesperatebecausethelittlemini‐
vanthatwentbywaslike‘We’renotgoingtoQalandiya’andIwaslike
‘Aaah!’andIwaslike–Isaid,‘IneedtogotoQalandiya’andhe’slike
‘Oka:::y.’
ThedrivefromJerusalem,whereHilawascomingfrom,toRamallahisadistanceof
fifteenkilometres.Duetoavarietyofmilitaryandbureaucraticobstaclesalongthe
way,foradriverwiththerightpermits,onagooddaythiscouldeasilytaketwo
hours(onthemechanicsanddynamicsoftheQalandiyacheckpointseeHammami
2006).ThoughHilahasacar,youcan’tdriveacrossinaprivatevehiclewithouta
specialpermit,soshewouldhavemostlikelycaughtasherut,amini‐vantaxi,at
DamascusGate(theoldcityofJerusalem)thatwouldtakehertothecheckpointat
A‐Ram,onthenorthernborderofJerusalem.Fromthereshewouldhavetocross
thecheckpointleavingIsraelonfoot,showingherpassporttoIsraeliborderguards,
iftheyasked,andansweringtheirquestions.WithherAmericanpassportshe
wouldnotneedapermittopass.FromthecheckpointatA‐Ram,shewouldhaveto
godowntheroadabittoQalandiya,whereshewouldgothroughanother
checkpointenteringtheWestBank,andthencouldcatchataxioraservis,asimilar
mini‐vantaxi,toRamallah.
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Coordinatingthelogisticsofalltheserides(“figuringoutwhichbusorwhich
littlemini‐bus”)acrossaheavilymilitarizedinternationalborder,inunfamiliar
territory,alone,earlyinthemorning,andwiththepressureofarrivingintimeto
meetupwiththegroupisplentyofreasontocauseHila“IMMENSE”discomfort.
Addtothisthefactthatshehitch‐hikedthatshortdistancebetweenA‐Ramand
Qalandiya.Thegeneralsituationofhitch‐hiking,andnottherespectiveidentitiesof
herselfandherdriverasanIsraeli/AmericanJewandaPalestinian,seemstobe
whatmadethispotentiallydangerous;Hilaemphasizesthathitch‐hikingwouldbe
“anilladvi:::sedthingtodoanywhereintheworld.”
YetHila’sidentitydoescomeintoplayhere,thoughsheonlydiscussesit
whenpressedbyNuritandme.Inthequoteabove,NuritasksifHilawent“asan
American”–inthecontextofthisconversationthatwouldmeanbothusingher
AmericanpassportandspeakingEnglish.Hilaseemsreluctanttoanswer,oratleast
doesn’tgetintoitatthattime:“Well,Ididn’thavetoshowany–Iwasgoingtobut
ya–welltheoreticallyyes.”Later,whenshetoldthestoryofhitch‐hiking,Ialso
pressedheronwhatidentityshewastravellingunder,byaskingherwhatlanguage
shewasspeaking.DespiteHila’sinsistenceongeneralizinginhertelling,
emphasizingconditionsthatwouldbefearful“anywhereintheworld,”bothNurit
andIseemtothinkthatwhatlanguageshewasspeaking,whatpassportshewas
travelingunderareessentialpiecesofinformationinorderforustobeableto
correctlyinterpretherinteractionsandexperiences.
Nurit:...andIwaslikeIsaid,‘IneedtogotoQalandiya’andhe’slike
‘Oka:::y.’
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Abigail:Inwhatlanguage?
Hila:Ijustsaid‘leqalandiya?’[toQalandiya?inHebrew]andhesaid
‘okay.’There’sbasicallyjustoneroadthatgoesdown–Imeanthere’s
afencedownthemiddleit’snotlikeyoucan–butmaybehewas
gonna–whoknowswherehewasgonnagobuthe’slike‘Okay.’Sohe
drovemedownallthewaydowntothemachsom[checkpoint].And
wewerechattingandIwasspeakinginArabicandhe’slike‘Oh!you
soundlikeaJewishpersonwhenyouspeakinArabic!’andIsaid‘Oh,
isthatagoodthingorabadthing?’andhewaslau::ghing,like‘haha
haha.’Andyouknow,‘whereareyoufro:::m,’youknow,‘theUS,’and
likehehasfamilyinChicago,sothenwespokealittlebitofEnglish
andalittlebitofArabic,andthenIwantedtopayhimbut–butthe
pointwasthatIwasinahurrysoIdidn’treally,Iwasn’treally
processingtheriskinawaythatperhapsIwoulddootherwise.And
thenIcrossedandthenIgotintosometaxithatwouldtakemewhere
Ineededtogo,butthewholetimebecauseIwasinahurryIwasn’t
reallyprocessingtheriskbut–.Whenyouthinkaboutit,it’sacity
you’veneverbeento–Imeananywhereintheworldthat’spretty
scarybut–.Notknowinghowpeoplewillreacttoyou?Andin
Ramallahit’snotlike,Imeantheykno::wsomepeoplethereare
Israelibutit’snot,it’ssortoflikethepolitethingtodoisnotspeak
Hebrewthere–evenifyouspeakEnglishwithaheavyHebrewaccent
it’sbetter.
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Hilahereacknowledgesthatherpersonalidentitywasafactorinhowshe
felt,andinfactwasbroughtupobliquelybyherdriver,thekindPalestinian
manwho,sheseemstoimply,mayevenhavedrivenoutofhiswaytohelp
herout.Hesays:“Oh!YousoundlikeaJewishpersonwhenyouspeakin
Arabic!”Hercoylyevasiveanswer(“Isthatagoodthingorabadthing?”),I
think,revealsthesameuncertaintythatNuritmentions,notknowing
whetherornotshewouldbewelcomeasanIsraeliJew,“notknowinghow
peoplewillreacttoyou.”Again,though,sheseemstosuggestthatitisnot
thatsheisafraidtospeakHebrewandpresentherselfasIsraeli,butrather
thatitis“thepolitethingtodo”nottoenteranoccupiedcityspeakingthe
languageoftheoccupier.
Hilacontinues:
Sohow–whatmademethink–IwenttherebecauseIhadareasonto
go,andbecauseIknewthattherewouldbesomeonepresumably
meetingmetherebutyouknow,therewereafewmomentswhenthe
personIwassupposedtobemeetingwasn’tthereandIwaswaiting
andwaitingandwaitingandIwasthinking‘Uhoh’hhh.‘WhatamI
goingtodo,’youknow.Therewerethosemoments.AndIwastrying
tocallandthephonewasswitchedoffandyouknow.Therewasthat
momentofpanicof‘Waitaminute,whatdoIreallyknowaboutthis
organization?’Thereareplacesyou’renotsupposedtogo.
Theonlytimeinherstorywhenshedoesbegintoconsciously“processtherisk”
resultsinamomentofpanic.DespitealltheeffortsheandNurithavemadeto
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distancethemselvesfromthefearthattheyseeascharacterizingthemainstream
JewishIsraeliperspective,Hilaacknowledges,“Thereareplacesyou’renot
supposedtogo.”
7.Conclusion:ReturningagaintotheWadi
The“ReturntotheWadi”campaign,designedtodrawIsraeliJewsbackto
WadiArainthefallof2004,wasledbythemayorofUmElFachem,SheichHashem
AbdelRachman.Hecametohispositionwiththeprimarygoalofchangingthe
imageofUmelFachemintheeyesoftheIsraelipublic.“Therewasatimewhen
WadiAraroadwasalmostempty,”heisquotedassaying,inaninterviewpublished
onthewebsiteoftheregionalcouncil(Kochavi2005,mytranslation).Hepointsout
that,inadditiontothefearthatkeptpeopleaway,theremayhavealsobeenan
elementofboycott:foraperiodphoneandelectriccompaniesandotheressential
servicesrefusedtoenterthearea,orenteredonlywitharmedsecurity
accompaniment.LocalmerchantswerehardhitbythelossoftheirJewishclientele.
Palestinianslostorfoundithardtofindemploymentinthecentreofthecountry.
TheseeconomicconsequencesareobscuredinIsraeliJewishlamentsoverthe
vegetablemarketstheynolongervisit,andresponsibilityforthissituationis
shirkedinstoriesabouttheviolencethatkeepspeopleaway.
Thetemporalframeworksetupbythissequenceofnarratives–ofnostalgia,
ofviolence,andoffear–beliessomeharshpoliticalrealities,implicitlyplacingthe
blameforincreasedsegregationpreciselyonthosewhoarepunishedbyit.Itactsas
a“strategyofinnocence”(seePratt1992),awaytoevaderesponsibility.Itisalsoa
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waytoavoidtalkingaboutwhatisreallyatstake.TeresaCaldeiraarguesthat,
beyonditsroleinshapingsocialboundaries,talkoffearalsooffers“alanguagein
whichtotalkandthinkaboutmanyotherdestabilizingprocesses”aboutwhich,
unlikecrime,thereisnoconsensus(39).InSaoPaulotalkoffearoffersawayto
talkaboutanxietiescausedbyeconomicuncertainty,poverty,inflation,
unemployment,disruptionstoclassrelations,andpoliticalupheaval:“Discussions
aboutfearofcrimerevealtheanguishproducedwhensocialrelationscannolonger
bedecodedandcontrolledaccordingtooldcriteria”(51).Caldeira’sinsighthere
alertsustothewaysthattalkoffearcanmaskarangeofotheranxietiesinacontext
ofconflictandchange.Foremostamongthesehere,Iwouldargue,istheanxiety
andvulnerabilityproducedbychallengestothedefinitionoftheIsraelinational
community.
Thenostalgia,then,isformorethancheapvegetablesinthemarketofUmel
Fachem.ItexpressesalongingforatimewhenIsraeliJewsfeltsafeinPalestinian
spaces,butitisalso–althoughitdoesnotexplicitlyexpressthis–alongingfora
quiescentminoritywhoaspirestointegrationandnotautonomy.Itisalongingfor
asocialandspatialorderthat,protectedbyapatinaofhopeandoptimism,under
theguiseofcoexistence,didnotrequiretoomanypainfulconcessionsfromthe
IsraeliJewishmajority.Afterall,thisgoldenpastwastheeraoftheOsloprocess,a
fundamentallyflawedprocessfromwhichPalestinianIsraeliswerealtogether
excluded(seeChapterOne).Thegoldenageinvokedbythisnarrativeisonein
whichtherecollectedfreedomofmovementwasone‐sided–inwhichPalestinian
spacesweremadeavailabletoJewsforconsumption,andPalestinianswere
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171
acceptedinJewishspaces,onlyinveryrestrictedcircumstances,whichplaced
Palestiniansinveryspecificsubservientroles(seeChapterSix).Despitethe
rhetoric,duringtheseyearsanastonishinglyhighlevelofsegregationwas
maintainedandactivelyenforcedbytheIsraelistateaswellasbythespatial
practicesofitscitizens–asegregationthatexcludedPalestiniansfromalargepart
oftheeconomicandpoliticalbenefitsoftheircitizenship(seeChapterTwo).
IwasunfortunatelyunabletoattendtheReturntotheWadievent,and
thereforecannotcommentonthesortsofencountersitenabled.SheichHashem,
though,waspleased:“OnSuccotvisitorscameandsawthatUmelFachemis
differentfromthemonsterofpublicperception.TheywilltellmoreIsraelisand,just
astheystoppedcomingduringthetimeofcrisis,sothevisitsarebeingrenewed.”A
yearlater,inthefallof2005,andagainin2006whenIvisitedIsrael,peoplewere
indeedreturning.WadiAraroadwasonceagainfull.Butthereistothisreturnan
elementofcapitulation:asacrificeofpoliticalmomentumforeconomicreality.
Whilerelativequietnowprevails,itisaforcedsilence.AsIsraeliJewsreturntothe
Wadi,critiqueofstatepolicyanddemandforchangeretreatfromthepublicrealm
andreturntotheprivacyofPalestinianspaces.
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ChapterFive
ErasureandDisclosureontheTransIsraelHighway
1.Introduction:“Inspiteofeverything”
ThehistoryofthePalestiniancitizensofIsraelhasbeencharacterizedasa
seriesof“distortionsofomissionandcommission”thateradicatePalestinian
presenceinthelandscape,reinscribingJewishclaimstolandoverPalestinianones
inwaysthatareatoncematerialanddiscursive(Slyomovics1998).Thischapter
exploresaveryspecificandveryrecentsetof“distortionsofomissionand
commission”–thosefoundintheArabicplacenamesonroadsignsonthenew
Trans‐IsraelHighway.
WhiletheconstructionofnewwallsinIsraelwasreceivingmuchattentionat
thetimeofmyfieldwork,newroadswerealsobeingconstructed.Likewalls,roads
enableandinhibitmovement,structurelicitandillicittraffic,makeconnectionsand
enforcedifference,solidifyandmakemanifeststatepower(Campbell2006;seealso
e.g.,Roseman1996,Thomas2002,Wilson2004).Assuch,Campbell(2006)
suggeststhatpayingattentiontothe“concretehistories”ofthesestructurescan
illuminatethematerialandculturalprocessesthroughwhichtheirmeaningis
producedandthroughwhichtheyinturnproducemeaningfulworlds–worlds
madeasmuchfromthedailypracticesofpeoplewhonavigatealongthemasfrom
mortarandasphaltorengineer’splans.
Forinstance,AdelineMasquelier(2002)describeshowinapostcolonial
contextroadsmayserveasmapsthatsupportsocialmemory,bearingorbecoming
connectionstothepastthroughthe“sedimentationofcollectiveandpersonal
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173
histories”alongtheirlength(833).InthecommunityinSouthernNigerwhereshe
worked,recollectionsofbeingconscriptedforroadworkformsomeofthemost
salientmemoriesofthecolonialperiod,andtheroadbecomesasitewherethepast
–oftenintheformofspirits–“disruptsinvades,butalsoexplainsthepresent”
(832),condensinghistoricalexperiencesofviolenceanddislocationaswellas
contemporaryambivalencesabouttheexperienceofmodernity.
Thischapterisalsoconcernedwiththe“sedimentation”ofthepastalonga
road,butinthiscaseratherthanservingasamaptosupportsocialmemory,the
roadbecomesanimportantsiteforthecontestationofpastandpresentlandscapes.
Highway6literallyreconfiguresthemapofIsrael,alteringscaleanddistanceintrue
postmodernfashion,compressingbothtimeandspace(Harvey1990).A
sophisticatedmarketingcampaignboastedthattheroad“bringstheperiphery
closer”and,indeed,forcertainprivilegedpeopleintheruralnorththeroaddoes
enablenewexperiencesandnewpossibilities.1Itislesstheimplicationsofthis
roadformobilitythatconcernmehere,though,andmoreitsimplicationsfor
visibility.
Asanewroadopensuproutesfortravel,driversonitarenotonlyabletogo
placestheyhadnotbeenbefore;theyarealsoabletosee,throughthewindowsas
theydrive,sitestheyhadnotseenbefore.Familiarvistasandlandmarkstakeon
newformsandmeaningswhenseenfromnewperspectives–atopanewbridgeor
tunnellingthroughahill.Newlandmarksandnewvistascomeintoview.Signposts 1Forexample,IwasabletocommutetoArabicclassesinWadiAraonceaweekfrommyhomeinJerusalem;friendsofminewholivedinEmekYizraelwerethrilledthatallofasuddenaneveningconcertoftheIsraeliPhilharmonicinTelAvivwasapossibleouting–nowanhourdriveawayinsteadoftwo.
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notseenbeforearemadesuddenlyrelevantbynewproximities,asdriversnavigate
unfamiliarterritorytoarriveatfamiliardestinations.Myargumentinthischapter
isthatevenastheconstructionofHighway6inmanywaysbringsaPalestinian
presenceintheIsraelilandscapeintoview,itsimultaneouslyworkstoobscureit.
Theroad,then,bothrevealsandconceals,bothdisclosesanderases,makingvisible
the“sedimentation”ofthepastwhilesimultaneouslyworkingtodistortorconcealit
beyondrecognition.Thischapterexplorestheroleoftheroadsignsalongthe
lengthofthehighwayinmediatingtheseprocesses.
ThreeweeksafterIbeganmyfieldwork,inthedimlightofanearly
WednesdaymorninginNovember2003,Ifoundmyselfwaitingonaquietstreet
cornerinJerusalemforawomanIdidnotknowtotakemetoaplaceIhadnever
been.Ruthturnedouttobeacompact,matter‐of‐fact,grey‐hairedwomanwho,I
graduallylearned,ispassionateaboutclassicalmusic,‘proper’Hebrewgrammar,
hergrandchildren,Palestinianhumanrights,andoppositiontotheIsraeli
occupation.Nowinherretirement,afteralongandvariedcareerinhealthsciences,
shedevotesallhertime–exceptTuesdayswhicharedevotedtohernewborn
grandsonandWednesdayswhichareforArabiclessons–toMachsomWatch:a
feministhumanrightsorganizationthatshewasinstrumentalinfoundingin2001.
ThewomenofMachsomWatchvolunteerforrotatingdutyatcheckpointsbetween
IsraelandtheWestBank,wheretheystandinprotestoftheoccupationwhile
monitoringtheactionsofIsraelisoldiers,ensuringthatPalestinianhumanrightsare
protected.ButallthisIwasyettolearnonthatmorninginNovember.Asitwas
Wednesday,Ruthwasgivingmealifttothefirstofourweeklyday‐longArabic
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languageclassesatGivatHaviva.(SomeoneattheschoolhadsuggestedIcontact
herforaridefromJerusalem.)Classbeganat8andwehadoveratwohourdrive
northandwestaheadofus.Iwasearly,whichwasgood.RuthisnotawomanI
wouldwanttokeepwaiting.
Itwasacalmmorning,accordingtoboththeradiotrafficreportsandthe
news,andwewerehopingwewereearlyenoughtoavoidthedailytrafficjamson
thewayoutofthecity.Wewere,andasweleftthecitybehindandbeganour
descentalongthebusy,winding,four‐lanehighwaythatcutsthroughthewooded
hillsaroundJerusaleminthedirectionofTelAviv,Ruthsaidthatthedriveshould
onlytakealittleoveranhour;wewouldbetakingHighway6,sheinformedme,“in
spiteofeverything.”Shesaidthiswithchagrin,andperhapsalittleguilt.Iwas,of
course,immediatelyintrigued.
Ihaveheardthissametoneoften,anduseditmyself,whentalkingabout
takingroadsthatcutconvenientlythroughtheWestBank;inthiscaseit’satone
thatacknowledgesyourrecognitionthatyouarecompromising–oratleast
suspending–yourprincipledobjectiontoIsraelipresenceinthePalestinian
territories,makinganexceptiontoaccommodatethemostdirectroutefora
particularjourney.“Inspiteofeverything”meansthatyouareawareofthe
objectionstoIsraelisdrivingontheseroads,andevenagreewiththem,butare
choosingtoover‐ridetheminthisparticularcaseforthesakeofease.It’ssimilarto
thetoneenvironmentallyconsciousconsumerswillusetoapologizeforthe
presenceofstyrofoamtake‐outcontainersintheirgarbage,acknowledgingthatease
inthisparticularcasehasovercomeprinciples.ButHighway6,thenewroadthatI
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hadbeenhearingaboutbutnotyetdrivenon,didnotpassthroughtheterritories.
Whatwasthereforaconscientious,politicallyactivegrandmothertofeelguilty
about?
Soonafterthehillsgavewaytocoastalplane,justbeforetheturn‐offtoBen
GurionairportinLod,theTelAviv‐JerusalemHighwaywewereonwidenedand
mergedwithHighway6;allwedidwasfollowthewhitesixespaintedontheroad–
overafewlanes,aroundabendandunderabridge–andwewereheadingnorthon
thebrandnewhighway.Wewereamongthefirsttodriveonthissectionofthe
highway,whichhadbeencompletedonlyafewweeksbefore.Thelanemarkers
werebrightandcleanagainstthedarknewpavementandthescarsinthehillsides
androckformationswheretheroadhadbeencarvedoutlookedfresh.Onlyafew
othercarswereontheroadthismorning,thoughitwasapproachingrushhour,and
aswespednorth,cuttingoutthenecessityofcontinuingoutofourwaywesttoTel
Aviv,topickupthecoastalhighwaynorth‐bound,itwaseasytoseetheappealofthe
newhighway.Ittookmeawhilelongertounderstandthe“inspiteofeverything.”
OverthenextsixteenmonthsofmyfieldworkIwasdriven(oftenbyRuth)or
drove(Iwasluckytobeabletoborrowmybrother’scaronoccasion)backandforth
onthisroadatleastonceaweek.WhenIwasdrivingIoftengavealifttotwoother
fellowstudents–friendsandinformants.LikeRuth,RinaandNuritaresharp,
critical,informed,andpoliticallyengagedIsraeliJewishwomen,whowerelearning
ArabicbothasapoliticalstatementandasatooltohelptheminthePalestinian
humanrightsandadvocacyworktheywereallengagedin.(IdescribeNuritinmore
detailinChapterFourandRinainChapterSix.)Aswedrovealongit,theroad,the
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landscapeitcutsthrough,andthesignsthatframeitwereoftentopicsof
conversation.
WhilethemajorityofthesignsonHighway6followIsraelilawinincluding
allplacenamesineachofIsrael’sthreeofficiallanguages–Hebrew,Arabic,and
English–wenoticedanastonishingamountofvariationintheArabiclanguage
content.Arabicplacenamesoftenappearindistortedormistakenform,andon
manysignstheydonotappearatall.Foroverayear,asourabilitytoreadthe
contentofthesignsbecamemorefluent,thefourofusengagedinanongoing
conversation,tryingtointerprettheirmeaninginthecontextofthepolitical
economiccircumstancesoftheroad’sconstructionandtheongoinghistoryof
dispossessionofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael.Weenlistedourclassmatesand
Arabicteacherstohelpusinterpretthelanguageofthesignsaswellasthe
Palestinianlandscapestheybothrevealanderase.InparticularItalkedaboutthe
roadatsomelengthwithNir,oneofthefewboysintheclasswhohadtheirdriver’s
licenseandaccesstoacar.Nirlivesinasmalltownjustwestofthehighway,onthe
roadtoNetanya,anditsconstructionsignificantlychangedhisoptionsfortravel.An
intenseandseriousyoungman,abitofaloner,hehaddevelopedaninsightful
critiqueoftheroad’ssemiotics,whichhesharedwithmeinalongandrambling
interviewoneafternooninFebruary.ItwasNuritwhosetmethetaskofgettingto
thebottomofwhatwasgoingonwiththeseroadsigns.Shesuggestedthe
methodologyandactedasphotographerforawhile,butmybrothercompletedthe
projectwithme.OnmylastweekinIsrael,onagreydayinFebruary2005,Idrove
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thelengthoftheroad–dangerouslyslowly–ashehunghisheadoutthewindow
and,withmydigitalcamera,snappedapictureofeverysignontheroad.
BeforeIgettothepictures,though,Ibeginbylookingatthespecific
historicalandpoliticaleconomicconditionsoftheroad’sconstructionandthefierce
opposition,onenvironmentalandsocialgrounds,withwhichitwasmet.Ithen
examinealesscommonlyvoicedcritiqueoftheroad,basedonitsimpacton
PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,placingitinthecontextoftheongoing“Judaization”
(makingJewish)ofthelandscapeofIsrael.Ithenfocusontheexperienceofdriving
onthisroad,lookingattheroadsignsthemselves–or,morespecifically,atRuth,
Rina,Nurit,andNir’sinterpretationsoftheroadsigns–examininghowthey
participateinthisprocessbybothobscuringandrevealingPalestinianpresencein
thelandscapeofIsrael,beforeandafter1948.
2.Highway6
KvishShesh(Highway6),alsoknownasKvishChotseYisrael(theTrans‐Israel
Highway),isaprivateexpresstollhighwaythatrunsfromthenorthtothesouthof
Israel.Itwasopenedinstages,beginningin2002,andcurrentlyrunsfromWadi
ArainthenorthtotheMaachazjunctioninthesouth,atotalof121kilometres.
Furtherextensionsarecurrentlyunderconstruction,bothnorthwardand
southward,andextensionsbeyondthatareintheplanningstages,foraprojected
totalof300kilometres.Accordingtoitswebsite(www.kvish6.co.il),theroadentails
twelveinterchanges,twotunnelsofapproximatelyhalfakilometreeach,andabout
100bridges.Theroadispresentedonthewebsiteasafaster,morecomfortable
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alternativewithbettertrafficflowthananyotherroadinIsrael.Highways2and4
(whichrunparalleltoit,closertothecoast)arenotoriouslycongested,particularly
astheypassthroughGushDan,thebuilt‐upcentreofthecountryaroundTelAviv,
whichHighway6bypasses.At110kilometresperhour,Highway6hastheadded
advantageofthehighestspeedlimitofanyroadinIsrael.
Sincethebeginningofthestate(andevenbefore)thedevelopmentofa
networkofroadshasbeenaninseparablepartoftheZionistproject,combining
ideologicalelementsofmodernization,settlement,andterritorialexpansion.2
RoadsinIsrael,asinothercolonialorstate‐buildingcontexts(seee.g.,Thomas
2002,Roseman1996,Wilson2004),serveasanexpressionofeconomic
development,butalsoasaclearandassertivesymbolofthestateanditsinstitutions
(Rabinowitz2002:23‐24).ButtheconstructionofHighway6alsorepresentsa
radicalchangeinthepoliticaleconomyofdevelopmentinIsrael.Inthecontextof
extremeneo‐liberalrestructuringwhichhasbeenovertakingIsraelsincethe1990s,
corporateinterests,privatization,andconsumerismseemtohavetakenprecedence
over–oratleastdovetailednicelywith–nation‐buildingimperativesinthe
constructionofthehighway.AsRabinowitz(2002)argues,undercoverofsaving
thecountryfromchokingbytrafficcongestion,theroadrepresentsaretreatofthe
statefromnationalinfrastructuretomakewayforprivaterealestateand
developmentprofiteeringonamassivescale.
Highway6firstappearedontheplanningmapsinthemid1970s.Theidea
2InthenextfewparagraphsIrelyprimarilyonDanRabinowitz’s(2002)insightfularticle,publishedinHebrew.IdrawaswellonGarb2004andthewebsitesofthehighwayandtheconstructioncompany,DerechEretz.
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wasforathirdmajornationalhighway,anorth‐southtrafficartery,thetwo
previousonesbeingHighway2,whichrunsalongthecoast,andHighway4,which
runsparallelandslightlyeastofit.Theplannedroutewouldbypasstheheavily
populatedcentreofthecountryaroundTelAviv,clearingupchronictraffic
congestionon2and4,andconnectthe“centre”ofthecountrytothe“periphery.”In
1992theroadcamebackonthetable.Bythistimeprivatization,whichbeganin
Israelinthe1950swithindustry,continuedinthe70swithhousing,andreached
municipalservicesinthe80s,hadreachedthebiggestpotofall:national
infrastructure(Rabinowitz2002).Inthatyearandin1994lawswerepassedinthe
Knessettopassoverconstructionandoperationofanewtrans‐Israelhighwayto
twoprivatecompanies.
TheroadwasbuiltonamodelnewtoIsrael:Bid,Operate,Transfer(BOT).A
privatecompany(DerechEretz)builttheroadonitsownbudgetinreturnforthe
righttooperatetheroadandprofitfromcollectionoftollsforapre‐setnumberof
years,attheendofwhich(in2027),therighttooperatetheroadisreturnedtothe
state.Theconditionsinthecompany’scontractincludenolimitstothetollsother
thanpuremarketinterests,andapublicsubsidyofupto80%ofthedifferenceif
projectedprofitsaren’treachedinanygivenyear,intheeventthattheanticipated
numberofdriversisn’tmet.Thisineffectmeansthatthebestsituationforthe
road’soperatingcompanyistokeepthetollshighandthenumberofdriverslow.
Inanotherconvenienttwist,itturnedoutthatwhiletheroadwassoldtothe
publicasbenefitingtheperiphery,thecentralpartoftheroad,bypassingGushDan,
wasthefirsttobebuilt.Thissectionoftheroadrepresentsmassiverealestateand
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developmentinterestsforthecompaniesbehinditsconstruction.Theroadineffect
connectsofficetowerstoindustrialzonestoshoppingcomplexes,manyofthemon
landownedordevelopedbythecompaniesbuildingtheroad.Rabinowitz(2002:
27,mytranslation)sumsuptheeffectsthus:
Israel,aseriouscontenderfortheworldcrowninincreasingthegap
betweenrichandpoor,hasfoundanewandinimitablepath–asortof
fail‐proofscheme–for“transferpayments”ofstaggeringsizefromtax
payerstolocalfinancialbarons,withahalf‐waystopinthe
governmentbudget.
Theroadmetwithfierceoppositionateverystepofitsconstruction–from
law‐suitstomassiveproteststotree‐sits(Garb2004,MovementtoStoptheTrans‐
IsraelHighway2002,Rabinowitz2002,Humphries2001).Oppositionhasprimarily
beenframedinenvironmentalterms.Themostvocalopponentsfocusedtheir
objectionsaroundthethemesof“leisure,aesthetics,andnature”(Rabinowitz2002),
emphasizinglostgreenspaceandparkland,urbansprawl,andpollution.3The
environmentalistsalsopointedoutthattheroadwouldencourageprivate
transportationoverpublic;themoney,theyargued,shouldhavebeenspenton
developingtrainsasviablepublictransportation.
Buttheroadalsometopposition,albeitlessvocal,onsocialgrounds.Oneof
itsprimaryobjectives,accordingtoitsproponents,wasto“bringtheperiphery
closer”(lekarevethaperipheria)byshorteningthedrivingtimetoandfromthe
centreofthecountry.Thepooroftheperipherywouldbenefitfromthe
3SeeMcElhinny2006onstrategicframingofenvironmentaldisputes.
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constructionoftheroad,whiletheroaditselfwouldencouragethespreadof
populationandindustryfromthecrowdedcentretotheeast,north,andsouth.The
oppositionbetween“periphery”and“centre”isakeyorganizingtropeinIsraelis’
understandingoftheirgeography(seee.g.,YiftachelandMeir1998),andonethatis
crucialtounderstandingthecontextofHighway6.Asyougofurthernorthorsouth
fromthepopulated,urbancentreofthecountry(aroundTelAvivandJerusalem),
thethinkinggoes,thesettlements,primarilyruralandagricultural,arepoorer,more
isolated,andlessdeveloped.Theperipheryispopulatedbyimmigrants–mostly
fromNorthAfrica(especiallyYemenandMorocco)–thoughthese“immigrants”
mayhavearrivedaslongagoasthe1950s.Theperiphery,accordingly,carriesthe
racializedconnotationsofthewildfrontier:primitiveandbackward,yetidyllicinits
naturalsimplicity.Theperipheryisalwaysunderstoodinoppositiontothe
sophisticated,modern,urban,culturedcentrewhichis,notsurprisinglyaccordingto
thislogic,whereJewsofEuropeandescent(Ashkenazis)aremoreconcentrated.
Thisoppositionbetweencentreandperipheryiscruciallylinkedto
settlementpolicieswhich,since1948anduptothepresentday,followstate
imperativesoflayingterritorialanddemographicclaimsbycreating“factsonthe
ground”–buildingnewJewishsettlementsasawaytoestablishJewishcontrolover
moreandmoreland(seeChapterTwo,Yiftachel1999).Thesettlementof
immigrantsinthemoreremoteareasofthecountry–i.e.,closertoitsborderswith
Jordan,Syria,Lebanon,andEgypt,aswellaswiththeWestBankandGaza–thus
servesthedoublepurposeof“developingtheperiphery”whilesimultaneously
extendingJewishpresenceinthelandscapeasanirrevocablefact.In“bringingthe
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peripherycloser”Highway6participatesinexactlythesameprojects.
Thosewhoopposetheroadonsocialgroundsaskwhobenefitsfromit.They
pointoutthat,despiteprotestationstothecontrary,itisaroadfortherich;thepoor
oftheperipherydonothaveprivatecars,orcannotaffordthesteepandmounting
tolls.ItisthosewholiveinthecentralsuburbsandworkinTelAvivorthosewith
realestatealongitslengthwhostandtobenefitmostfromtheroad(asidefromthe
privatecompaniesthatownandrunit).Asaresult,itservestowidenthealready
largegapbetweenrichandpoorinIsrael.
3.Highway6andPalestiniancitizensofIsrael
Thegroupofpeoplethatismostaffectedbytheconstructionofthishighway,
however,remainshiddenineventhesecriticaldiscussionsofpovertyandthe
racializedperipheryamongtheIsraelileft.Correspondingly,whiletheinternational
academiccommunityhaspaidmuchattentiontothewaysthatthebuilt
environmentregulatesandconstrainsPalestiniansintheregion,critiquehas
focusedlargelyontheconstructionofthewallandof‘bypass’roadsintheWest
Bank(e.g.,Weizmann2007,Lagerquist2004).Thereisagroupthatisleftoutof
boththesediscussions:PalestiniancitizensofIsrael.
TheconstructionofHighway6isplayingitsroleinthecontinuationofthe
historyofdispossession,forcedunderdevelopment,andlandconfiscationthathas
characterizedrelationsbetweentheIsraelistateandthePalestinianminority.In
October2001,inTiraandTaibeh,constructionofthehighwayonPalestinianland
wasstoppedbyPalestinianprotesters.Itlaterresumedunderarmedguard.Afew
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criticalanalystshavepublicizedPalestinians’critiquesofthehighwayinHebrew
andEnglish:DanRabinowitzisanethnographerofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,and
IsabelHumphriesworksinNazarethforanNGOthatrepresentstherightsof
Palestinianfarmers.Humphries(2001)pointsoutthatofthe20,000dunamsof
landappropriatedforthehighway,17,000werePalestinianowned.Landwas
confiscatedmostlyintheareaknownastheTrianglefromninedifferentPalestinian
villages.Thoughtheywerecompensated,thecompensationprocesswas
discriminatory(withdifferingmodesofcompensationforJewish‐andPalestinian‐
ownedland)andcoercive.Palestinianfarmersweredevastatedbythebreak‐upof
alreadysmallpiecesoflandandcutofffromtheirwatersources.Inacruellyironic
twist,somePalestinianvillageswereawarded,ascompensationforlandthatwas
confiscatedforthehighway,piecesoflandthatbefore1948hadbelongedtothe
village(Humphries2001).
DevelopmentofthehighwayensurednotonlythatPalestinianssuffered
disproportionatelyfromlandconfiscation,butalsothattheywouldnotbenefit
economicallyfromitsdevelopment.Sixregionalindustrialzoneswerebuiltorare
beingbuiltlinkeddirectlytothehighway–noneisinthejurisdictionofanArab
municipality(Rabinowitz2002).Criticsofthehighwaypointoutthattheroad
breakstheterritorialcontinuityofPalestiniancommunitiesintheTriangle,while
encouragingJewishresidentialdevelopment(Humphries2001).Themostsinister
effectofthehighwaypointedoutbyitscriticsistheincreasedcapabilityforswift
militarymobilizationthelengthofthecountry,nearthegreenlinebutalsonearthe
mostheavilypopulatedPalestinianareasinIsrael(Humphries2001).
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ButthehighwayalsoparticipatesinJudaizingIsraelinmoresubtleways.
Peopledrivingonitarebroughtintocontactwithlandscapestheywouldotherwise
notsee,andpartoftheroad’sconstructionprojectwastopackageandpresentthese
landscapesinspecificways.IturnnowtoadiscussionoftheroadsignsonHighway
6andthewaystheymediatecompetingwaysofseeingandknowingthelandscape
theyframe.
4.Signlanguage
Whileroadsignsmaybedismissedas“purely”semiotictexts,mycontention
hereisthat,inmediatingtheexperienceofdrivingorbeingdrivenonthishighway,
theseseeminglyinnocenttextsparticipateintheverymaterialprocessesIhave
beendescribinguptonow.4Theyshapethewaysweseethelandscapewedrive
throughbutnot,ofcourse,inapassiveway.Itisthehistoricandpoliticaleconomic
contextinwhichtheyarefound(whichIhavedescribedintheprevioussections),
andthepeoplewhoreadthemandnavigatebythemthatbringmeaningtothem.It
isforthisreasonthatIfocusnotonatextualanalysisofthesignsthemselvesbuton
anethnographicdescriptionofhowtheyareread,questioned,jokedabout,ignored,
justified,explained,andcritiquedbydriversandpassengersonthisroad.In
focusingonRina,Nurit,Ruth,andNirIprovideonlyIsraeliJewishperspectives–
andbynomeanstypicalorrepresentativeones.Allfourareeducated,relatively
privileged,AshkenaziJews,thoughtheiragesrangefrom19to72.Theircritical
4OnlanguagepoliticsinsignageofstreetnamesinIsraelseeFriedman2006,Zrahiyaetal.2005.Onroadsignsas“officialgraffitioftheeveryday”seeHermerandHunt1996.
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politicsplacethesefourintheminority.Butalso–andrelatedly–theirabilityto
readtheArabicontheseroadsignsisunusualamongIsraeliJews.Butitisthis
unusualperspectivethatallowsmetointerrogatethelinksbetweenlearning
languageandlearningparticularwaysofseeingandknowingalandscapeandits
varioushistories.
Theroadsignsweretheobjectofourraptattentionfromthebeginning
because,aswelearnedtheArabicalphabet,weslowlywereabletodiscernmore
andmoreletters,thenwordsandnamesonthesignsaswedrovepastthem.Inthe
firstfewmonths,withmountingexcitement,wewouldcallthemoutaswepassed.
Ruthhadadangeroustendencyofinadvertentlyslowingdowntogiveusmoretime
todecodeanapproachingsign.ItwasNuritwhofirstcommentedonthe
inconsistencyintheArabiclanguageontheroadsigns:mostofthetimeplacenames
appearedinthreelanguages,butsometimestherewasonlyEnglishandHebrew.
TheArabicsimplywasn’tthere.Shewonderediftherewasapatterntoit.Rina,
withcharacteristicacerbicwit,proposedthatperhapsplacenamesonlyappearedin
Arabiconexitsignsandnotonanyothersignsontheroad;theimplicitmessage:
Arabsout!
DrivingNuritandRinahomeonenight,asweturnedoffthehighwaytoward
Rina’shome,NuritpointedoutthesigntoBakaalGharbiya,alargePalestiniantown
adjacenttothehighway.
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Whereasinotherareasofthecountry,shesaid,youcancompletelyignoreorforget
thefactthatPalestiniansliveheretoo,whiledrivingonHighway6youpassbysigns
forBaka,Tira,andTaibeh;youseetheroofsofBakaalGharbiyaandthespiresof
themanymosquesofQalqilya.
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Inourinterview,NirconfirmedNurit’ssuggestionthattheroadbringsmanyIsraelis
intocontactwithPalestinianspacestheywouldnototherwisesee.HelivesinKfar
Yona,acommunityafewkilometrestothewestofHighway6,ontheroadtoward
Netanya.Heexplainedtomehowthenewhighwaychangedhisorientation,allofa
suddencreatingareasontodriveeastfromKfarYona,whenbeforehiscommunity
wasontheeasternedgeofhisknownandnecessaryterritory.Heexplaineditlike
this:
Look,thatwholeareatherewasanareawedidn’tdealwith(lohayinu
mitaskimito).Weusedtodealwithitjustfartherwest–[Abigail:
Eventhoughit’sfiveminutesfromyourhouse?]Yes.Ineverwenteast
fromKfarYonabecauseinthatdirectionthere’snothing,justafew
Palestinianvillagesandthat,weonlyeverdroveinthedirectionof
NetanyaandTelAviv,whichistheoppositedirection.Untiltheybuilt
Highway6andnowwepassrightbythatareawhenwedriveonthe
road.Butbeforethatwenevergotthere,itdidn’tinterestus.
BeforetheconstructionofHighway6,Nircontinued,theonlytimetheyheadedeast
wastobuyvegetablesinthemarketinthePalestiniantownofQalquilya.Not
actuallyinQalquilya,heclarified;justattheentrancetothetown.
ButevenasHighway6exposespeoplelikeNirtoplaceslikeBaka,Tira,and
Taibeh,itisinthesignstothoseplacesthatwefindaninterestingresolutiontothe
questionthatNuritoriginallyraised:whendothesignsonlyhaveEnglishand
Hebrew,noArabic?Itturnsoutthatoften–thoughnotconsistently–itissignsthat
indicatePalestiniantownsorvillagesthatweremissingtheArabic.
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WhenIpointedthisouttoRuth,itsoinfuriatedherthatshehandedmehercell
phoneandtoldmetodialthenumberforcomplaintsandcommentsdirectedtothe
companythatoperatesHighway6;thephonenumberwaspostedonmanysigns
alongthelengthoftheroad.Whileshedrove,Ispenthalfanhouronhold.Inthe
endtheoperatorwhoansweredtoldusthatcomplaints“ofthatnature”mustbe
filedbyfax.
WhileplacenamesdonotappearonsomesignsinArabic,onothersignsthe
Palestiniantownsorvillagesthemselvesdonotevenappear.Hereisasignatwhat
was,atthetime,thenorthernmostexitoftheroad.ItpointstotheJewishcitiesof
Afula,ahalf‐hourdriveaway,andTveria,anhourdriveaway,whileUmElFachem,
oneofthelargestPalestiniancitiesinIsraelandtenminutesaway,doesnotappear.
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Thisistheturn‐offtoRoad65,whichisknownalmostuniversallyasWadiAraroad,
namedforthevalleyitrunsthrough.Butthatnamedoesnotappearanywhereon
thesigns.WadiArawasthenameofaPalestinianvillagedestroyedin1948that
stood,asfarasIcantell,exactlyonthelandHighway6nowcutsthrough.Kibbutz
Barkai,whereIlivedforsixmonths,isalsobuiltonlandthatbelongedtothisvillage
beforethe1948war.WhilenooneIspokewithknewaboutthevillage,itsnameis
retainedinthenameofthisvalley.Andwhilethisvillageisgone,WadiAraremains
anareapopulatedbymanyPalestinianswithIsraelicitizenship.InadditiontoUm
ElFachem,themajorcity,thetownsandvillagesofKafrKara,Ara,Arara,Barta’a,
Musmus,andmorelinethisroad;noneofthesenamesappearonthesignforthe
turn‐off.ThesignsobscurebothcurrentPalestinianpresenceinthelandscapeof
IsraelandwhatMeronBenvenisti(2000)callsthelandscape’s“buriedhistory.”
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Similarly,theKeseminterchange,oneofthelargestandmostcomplicatedof
thehighway’sinterchanges,presumablyderivesitsnamefromthenearby
PalestinianIsraelitownKafrKasem.Thenamewasdistortedtoaslightlydifferent
soundwithacompletelydifferentmeaning:KaseminArabicmeanspartorsection,
whileKeseminHebrewmeansmagicorenchantment.Howdoesthisnameappear
onthesign?TheHebrewistransliteratedintoArabicletters,retainingan
inaccurateapproximationoftheArabicsoundwithneithermeaning.TheArabicis
distortedbeyondrecognition,withtwooffourlettersdifferentfromthenameofthe
town.(ThisissimilartowritingCeyseminsteadofKasem.)Thisissobizarreasto
appeardeliberate,sincetheArabiclettersdonotevencorrespondtotheirHebrew
counterparts.
AlsonotethatKafrKasem,immediatelyadjacenttotheinterchange,atown
of16,000foundedintheseventeenthcentury,doesnotappearanywhereonthe
roadsigns.KafrKasemisinfamousforthemassacreof43ofthetown’sinhabitants,
Israelicitizens,byIsraeliBorderGuardforcesin1956.Thisisatragicdefining
momentintherelationsofthePalestinianminoritywiththestate,andasourceof
deepcollectiveshameforIsraelis.Thissign,then,meansyoucandrivebythe
Keseminterchangewithouthavingtothinkaboutortakenoticeofthepresenceof
KafrKasemoritstroubledhistory.
Highway6playsaroleinhidingandrevealingPalestinianspacesoutside
Israelaswell.Forastretchitfollowsrightalongthegreenline,bringingtheWest
BankintoviewinawayitseldomistothemajorityofIsraeliJews,yetalso
simultaneouslyobscuringit.Thegreenlinedoesnotappearonanymapsofthe
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company.Thesignindicatingaturn‐offtoaJewishsettlementintheWestBank
suchas,forexample,Ariel,isnotdistinguishedinanywayfromthesignindicatinga
turn‐offtoanearbytownwithinIsrael.
WhenIaskedhimwhetherhehadeverbeentotheWestBankNirexplaineditlike
this:
Well,look.Generallyspeaking.OnceIdroppedafriendoffinAriel(a
settlementintheWestBank).IdroveonHighway6,thenyouturnoff
onto5andsomewherealongthereyou’reintheshtachim
(territories).Iwasn’treallysureifIwasthereornot.[Abigail:Did
youpassacheckpoint?]Idon’tthinkso.WasIactuallyinthe
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shtachim?Notsure.Look,shtachim,notshtachim–it’slikeEurope.
France,Germany,aftertheunificationofEuropenowit’slikeasign
‘welcometoGermany’andyoudriverightin.Look,myhouseisright
nearTulKarem(aPalestinianrefugeecampintheWestBank).Ifyou
keepdrivingontheroadfrommyhousepastHighway6yougettoTul
Karem.Theonlythingthatseparatesusisasignthatsays‘army
checkpointahead’andIneverwentpastit.Iimaginethere’sa
checkpointsomewhereaheadandthat’sit.
Thatthehighlymilitarized,increasinglyfortifiedandincreasinglyimpenetrable
borderbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankcanbecomparedto(whatarehere
construedas)thecasual,porousbordersoftheEuropeanUnionisatestamenttothe
carefulplanningthatwentintoconstructingthehighlystratifiedsystemofaccess
andmobilitythatstructuresthisborder(seeWeizman2007).Inlinkingupso
seamlesslywiththelimitedaccessroadsthatleadthroughtheWestBanktothe
settlements,Highway6contributesbothtotheinfrastructureoftheoccupationand
toitsconcealmentfromthemajorityofIsraeliJews.
Theultimateexpressionoftheinfrastructureofoccupation–thewall
separatingIsraelfromtheWestBank–wasunderconstructionatthesametimeas
Highway6,andforpartsofthedrivealongthenewroadthewallisimmediately
adjacent,bringingitshockinglyintoview.
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Butevenwiththismostconcreteofobjectsthereissomesleightofhandatwork.In
thefirstfewmonthsof2004,drivingalongtheroadwithRuth,wewatchedinsome
confusionasweekafterweekdirtwaspileduplikearampartinfrontofthewall
surroundingtherefugeecampofTulKarem.Evenwhenwesawworkersplanting
flowersandbusheswewereconfused.Thenwesawthefinalresult:withflower
bedsreachingalmosttothetopoftheconcretewall,itiseasytopassbyandnot
realizewhatyouareseeing.RuthcallsthesethegardensofTulKarem.
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5.Conclusion
Lestwegetthemistakenimpressionthatroadsignsareclosedsemiotictexts
removedfromthesocialcontextinwhichtheyarefound,Iconcludewithafew
disturbingimages(andonehopefulone)ofsocialinterventionsintheirmeaning.
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ThesesignsarenotfoundonHighway6butarewithinafiveminutedriveofthe
turnoffatWadiAraroad.Thesesignsshowgraffiticoveringupanderasingthe
Arabicwriting–aninterventionthatseekstowipeoutPalestinianpresenceinthe
landscapebyobliteratingtheArabiclanguageontheroadsigns.Thisfinalimage,
though,ismyfavourite.Itisasignthatsimplypointsnorth.Someonehaswhited
theArabicout,butsomeoneelsehascomealongandwrittenitbackin.
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ChapterSix
FieldtripsandOtherEncounters
1.Mukeble,December3,2003
DuringmysecondweekofArabiclessonsatGivatHaviva,shortlyafterI
arrivedinIsrael,myclasswentonafieldtriptothevillagewhereourteacherRiyad
lives:Mukeble.MukebleisinIsraelanditsresidentsareIsraelicitizens,butitis
rightontheborderwiththeWestBankandafiveminutedriveawayfromJenin,a
cityinthenorthernWestBankthatwasthesecondmostcommonstartingpointfor
suicidebombswithinIsraelin2003‐4(afterNablus).TheproximitytotheWest
BankaddedtothediscomfortmanyofmyclassmatesfeltvisitinganArabvillage.1It
becameclearinconversationsduringrecessintheweekleadinguptothetripthat
mostofthemhadneversetfootinanArabvillagebefore.Thefieldtrippresenteda
dilemmatosomeofmyclassmateswho,duringourbreaks,discussedwhetherit
wassafeandweighedtheobjectionsoffamilymembers(“myhusbandthinksI'm
crazy”;“Ididn’ttellmyparents”).Onthedayofthetripwegatheredattheschool
andthensetoutinanumberofseparatecars.AsRiyadgavethedrivers
instructionsforhowtogetthere,generaldiscomfortemergedinrathertensebut
boisterousjoking,metwithloudlaughter:“So,yougoright,thenleft,thenstraight,
1AsignificantpartofthefearmanyIsraeliJewshaveofWadiAracomesfromitslocationalongtheborderwiththeWestBankandthesupposedpermeabilityofthisborder(seeChapterTwo).Muchwasmade,inthemediaandinconversationsamongmyclassmates,oftheeasewithwhichterroristsweresupposedlyabletopassfromJeninintoWadiAra,undetected,andfromthereintotherestofIsrael.SeealsothesectionbelowonBarta’a.
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andifyougettoJeninyou'vegonetoofar!”“Howdoyougetthere?Firstyoudrive
toJenin...”
Asiftoconfirmtheirfears,trafficsoonslowedtoastandstillonourway,on
WadiAraroad.Whilethereisbumper‐to‐bumperweekendtrafficalongWadiAra
roadeveryThursdayandSaturdayevening,thistrafficwasunusualforthisspoton
aWednesdaymorning.Weturnedontheradioandheardimmediately:hatra’otin
WadiAra(highalert‐duetoinformationthatabomberhadinfiltratedthearea).
Rightawaywenoticedthesigns:temporarycheckpointsateveryentrypointtothe
road;policecarsandborderpolicejeepseverywhere;sirens,andthesoundsof
helicoptersoverhead.AtonespotrightbeforeUmelFachemwesawasteady
streamofcarsturningoffthehighwayontoadirtpath,headingsouthupasteep,
rocky,thornyhillsideandescapingthetrafficjam.Clearlytheyknewsomethingwe
didnot.Ruth,whowasgivingmealift,pointeditout:“Yousee?Theyknowthe
roads.Theyknowthearea.Theyknowhowtogetaroundthis.Justlikethe
mechablim(terrorists),theyknowtheroads.”We,whodidnot,continuedtositin
traffic,arrivinginMukebleanhourandahalflate.Ruth(whomwemetinChapter
Five)isimplyingthatthekindoflocalknowledgeofthelandscapethattheArab
inhabitantsofWadiArausetoescapeatrafficjam(navigatingunmarkeddirtroads)
maybepreciselywhatallowsPalestiniansfromtheterritoriestocrossborders,
bypasscheckpoints,andinfiltrateIsraeliterritory.
TheinfiltratorprobablycamefromJenin.AccordingtoRiyad,Jeninusedto
bethenearestcitytothevillageofMukeble:whereheoftenwentonweekendsto
visitfriendsandfamily;whereteenagerswenttohangout;wherepeoplefromhis
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villagewenttodotheirshopping.(Alsogroceriesweremuchcheapertherethanin
Israel‐manyJewishIsraeliswouldgotothemarketstheretoshop).2Riyadtoldme
hehadn’tbeentheresinceSeptember2000.Whereasheusedtocrossthegreen
linetwoorthreetimesamonth,hesaid,hehasn'tcrossedsincethennorhavemost
peopleinthevillage.AsIsraelicitizenstheyarenolongerallowedinJenin(it'sarea
A,whereIsraelicitizensaren'tallowed)buttherearealsotwosmallvillagesdirectly
acrosstheline(JalameandA'rana)thatusedtobeneighbours–youcanseethe
housesfromtheyardsofthehousesinMukeble–thatareinareaB(joint
PalestinianandIsraelicontrol,whereIsraelicitizensareallowed).Mostpeoplein
hisvillagehaven'tbeenthereeithersince2000.Riyadsaidit'sjustnotworththe
harassmentandhumiliationofhavingtocrossthroughthecheckpoint.
Ourinstructionsweretopulloveratthebusstopattheentrancetothe
village(stillalandmark,thoughnobusreachesMukebleanymore;servicetothe
villagewasstoppedin2000),whereRiyadmetusinhiscar,andledusintothe
village.Weparkedatthecommunitycentreandwentin.Thebuildingwas
undergoingrenovations,orratheritappearedtobeinapermanentstateof
undergoingrenovations.Wegatheredroundaplastictableladenwithpita,labane
sprinkledwithzaatar,andtea.Balancingplasticplatesonourknees,wetriedto
chatinArabicwithamanwhomRiyadintroducedashisbestfriendandamember
oflocalgovernment,Tawfik.Tawfikthenledusintothevillage’smuseum,alarge,
sparseroominthecommunitycentrewithpicturesonthewallshowingMukeble 2MukebleisjusttheothersideoftheGilboamountainfromthekibbutzIlivedonasachild‐maybea15minutedriveaway.MyfatherremembersdrivingtoJeninfromthekibbutzwithharvestsofolivesbecausetheolivepresswasthere.Thiswasin1982‐1983,beforethefirstintifada,buthesaystheyusedtocarrygunswiththem.
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anditsresidentsovertheages.HetalkedtousaboutMukeble,inArabic,which
Riyadtranslatedintoslower,simplerArabicthatwewereabletounderstand.
Theintroductiontotheplacebeganwithanexplanationofitsname:
Mukeble.Itsroot(kbl)formsanumberofwords:togreetaguestwithhonour;to
faceeast;thefuture.Theoriginsofthenamemaylieinthevillage’sreputationfor
beinghospitable,heexplained,areputationitstillhastoday.Alsothevillageis
locatedontheroutepilgrimsusedtotravelfromtheGaliltoJerusalem,andwasa
restingpointwheremanytravelersweregreeted.Riyad’sfamily,onhisfather’s
side,hasbeenheresincethetimeoftheOttomans,some300years.Hismother’s
familyarrivedduringthetimeoftheBritishmandate.TheywereBedouins,forcibly
settledbytheBritish:eachfamilywasgiven80dunamsoflandandinstructedto
farm.Tawfik’sfamilyarrivedin1948–partofalargenumberofinternalrefugees
displacedduringthewarandofficiallydesignated“presentabsentees.”Hisfamily
lefttheirhomeinthevillageofSidniyalionthecoast(whichisnowthewealthy
JewishsuburbofHerzliya)andarrivedhere,wheretheyknewpeople,andstayed.
OthermembersoftheirfamilycontinuedontoJenin.“It’sourluckthatmyparents
decidedtobuildtheirhousehere,andnot300metrestothesouth,”Tawfiktoldus.
Whenthewarwasover,theywerelivinginsidethegreenline–thenewlyformed
armisticelines–andwerethereforegrantedIsraelicitizenship;theirfamily
memberswhohadendedupinJeninwerenot.
Aftertakingourleavefromhisfriend,Riyadleadusonaguidedtourofthe
village,stoppingeveryfewhousestobeofferedrefreshmentsbyvariousofhis
relativesandclosefriends:coldwater(broughtoutinsmallglassesonalargetray,
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notnearlyenoughforthishotDecemberday),orangepop,hotsweetteawithmint,
freshlybrewedstrongblackcoffeewithcardamom,eventhefreshlyroastedcoffee
beanswhichTawfik’smotherhandedout,droppingafewfragrantbeans,stillwarm,
inourout‐stretchedhands.Shehadbeensittingintheshadedareainfrontofher
house,peelingandfinelychoppinganenormouspileofcucumberswhenwecame
by,andenthusiasticallyinvitedusintoeat(all15orsoofus).Wedeclinedthis
invitation,aswehadmanyothersimilarones.Wevisitedthemosque,andthesite
whereanewmosqueisbeingbuilt;theelementaryschoolandkindergarten,where
childrenstaredandwaved;theoldchan(camelstables),nowconvertedintorooms
withstunninghighdomedceilings,butcrumblingwalls;Riyad’sfamily'ssheepbarn,
wherewepattedthenewlambs;andtheslaughterhouse(Istayedoutside).Then
Riyadtookustoseewherethewallwouldbebuilt.Westoodinafieldbehindhis
family’sbarn,thedrydarksoilcrumblyinoursandals,andlookedwherehe
pointed.“Overthere[onthehorizon]istherefugeecampthissideofJenin.Over
therearethevillagesofJalameandA'rana.Seewherethefencepasses?”(Afew
minutesofpointing,orienting,describingensued,untilwewereallabletomakeout
whatlookedfromthedistancelikeasimplewirefence,thoughitwasprobably
eitherbarbedorelectric,orboth.)“That'sthegreenline.That'swherethewallis
goingtopassthroughhere.It'ssupposedtobebuiltsometimeinthespring[of
2004].Justattheendofmyfather'sfields.Herethewallwillfollowthegreenline.”
Onourwayhome,aftermorecoffee,sweets,andhome‐madedate‐filled
cookiesservedtouswhilewesatinawidecircleofplasticlawnchairsontheshady
terraceofRiyad’smother'shome,aftermeetinghistwoyoungchildrenandhiswife,
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andbeingproudlyshownherpaintingshangingintheirlivingroomandtheir
beautifullytendedgarden,aswewalkedbacktowherethecarswereparked,Ruth
askedtobeshownthemachsom.Thewordmachsomcomesfromtherootchsm,
meaningtosealortoblock.Itisusuallytranslatedasacheckpoint,butreferstoany
barrier,ofvariablepermeability,setupbyIsraelisecurityforcestocontrol
movementinto,outof,andwithinIsraelandtheterritories.Inthiscaseitreferstoa
checkpointwheremovementbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankiscontrolled.Most
oftheclasspasseduptheopportunityandcontinuedtotheircars,choosingnotto
see,whileasmallergroupofuscontinuedonfootwithRiyadtotheoutskirtsofthe
village.
Westoodatthesideofaone‐laneroad,afewhundredmetresawayfromthe
checkpointitself.Allwecouldseeofthemachsomwasconcretebarriers,ashort
lineofcarsonthefarside,andanumberofsoldiersinthedarkgreenuniformofthe
borderpolice.Riyadexplainedthatthisareawasbeingpreparedtobeaborder
crossing,forafuturetimewhentherearetwocountriestocrossbetween,andan
internationalborderbetweenthem.Whenbetterdayscome,hesaid,thiswillbe
justlikeTabaandAqaba(theinternationalbordercrossingstoSinaiandtoJordan
fromEilat,inthesouthofIsrael).Thiswillbringemploymentandmoneyto
Mukebleandtotheothernearbyvillages,hesaid.Alreadyawidecorridorhadbeen
flattenedbetweenthefields,andearlysignsofconstructionwereevident,thoughon
thisdayinDecember2003(andstilltoday)thisactivityseemedoverlyoptimistic.
Aswewerediscussingbetterdays,amanwhohadclearlyjustpassed
throughthecheckpointonfootfromtheWestBankintoIsraelapproachedusalong
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theroad.Wecouldnotseewhathadgoneonatthecheckpoint,butashe
approachedthetensionwasvisibleinthesetofhisshoulders,inhisgait.Whenhe
camecloserthetightlycontrolledangerwasonlytooclearonhisface.Hestoppeda
fewpacesawayfromusandletouthisanger,inperfectHebrew:“Gothere,go!See
foryourselveshowapersonisbroughtlow.(eichmashpilimbenadam–howto
humiliateaperson.)AndI'mwithablueteuda,justlikeyours.”HewavedhisIsraeli
identificationpapersinourfaces,bluebecauseheisanIsraelicitizen.Onthem,I
know,iswritten,Ezrahut(citizenship):Israeli;Leum(nation):Arab.“That'showit
is,thisisequalityinEretzYisrael(thelandofIsrael).”Hespatontheground,and
continuedonhisway.Notoneofussaidaword.
2.Encounters
WhiletheprecedingchaptershavebeenconcernedwiththemanywaysJews
andPalestiniansinIsraelmaintaintheirdistance,thischapteraskswhathappens
whentheymeet.Iamnotconcernedherewithdailysortsofminglingin
bureaucraticsettings,intheworkplace,orthroughshoppingandexchangeofother
services.Basedonmyobservations,IwouldhypothesizethatthesituationinWadi
AraisquitesimilarintheserespectstomixedcitiessuchasNazarethandJerusalem,
asdescribedbyRabinowitz(1997)andRomannandWeingrod(1991),respectively.
ManyPalestiniansinWadiAra,asinNazarethandJerusalem,mustenterJewish
spacesdailytoaccessessentialservicesprovidedbythestateorforwork.Riyad,for
example,livesinMukeblebutworksinAfulaandGivatHaviva.TheencountersI
examineinthischapterareunusualinthattheytakeplaceinPalestinianspaces.
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IsraeliJewshavehistoricallyenteredPalestiniantownsandvillagesinIsrael
onlyrarelyandonlyunderahighlyproscribedandlimitedsetofcircumstances(see
ChapterThree,Stein1998);asIdocumentinthepreviouschapters,eventhese
limitedventureswereallbuteliminatedduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork,asfear
markedPalestinianspacesinWadiAraasoff‐limitstomostJews.InthischapterI
examineaparticularsetofeventscarefullyandself‐consciouslyorchestratedto
enableJewishIsraelistotraveltoPalestinianspaces.Becausethesemovementsare
farfromeverydayacts,andbecausetheytakeplaceinthiscontextoffearand
distance,theeventsarehighlystructuredtomakethemfeelbothsafeand
intelligibletotheparticipants.Iarguethatwhatgaveshapeandmeaningtothese
experiences–andwhatultimatelylimitedtheirpossibilities–wasthetropeof
encounter.
Atleastonceamonth,membersoftheArabiclanguageclassesatGivat
HavivawouldleavetheclassroombehindandspendadaytravelingtoPalestinian
townsandvillagesinthearea.Theexpresspurposeofthesefieldtripsortiyulim
(singular:tiyul),astheywerecalledinHebrew,wastohaveachancetospeakArabic
withrealliveArabicspeakerswhilesimultaneouslylearningaboutArabculture
throughvisitingArabpeopleinArabplaces.Iparticipatedinelevenday‐long
tiyulimwiththreedifferentclassesatGivatHavivaoverthetimeIwasthere.The
tiyulimwereanintegralpartofthecurriculum,somethingGivatHavivawasknown
for.SinceitwasunusualinthisregardamongArabiclanguageschools,thestaffof
theGivawerequiteproudofit,oftenpointingouthowluckyweweretobeabletake
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advantageofthelocationoftheschool–inWadiAra,surroundedbyPalestinian
villages.
ThetriptoMukeblewasmyfirsttiyul,andtheabovedescriptionoftheday
(takenlargelyverbatimfromawrite‐upofmyfieldnotes3)isremarkabletomenow
forthewayithighlightsasetofelementswhichInowrecognizeassodefinitiveof
ourtiyulimastobeclichéd:thefearanddanger;thebraveventureintounknown
territory;thewarmreception,generosity,andhospitality,asevidencedbyan
abundanceoffoodanddrink(alldelicious,exotic,andauthentic);theruralsetting
withconnotationsbothidyllicandbackward;therevelationofforgottenhistoryand
alternativegeography;andtheinterruptionofpolitics,intheformofconfrontations
withtheborder,initsvariousforms.Myimmediatereactiontotheexperienceis
nowtemperedbytheawarenessthatthissamecombinationofelementswas
repeatedwitheeriesimilarityonalmosteverysubsequenttiyul.Itisalsonow
colouredbyrecognitionoftheresonancesthatanimatethesecommonelements,
andthatgiveshapeandmeaningtotheseencounters.WhydidRiyadmeetusatthe
busstopjustoutsidethevillage,ratherthanatthecommunitycentreinthevillage?
WhatistheplaceofSidniyali–theformerhomeofTawfik’sfamily,emptiedand
destroyedin1948–inmyclassmates’imaginativegeographies?HowwereRiyad’s
friendsandfamilypositioningthemselves,astheyoffereduswarmhospitalityand
traditionalArabdelicacies?Howdidmyclassmatesseeandunderstandtheborder
–boththefencethatpassedalongthegreenlinewherethewallwouldsoonbebuilt
andthesceneatthecheckpoint?Thischapteraimstoanswerthesequestions. 3Iwasnotyettapingsomyobservationsareentirelyfromnotes.DuringsubsequenttiyulimIcarriedmyrecorderwithme.
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ThetiyulimfromGivatHavivaarepredicatedonanumberofassumptions
aboutlanguagelearning:thatlanguageisinseparablefromculture;thatArabicmust
thereforebetaughtalongwithArab‘customsandtraditions’(awdatwatakalid);
thatthebestwaytolearnalanguageis‘onthestreet’;andthatJews,inthenormal
courseoftheirlives,havenoopportunitytospeakArabic‘onthestreet’(thatis,that
thestreetstheyinhabitareemptyofArabs–oratleasttherightkindsofArabs–see
ChapterThree).Atthesametime,thetiyulimarealsopredicatedonanumberof
related,thoughlessexplicit,assumptionsaboutspaceandidentityinIsrael:that
ArabandJewishspacesareseparateandmutuallyexclusive;thatbothArabsand
theArabiclanguagearelocatedexclusivelyinArabspaces;thatJewsdonotgoto
thesespacesinthenormalcourseoftheirlives;andthatexposuretothesespaces–
andthepeoplewhoinhabitthem–issomehowmutuallybeneficial.Ourtiyulilm
weremeantnotonlytoimproveourlanguageskillsbutalsosomehowtopromote
harmonyandunderstanding–tofacilitateencounter.4
IusethewordencounterasatranslationoftheHebrewwordmifgash.The
mostcommonwaythatthetiyulimweredescribedandunderstoodbyeveryone
involvedwasintermsofamifgash.Michal,theJewishhead‐teacherandorganizer
ofthetiyulimdescribedwithsomepassionwhatforherwastheirgoalinan
interview(February10,2005):
[Mygoalis]thatthey’llgetadifferentimpressionof–thatthey’llhave
morerealCONTACT(maga)withtheArabpopulation,thattheywon’t
4TheideaoffurtheringharmonyandunderstandingthroughimprovinglanguageskillscanbecomparedtoideologiesoflinguisticdiversityandmulticulturalismintheCanadiancontext(seee.g.,Heller2006).
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thinkallArabsareattackers,murderers,rapistsand–and–and
suicidebombers,whichiswhatmostofthemthinkandit’snotTRUE
...What’simportantformeisthatthey’llseethatpeoplelive–they’re
likeus!Theythinklikeus!Theirchildrenwantthesamethi:::ngswe
want,theylooklikeUS–theyLOOKlikeus!What’sthebig–Andalot
ofpeoplethinkotherwise.And‐(.)Mostpeoplethinkotherwise!...
TheArabsinIsraelareaminoritythatwantskirva(closeness,
integration),theywanttobeapartof.Andthereisnootherwayto
saythis,withoutanencounter(mifgash),there’snoway.There’sNO
WAY.Theonlything–thesinglethingthathelpstocatchthis?istobe
inside.Istheencounterinthevillages...Theencounterlowersthe
fear,toacertainextent.Toacertainextent.It’soneofthemost
importantthings...Soliterally(beferush)oneofthemostimportant
goalsofthecourse,forme,istocreatethisencounter(la’asotet
hamifgash),tohavethembeontheground(lehachnisotamlashetach),
sotheycangettoknow,sotheycansee.Thatpeopleareno
di:::fferent,thattheywantthesamethi:::ngs.Whatdotheywant?[in
onebreath]Theywantquiet,thewanttolive,theywanttolove,they
wanttoteach,theywanttolearn...Andthatthey’reverysimilar.
Verysimilar(.)Andthatthey’renotprimitive!Writeitdown!That
thereareamazingpeople–smart,bright,genious,andenlightened...
There’snoendofamazingArabpeopleinIsrael.
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Michal,then,explicitlydesignsthetiyulimtocountertheassumedstatusquooffear,
distance,andignorance.Bybringingusintocontact(maga)withArabsinIsrael
whowillintheprocessrevealthemselvestobe“amazingpeople,”shehopesto
disprovestereotypesanddispelfearbyshowingustherealsituation,ontheground
(bashetach);allthisisachievedsimplybyenablinganencounter.Ourother
teachers,thetourguides,andmyclassmates,likeMichal,alsooverwhelmingly
describedtheirgoalsfororexperiencesofthetiyulimintermsofencounter.
Thewordencounterresonateswithcenturies‐longhistoriesofmovement
andtravel,invokingthecomplexandoverlappingroutes(cf.Clifford1997)of
explorers,colonialists,settlers,anthropologists,touristsandothertravelersasthey
intersectwith‘thelocals.’Theseroutesaredenselyinscribedinparticularforms
overtheterritoryorIsraelandPalestine.5Representationsofencountersbetween
travelersandlocalsincolonialandpost‐colonialcontexts,fromearlyexplorersand
settlerstocontemporarybackpackers,havebeenextensivelycritiquedfortheways
theyoftenworktosilence,immobilize,de‐historicize,andnaturalize‘thelocals’as
theyabsolvethetravelerofanyroleintheconquestsanddominationswhichenable
hismovement(e.g.,Pratt1992,Shohat1987,Grewal1996,Deloria1998,Adams
5OnhistoriesoftraveltoIsrael/PalestineseeStein2008,ChapterOne.FollowingStein,Isituatethemovementsdiscussedinthischapterinrelationtorecentlarge‐scalehistoriesofmovementofPalestiniansandIsraelis(asdescribedinChapterTwoofthedissertation).TheseincludewavesofJewishimmigration(aliya)beforeandafterthefoundingofthestate;thedisplacementandexileofPalestiniansinthe1948andagaininthe1967war;andfurtherIsraelimilitaryincursionsintoandsettlementinPalestinianterritoryfrom1967untilthepresentday.ParticularIsraeliJewishgenresofleisuretravel(thetiyulandethnographictourism)arediscussedbelow.
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1996,Ness2003).6Meanwhile,anthropologistshaveexpendedmuchinkandmuch
angstoverthecomplicityoftheethnographicencounter,ofethnographic
representations,andofthetravelinganthropologistinsuchimperialisthistoriesand
trajectories(e.g.,Asad1973,Clifford1988,1989,1997,Narayan1997,Ong1995,
BeharandGordon1995,GuptaandFerguson1997).Theintimaciesofallthese
encounters,asTalalAsadwritesofanthropologicalfieldwork,areenabledbythe
powerstructuresinwhichtheyareembedded,evenwhilethesesamestructures
ensuretheintimacyshouldbe“one‐sidedandprovisional”(Asad1973:17).Further,
theseinter‐relatedhistoriesofencountereachresonatewithintimationsofthe
other,sothattheyformasetofnestingframeworkswhichinformhoweach
encounterisstructuredandexperienced:thetouristinrelationtothe
anthropologistinrelationtothecolonialist,andtheotherwaysaround.AsSara
Ahmed(2000:8)writes,“encountersaremeetings...whicharenotsimplyinthe
present:eachencounterreopenspastencounters.”
Whileeachoftheseencountersisinformedbythepathsofothertravelers,
though,theyarefarfrombeingthesame.CarenKaplan(1996)arguesthatthe
ubiquitoustravelingsubjecthasbecomeatropeinculturaltheory,variouslyusedto
illustrateideasoftransience,flux,flow,orhybridity,inthenameofthepostmodern,
theglobal,thediasporic,orthetransnational.Shecautionsagainstusing“laundry
lists”oftravelersinouranalysis(“tourists,immigrants,refugees,exiles,guest
workers”)whichtendtoobscurethevariedhistoricalconditionsandrelationsof
powerthatenableandconstraindifferentformsofmovementfordifferentpeoplein 6Iusethemasculinepronounhereadvisedly,toindexthewayssuchhistoriesofencounteraregendered(cf.Grewal1996,Shohat2006).
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differenttimesandplaces.Ratherthandismissingfiguressuchastheexile,the
nomad,orthetouristfortheirimprecisionoroveruse,however,Kaplaninterrogates
howtheyoperateastropesinthefieldofcriticism;shefollowsthemasasetof
“chargedmetaphors,”tracingtheircirculationinculturaltheory.Shedemonstrates
howthetemporalandspatialdimensionsofthesetermsare“linkedelementsin
colonialdiscoursesoftravel”(103),asking,forexample,“howdoesthemetaphorof
exileworkinparticularkindsofculturalcriticismandtowhat(orwhose)ends?”
(103)
InthischapterIask:Howdoesthetropeof‘encounter’workinthis
particularsetofinteractions,andtowhatends?Thisquestionobviouslybuildson
Kaplan’sworkbyaddingencountertoherlistofchargedmetaphorsoftravel,butI
tracetheconceptasitcirculatesnotinculturaltheoryandcriticismbutinpractice,
payingattentiontothewaysitshapesexperienceandnotjustanalysis.Iaimto
examineasetofinteractionsunderstoodanddescribedbythoseinvolvedas
‘encounters’withouttakingforgrantedeitherthetropesoftravelthatunderlie
themorthespecifichistoriesandpowerrelationstheyobscure.Iarguethatthe
encountersenabledbyourfieldtripsareover‐determinedbyaseriesofprototypical
encounters,bothspecifictoIsraelandinfluencedbytheglobalcontext,that
structureandconstrainthepossibilitiesavailabletoparticipantsandgiveshapeand
meaningtoourexperience:thegenreoftiyul,theexperienceoftheethnographic
tourist,andbehindallthese,thecolonialencounter.Theseframeworksprovide
tightlyscriptedrolesformyclassmatesandforme:pioneer,tourist,
anthropologist/orientalist,occupier/colonizer.Thecorrespondingrolesforthose
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Palestinianswemetareevenmoretightlyconstrained.Iarguethatthetropeof
encounterhereworksto“reopenthepriorhistoriesofencounterthatviolateandfix
othersinregimesofdifference”(Ahmed2000:8).Iask:Whatsortsofparameters
constraintheseencounters,whatsortsofinteractionsdotheyenable,andwhat
sortsofcitizensdotheypresume?
InwhatfollowsIpresentethnographicdescriptionsofthreetiyulimI
participatedintoPalestiniancitiesandvillagesinWadiAraandthesurrounding
region:Nazareth,UmelKutuf,andBarta’a.Eachethnographicdescriptionis
precededbyadiscussionoftheparticulartropethatmostclearlyanimatesthe
fieldtripthatfollows:tiyul;ethnographictourism;colonialencounters.7The
organizationofthechapter,linkingaparticulartropewithaparticulartiyul,isfor
heuristicpurposesonly,andthereaderisinvitedtotracelinkagesandoverlaps
acrossthevarioussections.TheubiquityofthesetropesmeantthatIcouldhave
chosentohighlighteachoftheminmanydifferenttiyulim.8
Myanalysisisbasedonfieldnotes,audio‐recordings,andconversationswith
participantsonthedayofthetrip,aswellasfollow‐upinterviewsanddiscussions
7Iprovidemoredetailinthesectionontiyulthaninthesectionsontheothertwotropes,sinceitwillbenewtoreaderslessfamiliarwiththeIsraelicontext.8TherewereadditionaltropesIhavehadtoleaveoutforlackofspace;themostprominentamongtheseisthe“coexistenceencounter”or“encounterforpeace.”TheprototypehereisatypeofeventcommonduringtheOsloyearsbutveryrarebythetimeofmyfieldwork:workshopssetupbyNGOs(GivatHavivaandNeveShalomwereprominentamongthese)thatbroughttogetherJewsandPalestinianswiththeexpresspurposeofgettingtoknow‘theenemy’andtalkingaboutthepoliticalissuesthatdividedparticipants(seee.g.,BargalandBar1994,Kahanoff2003).Whilethefieldofcoexistenceinitiativeshasbeenextensivelyandinsightfullycritiquedforthewayssuchencountersmaskpowerimbalancesbehindarhetoricofmutuality,equality,andcooperation(seee.g.,Rabinowitz2001),Ihavenotseentheparticularresonancesbehindtheideaof‘encounter’calledintoquestion,inthewayIdohere.
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leadinguptoandafterthetrips,inclassandamongfriends.Incontrasttomany
studiesoftouristsitesinIsrael(e.g.,Katriel1997,AbuelHaj2001),myfamiliarity
withtheparticipants–theyweremyteachersandclassmates/informantsovera
periodofmanymonths–meantthatIwasabletomovebeyondafocusonthetour
astexttoincludedifferingreactions,interpretations,intentions,andmotivationsof
theparticipants(seealsoHabib2004).Ialsoanalyzethesethreetiyuliminthe
contextofothertripsIparticipatedinoverthecourseofsixteenmonthsatGivat
Haviva,includingthetriptoMukeble(describedabove),hikesinthehillsaroundthe
campus,andtripstoUmelFachem(twice),Sakhnin(twice),Shfa’amer,KafrKara,
DeyrHannah,KawkabAbu‐el‐Hije,Arrabeh,andaBedouinvillagecalledSawaedil
Chamra(seefigures6.9‐6.12).
3.Tiyul
Thetiyul–morethanahikeandmorethanafieldtrip–isauniquelyIsraeli
genreofleisuretravelwithalonghistorycloselytiedtothechangingimperativesof
afledglingnation‐state.InTheSabra:TheCreationoftheNewJew,OzAlmog
describesitsorigins:
Takingschoolchildrenonnaturehikesbecameintegraltothe
pedagogicalphilosophyofmostteachersduringtheperiodoftheFirst
Aliya[thefirstwaveofmodernZionistimmigrationtoIsrael,1881‐
1903].Thepurposeofthesetripswastoteachinanenjoyableand
entertainingwayandrelievethemonotonyofclassroomstudy,while
allowingstudentstostretchtheirlimbs,andalsostrengtheningthe
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tiesbetweenteachersandpupils.Inadditionthetripsfosteredalink
betweenthestudentsandtheirsurroundings,providedaccessto
examplesofthe...materialbeingstudiedinschool(largelyinnatural
historyandgeography),allowedstudentsto“discover”natural
phenomenaforthemselves,andimprovedtheirHebrewlanguage
skills(2000:164).
Bythe1920s,Almogargues,thetiyulhadbecomeafundamentalelementofZionist
education,andadefiningfeatureoftheimageofthesabra–thehegemonicidealof
thenative‐bornIsraeli.
IfZionismwasthenewsecularreligionamongearlyimmigrantstowhatwas
thenBritishMandatePalestine,Almogargues,thenyediatha’aretz(knowledgeof
theland)replacedknowledgeoftheTorah(theJewishbible)asthedefinitiveand
idealeducationforthe‘newJew.’Yediathaaretzcombinesspecializedformsof
knowledgeaboutthelandscapeofIsrael,drawingonlocalecology,archaeology,
history,geology,geography,andbible.Tiyulprovidestheprimarywayof
inculcatingtheseformsofknowledgebutalsoofdisplayingthemandenactingthem.
Onecandisplaymasteryofyediatha’aretzwhileontiyulbyknowingwheretofind
andhowtoidentifythewildherbsthatgrowalongthepathandusingthemtobrew
tea;9bysurveyingthelandscape,oftenfromalook‐outspot(tatspit),andpointingto
9Theteaorcoffeebreakisahighlyritualizedpartofthetiyul,rootedintheidealizationandmystificationofBedouincustoms.Thegaziya(portablegasburner)andfinjan(small,long‐handledpotwithaspout)comeoutoftheknapsack,smallshotglassesarepulledoutofateatowel,freshwildherbs(mint,za’atar,sage)areproduced,havingbeenpickedalongtheway,andareboiledforasweet,aromaticteaintheopenair.Thealternativeisdarkstrongcoffee(called“Turkish”or“Arab”coffee)flavouredwithcardamomandservedsweetinthesameshotglasses.Both
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217
theplacewhereabiblicalbattletookplace,orabattleduringthe1948war,or
(ideally)both;byidentifyingtreesandcropsandrockformations,aswellasnaming
valleysandriversandlandmarks.ShaulKatz(1999)describesyediatha’aretzasa
“para‐canonical”formofknowledge,onethatcombinesthelocalizationand
particularizationofscientificknowledgewithmodificationsofthehistorical
sequenceofevents,giving“newweightandnewmeaningtosourcesofknowledge
ofdifferentstatus”(96,mytranslation).MeronBenvenisti(2000)morepointedly
describesyediatha’aretzas“amechanismofindoctrinationbymeansofwhicha
ZionistideologywasimplantedintheheartoftheJewishchild”(57).10
Thetiyulwasandcontinuestobeawayofforginganemotionalandan
ideologicalconnectiontothelandscape.Simultaneouslyanexpressionofanti‐
bourgeoisethos11andanegationofthelandlessnessofdiasporaJudaism(two
centraltenetsofearlyZionism),earlytiyulimrepresentedavoyageofnational
awakeningandaritualofconquestforimmigrants,whowantedto“reachnew
placesandnewheightsonwhichthefootofmanhadyettotread”(Almog1997:91,
mytranslation).Tiyulplayedaroleinstrengtheningcollectiveidentityandnational
belongingforearlyimmigrantswhilesimultaneouslyforgingaconnectiontothe
landandaclaimtotheland.
theherbalteaandthecoffeerequireacertainamountofskillintheirpreparation(thereisanelaboratemythologyaroundhowtoboiltheperfectpotofcoffee),andthespecializedknowledgeinvolvedisitselfatypeofyediatha’aretz.10Benvenisti’scritiqueisparticularlypoignantgiventhathisfather,DavidBenvenisti,wastheauthorofoneofthemostpopulartextsforteachingyediatha’aretz(Benvenisti1946).11Thisisincontrasttoothercontexts,wherehikingcanbeinterpretedasadisplayofbourgeoissensibility(seeBourdieu1984,McElhinny2006).
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Whilethegenreoftiyuloriginatedasfieldtripsforschoolchildrenmorethan
acenturyago,itsrelevanceincontemporaryIsraelisocietyhasnotwaned.In
additiontocontinuingtoplayacentralroleinprimaryandsecondaryschool
education,IsraeliJewsarelikelytogoontiyulimthroughyouthgroups,inthearmy,
throughenvironmentalorganizations,suchastheSocietyfortheProtectionof
NatureinIsrael(SPNI),andasapopularleisureactivitywithfamilyandfriends.12
OritBen‐David(1997)analyzescontemporaryadulttiyulimundertakenthrought
theSPNIassecularrituals,integraltothe“civilreligion”ofcontemporaryIsraeli
society.ShefoundthatcontemporarytiyulimcontinuetoinculcateaZionistethos:
“Intheactofhikingboththeindividualandthegroupmarkoutterritory,claiming
possessionbyuseofthebody–thatis,bytheactofwalking”(Ben‐David1997:140;
seealsoKatz1985,Katriel1995).
Itfeltquitenaturaltome,then,tofindthetiyulfeaturingsoprominentlyin
ourlanguagelessonsatGivatHaviva.Ourfieldtripswerecalledtiyulimandthey
servedthesameprimaryfunctionsastheearlytiyulimdescribedbyAlmog:an
escapefromtheclassroom,achanceforstudentsandteacherstobond,andawayto
bringtolifethematerialofourlessonsbyencounteringtheirsubjectmatterinthe
realworld.Thedifferencewasthatthesubjectmatterofourlessons–theArabic
language–wasabsolutelynotapartoftheZionistcanon.Whatwassurprising,
then,wasthewayourtiyulimbothreliedonandsubvertedtheclassicgenreby
specificallyandexclusivelychoosingPalestinianplacesasourdestination.
12Onanysummerweekendthemorepopularhikingtrailsaresopackedwithfamiliesthatnarrowpartsofthetrailcreateabottleneckandyouendupwaitinginlinetopassthrough.
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Inwrittenaccountsoftheearlypre‐statetiyulim,asanalyzedbyOzAlmog,
hikersencounteralandscapedevoidofinhabitants:“[t]heArabvillagesandtheir
inhabitantsarehardlymentionedatall.TheArabvillageappearsmainlyasalifeless
landmark,oraplacetostoptogetfoodandwater,oradangerousplacethatone
mustbewareof”(Almog1997:303).ThepresenceofArabvillagesinthelandscape
wasantitheticaltotheentireideaofthetiyul;afterall,theZionistgrandnarrative
requiredalandwithoutpeopleforapeoplewithoutland(seee.g.,Zerubavel
1995).13Accordingly,oftenthelandscape“isdescribedasvirginland,uponwhich
nooneliveduntilthearrivaloftheJews”(Almog1997:303).Thisis,ofcourse,a
strategynotuniquetotheIsraelisettlementproject;thedescriptionsofearly20th
centurytiyulimanalyzedbyAlmogareremarkablysimilartothetravelwritingsof
late18thcenturyEuropeanimperialistsinAfrica,asanalyzedbyMaryLouisePratt
(1992),inwhich“thelandscapeiswrittenasuninhabited,upossessed,
unhistoricized,unoccupied”(50).Similarstrategiesoferasurearerevealedin
VicenteRafael’s(2000:60ff)discussionofthe“colonialpicturesque”inthelettersof
AmericanwomeninthecolonialPhilippines.
Contemporarytiyulimcontinuethissleightofhandalthough,since1948,it
hasbecomeeasier;manyofthePalestinianvillagesignoredonthehikesAlmog
describesarenowonlyvisibleasruins–ifatall–havingbeendestroyedinthe1948
war.14WhilePalestinianpresences–pastandpresent–inthelandscapeofIsrael
13SeealsoEllaShohat(2006),GilEyal(2007),andMeronBenvenisti(2000:58ff)fordescriptionsoftheambivalentattitudeofJewishsettlersinthepre‐stateperiodtotheirArabneighbours.14SeeFalah2005onthedestructionanddesignificationofthePalestinianlandscape.
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areignoredorerased,itispreciselypastJewishpresencesinthelandthattiyulim
highlight,inordertoemphasizeacontinualconnectiontotheland.AsImentioned
above,pointingoutBiblicalmountainsandTalmudiccaves,tellingtalesofJewish
battles,prophesies,andtragedies,areakeywaytodisplayyediathaaretz.Thetiyul,
then,muchliketheroadsignsonHighway6,reliesonaparticularkindofselective
vision,highlightingcertainpresencesinthelandscapeanderasingothers,skipping
overrecenthistorytoselectthepartsofthepastthatfitthenarrative.15(AbuEl‐
Haj,2001,describesasimilardynamicwithcontemporaryarchaeologicalpracticein
Israel.)
Whatdoesitmean,then,togoonatiyulwhereanArabvillageora
Palestiniancityfeaturesnotasablightinthelandscape,somethingtobeerasedor
ignored,butasthedestination?Whatdoesitmeantogoontiyulwithour
Palestinianteachersasguides?ShaulKatz(1985)analyzestheroleofthemadrich,
theIsraeliteacher‐guidewholeadsthetiyul,arguingthathe[sic]ismorethana
“teacheroftheway”(morehderech).Heis“anencourageroffaith”(69);“heisthe
navigator,inanenvironmentnewtotheparticipants,andheistheinterpreterofthe
scenesandtheirmeanings,abovealltheirnationalmeanings”(63).Whatsortof
encounterisproduced,then,whatfaithisbeingencouragedandhowisthenew
environmentinterpreted,whentheteacher‐guideisaPalestiniancitizenofIsrael? 15Forexample,manyhikesalongwadisintheGolanHeightsbeginwithashortwalkacrosstheplateaubeforeasteepdescentintothewadi;ononehike,thetrailacrosstheplateauleadsrightthroughtheburnt‐outruinsofaclusterofstonehouses.IhavebeentoldthatthehousesbelongedtotheSyrianswholivedtherebeforetheHeightswerecapturedin1967.Whilenomentionismadeoftheseonsignsorinpamphletsorguide‐booksdescribingthetiyul,abitfartheralongthetrailthehikerencountersasignthatproclaims:“Onthisspot,inbiblicalandMishnaictimes,therewasaJewishvillagecalledDvora.”
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OurclasstiyultoNazarethandaconversationonabusafewweekslaterprovide
someinsightintothesequestions.
4.“Nameswithoutplaces”:Nazareth,December30,2004
Nazarethisaboutahalf‐hourdrivefromGivatHaviva:eastalongWadiAra
road,pastMegiddo,thennorthintothehills,justbeforeAfula.Onthedayofour
fieldtriptoNazareth,wepickedFouadupatagasstationjustoutsidethecity.
“Goodmorning,andwelcometothecityofNazareth,”hebegan.Astheroadwound
upasteephill,thebuildingsaroundusbecamedenserandthebillboards,stillfor
familiarIsraeliproducts(Elitechocolate,Tnuvadairy),showedmoreArabicscript.
Nazarethisacityof70,000inhabitants,Fouadcontinued;onethirdisMuslimand
themajorityareChristianArabs.
Wegotoffthebusatourfirststop,stillontheoutskirtsofthecity,and
climbedupahillthathasapanoramicviewoftheYizraelvalleytothesouth,andthe
cityofNazarethspreadoutbeforeustothenorth.Wearelocated,Fouadtoldus,
400metresabovesealevelandthemountainwe’restandingoniscalledJablil
Kabse–themountainofthejump.16Onthisquintessentialtiyulspot–thetatspit
(lookout)–Fouadbeganhisdescriptionwithatypicaltiyulnarrative:thebiblical
storythathappenedintheplacewewerestanding,andthatexplainstheoriginofits
name.ButthestoryhetoldisnotfromtheTorah,theJewishbible,butfromthelife
ofJesus.
16monssaltusDominiinLatin.
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JablilKabse,FouadexplainedinArabic,getsitsnamebecauseitwashere
thatthepeopleofNazarethtriedtothrowJesusfromacliff,aspunishmentfor
blasphemingbypresentinghimselfasthemessiah.
Butherethemiracletookplace.He[Jesus]arrivedhere[pointingat
theground],andthemiraclewasthathejumpedfromheretoJabl
Tabur.17Lookthere–[talauhon,pointingtothehillinthedistance]
Abigail:Oh!That’stheTavor?
Fouad:Yes.That’sJablTabur.
Yoav:Wo::w!
Isaac:Inonejump?[inArabic]
Fouad:Inonejump!
Fouadlocatesusfirmlyinthelandscapeofthetaleheistelling,pointingtothe
groundwhereJesusstoodandtothedistanthill‐topthathejumpedto,andlinking
thistothelandscapeweknowbyidentifyingtheTavormountain,afamiliar
landmark,byitsHebrewname,albeitwithanArabicaccent(seefigure6.1).Herehe
isacting,inKeithBasso’s(1996)terms,asa“place‐maker,”tellinganancientstory
inthespotthatittookplace,speakingasawitnesstothesceneandthus“forging
ancestralworldsinwhichotherscanparticipate...creatingintheprocessavivid
sensethatwhathappenedlongago–righthere,onthisveryspot–couldbe
happeningnow”(32).Butthestoryhetellsisnotthestoryofhisaudience,whodo
notrecognizeJesusastheirancestor.Myclassmateschoosenottoparticipateinthe
17Thismustbeapocryphal(ormaybeintheQuran?),sinceaccordingtothebiblethemiraclewasthatJesusescapedunharmed:“hewalkedrightthroughthecrowdandwentonhisway.”(Luke4:21‐30)
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“possibleworld”hehasfashioned.Ratherthancontemplatingthisplace‐worldas
an“imageofthepastthatcandeepenandenlargeourunderstandingofthepresent”
(Basso1996:32),theirresponseisaseriesofirreverentjokesmetwithlaughter,the
breakwithFouad’splace‐worldemphasizedbyswitchingfromArabicintoHebrew:
Isaac:Hemusthavetakenquitearunningstart!
Daniel:Twojumpsmax,eh?
Yoav:Superman!
Afterthegeneralhilaritydieddown,Fouadcontinuedwiththestory:“Solookthere,
thereisJablTabur,otherwiseknownasJabli'Tur.Jabli'Turismentionedthree
timesintheQur’an...TheArabvillageunderit,doesanyoneknowitsname?”No
onedoes.It’sDaburriya,namedafterDvorah,theHebrewprophetinthebible.
FouadcontinuedinArabic,pointingtoeachlandmarkinturn(seefigures6.2,6.3):
IfwelookinfrontofushereweseeamountainwhichisJablilJalbua.
ThemountainsofGilboa.HerewehavetheJalbua.Andacrossfromus
here,lookattheareawhereweare,wearearound–wecanseefrom
hereathirdofIsrael!Wecanseefromhereallthewaytothe
mountainsofJordan.There,thosefarmountains,thosearethe
mountainsofJordan(ajbalilUrdun).Thevalleyweseeinfrontofus–
doesanybodyknowthisvalley?What’sitcalled?
Yael:That’sSahelYizrael.[SheusestheArabicwordforvalleywith
thevalley’sHebrewname.]
Fouad:It’scalledMarjIbnAmer(thevalleyofIbnAmer)inArabic.
Whyisitcalledthat?BecausearoundthetimeoftheOttomansthere
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livedaBedouintribeherenamedIbnAmer,thetribeofIbnAmer.And
thevalleywasnamedafterthem.Andtodayofcourseitsnameis
EmekYizrael(theYizraelvalley).Thatvillageunderthatmountain
there,notunderJabli’Tur,underthatmountainwhichisJabli’Nasira
(themountainofNazareth),that’sanArabvillagecalledIksal.Iksal.
ThevalleythatisfoundnearIksal,fromDaburriya‐thatisbetween
Jabli’NasiraandJabli’Tur,iscalledSahlIksal(thevalleyofIksal).
AndthevalleyofIksalconnectswiththevalleyofIbnAmer.
FouadpointedoutthecityofAfula,belowustotheeast,andthecityofUmel
Fachem,farinthewest,ontopofahillhenamedasJablIskander.Weturned
towardthecityofNazarethandhepointedoutJabli'Daule–themountainofthe
state,ahillinthecityofNazarethwherecityhall,thecourt,andotherstate
buildingsarelocated–andthetwoNazareths:UpperNazareth,wheretheJewslive,
andLowerNazareth,wheretheArabslive.18BehindNazareth,tothesouth‐west,he
pointedoutMigdalHaEmek,aJewishdevelopmenttown,andtheadjacentindustrial
zone.
Afterposingforagrouppictureagainstthepanoramicbackdrop(seefigure
6.4),weclimbedbackonthebusandcontinuedwiththetrip:lunchatahumusand
falafelrestaurant(seeChapterThree);avisittotheChurchoftheAnnunciation;free
timeintheshuk;avisittothemosque.ButthepartofthetriptoNazareththatmade
thebiggestimpressiononmewasnotthecityitself;itwasstandingonthathill
outsidethecityandseeingthesurroundinglandscapethroughFouad’seyes.
18OnresidentialsegregationinNazarethseeRabinowitz1997,King‐Irani2007.
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WhatFouadwasdoingonthathilltopwasplacingusintoanunfamiliar
versionofthelandscapearoundus.Throughgestures,names,andstories,hewas
interpretingthelandscapearoundusfromanentirelydifferentperspectivetowhat
wewereusedto.WhilethegenreoftiyuloftenreliesonBiblicalstoriestocreate
place‐worlds,itisnotthoseofJesusthatareusuallyemphasizedforaJewish
audience.ThevillagesofDabburiya,Iksal,Zalafe–whiletheirnamesappearon
mapsandroadsigns,theyarenotlandmarksthatanyofmyclassmatesnavigateby;
itissafetosaythatnooneintheclasshadeverbeentothemorhadtheirpresence
pointedout.Ontheotherhand,SahlIksal,MarjIbnAmer,Jabli'Tur–noneofthese
namesofhillsandvalleysappearonanyofficialmapsofIsrael,noronroadsigns.
Alltheseplacesnowhaveothernames,Hebrewnames:Ya’arChurchill,Emek
Yizrael,HarTavor.WhenFouadsaysthattheseplacesare“alsocalled”bytheir
Arabicnames,whatotherlandscapeishepointingto?Whathistoryiselidedwhen
hesays“nowthisvalleyiscalledEmekYizrael”?SoonafterourtriptoNazareth,a
chanceencounteronabusprovidedsomeinsightintothesequestions.
*
Aweeklater,IwassittingonthebustoTelAviv,onmywaybacktoGivat
Havivafromaweekendatmysister’sinJerusalem.Thecloudswerethickandlow
overAbuGoshand,aswebeganthedescentfromthemountains,itstartedtopour.
Ihadmyheadphoneson,andwasre‐playingthetapeofourtriptoNazareth,jotting
downaroughtopictranscriptinmynotebook.Fouad’svoiceinmyearsnamedthe
hillsofNazarethastheJudeanmountainsgavewaytothecoastalplainoutsidethe
buswindow.Thefirsthalfhourorsooftapeboileddowntoalistofhillsinmy
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notes:JablilKabse,Jabli'Daule,JablTabur.Iwrotethenamesdown,inHebrewand
inArabic,makinganoteofthetimeonthetapewhentheycameup.
InoticedthatamaninthedarkgreenuniformoftheMagav(borderpatrol),
sittingintheseatbehindmeandacrosstheaisle,wasstrainingtolookovermy
shoulder.Hewasmaybeinhislate40swithdarkskin,close‐croppedgrayinghair,a
small,neatmoustache.Iglancedbackathim,andhecaughtmyeyeandtookthe
opportunitytoaskme(inHebrew):“Inoticedthatyou’rewritinginArabic–areyou
translatingfromHebrewtoArabic?”ItoldhimthatIwastranslatinginthereverse
direction.Visiblyexcited,heaskedmewhereIwasstudyingArabic.WhenItold
himGivatHavivaheanswered,cryptically,“Ofcourse.”Gettingmoreexcited,he
pointedtomynotebook:“I’venoticedthatyou’vewrittenNazarethwrong.It’slike
this.MayI?”Hetookmynotebookandpenfrommeandwrotethewordin,hisfluid
Arabicscriptnexttomycramped,awkward,andapparentlymis‐spelledattempt.
Hedotteditwithaflourishandsoundeditoutcarefullyforme,emphasizingthe
properspelling.“I’Na::sira”.Hereadoffthepage,furtherdown:“Jabli'Daule”.“Do
youknowwherethatis?It’satthetrafficlightonthewayintothecity,ontheroad
toAfula.”
Theusualexchangeensued,eachofusattemptingtolocatetheothersocially
andtosettleethnicambiguitiesbyaskinggeographicalquestions.Iaskedhimifhe
wasfromNazarethandhesaidno,he’sfromShfar’am,butheknowsthewhole
country.HeaskedmewhereIwasfromandIconfusedhimbytellinghimCanada.
“Butfromwhateda(nation)areyou?”hepressed.“You’reJewish,right?”Yes.He
askedmewhereI’mcomingfromandItoldhimmysister’sinTalpiot(a
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neighbourhoodonthesouthernedgeofJerusalem).“That’srightnearwhereI
work,”hesaid.“IworkinBeitLechem(Bethlehem).”Givenhisborderguard
uniform,Iunderstoodthistomeanthathewasprobablystationedatthe
checkpointsbetweenBethlehem,intheWestBank,andJerusalem.“Thatmustbe
hard,”Iresponded,inadequately.19
Iturnedbacktomynotebookandpluggedinmyearphones,buthecontinued
toleanoutintotheaisleandglancedovermyshoulderasIwrotedownthenext
placeonthetape:MigdalHa’Emek.20“Doyouknowwherethatis?”heasked.“Do
youknowwhattheycallMigdalHaEmekinArabic?”Confused,IofferedtheArabic
wordfor‘tower’and‘valley,’aliteraltranslationofthenameofthetown.“No,no,
no.”Hereachedformynotebookandwrotethereinthemargins:Mjaydal.I
soundeditout,stillconfused,andventuredtopointoutthatitsoundslikemigdal.
Heshruggedandhandedthenotebookbacktome,inawaythatmademefeellikeI
hadmissedthepoint,likeIwasnotunderstandingsomething,buthedidn’twantto
say.
Iwentbacktolisteningandwritinginmynotebook,wishingwecould
continueourconversation.AsthebuspulledintoArlozorovtrainstationinTel
Aviv,Iturnedaroundtothankhim,buthehadalreadymovedtowardtheback
doors.Thestationwasbusyandclouded.Giantpuddleswetthecuffsofmypants
19 On Palestinian soldiers in the Israeli army see Kanaaneh 2005. 20ThisJewishtownofapproximately25,000isashortdistancesouth‐westofNazareth.Itwasfoundedin1953asama’abara,acampforabsorptionofimmigrantrefugeesfromNorthAfricaandtheMiddleEastandbecameanayaratpituach,adevelopmenttown.Itsnamemeans“towerofthevalley.”
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whenIsteppedoffthebus,buttherainhadstopped.Ihurriedtowardthenextbus
thatwouldtakemenorthtoWadiAra.
Laterthatevening,IstoppedshortinthemiddleofreadinganarticlethatI
hadbroughtbackwithmefromJerusalem.ThearticlewasbyDanRabinowitz,an
ethnographerofNazareth,andIhadbroughtittoshowNurit,sinceIthoughtwe
couldbothuseittofilloutthepictureofthecitythatFouadhadpresentedonour
tiyul.Inthemiddleofadescriptionofthedemographiccompositionofthecity,the
followingdetailcaughtmyattention:“[In1948]Palestinianinternalrefugeesfled
intoNazareth...thelargestcontingentscamefromthreeadjacent,fairlylarge
villagesdestroyedbytheIsraeliforces:Saffuriya,Mjaydal,andMa’alul”(Rabinowitz
2001:101,citingEmmett1995).Mjaydal!Wherewasthisvillage?Whatwasits
relationtoMigdalHaEmek?
InSacredLandscape,inachaptercalled“TheHebrewMap,”Meron
Benvenistidescribesinfascinatingdetailtheprocessthroughwhich,immediately
followingthewarof1948‐49,Hebrewplacenameswereself‐consciouslyand
deliberatelyselectedtoreplaceArabicones.21Combiningtwoclassicnation/state‐
makingendeavors–cartographyandthecodificationoflanguage–replacingArabic
nameswithHebrewonesonthemapofIsraelwasawaytosolidifyrecently
established“factsontheground,”addingtheappearanceofscientificauthorityand
historiclegitimacytotheterritorialgainsrecentlymadeinwar.22“Afterall,”
21OnthepoliticsofplacenamesinIsraelseealsoKliot1981,1996;Katz1995,1998.OnthesocialrolesofplacenamesseeBasso1996.22Benvenistiquotesfromaletterfromtheprimeminister(DavidBenGurion)tothechairoftheNegevNamingCommittee,datedNovember1949:“WeareobligedtoremovetheArabicnamesforreasonsofstate.JustaswedonotrecognizetheArabs’
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Benvenistiwrites,“namingisadeclarationofexclusiveproprietorship,andmaking
suchaclaimoverone’shomelandistheessenceofnationalism”(47).
Inaparticularlyfascinatingtwisttothisprocess,thevariousnaming
committees,evenastheydismissedtheoldArabicnamesas“primitive”(Benvenisti
21),couldnotresistdrawingonthewealthofecological,historical,andevenbiblical
informationcontainedintheArabicoriginalsindevisingtheHebrewnamesthat
wouldreplacethem.23WhilesomeretainedthemeaningoftheArabicnameina
newHebrewword(e.g.,thesettlementofAlona–fromtheHebrewwordforoak
(alon)issituatedbesidetheArabvillageofSindiyanni,whichmeansoak[Benvenisti
35])othersmerelyechoedthesoundoftheArabicword,whilechangingthe
meaningcompletely,oreveninventingaHebrew‐soundingnamewithnomeaning
atall.Thus,accordingtoBenvenisti(39,52),JabalKharuf(Sheep’sMountain)
becameHarHarif(SpicyMountain),Khirbat‘Aris(RuinoftheBridegroom)became
HorbatArissa(RuinoftheCradle),andTelalAsmar(BlackTel)becameTelAshmar
(whichhasnoHebrewmeaning).Inthisway,“thousandsofnameschanged
meaning,erasinganentireuniverseandreplacingitwith‘similarsounds’”(39).
“DoyouknowwhatMigdalHaEmekisinArabic?”WithBenvenisti’sanalysis
ofHebrewplacenamesinmind,thequestionallofasuddentookonnewmeanings,
newresonances.PerhapsMigdalHaEmekfollowedthepatterndescribedby politicalproprietorshipoftheland,soalsodowenotrecognizetheirspiritualproprietorshipandtheirnames”(14).23ThereisacertaintingeoforientalistnostalgiatoBenvenisti’sdescriptionofthelocalArabs’“intimate,unmediated”(50)relationshipwiththelandasexpressedintheirplacenames:“Committeememberswereunabletoignoretheextraordinarydescriptiveaptitude,thebeautyofexpression,andthesenseofrootednessoftheBedouin...–qualitiesthatwererevealedintheArabicnamesdescribingnaturalphenomena,morphologicalformations,plans,andlivingcreatures”(21).
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Benvenisti:whenitwasbuiltin1953ittookitsnamefromthesound(ratherthan
themeaning)ofthePalestinianvillageitreplaced,sothatMjaydalbecamemigdal–
thoughtheArabicwordfortower(burj)iscompletelyunrelated.Itfollowsthat
MigdalHaEmekmusthavebeenbuiltonorneartheruinsofwhatuntil1948was
Mjaydal.Atthispointthiswasjustconjecture–afewincompletepiecesofthe
puzzlefallenintomylap–yetitfeltsomehowcomplete.
Itisonlynow,threeyearslater,thatmyguessisconfirmed,farfromthehills
ofNazarethandinthemostmundanelyacademicofways.Ifinallyfollowtheleadto
thebookRabinowitzcited,BeyondtheBasilica:ChristiansandMuslimsinNazareth,
byChadEmmett.Inachapterdescribingthesettlementpatternsofinternal
refugeeswhoendedupinNazareth,thisiswhatEmmetthadtosayaboutMujeidil
(analternatetransliterationofMjaydal):
The[second]largestand[most]cohesiveoftherefugeecommunities
[inNazareth]arethepeoplefromMujeidil,avillageseveralmiles
southwestofNazarethalongthemainroadtoHaifathatin1945hada
populationof1640Muslimsand260Christians.Allthatremainsof
thevillagetodayaretheshelloftheGreekOrthodoxChurchanda
RomanCatholicChurch…TheJewishtownofMigdalHaEmeknow
standsadjacenttowherethevillageoncestood(Emmett1995:157).
Emmett’sdescriptionconfirmsthatmyguess,basedonthetenuouslinkinthe
names,turnsouttohavebeenright.Butjustasthisquestionisanswered,another
questionopensup.FurtherinthepassageEmmettnotesthat“familiesfrom
Mujeidilwhoacceptedgovernmentofferswereforthemostpartrequiredtosettle
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onlandinShefar’Am”(158).Shefar’Amwasthehomeofthemanonthebus!What
ishispersonalconnectiontoMujeidil?Heistooyoungtohavebeenbornthere,but
wasthisperhapshisparents’home?Weretheyexiledfromtherein1948?Wasit
thenameofadisappearedvillagethatwouldhavebeenhishomethathewrotein
themarginsofmynotebook?Thisispurespeculationonmypart,andthereisno
bookinthelibrarythatcananswerthisquestion.
ThenameMjaydal,writteninthemarginsofmynotebookinArabicscripts
byamanwhosenameIdonotknow,recallsthewordsoftheIsraelinovelistS.
Yizhar:“Nameswithoutplaceshoverforawhilelikebubbles,stayforawhile,then
burst”(quotedinBenvenisti2000:42).Hoveringthereinthemargins,thisname
withoutaplacegentlyandinsistentlyleadstothepast,seenthroughcoordinates
thatmostJewishIsraeliswouldprefertoignore.Butitalsodemandsamoreactive
participationonmypartthansimplylisteninginordertounderstand–amore
involvedunderstandingthansimplybeingabletodecipherthelanguage.Whilethe
nameMjaydalwasofferedasanArabictranslation,knowingArabicwasonlythe
firststeptowardunderstandingitsresonances.Thenameinthemarginsofmy
notebookquietlypointedmeindirectionsthatIhadtowanttofollowinorderto
recognizethenameforwhatitwas:inBenvenisti’swords,a“signpostofmemory.”24
24Irecognizethatmynarrativehereparticipatesinitsowntrope:thestoryofmystery,discovery,andrevelationinsearchingoutaPalestinianpastisnotuncommonamongleft‐leaningIsraeliJews.Itis,ofcourse,asproblematicanarrativeinitsownwayasthosethaterasethispast,sinceitoftenismoreorientedtowardassuagingtheguiltoftheconquerorthantowardrightinghistoricalwrongs.See,forexample,Hoffman(2002)foraparticularlycompellingaccountoftheauthor’ssearchforthePalestinianfamilywhoweretheownersofherhouseinMusrara,aneighbourhoodofJerusalem,before1948.
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IseeFouad’slitanyofArabicplacenamesinasimilarlight.Forthosewho
hadthepatienceandthewilltolisten(andlook)closely,whatFouadwasdoingon
thathilltopoutsideNazarethwasquietlypointingoutbothapresenceandan
absence,boththecontoursofathrivingPalestiniancity,intheheartoftheGalil,and
the“signpostsofmemory”thatsurroundit.MarjIbnAmer,SahelIksal–theseare
nameswithout(officiallyrecognized)places;morethanjustArabicnamesfor
valleysthatnowlieinaJewishstate,theyaresignpostsofmemory,markingthe
tracesofapre‐1948Palestinianlandscape.Fouadwaspointingoutthecoordinates
throughwhichheseesthelandscape,allthewhileframingourexperiencewithina
genrethatreliesontheerasureofpreciselythesecoordinates.Thesecoordinates
cannotbefoundinanyIsraelimaportextbook;theyarenotpointedoutinguided
hikesoftheSPNI.NewgenerationsofIsraeliJewsdonotevenhavetomakean
activechoicetoignorethepresenceofthenon‐placesFouadpointedto.Morethan
justtheexistenceofthisalternatelandscape,though,Fouadwasquietlypointingout
thehistorythatkeepsithidden.Asmuchasalessoninlanguageandgeography,
thisencounterwasalessoninadifferentkindofhistory,onethatpositionedusin
theuncomfortableplaceofconquerors.Forthoseofusparticipatinginthistiyul,it
wasanencounterwithadifferentkindofknowledgeoftheland.
Formanyofmyclassmates,unfamiliarbothwiththeareaandwithFouad’s
perspectiveonitshistory,restlessandbored,thelessonmayhavebeensosubtleas
tohavebeenmissed.AndcertainlyIammakingnoclaimsregardingFouad’s
subversiveintentions;likethemanonthebus,hewasdoingnomorethanpointing
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usinadirection.25Whilethegenreoftiyulprovidedthestructureanddictatedthe
contoursofourtriptoNazareth,itwasthefactthatwewerelearningtheArabic
languagethatbroughtustothisparticularplace,withthisguide,andthatenabledus
toseethelandscapethroughhiseyes,tosoundoutthenamesthatmarkitshidden
past.Buttorecognizethemasmorethanalessoninlocalvocabularyrequired
more.
5.Ethnographictourism
Iturnnowtoamorerecentphenomenoninwhichourtiyulimparticipate.
WhileIsraelitouristshaveinrecentyearsbeenmorelikelytoendupinNepalor
PeruthaninWadiAra(seeNoy2007,NoyandCohen2005),andwhiletouristsfrom
allovertheworldflocktoIsraelandPalestineforavarietyofpurposes(seeBauman
1995,Bowman1989,Clarke2000,Klein2002,Habib2004),arecentformofrural
ethnictourism,inIsraelforIsraelis,providescrucialcontextforourtiyulim.
RebeccaStein’swork(1998,2001,2002,2008)describestheemergenceof
JewishIsraelitourisminPalestinianareasofthecountry.Steinconductedfieldwork
intheIsraeliministryoftourisminthemid1990s,atimewhenthe‘Arabsector,’
andspecificallythevillagesoftheGalileeregioninNorthernIsrael,werebeing
reconfiguredasatouristdestinationforIsraeliJews.Steinsituatesthis
phenomenonintheparticularlogicoftheOsloyears,arguingthat“peacetime
25Fouad’sintentions,likeRiyad’s,remainopaquetome.ThatthemotivationsandintentionsofmyPalestinianteachersremainamysteryisanenduringfrustrationofmyresearchandwritingprocesses(andasourceofmuchspeculationamongRina,Nurit,Hila,Ruth,Michal,andI),buttheabsenceoftheirperspectiveisparticularlyregrettableinthischapter.SeeChapterTwoforfurtherdiscussionofthisissue.
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discourses[had]shiftedthecontoursofIsrael’s‘imaginativegeography’”
(1998:108).AsitsuddenlybecamepossibletotraveltoAmmanandCairo(or,more
commonly,PetraandSinai),theseplaceswereperceivedassuddenlycloser,more
visibleandavailable:“Distancesanddifferencesthatwereoncelegibleonlythrough
thecoordinatesofenmitywerenowpossibletoremapthroughtheidiomofleisure
travel”(2002:273).PalestinianspacesinIsraelfollowedsuit.
Previously,Steinwrites(andmyfieldworkconfirmsthis),JewishIsraelis
mighthaveenteredruralPalestiniancommunitiesinIsraelbecausevegetableswere
cheaperinthemarketsthere,ortobringthecartothemechanic.Many,though,
kepttheirdistance–takingthelongwayaroundratherthandrivingthrough.Inthe
mid1990stheseplaceswerebeingofferedupforJewishconsumptionaspartofa
newpopularcuriosityabouttheArabworld,whichaccompaniedthethen‐utopian
visionofthe“newmiddleeast.”Steinexploreswhatisinvolvedinmakingthese
spaces“visible,intelligible,andconsumable”(2001:12)forJewishtourists,
describinghow“sitesoncedeemedhostilewererepackagedasplacesofJewish
leisure”(1998:92).ButthesePalestinianspaceswerereincorporatedintoanew
state‐authorizednationalgeographyonlyinverycircumscribedform:asde‐
historicized,de‐territorializedperformancesofexotic,authentic,native,andlocal
‘Arab’culture.
Thisimageofthenativeis,ofcourse,afamiliarone,informedbyparticular
historiesofproducingparticularkindsofnativesubjectsthroughotherencounters;
Icallthistropeethnographictourismtodrawattentiontothewayitparticipatesin
“thedesirefortheexotic,adisdainforthe‘natives,’asearchforthe‘authentic’
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Other”(Grewal1996:1)commontobothcertainkindsofethnographyandcertain
kindsoftourism,aswellastothelinksandoverlapsbetweentheseendeavors.26
OurclasstiyultoUmelKutufprovidesinsightintothekindofArabsubjectthatis
producedthroughthisencounter.
6.“Aremainderoflong,longago”:UmelKutuf,November8,2004
AfterturningrightoutofGivatHaviva,theschoolbuspassedtwokibbutzim
inquicksuccession:Ma’anitonourrightandEinShemeronourleft.Atthefrontof
thebus,MichalintroducedAbuFuruk,aresidentofUmelKutufwhowouldbeour
guideonavisittothevillage.Shetoldushehasvastknowledgeofthehistoryand
geographyofthearea,aswellasofArabfolkloreandtraditions.“He’slikean
encyclopedia,”sheenthused.AbuFuruktookthemicrophonefromher,greetedus
withsabahilher(goodmorning),anddescribedouritinerary,inslowandsimple
Arabic,asfollows:
Ouritinerary,firstofallavisittothemuseum[ofArabheritage]inUm
elKutufandI’llexplaintoyouaboutit.We’llbethereaboutanhour.
Afterthatwe’llcontinueto[theothersideofthevillage]wherewe’ll
seethewellwheretheyusedtostorerainwaterbeforethehouses
wereconnectedtoMekorot[thenationalwatersupply].We’llalsosee
thetabun,theancientoven,andwe’llseehowtheybakedpitotand 26Onthetroubled“overlap”betweenthe“figuresandfieldsoftheanthropologistandthoseofthetourist”seeNess2002.ForrecentoverviewsoftheanthropologyoftourismseeBurns2004,Stronza2001.OnauthenticityandexoticismintourismandinanthropologyseeBruner2001,BrunerandKirshenblatt‐Gimblett1994,Handler1986.Foriterationsofethnographictourisminothercontextsseee.g.,Brennan2004,Ebron2002.
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breadinthisancienttabun.Afterthatwe’llgotothemadafe
[traditionalguesthouse]whereguestswerewelcomedandthere
you’llhearanexplanationofthecustomsofcoffeedrinking(a’adat
shiribilkahwe)amongtheArabs(‘indilArab)…Iwishyouall
insha’ala[Godwilling]anenlighteningtrip.
ThevillageofUmelKutufisoneofGivatHaviva’sclosestneighbours,nomorethan
tenkilometresaway,yetAbuFuruk’sintroductionmakesitclearfromthebeginning
thatwhatwewereonwaslessavisittoourneighboursthanavisittothepast.We
weregoingtoseeartifactsofabygonewayoflife,remnantsofcustoms(“folklore
andtraditions”)bothancientandtimeless,housednotjustinthemuseumbutinthe
entirevillageandinAbuFurukhimself.Thetimeperiodwewouldbevisitingis
unclear:itisbothvaguelypre‐state(beforethevillagewasconnectedtoMekorot,
thenationalwatersupply),andatthesametimeancient(kadim).Similarly,the
inhabitantsofthevillage–pastandpresent–remainunclear,identifiedonlyas
‘Arabs.’Thespecificidentityofthosewhousedthetoolsinthemuseumtofarmthe
land,thosewhobakedbreadintheancientoven,drankwaterfromthewell,
welcomedguestsanddrankcoffeeintheguesthouse,aswellasthosewhonowlive
amongtheserelicsofthepast,remainsunclear.
Afterlessthanthreekilometres,thebusturnedrightatanintersectionwith
signspointingtoUmelKutufandCharish.Theroadwoundupwardforabout2
kilometresthroughlowhillsofdry,scrubbybushes.Onourleftwepassedthecow
barnsofKibbutzBarkai;part‐wayupthehillwepassedtheunmarkedturn‐offtoa
Magav(borderpatrol)armybase.UmelKutufissurroundedbyJewishkibbutzim
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andmoshavim,mostofwhich(Barkai,Charish,Ma’anit)werefoundedafter1948,
someofthem(Barkai)onthegroundsofPalestinianvillagesemptiedinthe1948
war.ItsPalestinianneighbourtothesouth‐west(Kaf’in)iscutoffnowbythegreen
line.OncepartofaruralPalestinianlandscapethatextendedintowhatisnowthe
WestBank(seeChapterTwo),UmelKutufitselfappearsinthisrelativelynew
configurationasabitofarelic.
Asweclimbedoffthebusatthecrestofthehill,Yoav(whomwemetin
ChapterThree)askedloudly:“Whatisthis,havewearrivedatthesameplacewe
wenttoonthelasttrip?”ThelasttripwewereonwastoUmelFachem,abustling
cityofsome40,000inhabitants,afarcryfromthebucoliclandscapebeforeus,but
Yoavisnotaloneinhisconfusion.Againandagaininmyinterviewswithmy
classmatestheywereunabletodistinguishbetweenthedifferentfieldtrips,mixing
upUmelFachemwithSakhnin,collapsingafewoftheitinerariesintoonetrip,
unabletolocatethedifferentsitesonthemap.Thismayindicateafailureonthe
partofourteachersandguidesbutmorethanthatIthinkitindicatesastubborn
inabilitytodifferentiatebetweenArabspaces:cityorvillage,northorsouth,whatis
mostrelevantandwhatcomestodefinethesespacesuniformlyistheirArab
identity.27
Thedaywasovercast,veryhumid,hazy,andhot,withthefeelingof
impendingrainintheair;wewerestillwaitingfortheseason’sfirstbigrain.The
village,spreadoutbeforeus,waspicturesque,withneathousesarrayedacrosstwo
27TheimplicationsofthisconflationofArabspaces,asdiscussedinChapterFour,istheextensionofthreat,danger,andthepossibilityofviolencetoallofthem.
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hilltopsandamosqueintheshallowvalleybetweenthem,part‐waydowntheslope.
WegatheredaroundAbuFurukintheshadeofthemuseumcourtyard,ashebegan
histalk,notsurprisingly,withanexplanationoftheoriginsofthevillage’sname.
Kutuf,heexplained,meansabunchofgrapes(eshkolanavim).Intheseventh
century,beforeIslam,theinhabitantsofthevillagewereChristian.Theyplanted
manyvineyardsandtherewerelotsofwinepresseshere.Ummeansbothmother
andbounty(shefa).So,UmelFachemisnamedthatbecausetherewasabountyof
coalthere;UmelKutufgetsitsnamefromthebountyofgrapes.AbuFuruk
explainedthatthemainfamilyinthevillageistheKabhafamily–thesamefamily
thatlivesinanumberofnearbyvillagesinIsraelandtheWestBank.Thereare
approximately700peopleinthevillageandtheirancestorscamefromYemenand
SaudiArabia.Mostofthemworkoutsidethevillage–inChadera,TelAviv,and
Haifa–butsomeofthemworkinthevillage,asshepherdsandagriculturalworkers,
tendingtheolivetrees.Heexplainedthattherearenolongervineyardsinthe
villagebecausewhentheMuslimscametheyuprootedthegrapes(becausewineis
forbiddenintheQur’an)andplantedolivesinstead.In1949,heexplainedthe
muthalath(triangle)region,fromKafrKasemtoSalemandZalafe,washandedover
toIsrael,withoutwar,bytheJordanianking,accordingtotheRhodesagreement.
Michaltranslatedthisintomorefamiliargeography,usingJewishlandmarksrather
thanArabones:fromPetachTikvahtoMegiddo.Everyoneinthisregion,headded,
isSunniMuslim.
Butthisbriefdescriptionofthecontemporarylivelihoodofthevillagersand
therecenthistorythatshapedtheirplaceinthenationwereimmediatelysubsumed
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bythemoredistantpast,asAbuFurukinvitedustoenterthemuseum.Iwasleft
wondering:whatdoeshemeanby“withoutwar”?AbuFurukexplainedthatthe
museumcommemoratesthelivesoffarmers,shepherds,andcraftsmen,theirwayof
lifeandthetoolsoftheirtrade.Itcontainsitemshegatheredhimselfoverthepast
25years.Weleftourbagsoutsideandenteredthedim,dusty,andcluttered
interior.Onebyone,AbuFurukheldupandexplainedaseriesofobjects,arrayed
alongthewallsandontablesinthecentreoftheroom:traditionalPalestinian
garmentswithelaborateembroidery;theyokethatcattlewear;thetoolthat
donkeyspulloverapileofwheattoseparategrainfromchaff;saddlebagsfora
horseandforadonkey;asewingmachine;carpenters’andshoemakers’tools;a
primusstove;shoesmadeoutofcartires.“Irememberthese,”hesaid.Poorpeople
andfarmersusedtowearthembecauseitwascheap.Thiswasbeforethe
establishmentofthestate(lifneikomhamedina).
Thisdisplayofimplementsisfamiliartome,fromaverydifferentcontext:I
haveseensimilaragriculturalimplementsondisplayatthe“earlysettlement”
museumsatkibbutzimIvisited.Theprimusstoveinparticularisafamiliariconof
earlyZionistmythology(seeKatriel1997).TamarKatriel,inherethnographyof
kibbutzsettlementmuseumsinIsrael,writesthattheubiquitousTraditional
AgricultureCornerwheresuchtoolsandimplementsaredisplayed“collapsesthe
pre‐Zionistpast–alternatelyinhabitedbytimelessArabsandtextualizedJews–
intoamomentofstasisfilledwithauthentic,picturesqueandnowobsoletetools
andimplementsindexingatime‐before‐time”(Katriel1997:126).TheiconicArab
ofthisdisplay,Katrielwrites,isvaluedforhisantiquityandhisroleascustodianof
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theland,atthesametimeashe(itisalwayshe)ispresented,alongwithhistools,as
abackwardrelicbesidethemoremodernandenlightenedtechnologyintroducedby
theZionistpioneers.
RebeccaStein(1998)analyzesavisittoasimilarmuseumofPalestinian
heritageinSakhnin(whichIalsovisitedonanothertiyul).Shefoundthatby
recontextualizingthesefamiliarculturalartifactsinanexplicitlyPalestinianhistory
andgeography,fromanexplicitlyPalestinianpointofview,thecuratorwasableto
refusethe“ahistoricalhomogenizationofArabculturesandthereductive
translationofPalestinianas...Arab,”andthustochallengethenationaltermsof
authenticityandeventheauthenticityofthenationstate(110).Whiletheartifacts
inthemuseuminUmelKutufarealmostidenticaltotheonesintheSakhnin
museum,AbuFurukpresentsthemasacatalogueofobjectsfromavague,
unspecifiedpast,lackinganyspecificallyPalestiniancontextualization.Assuch,his
displayshowsnoneofthischallengeorrefusal.Instead,theimagesandtropeshe
reliesonfitratherpreciselywiththerolefortheArabprescribedbythedominant
Zionistnarrative,asdescribedbyKatriel.28ThecontrastbetweenStein’s
interpretationandmyownemphasizesthatthepoliticalvalencesofsimilarcultural
texts,thewaystheyarepresentedandreceived,canbeverydifferentatdifferent
historicalmoments.(Ielaborateonthispointbelow.)
Asweleftthemuseumandsetouttowalkfromonehilltoptothenext,the
suncameoutthroughthehaze.ConfusedbyAbuFuruk’sexplanationofthefateof
28SeealsoBenvenisti2000,Shohat2006.Ontheroleofmuseumsandthe“museumizingimagination”innation‐buildingprojectsseeAnderson(2006[1983]:178‐185).
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thisregion–handedovertoIsrael“withoutwar,”IhurriedtocatchupwithIsaac,
whoseexceptionalknowledgeofhistoryIhadnoticedandcountedonbefore.Isaac
generallykepttohimself,butmanagedtomaintaintherespectofhispeers;hehada
reputationforbeingsomeonewhoknowseverythingwithoutbeingaknow‐it‐all.
Heexplainedtomewhathappenedin1949(WadiArawashandedovertoIsraelas
partofthearmisticeagreementssignedinRhodes–seeChapterTwo).Asothers
joinedintotheensuingdiscussion,aswewalkedbetweenhilltops,weattemptedto
locatethislandscapeinourownunderstandingofcontemporaryhistoryand
geography,tomatchthevaguetimelineandcontoursAbuFurukhadsketchedwith
theoneswewerefamiliarwith,andtolocateUmelKutufinthem.Isaacreminded
usofthestrategicimportanceofWadiAra,asaroutetothenorthofthecountry,
andpointedoutthatthisiswhy(inhisopinion)itwillneverbehandedovertothe
WestBankaspartofa“transfer”deal:29“Thinktoyourselfthattheborderrunsfor
youONWadiAra,youwouldn’tbeabletousethisroute,ifthiswastheborder...
Theywantedthisland,they’renotgoingtoreturnit.”
Aswenearedtheotherhalfofthevillage,climbingupthesecondslope,
Netaneljoinedusaswewalked,andpointedtothesurroundinghilltops.“Ifthiswas
asettlement,”hesaid,“you’dhaveJewishhouseshereandhereandhere.That’s
29IsaacisreferringheretotheplanproposedbyAvigdorLieberman,memberofKnesset(andnowforeignminister),to“transfer”theterritoryofWadiAra,alongwithitsPalestinianinhabitants,tothePalestinianAuthorityaspartofafuturepeacedeal.Whiletheplanwasinitiallyperceivedasextreme,RouhanaandSultany(2003)pointoutthattheJaffeeCentersurveyofFebruary2002showedanincreaseinsupportamongIsraeliJewsforstatementscallingfortheexpulsionofArabcitizens:one‐thirdoftheJewishpopulationsupportedtheirtransfer,whiletwo‐thirdssupportedencouragingthemtoemigratefromIsrael(12).
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howyouruleoverterritory.”(kachamishtaltimalshetach.)Netanelisred‐headed
andfreckled,ajoker,well‐likedbytherestoftheclass.Theoldestofsixboys,he
wasraisedinanationalreligiousfamily(kipasruga)inasettlementjustoverthe
greenlineintheJerusalemarea.He“tookhiskippaoff”(i.e.,abandonedthe
religiouswayoflife)ayearagoandexplainedtomethatnowheonlykeepsthose
mitsvot(commandments)thathavetodowithbeingagoodperson,notagoodJew.
Hisyoungerbrother,heexplainedtous,iscurrentlylivingina“hilltop”settlement
intheheartofHebron,oneofthemostdangerousandmostcontroversialofall
settlementareasintheWestBank.Thebarehilltopsaroundusremindedhimofthe
landscapearoundhisbrother’shome,hesaid,andoftheirstrategicimportance.
Isaacagreed:onceyougrabthehilltopsit’simpossibletoremoveyou.
Attheendofourclimb,weonceagaingatheredaroundAbuFuruk.He
showedustheancienttabun–anoutdoorcommunalovenbuiltofstones,“thelast
traditionalonethatremains.”Everydaythewomenwouldbakebreadoutside,he
explained,asheshowedushowitworks.Wewalkedbythesheeppenandthecow
barnandhetolduswhatthey’recalledinArabic.Heshowedusthewell,duginsoft
stone,sevenfeetdeep.Ittookthemsixmonthstodig,hesaid.Michalexplainedthat
it’sactuallynotawellbutareservoirforrainwaterasAbuFurukdippedabucketin
andwealltooksipsfromthecold,clearwater.
FinallyAbuFurukshowedusintothemadafe,thetraditionalguesthouse,
wherewesatinacircleoncushionsonthefloor,gratefulfortheshade.30Madafe,he
explained,comesfromthewordforguest:deif.Ithadbeenalonghotmorning,and
30SeeBenvenisti2000:97ffonthemadafe.
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peopleweregettingrestless,soMichaltriedtomaintainorderandgetourattention:
“People,listen.It’sveryinterestingtohearaboutthisplace,it’sreallyaninstitution.
Themadafeisaninstitutioninthevillage–intheoldvillage,todayitdoesn’texist.
It’sreallyaremainderoflonglongago.”(zebeemetshe’aritshelpaampaam.)
Theguesthouseservedanumberoffunctions,AbuFurukexplained,while
thewhisperingandgigglingcontinued:itwasasortofcourthouse,wherethe
sheikhwouldsettledisputes;itwaswheretravelingbureaucratsoftheOttoman
empirewouldgatherthevillagerstodotheirbusiness(payingtaxes,registeringa
new‐bornchild);ithousedtravelersandguests.(“Therewerenorestaurantsand
hotels,andguestscouldnotsleepinafamily’shomebecausethewholehousewas
oneroom:mother,father,children,horses,allinoneroom.Sotheguestwouldsleep
inthemadafe.”)
Butthemainfunctionofthemadafewasakindofcoffeehouse.“Every
morningthesheikhwouldtakethemortarandpestleandpoundthecoffeebeans
withthismortarandpestle”–hedemonstrated,thebrassringingoutwitha
rhythmicbeatandhiscadenceslowingdowntomatchthebeat–“wouldpoundthe
coffee”–hepoundedsomemore–“andallwhoheardthesoundofthispounding
wereinvitedtocomedrinkbittercoffee[coffeewithoutsugar].”Thiswasclearly
thehighlightofhisperformance,andtherhythmicclangingmatchedbyhisdramatic
intonationfinally–ifbriefly–caughttheattentionofthegroup.AbuFuruk
continued:“AndnowIwillexplaintoyouaboutthecustomsofcoffeedrinking
amongtheArabs.”Asheproceededwithanelaborateexplanationofthevarious
ceremonialcupsofcoffeewithwhichArabhostssupposedlyentertaintheirguests
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(thefirstforthehost,thesecondfortheguest,thethirdforwar,andthefourthfor
fun),helosthisaudienceonceagain.Wehadalreadyheardthisexplanation
countlesstimesandwithvaryingdetails,fromothertour‐guides,fromeachofour
teachers,andfromourtext‐books.Foragroupofpeoplemostofwhomhadrarely–
ifever–sharedaconversationovercoffeewithaPalestinianmanorwoman,we
knewalotaboutthe“customsofcoffeedrinkingamongtheArabs”!
Michaljoinedintosetthesceneandexplaintheimportanceofsuchcustoms
ofhospitality:“Backthen,itwasn’tliketoday.Peopleweren’tmobileliketheyare
now,therewasn’tasmuchmovement,drivinghereandtheretovisitfriends.You
wouldsitinyourhouse,inyourvillage–”YoavinterruptedMichaltoaskan
importantquestion:Whattimeperiodarewetalkingabout?WhileitwasYoavwho
earlieraskedifwehadarrivedatthesameplaceasourlasttiyul,theanswertohis
question,fromMichalandAbuFuruk,showsthatthistimehisconfusionwas
justified:
Michal:Fiftyyearsago!Right?[Beforefifty‐
AbuFuruk:More,morethanfifty.]More.
Michal:Morethanfifty[years.
AbuFuruk:More]thanfiftyyears.
Michal:Maybe100years,[sorry.
AbuFuruk:Around]100years,ya’ani,duringthetimeofthe
Ottomans.[switchestoHebrew.]TheOttomansruled–howmany
yearsdidtheyrulehereinIsrael?400years.Approximately1517til
1918.[backtoArabic.]Andthislongperiodthatwe’retalkingabout,
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withtheOttomanshere,people’slivesweresimplelives(chayat
basita).
Michal:Whatdoesthatmean‘simplelives’?[TranslatesintoHebrew.]
MichalandAbuFurukjointlypresentapictureofanantiquatedyettimelesswayof
life,itstimelessnessclearlyemphasizedbythefactthateachisdescribingadifferent
erainidenticalterms.Theessentialhereisthesimplicityoftheselives,their
rootednessinnatureandintheirsurroundings,theauthenticityandquaintnessof
theircustoms.Thisisajointperformanceof‘theArab’asasubjectwithouthistory,
withoutterritory,withoutnationalidentity(neverPalestinian),insteadpossessedof
authentic,exotic,native,andlocalcustomsandtraditions.Aboveall,thisisanArab
withoutpolitics–theonlypoliticsinvolvedinthedaycamefromourown
conversation,outsidetheframeworkoftheguidedtour.Wewerelefttopuzzleout
onourowntheplaceofthisvillageanditscurrentinhabitants,themselves
apparently“remaindersoflong,longago,”inthecontemporarylandscapeofIsrael.
Thisperformanceis,ofcourse,afamiliaroneintheIsraelicontext
(seeStein1998,Almog1997,Katriel1997,Lavie1988)31butthisparticular
iterationmustbeunderstoodinthecontextofthemomentinwhichitarises
–amomentinwhichfearandenmityhavereplaced“desire”forthingsArab,
andinwhichgreaterdistancesthaneverbeforehavereplacedthe“new
proximities”Steindescribes.Itreturnsnowbecauseintheinterveningyears
otherimages,scarierones,havetakenitsplace.Ifthisencounterisintended
tobringusinto“contact”withPalestinianIsraelis,sothattheycandispel 31SeeShohat2006:220ffforsimilaritiesbetweenZionistrepresentationsoftheArabandrepresentationsof‘natives’intheUSandothersettlersocieties.
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fearsandprejudices(asMichalasserted),thenwecanunderstandtheArab
presentedbyAbuFurukandMichalasareassuringreplacementtothe
rioting,stone‐throwing,Palestinianflag‐wavingspectrethat,sinceOctober
2000,hauntstheJewishIsraeliimagination.Wecanunderstandtheirjoint
performanceaspartoftheeffortofcreatingthekindofminorityneededfor
JewishIsraelistomaintaintheirnationalself‐image,keepingitintactinthe
faceofchallengeandupheaval(seeChapterOne).
7.Imperialencounters
InImperialEyes:TravelWritingandTransculturationMaryLouisePratt
makesasimilarlinkbetweenthecreationofa“speechless,denuded,biologized
body,”inrepresentationsofthenativesofsouthernAfricainlate18thcentury
Europeantravelwriting,andtheneedfora“deracinated,dispossessed,disposable
workforce”inEuropeatthetimesuchaccountswerebeingcirculatedforEuropean
consumption(52).HerstudyexploreshowtravelbookswrittenbyEuropeans
aboutnon‐Europeanpartsoftheworld“createdanimperialorderforEuropeans‘at
home’andgavethemtheirplaceinit”(3).Shearguesthatempire“becomes
dependentonitsotherstoknowitself”(4)and,morebroadly,that“subjectsget
constitutedinandbytheirrelationswitheachother”(8).
Thisisanargumentthathitsparticularlyclosetohomeforanthropologists,
concernedaswearewithourroleinrepresentingothersinthecontextof(post‐)
colonialorders.JohannesFabian(1991:209)remindsanthropologiststhat“our
waysofmakingtheOtherarewaysofmakingOurselves.Theneedtogothere(to
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exoticplaces,betheyfarawayoraroundthecorner)isreallyourdesiretobehere
(tofindordefendourpositionintheworld).”Pratt’sandFabian’sinsightsbuildon
acommonconsensusemergingfromstudiesoftravel,movement,and
representationincolonialandpost‐colonialcontexts,EdwardSaid’s(1979)central
amongthem:thatthroughencounterswebringtheotherintobeing,andindoingso
wedefineourselves.
Inthecaseofourtiyulim,thenativesarenolongercolonizedbutrather
minoritized,theneedshavechangedalongwiththecontext,andthescaleoftravel
(ourdestinationsarenomorethanhalfanhourawaybybus)complicatestheidea
ofhomeandaway,butthefundamentaldynamicremainsthesame.Myargumentis
thatthroughtheventureintoPalestinianspacesJewishIsraeliscreateanational
order,onethatisprofoundlyshapedbyimperiallegacies,andaffirmtheirownplace
init.Likethecolonialists,orientalists,andanthropologists,itisthemselvesthat
theyseek,moreclearlydelineatedandmorecomfortablyensconcedintheirown
borders,reflectedbackatthemintheencounter.OurtriptoBarta’aandthegreen
lineprovidesinsightintothisdynamic.
8.“Animalsincages”:Barta’a,October13,2004
ShortlyafterIjoinedtheintensiveclass,inthefallof2004,ourteacherFouad
tookusonatiyulinWadiArathatwasdesignedtoshowustheborderbetween
IsraelandtheWestBank,thegreenline,initsvariouspermutations.Ontheclass
schedulepostedonthebulletinboardoutsideourclassroom,Wednesdayafternoon
wasblockedoffand“Tiyul:GreenLine”waswrittenin.Thefirststoponourtripwas
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thevillageofBarta’a,fourteenkilometresdowntheroadfromGivatHaviva,onthe
southernslopesofWadiAra.Barta’aisbothanidealandabizarreplaceforthinking
aboutbordersbecausethegreenlinerunsrightthroughthecentreofthevillage.
Afterthe1948war,thevillagewassplitintwo,withamilitarizedinternational
borderrunningrightthroughitscentre:thewesternhalfofthevillagewasthusin
IsraelwhiletheeasternhalfwasintheWestBank,thenunderJordanianrule.David
Grossman(1992)describeshowfamiliesweresplitintwo,unabletocrossthe
bordertoseeeachother,asthetwohalvesofthevillagebecameBarta’aEastand
Barta’aWest,twoseparatevillagesinseparatecountries,withverydifferent
trajectories(seeChapterTwo).In1967,whenIsraelinvadedtheWestBank,the
natureoftheborderchanged,becomingmorepermeableasEastBarta’aalsocame
underIsraelirule,buttheresidentsoftheeasternsideofthevillageneverreceived
Israelicitizenshipandtheirlivescontinuetobeverydifferent.
Constructionofthewallintheregionin2003‐4onceagainreconfiguredthe
contoursofthevillage.Insteadofrunningalongthegreenline,throughthecentre
ofthevillage,thewallwasbuilttotheeastofBarta’aEast,encroachingonlandfrom
theWestBankandenclosingbothsidesofthevillagewithinIsrael.Theresidentsof
Barta’aEast,however,havestillnotbeengrantedIsraelicitizenship.Thusthey,
alongwithanumberofothervillagesalongthelengthofthewall,aretrappedonthe
wrongsideoftheborder,lackingtheproperstatusandpaperstoenterIsraelbut
cutoffbythewallfromtheWestBank.Formanyinourclass,however,thistrip
alongtheborderwaslessaboutthepredicamentofthosetrappedbythewall’s
constructionthanitwasabouttheimplicationsfortheirownsafety.Ourforayinto
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Barta’a,farfromanattempttocrossboundaries,seemedalmostanexercisein
patrollingtheborder,asearchforreassuranceofitsimpermeability.Ourencounter
withthebordermerelyreflectedbackatusourownconcernsandanxieties.
AsthebusturnedrightoffWadiAraroad,headingsouthtowardBarta’a,
Fouadpointedoutthewindowattheconcreteblocks,spray‐paintedinneon
colours,atthesideoftheroad(seefigure6.5).“There,yousee?”heannouncedover
theloudspeaker,continuinghisrunningcommentaryinArabiconeverythingthat
passedbyourwindows.“We’repassingthroughthemachsom(checkpoint).But
there’snomachsomtheretoday,ilhamdulila(praiseGod).It’speace.Duringthefirst
intifadatheMagav(borderpatrol)wouldbehereallthetime,anyonewhopassed
hadtoshowI.D.Nowthesituationisquiet.”Fouadherepresentstheconcrete
blocksintheroadasrelicsofharderdays,nolongerneededinthepeaceandquiet
oftoday.Butthisversionofthesituationwasnotmaintainedforlong,asthe
absenceofamachsomlaterreturned,compoundingratherthanalleviatinganxieties
abouttheborder.
“NowweareinBarta’a,”hesaid,asthebuswoundthroughthedense,
crowdedstreets.Hepointedoutthesignsbywhichwecouldtellthatwewerein
Barta’aWest,stillinIsraeliterritory:yellowlicenseplates,acrowdofstudentsin
uniformscomingoutofanIsraelischool,roadsignsandadvertisementsinHebrew
alongsideArabic.Hepointedaheadofus,outthefrontwindowofthebus,afew
hundredmetresdownhill:“Lookahead,toyourleft,wherethatbigtruckisstanding.
That’sthewadi(valley)thatformstheborderbetweenBarta’aEastandWest.
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There’snometal,nofence.Thiswadiisthewholeborder.Whenyoupassoverthe
wadiyou’reinBarta’aEast”–thatis,intheWestBank.
Fouadtoldthebusdrivertopullaheadalittle,andwestoppedattheedgeof
asquarerightinthecentreofthevillage,andinthelowpointoftheshallowvalley
thatformstheborder.“Here,thissquare,thisistherealdividingspot.Here,you
seewherethosepeoplearestanding?”Hepointedtothefarsideoftheroad,where
vendorsstood,sellingcucumbersandtomatoes,piratedDVDs,cellphonesand
lighters,frommakeshiftstallsorthetrunksoftheircars.“Thesellerssellingtheir
goodsthere.They’refromBarta’aEast.”Fouadpointedoutthelicenseplates,which
hadchangedcolour,andthesigns,nowonlyinArabic.Heencouragedustotryto
decipherthesigns,andpointedtoonethatadvertisedsalesinhonourofRamadan.
Myclassmates,whohadpreviouslybeenchattingamongstthemselvesandnot
payingmuchattentiontoFouad,fellsilent.Fromthebackofthebussomeoneasked
“Fouad,ifIgetoffthebushereI’minPalestinianterritory?”Someoneelsecalledout
“What,andthere’snoborderoranything?”Fouadexplainedthatwhilethegreen
linerunsalongthiswadi,the‘separationfence’runsbehindBarta’aEast.Someone
askedFouadifweweregoingtogetoffthebusandhesaidno,“Idon’twanttotake
anyrisk.”
Rina:Waitaminute,waitaminute,wecan’tgetout?
Nurit:Wecan’tgotoseeit?
Fouad:Justfromhere.
Rina:Justfromhere?
Fouad:Nono,there’snoneed.
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Hechangedthetopicquickly,tellingastoryaboutadoctorwhofound,in1949,that
thenewbordercutrightthroughhisclinic.Whatdidhedo?Hebuilttwodoors:one
ontheeastsideandoneonthewest,oneforthePalestiniansideandoneforthe
Israeliside.
Thebusturnedbackwest,climbingoutofthevalley,andwithinafew
minutesweleftthetownofBarta’abehind–neverhavinggottenoffthebusor
spokentoasingleresident.(Moreonthisbelow.)Wepulledoverbythesideofthe
roadatalookoutspotandgatheredaroundFouad.Again,asonthehilloutside
Nazareth,Fouadinterpretedthelandscapeforus:“Everythingweseeonthe
horizon?That’stheWestBank.We’relookingsouth‐eastnow,look.Here,ifyoulook
onyourright[belowus],thatvillage,thatisBarta’aWest,theIsraeliBarta’a,where
wewere.Whatweseethere,whereyouseethatgreenmosque,that’swherewe
were,that’sBarta’aEast,that’sthedividingline.”(Seefigures6.6‐6.8.)Yoavasked,
“Sothere’snofencebetweenBarta’aEastandWest?”“No,butinthedistance–see
whatlookslikeadirtroadthere?”Afewminutesofpointingandorientingfollowed.
“That’stheseparationfence.ItrunsbehindBarta’aEast.”Yoavwasthefirstoneto
commentontheimpactofthisbizarresituationonthevillage’sresidents:“Waita
minute,iftheycan’tgetintoIsraelandtheycan’tpassthefencethenwhat,they’re
stuckinthemiddle?”
Hila(whomwemetinChapterFour)askedhowtheresidentsofEastBarta’a
areabletoaccessmedicalcare,whethertheygotothehospitalinJeninorinIsrael,
butherquestionwasbarelyheardamidachorusofverydifferentquestions:“But
there’snomachsom.What’sstoppingthemfromgoingrightintoIsrael?”“Sothey
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canjustcomeintoIsrael?”“Idon’tunderstand‐there’snoborderhere,there’sno
machsom,what’sstoppinghim[someonefromEastBarta’a]fromdoingwhatIdid
today?Whycan’thejustdo,justlikeIdid,justasIwentin,goout?”Theviewof
Barta’aEast,asectionoftheWestBank,includedontheIsraelisideofthewall
provokedaprofoundanxietyamongmanyintheclass:iftheresidentsofBarta’a
East,WestBankPalestinians,arenotseparatedfromusbyawallthenwhatisto
preventthemfrominfiltratingbeyondBarta’aWestandintoIsraelitself?
Fouad’sanswerdidnotturnourattentionbacktothepredicamentofthose
trappedbytherapaciousIsraeliborder,nordidhequestiontheunderlying
assumptionthattheresidentsofEastBarta’aareathreatthatneedstobecontained
andpreventedfrompenetratingintoIsraeliterritory;ratherthanquestioningthese
fears,heattemptedtoalleviatethem.Heexplainedthatwhilethereisnomachsom
attheturnofffromBarta’aontoWadiAraroad,asthereoncewas,thesituationnow
isevenmoredifficultforthosetryingtoenter.Therearesudden,surprise
machsomimalongtheroads,andanyonewithaPalestinianfromtheWestBankin
hiscarisliabletobestoppedbythepoliceatanypoint.“Todayit’ssafertotake
drugsinyourcarthanitistotakesomeonefromtheWestBank.Why?Theyscrew
you!Jail!Fines!Everybodyknowsthis.That’swhynobodywoulddothis.Theonly
placeyoucanpassthroughnow[fromtheWestBankintoIsrael]isJerusalem.”(At
thistimethewallintheareaofJerusalemhadnotyetbeencompleted.)Fouad
explainedthatifsomeonewantedtogetfromtheneighbouringvillageofYa’abad
(hepointedtoYa’abad,overthereinthehills,toshowushowcloseitis)intoIsrael
–“forwork,notbecausetheywanttoblowthemselvesup”–theywouldhaveto
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travelallthewaydowntoJerusalem,passoverthehillsthere,andthentravelback
up.“Becausenoonefromherewouldtaketheriskandtakehimacrossinhiscar.”
Therefollowedaseriesofquestionsaboutmobilityandconstraintson
movement,whichFouadpatientlyanswered:Whathappenstosomeonecaughtwith
someonefromtheWestBankinhiscar?AreIsraeliArabsallowedintotheWest
Bank?HowdotheypassbackintoIsrael?Dotheyhaveaseparateline‐upfrom
thosewithoutblue(i.e.,Israeli)identitycards?Howlongistheline‐up?Once
someonefromtheWestBankpassesin,howdotheygetback?Fouadhaddefined
thehypotheticalpersonfromEastBarta’athatweweretalkingaboutassomeone
whoistryingtoworkinIsraelandthequestionsostensiblyremainedonthistrack,
butitisnotdifficulttodiscernthatotherperson,thebomber,behindthese
questions.
Westoodonthishilltop,lookingbackatthegreenlineasitpassedthrougha
spotwehadjustcomefrom,yetwecouldbarelymakeoutitscontours;its
invisibilitywascompoundedbythewallrunningclearlyvisiblebehindit.Aswe
viewedtheborderinavarietyofformsandfromavarietyofanglesand
perspectives,asweaskeddetailedquestionsaboutthewaysitregulateslivesand
restrictsmovement,ourtripseemedtomelessanattempttoconfrontitsrolein
segregatingandincarceratingthoseontheothersidethananexerciseinalleviating
ourownanxietiesaboutitspermeability.Theextentoftheanxietythatdrivesthese
questionsabouttheborderrevealsbotharelianceontheborder’simpermeability
andanobsessivefearofthepossibilityofleakage,penetration,orinfiltration.In
turn,thisobsessionwithcontaminationandcontainment(paceMaryDouglas1991)
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revealsacompulsiontoassertanintactnationalwholeinthefaceofchallengeand
threat.32
*
Laterintheday,attheBaburrestaurant,wesatatplastictablesonthepatio,
eatingtheusualhumus,pita,andsaladsfordinner,thesunstillstronginthewest.
Attheendofalongafternoontiyulweweretired,eventhoughitwasmoreofabus
ridethanahike:wesatonthebusinthecentreofthevillageofBarta’aasFouad
pointedoutthewindow;wegotoffthebusbrieflyattwolookoutpoints,one
overlookingBarta’aandthegreenlineandthenoneoverlookingUmelFachemand
thegreenline(seeChapterThree);last,weweretreatedtoatourofalocallyowned
andoperatedolivepress.Rina,Nurit,Hila,andIinvitedFouadtositatourtable,
andRina,notonetoholdback,immediatelyventedthedissatisfactionthathadbeen
simmeringamongstthefourofusallday.
Rinaisinher70s,atall,gauntwomanwithboundlessenergy,nicotine‐
stainedfingers,unstintinggenerosity,afierceintelligence,andbitingacerbicwit.
ShehaslivedandworkedinIsrael,London,andMexicoCityasadancer,editor,and
film‐maker.BorninJerusalemtoGermanimmigrants,sheleftthecountryinthe70s
becauseshefelthercontinuedpresenceamountedtotacitconsenttothe
occupation.She,alongwithRuth,isactiveinMachsomWatchandislearningArabic
32TeresaCaldeira(2000:91)writesthattheoutcomeofa“theoryofcontagion”–thebeliefthat‘evil’canspread,infiltrate,infest,contaminate–isthat“peopleintensifytheirprivatemeasuresofenclosureandcontrol,ofseparatingandbuildingbarriers,bothsymbolic(likeprejudiceandthestigmatizationofsomegroups)andmaterial(walls,fences,andelectronicsecuritydevices).”
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forherworkatthemachsomim,aswellasforafuturefilmproject.Rina’s
indignationaddedastridentedgetohercharacteristicallydramatictone:
“I’msorry,butthisthelasttimeItakeatriplikethis!Ifeltlikewewere
lookingatanimalsincages!Onlythebarsweremissing!Whatisthis?Whyweren’t
weallowedoffthebus?Nexttimewegoonatripit’stotheshuk(theArabmarket)
ornothing!”
Fouadprotested:“Itookyoutothemostamiyeplacethereis–theolive
press!”Amiye(inHebrewamami)couldbevariouslytranslatedasfolksy,authentic,
local,salt‐of‐the‐earth.ItisalsothewordusedtodistinguishcolloquialArabicfrom
literary(fuscha).FouadappearstohavemisunderstoodRina’scomplaint,andis
defendingthetiyulheplannedandledagainstachargeofinauthenticity,offeringup
theolivepressasanalternativetotheshuk,theiconiclocusoftrue,local,authentic,
colloquialArabculture.
Butitisnottheauthenticityoftheshukbutitsopportunityforinteraction
thatRinawasmissing:33“Nonono.Iwanttogosomewherewecaninteract,talkto
people.Whyweren’tweallowedoffthebus?”Fouadpaused,nodded,andsaid
quietly:“Thereisathingcalledrisk.”(Yeshdavarshekor’imlosikun.)Thewordhe
usedissikunwhichcouldbetranslatedasrisk,danger,orthreat.WhileNurit,Hila
andI,uptothispoint,hadbeensittingbackandallowingthemoreoutspokenRina
tovoiceourcomplaint,thisstatementrousedallofustoloudprotestingcriesof
“Whatrisk?Whatdanger?”“Whatareweafraidof?”Fouad’stonewasboth 33SeeChapterThreeforasimilarambiguityregardingtheroleofthe“Arabstreet”–theshukmaybeasubstituteforthis.SeeStein(2008)ontheshiftinlocusofauthenticityforPalestinianhostsofIsraelitouristsfrom‘culturalperformances’to‘theeveryday.’
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conciliatoryandconspiratorial:“Yes,Iknow.Thisistheparadox.Ithinkyou’re
safehere,Iknowyou’resafehere,butatthesametime,ifthere’sthetiniestchance
–”Hedidn’tfinishthesentence.Earlier,onthebus,whenRinahaddemandedto
knowwhywecouldn’tgetoff,heputitthisway:“Justliketheownerofamercedes
thatdoesn’twanttogetascratchonitkeepsitofftheroad,wedon’tevenwantto
takeonepercentofrisksowestayonthebus.”Itisunclearwhethertheprecious
cargoforwhichFouadbearstheweightofresponsibilityisthebusloadofIsraeli
Jewishstudents,thefragileunderstandingheistryingtocultivateinthem,orhis
ownprecariouspositionasculturalmediator.Ontheonehand,ontherare
occasionsonthesetripswhenweranintosomeoneFouadknew,hisdiscomfortwas
palpable;hewas,afterall,aPalestinianmanleadingagroupofIsraeliJews,manyof
whomwouldsoongointoArmyIntelligence,throughPalestiniantownsandvillages.
Ontheotherhand,weresomethingtohappentoanyofusononeofthesetrips,
morethanjusthisjobwouldcertainlybeinjeopardy.
Fouadfollowedupwithastorytoexplainwhyhewouldnotletusoffthebus.
Twoyearsearlier,attheheightoftheintifada,theclasswasonatiyulinJat,the
townadjacenttoBaka.Theywerewalkingthroughthemarketandsomekidthrew
acucumberandithitoneofthestudents.(Hilapretendedtobeshockedand
appalled:“Ooooh!Intifada!”)Thestudentscomplainedthatpeoplewerethrowing
stonesatthem,continuedFouad,andeversincethen“Idon’twanttotakeany
chancesatall.EventhoughIknowyou’resafe.EveninUmelFachem–especially
(dafka)inUmelFachemtheinfamous–nothingbadcouldpossiblyhappentoyou.”
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Monthslater,onanothertiyul(thisonetoSakhnin),Iheardadifferentstory
fromMichal.Shetoldusthatintheearlyyearsofthesecondintifadatheywentona
tiyultoUmelFachem.Shehadbeenworried,andspentweeksdeliberating,going
backandforthonwhetherornottogo,butintheenddecidedtogo.Theyarrivedat
thehighschooltothesoundofchantingfromthewindows:“Wedon’twantJews!”A
fewstoneswerethrown.Butinallthis,shesaid,theywentin,theytalkedtosome
students,therewas“arealencounter.”Still,sincethentheystoppedgoingtoUmel
Fachemontiyulim,choosinginsteadDruzeorBedouinvillages,placeswherethey
wouldbewelcome.34
Whateverthecase–cucumbersorstones–thetimingofourtripissuchthat
ourclassismakingthefirsttentativeforaysbackintoterritorythatforthepastfour
yearshasbeenofflimitsforGivatHaviva.Fouadisobviouslyhyper‐awareofthe
precariousnessofthisarrangement,andhisistheimpossible–paradoxical–taskof
ensuringoursafetywhilesimultaneouslyconvincingusthatwehavenothingto
fear,ofshowingustheimpactoftheborderwhilesimultaneouslyconvincingusof
itsimpermeability.
34Michalexplainedthat,inadditiontotheissueofsafety,“it’sverysensitivetogoaroundintheArabvillageswiththeboys.Tocomeinthecurrentsituation,withourcomplicatedsituation–it’scomplicated.Weusedtogoaroundfreely,noproblem,butbackthentheatmospherewascompletelydifferent.”OurtriptoSakhnin,inNovemberof2004,wasalsothefirsttripbacktothatcity.MichalexplainedthatthespokespersonofthemunicipalityusedtoshowusaroundSakhnin,andpeoplewouldtrytoembarrasshimoverus:“We’dbesittingatarestaurantwithhimandallofasuddensomejournalistwouldcomeinandstartasking‘Waitaminute,whataretheylearningArabicfor,whataretheygoingtodowiththisArabic?’Andhewouldstartshaking!Sowetriedtofindplaceswheretheywouldn’thavetolieaboutwhotheyare,wheretheycouldsay‘yes,we’regoingtoArmyIntelligence’andpeoplewouldacceptthem.”
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Rinahadalwaysbeenuncomfortablewithourroleonthetiyulim.Ontheday
Ifirstmether,amonthbeforeourtriptoBarta’a,whenIvisitedtheintensiveclass
toseeifIwouldjointhem,sheskippedclasstositwithmeonabenchinthesun
whileshechain‐smokedfuriouslyandcomplainedtomeaboutthetiyulim.“Idon’t
knowwhethertogoornot,”shecomplained.“It’sembarrassing.Itseemstomelike
theworstkindofethnographictourism.It’slikeallthosemuseumsof‘Indian’
cultureIwasforcedtovisitwhenIlivedinMexico.”Thescarequotesaround
‘Indian’wereaudible.Sheloweredhervoiceandarchedaneyebrow:“Theycallthis
class‘TheOrientalists,’youknow.It’salittlestrange,isn’tit?”Thisironyhadnot
beenlostonmeeither.Studentsinthesix‐monthintensiveArabiccoursewere
labeled–anachronistically?euphemistically?–mizrachanim,whichmeansliterally
thosewhostudyorspecializeintheeast,butwhichwouldbetranslatedintoEnglish
as“orientalists.”35SoonafterIjoinedtheclass,Ifoundmyselfintheabsurd
position,asIpulledintothedrivewayofGivatHaviva,ofrollingdownthewindow,
wavingreassuringlytotheguardatthegatewhoquestionseveryonewhoenters,
anddeclaring“I’manorientalist!”
Butbeyondthediscomfortsoftheethnographictourist(discussedinthe
previoussection),whatRinaobjectedtosostrenuouslyonthistriptoBarta’a(and
Nurit,Hila,andIalongwithher)wasthat“onepercent”ofdangerorriskthatFouad
wasactingon,evenasheinsistedthatwewereabsolutelysafe.Thetiyulimwere
expresslydesignedtoalleviateourfears,toconvinceusthatwewouldbesafe,
comfortable,andwelcomeeveninUmelFachem“theinfamous.”Thiswascertainly
35OnthecomplicatedvalencesofthelabelmizrachanimseeEyal2006.
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Michal’sgoal,andonethatFouadseemedtosharewithapersonalzeal.Buthis
actionsseemedtocontradictthismessage,revealingadeepanxietyaboutoursafety
andreinforcingtheassumptionthatweneededtobekeptseparateandprotected.
Why,afterall,shouldwenotgetoffthebus?Why,indeed,dideverytiyulbeginwith
meetingourguidejustoutsidethecityorvillagewewouldbevisiting,reinforcing
thefeelingthatthiswasstrange,foreign,possiblydangerousterritorythatwecould
not–shouldnot?–enterunaccompanied?36
Whilelessextremethankeepingusonthebus,thisarrangementseemedto
sendasimilarmessage.Didourguidemeetuseverytimeattheveryedgeofour
comfortzone–oftenthegasstationorbusstopattheturnofffromthemainroadto
thePalestiniantownorvillage–inordertohelpusnavigateunfamiliar(and
admittedly–tomyeyes–maze‐like)streets,ortoactasprotectorandensureour
safety?Eitherway,thisarrangementensuredthatour‘encounter’withthesespaces
isframedbyaconfirmationoftheirimpenetrability,foreignness,andpossible
danger.Fouad’sandourotherguides’actionshereseemedtoreinforcethevery
boundarieswewereattemptingtocrossbytacitlyconfirming,ratherthan
alleviating,theanxietiesandfearsthatunderliethem.Itisthistacitconfirmation
thatNurit,Hila,Rina,andIobjectedto.
Intheend,our‘encounter’withthetownofBarta’awasaslimitedasour
‘encounter’withthegreenline:justaswewerenotallowedoffthebus,wewerenot
askedtoovercomeourfundamentalinsularity,ourexistentialfears.Rinawasright:
36Thispatternwasfollowedontwooutofthefourtiyulimdescribedinthischapter;onthetwoothertiyulimourguideboardedthebuswithusatGivatHaviva(soweagaindidnotenterourdestinationunaccompanied).
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weencounteredtheinhabitantsofBarta’aonlyas“animalsincages,”andwhile
someofuschallengedtheassumptionofdangerbehindthesedehumanizing
arrangements,otherstooktheopportunitytotestthestrengthofthebars,seeking
reassurancethattheywouldkeepussafe.Returningtotheideaofcolonial
encounters,wecanunderstandtalkoffearinthiscontextasakindof“anti‐
conquest”rhetoric,liketherhetorical“strategiesofinnocence”Prattdescribesthat
allowedEuropeanbourgeoissubjectsto“seektosecuretheirinnocenceinthesame
momentastheyassertEuropeanhegemony”(9).Evenasweareconfrontedby
evidenceofthewaytheIsraeligovernmentrestrictsfreedomofmovementnotonly
forPalestiniansintheterritoriesbutforIsraelicitizenslikeFouad,weunderstandit
intermsofthedangertheypresenttous–riskstoourownsafety.Thisallowsusto
“secureourinnocence”evenasourpresenceassertsandextendsIsraelidomination.
OurtriptoBarta’aleavesusmorefirmlyentrenchedthaneverwithinboundariesof
ourownmaking.Inthisasinalltheothertiyulim,weareultimatelyunabletomove
beyondthelimitsthatconstrainthepossibilitiesfortheseinteractions.Unable
simplytomeetonsomesortofcommonground,unabletoconfrontourown
culpability,weremainalwayswithintheboundsof‘encounter.’
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ChapterSeven
Conclusion
InthisdissertationIhavetracedhowchangesinspatialboundaries,worked
outthroughdailymovementsandinteractions,mapontochangesintheboundaries
ofnationalbelonging.CriticalresearchhasshownthattheplaceofPalestiniansin
Israelhasbeenhistoricallyandcontinuestobeshapedbyviolentstateintervention
(e.g.,Morris1988,Lustick1980,Dalal2003),andbydiscriminatorypolicies,laws,
andallocationofresources(e.g.,Kimmerling1983,Yiftfachel1999,Rouhanaand
Sultany2003).Myresearchextendstheseliteraturesbyexploringthecrucialroleof
spatialpracticesofcitizensinmaintaining–andsometimeschallenging–this
geographyofinequality,boththroughsegregationandthroughparticularformsof
encounter.AsnarrowerlimitshavebeenimposedonthecitizenshipofPalestinians
inIsraelsinceOctober2000,Jewshaveincreasinglykepttheirdistancefrom
Palestinianspacesinthecountry.Ihaveexploredthisdynamicbydescribinghow
increasedhostility,fear,anddistrustbecomespatialized,hownarrativesofthepast
shapecontemporarygeographies,howcompetingwaysofnavigatingand
interpretingthelandscapearemediated,andhowparticularformsofencounterare
framed.Myargumentisthatthesechangingspatialandlinguisticpracticeshave
playedacrucialroleinreconfiguringtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.
TheprocessesIdescribeheredidnotbeginwhenIarrivedinthefield,nor
didtheyendwhenIleft.TheimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansin
Israelcontinuetoshift,asdotheboundariesofPalestiniancitizenship.InDecember
of2006theHigherArabMonitoringCommitteereleasedadocumentcalled“The
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262
FutureVisionofthePalestinianArabsinIsrael,”inwhichtheydemanded,among
otherthings,cultural,religious,andeducationalautonomyandamoreegalitarian
divisionofpublicspace(Benvenisti2006).InFebruary2007Adalah,theLegal
CentreforMinorityRightsinIsrael,releasedaproposalfora“Democratic
Constitution”whichdefinedIsraelasa“binationalandmulticultural”ratherthana
Jewishstate(Stern2007).InthefaceofthesefurtherchallengestoIsrael’sself‐
definition,IsraeliJewishpublicopinionhasarguablybecomeevenmoreextreme.In
theelectionsofFebruary2009votersgrantedtheYisraelBeiteinuparty,leadby
AvigdorLieberman,fifteenseatsintheKnesset,makingitthethirdlargestparty,
aheadofLabour.Theparty’splatformincludesademandtoaddanoathof
allegiancetoIsrael'sCitizenshipLaw.IfLiebermanissuccessful,takinganoathof
loyaltytoIsraelasaJewishstatewouldbecomeaconditionofcitizenshipfor
Palestiniancitizens(Ravid2009).
Theboundariesofcitizenshipcontinuetobechallengedandenforcedwithin
amatrixofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard,andthespatial
practicesofcitizenscontinuetoplayakeyrole.InOctober2008,Palestiniansliving
inthemixedcityofAkkowereattackedbyJewishresidentsofthecity,anddaysof
riotsensued.NewspapersreportedthattheattacksbeganwhenaPalestinianman
drovehiscarintoaJewishneighbourhoodofthecity,ontheeveofYomKippur,
whenmanyJewsinIsraelrefrainfromdriving(Khouryet.al.2008).Theviolence
canbereadasareactiontothethreatposedbyaperceivedassertionofPalestinian
presencewithintheJewishspaceandtimeoftheIsraelination.
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InDecember2008BaruchMarzel,leaderoftheright‐wingextremistJewish
NationalFrontparty,plannedamarchthroughthecityofUmelFachem.His
intentionwas,withhispresence,tostakeaJewishclaimtothisPalestinianspace
withintheIsraelination:“WewillprovewiththismarchthatUmelFachemisalso
ourIsrael”(MarzelquotedinPerkal2008).DespiteaSupremeCourtrulingthatit
waslegalandcouldgoaheadasplanned,themarchdidnottakeplace.Acoalitionof
JewishandPalestinianNGOsandlocalgoverningbodiesorganizedaneventon
SaturdayDecember13,twodaysbeforethemarchwasscheduled(Ashkenaziand
Stern2008,Roffe‐Ofir2008,HeiderandDichter2008).Theeventwasdesignedto
pre‐empttheplannedmarch,showingthatthereisnoneedtosymbolically
“conquer”UmelFacheminordertoprovethatitispartofthestateofIsrael.600
people,mostlyIsraeliJews,visitedUmelFachemonthatday,exploringthecityin
mini‐buses,visitingtheartgallery,andmeetingresidentsofthecity.Byopeningits
doorstoJewishvisitors,theresidentsofUmelFachemdemonstratedthatthey
alreadyconsiderthemselvespartofthestateofIsrael;byvisitingthecity,Israeli
JewsexpressedsolidaritywithPalestiniansandrecognitionoftheirstatusasequal
citizens.ImaginehowdifferenttheeventsofOctober2000mighthavebeenhad
600IsraeliJewsjoinedPalestiniansinprotestsonWadiAraroad.
IhavearguedthatIsraeliJews,bystayingawayfromUmelFachemsince
October2000,haveplayedaroleinconstrictingthelimitsofPalestinians’
citizenship.TheeventsofDecember13,2008showthattheconversemayalsobe
true:intheirdailypracticecitizensmaycreatespacesofrecognitionandinclusion.
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Inthewordsoftwooftheorganizersofthisevent(HeiderandDichter2008b),
“citizenscanchangeandinfluencereality”simplybytheactofgoingthere.
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Figure0.1.NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Grade2.
Figure0.2.NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Grade5,lastdayofschool.
Figures
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Figure2.1.WadiAraroad,fromKatsir.
Figure2.2.WadiAra,fromabalconyinKafrKara.
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Figure2.3.WadiArapanorama,fromKatsir.
Figure2.4.WadiArapanorama,fromKatsir.
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Figure2.5.Golaniarmybase,fromKafrKara.
Figure2.6.RoofsofKafrKara.
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Figure2.7.Fencesandlookouts:Barta’a,seenfromKatsir.
Figure2.8.Fencesandlookouts:Eina’Sahla,seenfromKatsir.
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Figure2.9.Fencesandlookouts:Arara,fromKatsir.
Figure2.10.GivatHavivacampus.
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Figure2.11.GivatHavivacampus.
Figure2.12.GivatHavivacampus.
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Figure2.13.Summerclass,onclasstripinUmelFachem.
Figure2.14.Intensiveclass,onahikenearUmelKutuf.
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Figure2.15.Inclass.
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Figure3.1.LookingdownonUmelFachem.
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Figure3.2.Lookingdownonthegreenline,southofUmelFachem.
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Figure3.3.ChristmasinNazareth,ChurchoftheAnnunciation.
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Figure6.1.JablTabur/MountTavor,fromJablIlKabse.
Figure6.2.Lookout,JablilKabse.
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Figure6.3.Lookout,JablilKabse.
Figure6.4.Classpicture.
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Figure6.6.Barta’a,greenline
Figure6.5.RoadtoBarta’a,nomachsom.
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Figure6.8.Barta’a,greenline,zoomedincloser.
Figure6.7.Barta’a,greenline,zoomedin.
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Figure6.9.Othertiyulim:HikingnearUmelKutuf.
Figure6.10.Othertiyulim:MakingcookiesatAishe’shouseinKafrKara.
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Figure6.11.Othertiyulim:UmelFachem.
Figure6.12.Othertiyulim:Principal’sofTice,highschoolinUmelFachem.
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