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THE COMPARISON BETWEEN CONCEPTS OF LIFE-BREATH IN EAST AND WEST Proceedings of the 15th International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine- East and West August 26-September 3, 1990 Susono-shi, Shizuoka, Japan Edited by YOSIO KAWAKITA SHIZU SAKAI YASUO OTSUKA Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, Inc. Publishers

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Page 1: Life Breath East and West

THE COMPARISON BETWEEN CONCEPTS OF LIFE-BREATH

IN EAST AND WEST

Proceedings of the 15th International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine- East and West

August 26-September 3, 1990 Susono-shi, Shizuoka, Japan

Edited by YOSIO KAWAKITA

SHIZU SAKAI

YASUO OTSUKA

Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, Inc. Publishers

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11

Division of Medical History, The 'Taniguchi Foundation International Symposium Proceedings (with number) previously published: Traditional Medicine (1st & 2nd) History of The Professionalization of Medicine (3rd) History of Psychiatry (4th) Public Health (5th) History of Medical Education (6th) History of Obstetrics (7th) History of Pathology (8th) History of Diagnostics (9th) History of Therapy (lOth) History of Hospitals (lith) History of Hygiene (12th) History of Epidemiology (13th)

©Copyright 1995 Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, etc., including photocopying or recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission -in writing- from the publishers.

Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, Inc. 1-43-9 Komagome, Toshima-ku, Tokyo 170, Japan 716 Hanley Industrial Court, Brentwood (St. Louis), Missouri 63144, U.S.A.

Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 94-75698

The Comparison between Concepts of Life-Breath in East and West Proceedings of the 15th International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine-East and West August 26-September 3, 1990, Susono-shi, Shizuoka, Japan Division of Medical History, The Taniguchi Foundation

ISBN 1-56386-022-8

JAPAN PRINTING CO., LTD. Printed in Japan

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iii

Contents

List of Contributors v

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

Introduction KEUI YAMADA

Pneuma, Qi, and the Problematic of Breath SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

Vital Breath (priifJ.a) in Ancient Indian Medicine and Religion

ix

KENNETH G. ZYSK • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 33

Daoqi- Existence Between God and Man KUNIO MUGITANI • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 67

Concepts of Qi in Ancient China KATSU HAYASHI • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 81

The Life Philosophy of Ancient China and Qi LIU CHANG LIN • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 121

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IV CONTENTS

Animal Spirits and Eighteenth-Century British Medicine L.S. JACYNA • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 139

Zhou Tian Gong or the Cosmic Orbit "The Circulation of Qi in the Body"

KUNIO MIURA • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 163

The Interpretation of Qi According to Japanese Herbalists "Two Theories of Etiology in Eighteenth Century Japan"

TOSHIHIKO HANAWA •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 199

The Concept of Qi in Early Chinese Ophthalmology JDRGEN KOVACS ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 229

Index ..................................................... 243

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List of Contributors

(* home address)

Toshihiko HANAWA The Oriental Medicine Research Center of the Kitasato Institute 5-9-l Shirokane, Minato-ku, Tokyo, Japan

Katsu HAYASHI Department of Chinese Literature, Daitobunka University l-9-l Takashimadaira, Itabashi-ku, Tokyo, Japan

L.S. JACYNA Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine 183 Euston Road, London, NWI 2BE, United Kingdom

Yosio KA WAKITA * 3-ll-15 Shimo-ochiai, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo, Japan

Jiirgen KOVACS Institute of the History of Medicine, University of Munich Lessingstr. 2, D-8000 Munich 2, Germany

Shigehisa KURIY AMA Graduate Institute of the Liberal Arts, Emory University Atlanta, Georgia 30322, U.S.A.

Liu Chang Lin Institute of Philosophy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences No.5, Jianquomen Nei St, Beijing, 100732, China

Kunio MIURA Faculty of Letters, Osaka City University Sugimoto-cho, Sumiyoshi-ku, Osaka

v

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VI LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Kunio MUGITANI Research Institute for the Humanities, Kyoto University 47 Higashi Ogura-cho, Kitashirakawa, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto, Japan

Yasuo OTSUKA Oriental Medicine Research Center, The Kitasato Institute 5-9-1 Shirokane, Minato-ku, Tokyo, Japan

Shizu SAKAI Department of Medical History, School of Medicine Juntendo University, 2-1-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, Japan

Kenneth G. ZYSK Department of Near Eastern Languages and Literatures Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies, New York University 50 Washington Square South, New York, NY, 10012, U.S.A.

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Foreword

T HE International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine- East and West, sponsored by The Taniguchi Foun­

dation and held each autumn at the foot of Mt. Fuji, has recently become well known through the series of published Proceedings (see copyright page for titles.)

When Mr. Toyosaburo Taniguchi, on behalf of the Taniguchi Foundation's Board of Directors, first urged the late Professor Teizo Ogawa to undertake the planning of an international symposium that would bring together promising young scholars from various coun­tries to consider medical history in comparative ways, questions immediately arose: whom to invite, from which countries, and whether, after all, such a symposium would be successful. Yet for us it was a wonderful opportunity.

The 15th symposium was held at the Fuji Institute of Education and Training in Susono City, Shizuoka, from August 26th to Sep­tember 3rd, 1990. The topic chosen was the Comparison Between Concepts of Life-Breath in East and West and a total of eight papers were presented, four by the Japanese, two from the United States, and one each from United Kingdom, China. Each paper gave rise to heated discussion and the symposium was very successful.

It is our continued hope that each of our symposia will contribute to the aims of the Taniguchi Foundation as well as to the field of medical history worldwide.

March 1994 YosiO KAWAKITA, M.D. Chairman of the Organizing Committee for the Taniguchi Symposium Emeritus Professor of Chiba University

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ix

Introduction

T HIS symposium with the theme of "the comparison between concepts of life-breath in East and West" was organized with the

intention of comparing the concepts of life-breath which are repre­sented by pneuma of the ancient Greeks, prana of the ancient Indians, and qi of the ancient Chinese. The reports and discussion over the past five days has been very stimulating and I have acquired a great deal of information and have gained many insights. I would like to summarize what I have learned through this symposium and make some comments.

As Dr. Kuriyama emphasized in his presentation, there are un­deniable similarities and mutual correspondences between the three concepts of pneuma, prana, and qi. Be that as it may, these concepts cannot be carelessly interchanged. When these concepts are placed within the framework of each culture and conceptual system, right away one will find that they each link up with different elements to compose an entirely unique network of assumptions (meaning). Therefore, with these terms there are justifiable reasons for emphasiz­ing the uniqueness and inconvertibility into other languages. It is a given that in historiagraphical work one should attempt to under­stand each culture and world view from within each culture. Without this approach, we cannot arrive at a true understanding of various cultures and world views. But at the same time, we must not lose sight of the similarities and compatibilities which exist between these con­cepts. Naturally, all cultures are a combination of a certain set of elements. In my way of thinking, when cultures are viewed contempo­raneously, in each period, all cultures possess all the various cultural

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X KEIJI YAMADA

elements as a potential. Differences between cultures are nothing other than differences in the combination of cultural elements which have become manifest. In this regard, it is important to clarify in what sense and contexts the concepts of life-breath are similar or compatible.

The concepts of life-breath, specifically that of pneuma, prana, and qi, were all formed or elaborated in classical antiquity. This was pointed out by Dr. Kuriyama, but this matter requires close attention. Of course the origin of the concept of prana in ancient India far predates the concepts of life-breath in Greece and China, but if we view the period in which these concepts were systematized in medi­cine, they can be considered to be roughly contemporary. This period of classical antiquity was a time when humanity constructed and systematized conceptual models for nature as well as for the universe, and various theories of astronomy were created. In addition, human beings began to reflect on their own thinking, and systems of logic and geometry were developed. Simultaneously, in the realm of ethics and religion, it was a period when standards of universal value were born with figures such as Socrates, Jesus, Buddha, and Confucius.

That the concept of life-breath was formulated or elaborated in this period of fermentation indicates that the awareness of man, which had been directed externally toward nature or society, was beginning to be turned inward to the self within, or the life within. In this way the self, or the life of the self, became the object of man's inquiry and endeavor of self-recognition. This self was not merely a passive recep­tor, but a subject which recognized the whole of society and the universe. To human beings the self became another world in itself, which stood in contrast to the external world. This understanding led man toward greater recognition and reflection on the self within. This became the basis for the analogy of the macrocosm and the micro­cosm and its mutual correspondence.

The concept of life-breath is not a relic of the past which only existed among the peoples of classical antiquity. Just as the ethical and religious models established in those times are still alive today and are used to regulate some aspects of our life and society, concepts

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INTRODUCTION Xl

of life-breath continue to persist in various forms today. And even though these concepts are being modified or discounted altogether, they have left a deep impression on our way of thinking as well as our daily life.

The first example of this is the medical systems originating in the classical period which have come down to us today in the form of traditional medicine. These include Islamic medicine, Aryuvedic med­icine, and traditional Chinese medicine. People benefiting from these traditional medical systems cover a vast area of this globe from Africa to East Asia, and a portion of the population in Europe and America as well. The number of individuals receiving traditional medical treatments may even surpass those who receive modern Western med­ical treatments.

As the second example of the survival of the concept oflife-breath is the religions which began in classical times that are still powerful forces in society today. The Latin word which corresponds to the Greek term pneuma is Spiritus. To the Christians, Spiritus was God himself. In the teachings of Taoism, as we learned in Professor Mugi­tani's presentation, the concept of qi plays the central role. Professor Miura analyzed the history of the practices and techniques of circulat­ing qi, which were developed in the context of Taoism, and he gave an account of his personal experiences. In this manner, today these techniques have become separate from religion and have become exceedingly popular among the Chinese people as a way of developing their body and mind. The concept of prana, of which Dr. Zysk clar­ified the origins and development, also has a broad base of popular support today which goes far beyond the bounds of asceticism.

The third example of the concept of life-breath surviving to this day is that these concepts have left an indelible imprint in language and the lives of people in certain regions. For instance, there is proba­bly no other concept which has permeated into everyday use in the East Asian languages as much as that of qi. Not a day goes by in Japan without reference to the term qi in some context, and this is probably the case in China and Korea as well. The European term Spiritus, on the other hand, has in this modern age come to denote

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Xll KEIJI YAMADA

liquor, which is consumed every night and causes intoxication. The fourth example of the influence of the concept of life-breath in

this age is that the development of modern science and Spiritus were related in some ways. As Dr. Jacyna reported, the animal spirits theory, which was a derivative of Galenic concepts of life-breath was a very powerful theory in eighteenth century English medicine, and it also served a positive sociological function. Thus the animal spirits theory of Descartes had a far reaching impact. Also, Newton's concept of ether which pervaded the entire universe was another expression of Spiritus. According to Newton, ether was the "senso­rium of God," by which all activity in the universe was governed. The concept of ether as subtle matter permeating everything and pervad­ing the whole universe was finally laid to rest only in the beginning of this century with the emergence of the theory of relativity.

There are thus many difficult problems in doing a comparative study of the concepts of life-breath. From a historical standpoint, they span a time interval of three thousand years, from their origin in classical antiquity up to the present. This includes the various phases of transmission, dissemination, and alteration of these concepts as they influenced man's perception as well as experience. These con­cepts were a central theme in not only medicine, but in a broad cultural sphere encompassing philosophy and religion. Therefore, these concepts were not only the object of logical analysis, but some­times became the subject of a common practice among people with sacred beliefs. Studying the origins and early development of the concepts of life-breath is an extremely complex task due to the paucity or complete lack of documentation in many cases. Nevertheless, an immense variety of theories and practices were developed in various cultures based on these concepts. Often these concepts have to be viewed within the context of certain religious or therapeutic practices because they are inseparable from the experience of the practitioners. Thus, instead of strict textual research, what is necessary is multi­disciplinary approaches including anthropology, sociology, and psychology.

This subject was addressed by Professor Liu and Mr. Hayashi, by

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INTRODUCTION xiii

focusing on the field of East Asian medicine in terms of its philosophy and its relation to religion. Professor Mugitani and Professor Miura discussed the extensive range of East Asian cultural features, of which the concept of qi forms an essential core. In any one of these areas of discussion, there is not only a problem of theories, but also that of practice. Therefore, in addition to being the object of historical and sociological analysis, this concept is the object of anthropological studies. From an anthropological standpoint, we run into the prob­lem of how to record and explain the experiences of those who main­tain these belief systems.

A case in point is that there was a very interesting difference between the reaction of the Western scholars and the scholars from the East in regard to qigong, which was reported and demonstrated by Professor Miura. The scholars from the Asia, who use the word qi on a daily basis, even though they may not believe that such phenomena are possible, took a sympathetic attitude with the view that it was at least conceivable. Western scholars, on the other hand, seemed to reject the whole notion outright.

In our discussion, the similarities and differences of prana, qi, and animal spirits came up repeatedly, but the comparison of concepts of life-breath in different cultures always raises more difficult questions. When the similarities are emphasized, differences seem to appear. And when the differences are emphasized, more similarities seem to surface. Thus we were faced with a two headed monster. Dr. Kuriyama, in his comparative study of concepts of life-breath- that of pneuma in Greece and qi in China- found similarities and correspondences within the context of historical development. But he had to turn to what he considers another facet of the problem, which is the issue of the marked difference in the perception of the body in these cultures.

Dr. Hanawa, on the other hand, described how the concept of qi and the path of qi in traditional Chinese medicine was radically altered in eighteenth century Japan by the physicians of the Koho School. This indicates that although the term qi is a common concept contained in many words in both Japanese and Chinese, there are

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XIV KEIJI YAMADA

some marked differences in the understanding of the term between Japan and China. Here is another example of the problem of incon­vertibility of concepts and terms between two different cultures.

Eight papers were presented in this symposium with a theme cov­ering a wide range of areas and issues. Based on their specialties and interests, the speakers selected and discussed various aspects of the theme from different perspectives. I found the discussion enlightening, stimulating, and interesting. Because of the limitation on time, I will not make detailed comments on each paper, but instead I would like to address the main theme of "the comparison between concepts of life-breath in East and West." Since Dr. Kuriyama's paper provides excellent direction in this respect, I would like to use his paper as a guide in discussing the significance of the emergence of the concept of life-breath in the history of mankind.

The concept of life-breath is a product of history. When mankind reached a certain stage of development, there arose the need to solve some basic conceptual problems. The ancient people came up with the concept of life-breath in their efforts to solve these problems. It is quite likely that early man realized that "breath equals life," through personal experience. Nevertheless, this idea was conceptualized and gained great significance only after certain stages of cultural develop­ment had been reached. This stage in history is called classical antiq­uity. There were many things in common between different cultures in this period, such as the problems they faced, the approaches they took to solve them, and the physical functions which people paid attention to in solving these problems. Here we can see an underlying affinity and parallelism in the concepts of life-breath among different cultures.

What were the major conceptual issues ancient people had to grapple with? In line with the theme of this symposium, one was the problem of self-recognition as an object in the macrocosm and as a subject in the microcosm which recognized the macrocosm. Socrates said "know thyself". Although his words may not suggest self­recognition directly, they have a symbolic significance. The macro­cosm was recognized as an existence with a consistent nature or regu­larity, and the microcosm which corresponded to it was assumed to

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INTRODUCTION XV

have similar characteristics. Wind served as the medium between the macrocosm and the

microcosm. For the microcosm, wind was breath. Dr. Kuriyama stated that there was a transition from wind to breath, but I do not agree with him. I think the discovery of wind as breath was actually the rediscovery of wind. Ancient people began to perceive wind, not just as divinities, but as something with a special significance to man. Wind had three characteristics- regularity, irregularity or sporadic­ity, and geographical local conditions or geographically localized features. The recognition of the relationship of the macrocosm to the microcosm, and the recognition of the self differed according to which one of the three characteristics of wind were emphasized.

The regularity of wind symbolized the regularity of the macro­cosm and the unity of the fundamental existence of the cosmos. According to Dr. Zysk, ancient Indians clearly identified and concep­tualized the characteristics of wind. To the ancient Indians wind was good and represented life itself. According to Dr. Kuriyama, archaic Greeks recognized that winds had localities and irregularities. Dr. Kuriyama called this irregularity radical predictability. I am not sure whether all ancient people understood the regularity of wind as radi­cal predictability. I think their concept of wind was more closely tied to the archaic Greeks' concept of fate or Miora. For the ancient people winds determined modes of action, their mentality, and their physique. At the same time winds could become a pathogen. The ancient Chinese attached importance to all the features of wind, but irregularity was considered to be the most important feature of wind in Chinese medicine. Because winds can be unpredictable, irregular, and could destroy the regularity and balance between the macrocosm and the microcosm, they were considered to be pathenogenic.

The relationship between the macrocosm and the microcosm was one of outside to inside. Wind, as it is, is an external phenomenon, but the breath, which is also wind, is an internal phenomenon. As seen in historical records in India and China, the passages to the inside for the wind to become the breath was conceived as the seven or nine orifices of the body. These are the seven or nine holes which open to the

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X~ KEUIYAMADA

surface of the body. It goes without saying that the nostrils and the mouth are the most important openings for respiration. In China there was early recognition of respiration through the skin, and this had a large impact on the concept of the body as well as pathology in Chinese medicine. When winds enter the body as breath, the body becomes an entity which shares the essence of the macrocosm. The issue of the concept of life-breath, which pervades both the micro and macrocosm, and the interrelation between these two spheres came up again and again in this symposium. It is clear from our discussion that there are diverse and varied solutions possible for solving this concep­tual problem.

The life-breath which entered and left the body through its open­ings, especially the mouth and nose, was conceptualized as the subtle matter or fluid which contained vital energy. And in Asia this energy was thought to flow to every part of the body by way of some system of channels. It was thought that this principle controlled the essential life functions of the body such as respiration, circulation, digestion, and elimination. Basically two types of practices can be considered to have affected the formation of this concept: One is breathing tech­niques and the other is therapy or treatment. These two may also be referred to as religious practices and medical practice. Naturally great difference arose in the concept of life-breath between the ancient Greeks who did not have any breathing practices and the ancient Indians and Chinese who practiced and recorded these in detail. In this regard, the similarities between prana and qi have been raised repeatedly.

The role of medical practice in the conceptual development of life-breath was not discussed or reported on very much in this sympo­sium, but this should not be overlooked. For example, the unique features of traditional Chinese medicine is in part a product of the techniques of acupuncture and the theories which resulted from it. The act of inserting needles in the body was thought to facilitate the flow of qi where it was stagnant, to supplement qi where it was deficient, or to drain it where it was excessive. This practice undoubt­edly had a great i~pact in creating the unique features of the concept

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INTRODUCTION xvii

of life-breath in China. The last issue which needs to be addressed is the problem of the

relationship between the mind and the body. This problem is one which remains unsolved to this day. It is gradually being clarified how there are correspondences between psychological processes and physiological processes. The very fact that there are said to be corre­spondences, however, means that there are gaps between these pro­cesses. I have my doubts as to whether thi~ problem can be solved by science. The concepts of life-breath such as pneuma, prana, and qi have played a decisive role in traditional societies as an approach to solving the problem between the body and the mind. And even in more modern medical thinking, they have served as a useful principle to explain certain phenomena. The difference in the perception of how the mind controlled and interfaced with the body was what lead to differences in the perception of the body.

In conclusion I would like to thank all the participants, guests, observers, and interpreters for making this symposium a wonderful feast of ideas, and we are deeply indebted to the Taniguchi Founda­tion for their generous support.

October 1994 KEIJI YAMADA

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Pneuma, Qi, and the Problematic of Breath

SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

Graduate Institute of the Liberal Arts Emory University

Atlanta, Georgia 30322

U.S.A.

§ 1

I propose in this essay to explore the implications of what is perhaps the most remarkable feature of classical Eurasian medicine. I mean

the centrality, in very different cultural traditions, of strikingly similar ideas. The notion of pneuma figured at the core of traditional Euro­pean discourse on the living body; the notion of qi similarly defined the pivot of medical analysis in China. But the two notions also shared a close conceptual affinity. Indeed, early European mission­aries identified qi as simply the Chinese name for what Greek physi­cians had called pneuma; and until recently, both pneuma and qi were routinely rendered into English by the same term: "breath."

My essay focuses on two questions. The first concerns the mean­ing of this affinity. How are we to interpret the fact that Greek and Chinese physicians, who presumably had no contact with each other, shared, nonetheless, central intuitions about the secret of human life and activity? What, if not mere coincidence, does the similarity between pneuma and qi signify?

My second query probes how this puzzling similarity relates to the profound dissimilarity opposing Greek and Chinese conceptions of embodiment. Given, that is, the pivotal importance of pneuma and qi

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2 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

in Greek and Chinese medicine, and given the parallels between these key concepts, how is it that the two traditions reached radically dis­parate conclusions about the nature and workings of the human body? Did European and Chinese ideas about the body diverge de­spite the affinity between pneuma and qi? Or must we ultimately trace the germs of divergence back to nuances differentiating pneuma from qi, Greek breaths from Chinese breaths?

Both these questions have application beyond the study of Greek and Chinese medicine. Historians of Ayurveda might interject here, and quite rightly, that the issues I raise with regard to pneuma and qi can and should be extended to the notion of prlina and the Indian analysis of embodiment. 'l Anthropologists, for their part, could no doubt make parallel claims for concepts of body and "vital breath" in many of the cultures they study. This is why the questions merit attention: they represent particular expressions of a general and fun­damental problematic. Any truly comparative history of the devel­opment of medical thought must wrestle, on the one hand, with the significance of the widespread fascination with breath, and investi­gate, on the other hand, the relationship of this shared fascination to the astonishing diversity of somatic conceptions. Together, these issues constitute what I call the problematic of breath.

But here we come to a peculiar fact. The problematic which I assert to be critical to the history of medicine has hitherto gone unex­plored. Detailed accounts exist tracing the evolution of pneuma;2l and there are excellent histories of the development of qi. 3l But no studies have addressed the comparative concerns on which this essay focuses.

One reason for this, clearly, lies in the preoccupation of traditional historiography with what I would call local histories- with, first and above all, the history of Western medicine (often implicitly, and of course, falsely equated with the universal history of medicine), and then with the histories of Chinese, Indian, and Islamic medicine studied in isolation. Questions fundamental to a comparative under­standing of medical history have not been pursued because the pursuit of such comparative understanding has itself remained on the histori­ographic periphery. But there are also more specific explanations.

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PNEUMA, QI, AND THE PROBLEMATIC OF BREATH 3

Those who have recognized similarities between pneuma and qi have almost invariably observed at the same time, as I myself have just done, an affinity between these two ideas and the Indian notion of prana. But whereas I mentioned it to indicate the potential scope of my puzzles, most scholars in the past have construed the intercultural reach of these affinities in precisely the opposite way: they have taken it to bespeak the self-evident naturalness of the fascination with breath. Thus, in the conclusion of Hiraoka Teikichi's classic study on qi, we are simply told that the shared insight expressed by qi,pneuma, and prana "arose naturally" (shizen hassel) from common human experience.4l The ubiquity of pneumatic analysis mirrored the inevita­bility of the inference that respiration was requisite to life. The affinity between pneuma and qi was only to be expected. 5, It was no cause for mystification.

Recent Western scholars of Chinese medicine and philosophy have also failed to find any mystery in the relationship between pneuma and qi- but for a contrary reason. Stressing the complexity and cultural distinctiveness of the idea of qi, Manfred Porkert, Paul Unschuld, Nathan Sivin, and Benjamin Schwartz have all insisted on the inadequacy of pneuma, breath, or any other Western concept to capture the Chinese term's philosophical range and nuances.6l In con­trast, then, to those scholars for whom the similarity between pneuma and qi was unproblematic because it was considered natural, and taken for granted, contemporary Western Sinologists, in their enthu­siasm for cultural difference, have simply not recognized any signifi­cant similarities.

Needless to say, I find neither stance satisfactory. I believe that the affinity between pneuma and qi is neither trivial nor illusory, but a compelling historical puzzle; and I am convinced, more generally, that the problematic of breath will prove crucial to the comparative recon­struction of medical history. But as the preceding remarks indicate, this position is not widely shared. In addition, therefore, to seeking answers to my two questions I shall strive to defend the questions themselves. And in fact, this defense represents the essay's primary task. My answers are intended as much to articulate the meaning and

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4 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

importance of the problematic of breath, as to resolve it. What does it mean that classical Greek and Chinese physicians

shared certain core intuitions? And how do these shared intuitions relate to the very different conceptions of the body that developed in Greek and Chinese medicine? In what follows I hope to elucidate not only why these questions are worth asking, but also why, if we are to grope beyond local histories of Western medicine and Chinese medicine toward a history of medicine tout court, asking them is imperative.

A final note. I have chosen in this. essay not to treat Greek and Chinese materials evenly, but rather to weight my discussion toward the former. This bias will be especially marked in the second half, but it appears in the first half as well. My motivations have to do in part with considerations of length: full treatment of both the Chinese and Greek materials would have required a longer paper; but I have chiefly taken into consideration the fact that the many of the other symposium papers take up ideas of body and qi in China and Japan, whereas this is the only one to deal in some depth with the cultural context of pneuma.

§ 2

By late Greek and Roman antiquity it was virtually impossible to speak of human beings and the cosmos in which they lived without reference to pneuma or its Latin descendent, spiritus. For physicians like Galen, the smooth coursing of pneuma throughout the body was essential to consciousness, perception, and action, and disruptions in its flow accounted for afflictions ranging from minor twitches and dizzyness to epilepsy and paralysis. For philosophers like Plutarch and Cicero, pneuma was the substance common to both the stars and the human soul, and this connaturality explained the possibility of prophecy. And for Christians like Origen and Augustine, spiritus was nothing less than the expression of divine essence: "God," the Gospels taught, "is spirit (pneuma)."1l

But pneuma was not always so ubiquitous in European discourse.

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Homer "the teacher of the Greeks," did not use the term even once­and this, despite the crucial role assigned to respiration in Homeric psychology.81 Hesiod too makes no mention of pneuma. We first encounter the term in a fragment of the pre-Socratic Anaximenes (d. 504 B.c.); but fifth century (B.c.) authors still invoke it sparingly: pneuma occurs once in Pindar, just 6 times in Herodotus' Histories, 8 times in the plays of Sophocles, and 9 times in the Peloponnesian war ofThucydides.91 Interestingly, and I shall return to the significance of this point shortly, in 21 of these 24 occui:ences pneuma refers not to breath but to wind. Generally speaking, the later we move in time the more often we encounter the term- and the less frequently it occurs in the sense of wind. We see this in philosophy, for instance, as we go from the dialogues of Plato (53 references) to the works of Aristotle (732 references), and in medicine, as we shift from the Hippocratic writings (431 references) to the treatises of Galen (1,786 references).

The history of qi in China follows a similar pattern. While Chinese works of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) invoke qi incessantly, and with reference to nearly every conceivable topic, he earliest clas­sics, such as the Spring and autumn annals, Book of poetry, Book of documents, and Book of change, do not use the term at all. 101 The first work to mention qi, the Analects of Confucius (551-479 B.C.), refers to it a mere 4 times. A century and a half later, we find it slightly more visible: it appears 19 times in the classic associated with Confucius' disciple Mencius (371-289 B.c.), and 39 times in the work of Mencius's contemporary, the Daoist philosopher Zhuang Zi (4th c. B.c.). But it is especially in the following two centuries, in syncretic treatises such as the Lushi Chunqiu (85 references), Huai Nan Zi (105 references), and Guan Zi (180 references), that qi becomes a leitmotif of Chinese reflec­tion on the world. 111

These numbers are, of course, crude indicators, and their precise interpretation would require that we adjust for such factors as the length and concerns of particular texts, the size of an author's extant corpus, and most importantly, the shifting meanings of terms. But crude as they are, they suffice to illustrate an important point: they expose the inadequacy of any explanation that would trace the affinity

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between pneuma and qi back to prehistoric intuitions of vital breath. For such explanations fail to account for the most basic similarity between the two notions: they fail to explain why pneuma and qi emerged as cultural keywords not in some distant and primitive past, but in classical antiquity, among the most sophisticated Greek and Chinese thinkers. While frequencies of usage alone obviously can tell only part of the story, they do show, and quite unequivocally, that far from mirroring the infancy of abstract thinking, fascination with pneuma and qi expressed rather the culmination of mature philoso­phical reflection in Greece and China. It is after Homer and the Five Classics, and indeed, after Plato and Confucius, that pneuma and qi flourished as cultural leitmotifs.

How, then, should we interpret their comparatively late surge into prominence? To answer this, we need to turn from bare frequencies of citation to the meanings of the cited terms. And here I come to one of my principal contentions: the most revealing similarity between pneuma and qi lay not in their conceptual congruence, or at least not just in that, but in the way the two notions evolved. The histories of pneuma and qi shared a common pattern, and it is especially in this shared historical trajectory that we discover the deeper affinities bind­ing the two notions.

At the end of this trajectory is the phenomenon that placed pneuma and qi at the hub of Greek and Chinese medical discourse: the intensive invocation of pneuma and qi to articulate inner life. Hellenis­tic physicians called upon pneuma to help explain the pulsing of the arteries, the contraction of muscles, the warming and cooling of the body, the perception of objects. Alert wakefulness presupposed a certain pneumatic tension (tonos), and as the tension lapsed one slipped drowsily into slumber. Similarly, disparities of strength, the swerve from despair to hope, explosions of anger and desire, all were rooted in modulations of pneuma. Chinese physicians, for their part, imagined qi rising in anger, sinking in fear, and dissipating in depres­sion. Qi protected the body against noxious influences, provided nour­ishment to its parts, and revealed itself in the pulsing so central to diagnosis. To describe all the movements and transmutations of qi

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was to describe nothing less than the infinite nuances of lived life. Pneuma and qi suffused the cosmos, of course, and changes within

the body/self, of course, were not unrelated to changes outside of it, Indeed, one of the functions of pneuma and qi was to provide a language to speak of their interconnection. But I want to emphasize the refinement and complexity of the analysis of inner change both because it dominates Hellenistic and Han medical discourse, and because we are apt to take it for granted. Because it is consonant with our own conception of medicine, it seems perfectly natural to us that physicians in late antiquity should have been mesmerized by the intricacies of inner change. But if we tum back to the origins and early history of pneuma and qi, we do not find, as we might expect, simply a more rudimentary and undifferentiated understanding of the life within. We enter a different universe.

In early Greek usage, in the tragedies, for instance, of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, and in the histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, pneuma refers first and above all to wind. "Winter comes by sharp winds" (chalepou gar ek pneumatos eisi cheimon) repeats the chorus in Aeschylus's Suppliant maidens;12l "The wind's course veers," (methistatai de pneumata) says Euripides's Creusa of fate's shifting fortunes. 13 l To be sure, the sense of breath is not unknown. Aeschylus speaks, for instance, of a "mare's nostril breath"/4l and Euripides of the "sweet breath of children" .15) But in the fifth century such usage is the exception rather than the rule.

Physicians, of course, do mention pneuma with reference to respi­ration, and Hippocratic treatises commonly describe the various breathing patterns (pneuma puknon, rapid breath, pneuma araion, intermittent breath, etc.) displayed by their patients. But even in medicine, pneuma often means wind. Indeed, a distinctive charac­teristic of Hippocratic writings- and in this the contrast with later Hellenistic medicine is quite marked- is precisely the crucial role played by the study of winds in the study of medicine.

Consider, for instance the opening of the well-known Hippocratic journal of medical observations, Epidemics I:

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There was much rain in Thasos about the time of the autumnal equinox and during the season of the Pleiads. It fell gently and continuously and the wind (pneuma) was from the south. During the winter, the wind blew mostly from the south; winds from the north were few and the weather was dry. On the whole the winter was like springtime; but the spring was cold with southerly winds and there was little rain. The summer was for the most part cloudy but there was no rain. The etesian winds were few and light and blew at scattered intervals. 161

The intense wind-consciousness manifest in these lines typifies what can be found in many other writings traditionally admired as the core of the Hippocratic Corpus. Major works like Airs, waters, places, On regimen, On the sacred diseases, and Aphorisms all express the conviction that subtle shifts of seasonal winds powerfully influence the dynamics of health and sickness. Epileptics seizures, we learn, are apt to occur "at any change of wind, especially when it is south­erly".17l A damp winter with southerly winds followed by a dry spring with northerly winds, tends to produce miscarriages, dysentery, dry opthalmia, and catarrhs. 18) "If the summer is dry with northerly winds, and the autumn wet with wind in the south, the winter brings a danger of headaches and gangrene of the brain." 19l No physician could afford to ignore consequences like these. The first two topics Airs, waters, places required the Hippocratic disciple to master, there­fore, were, on the one hand, "the effect of each of the seasons of the year," and on the other hand, "the warm and cold winds, both those which are common to every country and those peculiar to a particular locality. " 20) Without prior reflection upon the seasons and winds, it was impossible to understand the body and its affiictions.21 l

I emphasize Hippocratic attention to winds for two reasons. The first is that it closely parallels what we find in ancient China. Just as pneuma as wind preceded pneuma as inner breath, the notion of wind (feng), as numerous Japanese scholars have pointed out, was the immediate conceptual ancestor of qi. 22l Indeed, among late Warring States thinkers, and even in the Han medical classics, winds and qi were often invoked interchangeably. Thus, Wang Chong glosses wind as qi;23 l and conversely, chapter 75 of the Ling Shu will explain, "What

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is meant by healthy qi (zhengqz) is healthy wind (zhengfeng)"24 )

Moreover, Chinese physicians shared with their Hippocratic counter­parts a vivid awareness of wind's potential dangers. Winds, the Chi­nese medical classics warn, cause sneezing, sore throats and head­aches, tics and cramps, dizziness and numbness. And that is just the beginning. "Wounded by wind" (shangfeng), an individual burns with fever and retches without cease; "struck by wind" (zhongfeng), a per­son could suddenly drop comatose. Winds inspire madness. Winds kill. Whereas we now would not invoke it to explain any of our illnesses, early Chinese physicians discerned wind's influence every­where. "Wind is the chief of the myriad diseases," the Neijing con­cludes at one point;25) and elsewhere, "Wind is the origin of the myriad diseases. " 26)

In the early development of medicine, then, both in Europe and in China, winds haunted the imagination. Curiously, however, histori­ans have forgotten this. This is my second reason for insisting upon pneuma as wind. Scanning the index to Garrison's Introduction to the history of medicine, we find that the term "wind" is not even listed;27)

and this also holds true for other standard surveys of medical history- those of Sigerist and Castiglione, Neuburger and Acker­knecht. 28) In traditional narratives of medical history, winds appear at best as a peripheral detail, and more often do not figure at all.

Similar indifference characterizes even studies specifically devoted to pneuma. In his classic survey of the evolution of the notion, Ver­beke does not once mention the association of pneuma and wind; and for their part, monographs and articles on medical pneumatology, such as Wellmann's classic Die pneumatische Schute, and Jaeger's "Das Pneuma im Lykeion"29) all concentrate on inner breaths, on pneuma as it traveled around and functioned within the body.

There is an important history lesson here. Verbeke emphasized the "spiritualization" of pneuma over the course of antiquity, how, that is, the material breath of physicians like Alcmaeon was transformed into the immaterial spiritus of later Christian thinkers. But the preceding remarks on historiography tell of another, even more decisive evolu­tion: pneuma, which in early writings was intimately linked to wind,

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gradually came to be conceived primarily in terms of changes within the body. It was as inner breath that pneuma became a cultural idee­de; and it was as inner breath that pneuma received its most familiar articulations. The great Hellenistic physicians, from Herophilus through Galen, evince little trace of the wind-consciousness so reso­nant in the Hippocratic treatises. The historian's indifference to winds, in other words, mirrors the results of history itself.

Comparing pneuma and qi, then, we see that the histories of these notions share two basic features. The first is the early and close asso­ciation with wind; the second is a drift away from winds and toward the intensive articulation of inner breaths. These two features consti­tute what I see as the most essential affinity between pneuma and qi. And they lead to two questions: 1. What did the early attention to winds signify? and 2. What is the meaning of the turn away from winds toward the life within?

Winds in archaic Greece and China were divinities to whom pray­ers and sacrifice were offered, and whose moods human beings sought constantly to divine. As such, the imagination of winds in both cul­tures is rich in mythic and iconographic suggestion. 30) But two themes loom especially large in the classical age. One is the notion of envi­ronmental influence; the other is the idea of radical contingency.

As I noted above, Airs, waters, places describes a wide range of afflictions inspired by different winds. But it also speaks of more general transformations. Thus, those who live in districts exposed to northerly winds, we are told, will be

sturdy and lean, tend to constipation, their bowels being intractable but their chests will move easily ... Such men eat with good appetites but they drink little . . . These men live longer than those I described before ... Characters are fierce rather than tame.31 l

By contrast, those living in areas exposed to winds "from the quarter between north-east and south-east, have loud and clear voices, and ... are of better temperament and intelligence than those exposed to the north. " 32) Winds, in other words, determine not only the afflic­tions that a people will suffer, but their physique and mentality as

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well. The pathological impact of winds was just one aspect of their comprehensive influence.

Again, it is not difficult to discern analogous intuitions in China. The influential science of geomancy, fengshui (literally, "wind and water"), offers perhaps the best-known manifestation of the convic­tion that we cannot separate the study of geography from the study of winds, and that geography is destiny. But equally suggestive is the use of the same term feng to refer not just tQ winds, but to songs- or perhaps more aptly, "airs". The title of the first section of the Classic of Odes, Guofeng, "Airs of the states", reflects at least in part the belief that rulers could diagnose a people by the songs they sang. The Han Dynasty historian Si Ma Qian recounts how when the sage Jicha heard the songs of Zheng and Chen, he became upset and foretold from them the downfall of these states. 33l As the Lushi Chunqiu sum­marized it, "One hears the music [of a state] and knows its customs (/eng). ,34)

We could also translate this last passage as, "One hears the music of a state and knows its mood (/eng). " 35 l Feng encompassed not just the songs that people sang, but their psychology and mores as well. Airs, mood, and customs all expressed the dynamics of a locality. They were all, that is, manifestations of local wind. The fengsu of a region referred to the customs and lifestyle of its people; but the term reflected the intuition that local psychology was inspired, quite liter­ally, by the air the people breathed. 36l The geography and environ­ment of a region, itsfengtu (literally, "wind and earth"), referred also to regional mores. In all this we are not far from Aeschylus who meditated on "the spirit (pneuma) of place."37l

Winds thus form and transform the manners of a people, the shape of their bodies, the turn of their minds. But winds themselves are ceaselessly changing. This is the second motif defining the classical imagination of winds- their radical contingency, their propensity to arise, abate, and shift directions suddenly and unexpectedly. In Greek tragedy, winds often express the vagaries of fortune, the breath of the gods altering the fate of individuals. In Euripides' Suppliant women, for example, Theseus teaches,

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Fools! Be instructed in the ills of man. Struggles make up our life. Good fortune comes Swiftly to some, to some hereafter; others Enjoy it now. Its god luxuriates. Not only is he honored by the hapless In hope of better days, but lucky ones Exalt him too, fearing to lose the wind (pneuma). 381

The pneumatic character of life makes all happiness fragile, all secur­ity tenuous. At any moment a "veering change of wind (pneuma)" may transform fortune into misfortune. 391

This is perhaps one key to wind's hypnotic hold, the sense that within its mysterious shifts lay the secret of the world's transforma­tions. 'Wind," as the Chinese commentators would gloss it, "is altera­tion" (jeng, hua ye). To Theseus' query about how war could arise between two traditionally friendly states, Oedipus explains,

Most gentle son of Aegeus! The immortal Gods alone have neither age nor death! All other things almight Time disquiets. Earth wastes away; distrust is born. And imperceptibly the wind (pneuma) shifts Between a man and his friend, or between two cities. For some men soon, for others in later time, Their pleasure sickens; or love comes again.401

Lovers awaken one morning to discover passion inexplicably van­ished; imperceptibly, close friends become twisted with distrust; rains plentiful for years suddenly dry up; and overnight a peaceful people is swept away by the thirst for blood. To imagine winds is, in no small part, to meditate on the obscure dynamics of such everyday happen­ings. Not surprisingly, therefore, winds, even as they ceased to be gods, always retained close ties to divination. Si Ma Qian records how at dawn of the first day of the year the king scrutinized the direction of the wind, and divined from this the nature of the upcoming year. Southerly winds meant drought, northerly winds rain, easterly winds epidemics, westerly winds wars.411 Similarly, Wang Chong tells of how the directions and timing of winds were used to foretell the shifting moods of the people, and even individual prosperity and famine.421

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The intertwining of these two themes- the power of wind to shape human beings and their lives, and wind's radical unpredicta­bility- is aptly illustrated by Plato:

As for what is known as the art of medicine, it also is, of course, a form of defense against the ravages committed on the living organism by the seasons with their untimely cold and heat and the like. But none of their devices can bestow reputation for the truest wisdom; they are at sea on an ocean of fanciful conjecture, without reduction to rule. We may also give the name of defender to sea captains-and their crews, but I would have no one encourage our hopes by the proclamation that any ofthem is wise. None of them can know of the fury or kindness of the winds, and that is the knowledge coveted by every navigator.43l

Just as the sea captain attempts to defend his ship against shifting winds, so the doctor seeks to defend the body against the ravages of untimely climate. The analogy is not random. In the Statesman, Plato again refers to seamanship and medicine together, equating the former with inquiry into nautical practice, and the latter with inquiry into "winds and temperatures. "44) The first concern of the physician, in other words, is with weather and climate; but weather and climate hinge on inscrutable winds. This dependence on winds, common to both physicians and seafarers, results in a shared consequence: it establishes an irreducible core of contingency in medicine and naviga­tion. It prevents both from becoming true sciences. For winds cannot be truly known.

These remarks hint at one possible interpretation of the develop­ment of pneuma and qi. We can situate the shift away from winds­the evolution from pneuma-wind to pneuma-breath, fromfeng to qi­in the framework of the rise, in both Han China and Hellenistic cultures, of medicine as a systematic science. Certainly, neither the Nanjing nor the works of Galen reveal the sense of tentative incomple­tion expressed by Plato: Qin Yue Ren's treatise presents medicine as an established system, governed by the regular, albeit complex work­ings of the yin-yang dialectic, and the cycle of the five phases; and Galen's understanding of medicine, as Temkin has observed, is of a knowledge organized on the model of Euclidean geometry.45 ) These

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are sciences founded on fixed certainties, not protean contingencies. Which is to say that they are not founded on winds. Essential to

the systematization of medical knowledge was a fundamental shift in the object of knowledge, a reorientation of focus from inscrutable winds to the knowable- at least such was the presumption- body.

Today, it seems axiomatic that the science of medicine should above all be a science of the body. But in the earliest Chinese texts, the Shang oracle bones, the peculiarities of an individual's somatic condi­tion were no more relevant to understanding a fever or a toothache than they would have been for explaining why one's crops were de­stroyed in a storm. The fact that an affliction happened to attack the body was incidental. The vengeful spirits who brought sickness could just as easily have inflicted drought and famine. Consequently, neither diagnosis nor therapy had specific connection to the body: medicine was the art of identifying and expulsing noxious intruders. 46l

The medicine of the Han classics, by contrast, was a science founded on intensive scrutiny of the body. And by this I mean not only that Han Dynasty physicians carefully traced the flow and modu­lations of qi in the body, and its transfigurations in sickness, but also, and more importantly, that they made inner disruptions ultimately responsible for sickness. Not that external influences became irrele­vant. Far from it. But fundamental to Neijing medicine was the idea that no disease could arise without predisposing weaknesses in the individual, and conversely, that without inner regularity health could not endure. It was a medicine in which destiny lay within the self.

As for early Greek ideas of medicine, we need not go back to the afflictions wrought by the Homeric gods. Even Plato, as we've observed above, could still identify medicine with defensive tracking of unknowable winds; and treatises such as Epidemics, Regimen, and Airs, waters, places confirm the aptness of Plato's description as a characterization of Hippocratic concerns. The idea of founding medi­cine upon the study of the dissected corpse, and indeed the very idea of anatomy was a post-Hippocratic innovation.47l

But to speak merely of a shift of attention from winds to the body would be to miss the real point. For the true significance of the move

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from external influences to inner breaths consisted precisely in the sharp demarcation of inner from outer. What the emergence of pneuma and qi as cultural leitmotifs signaled, in fact, was nothing less than the historical creation of the body.

As exemplified most recently by Michel Feher's Fragments towards a history of the human body,48 l it is quickly becoming a commonplace among anthropologists and cultural historians that the body must be approached not as a self-evident or natural given, but as a historically constructed reality. We can distinguish; however, two separate, though ·related strands in the constructionist stance. One builds upon the observation that people in different periods and cultures have constructed the body very differently. Most of the flourishing contemporary literature on the body has been devoted either to the philosophical elaboration or historical instantiation of this point. A second, far less developed strand of constructionism originates in the realization, adumbrated early on by Bruno Snell, that the very notion of the body is itself a product of history.49l Thus, following up on Snell, Jean-Pierre Vernant reminds us that the archaic Greeks had no way of talking about "the body" as we commonly think of it today. They used soma to designate the corpse as an object of lamentation, demas to refer to a person's stature, chros to describe skin and com­plexion, and melea to talk of the limbs.50l But they had no term for "the body" as an objective and self-contained reality.

It is with regard to this second issue of the historical emergence of the notion of the body that I believe the problematic of breath proves especially revealing. For it suggests an alternative to the conventional equation, adopted even by Vernant, of the emergence of the body with the rise of anatomy.

A world governed by winds, as we have seen, is a world in which the fortunes and misfortunes of human beings, their health and sick­ness, and indeed the very shape of their limbs and their thoughts, is moulded by outside forces, and swept along in greater and ever­shifting currents of change. Conversely, the move away from winds toward inner breaths- the core affinity between pneuma and qi­expressed, I suggest, emerging intuitions of internal autonomy and a

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distinctly individualized mode of change. And it is in terms of this twofold intuition that I think we must conceive of the historical crea­tion of the body.

It may seem obvious that the creation of the body presupposed the emergence of a sense of separate identity, a distinction between inside and outside. What may be less obvious, however, and I think this is the crucial lesson of the history of pneuma and qi, is that this experience of difference, the spatial disjunction of inside from outside, was inseparable from the realization that time is not an all­encompassing unity, but subject to local privatization. Human beings could change in rough synchrony with cosmic change. But they were not locked into cosmic rhythms, and for better and for worse, they slipped easily into idiosyncratic cadences. Underlying the creation of the body, I want to argue, was the experience of the person as a locus of temporal dislocation. Inside opposed outside by a different pace of transformation.

My thesis, in short, is that the surge into prominence of pneuma and qi and the crystallization, in both Greek and Chinese cultures, of the autonomous body/self, were two sides of the same development; and that development is the discovery of temporal pluralism. The essence of both winds and inner breaths was change. But despite the conceptual and genetic connection between the two, breath's rise to prominence was predicated on its difference from wind, on the recog­nition of alternate modes of change. It is from this recognition, I suggest, that the history of the body begins.

To clarify the relationship between interiority and change let me now turn to the difference between Greek and Chinese bodies.

§ 3

That Greek and Chinese conceptions of the body did differ, and differ radically, is exemplified by two illustrations from two represent­ative works of later Chinese and European medicine- the Shisi jing fahui by the Yuan Dynasty physician Hua Shou (Fig. 1), and Andreas Vesalius' Fabrica (Fig. 2). As we compare the illustrations side by side,

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Figure I Figure 2

"lacunae" in one and the other are obvious: the precisely articulated muscles, so painstakingly detailed in the Vesalian man, are conspicu­ously absent in Hua Shou's figure; and indeed, traditional Chinese medical vocabulary contained no equivalent for the notion of muscle. Fascination with musculature was a peculiarly Western phenomenon. Conversely, the points and interconnecting channels mapping out the acupuncture man corresponded to nothing in Vesalius's vision of the body. Indeed, they could not, for they were invisible, and no Chinese physician would have maintained otherwise. When, therefore, Euro­peans in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries first began to explore the medical literature of China, the descriptions of the body they encountered struck them like accounts of an imaginary land­"Phantastical," as one English physician would put it, "Absurd," would judge another.

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What do such remarkable differences signify? And what is their relationship to the notions of pneuma and qi? The analysis in the previous section already informs us of what must be the general form of our answer. Insofar as both figures represent bodies, they both must distinguish, on the one hand between an outside and an inside, and they must, on the other hand, tame contingency. It must be in the way they fulfill these conditions that they differ.

* * *

As I explained in the introduction, I shall focus primarily on the Greek side ofthe question. Specifically, I want to pursue the origins of the muscular body as a puzzle that illuminates essential features of Greek embodiment. Let me begin, nonetheless, with a brief sketch of how the Chinese acupuncture man represents a body.

Intimations of ties between acupuncture and winds surface already in the very term for acupuncture points - xue, literally, "cav­erns" or "holes". Most immediately, the term suggests a congruence between acupuncture points and the sites of geomancy, the science of "wind and water"; for geomantic sites too, like the crucial sites of the body, were known by the same term xue.5l) This common appellation in turn most likely derived from myths tracing the origins of winds to the earth's hollows and openings: legend had it that winds arose when the feng bird emerged from the wind-cavern (fengxue) in which it lived, and subsided when it returned to the cavern. 52) Implicit in the term xue, in other words, was a conception of the body in which qi streamed in and out of strategic orifices in the skin, just as winds streamed in and out of the hollows and caverns of the earth.

Attention to xue, however, formed just part of the scrutiny which Chinese physicians concentrated on the body surface. The classical texts of Chinese medicine place extraordinary weight on details which from the contemporary Western perspective might seem trivial-the color and lustre of the skin, it thinness or thickness, and above all the density and condition of the pores. 53) Loose and open pores, we are frequently told, pose a potentially fatal liability. It is through them that unseasonal winds pour into the body and give rise to catastrophic

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afflictions. Conversely, one may encounter such winds, the Neijing insists, but as long as the pores are tight then these dangers will be unable to harm one. If the lustre and color of the skin- two key diagnostic signs- displayed the vitality within, thick skin and firm pores protected against invasion from without. By demarcating the inside from the outside, the skin defined the body.

The isolationism implicit in closed pores is a major theme in Chinese reflection on the body. Among _other things, it underlies many techniques of yogic respiration and efforts to achieve immortal­ity: longevity requires scrupulously safeguarding the regularity of inner breaths from outer chaos. The classic medical texts, however, also advocate the opposite stance, whereby illness is attributed pre­cisely to the uncoupling of inner from cosmic rhythms, and health is restored only through harmonization of inner and outer. The reasons for this apparent contradiction are too involved to discuss here. For our purposes, it suffices to underline the two assumptions shared by advocates of both isolationism and harmonization, namely, 1. that the critical balance of health pivots on the opposition of regular and chaotic change; and 2. that the skin constitutes the border between inside and outside.

This demarcation, I want to stress, represents more than a com­monsensical identification of topological boundaries. It reflects the identity of the Chinese body as an entity defined by mediation between regular and irregular change, and the privileged role of the pores as a critical locus of mediation, as the microstructure of human connection to cosmic time.

Neither of the above assumptions applies to the Greek body. The critical temporal distinction is not between irregular and regular change, but between ongoing changes and new initiatives, between natural processes and human actions. The border separating inside from outside lies not at the surface of the skin, but rather at the fuzzy contours surrounding the reach of the will. To see this, let us consider last the origins of Greek muscularity.

* * *

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Figure 3

Figure 4

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PNEUMA, QI, AND THE PROBLEMATIC OF BREATH 21

Figure 5

Figure 6

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22 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

My starting point is an apparent conflict in the historical evidence. On the one hand, figural representations of the body in the ancient world invite us to envisage an almost timeless fascination with muscu­larity. The reliefs on these Mesopotamian cylinder seals (Figs. 3, 4), for instance, seem to evince a well-developed awareness of muscula­ture already at the end of the second millenium B.c. And certainly in discussing the Parthenon metopes of the fifth century B.c. (Figs. 5, 6), historians of Greek art have not hesitated to speak of the sculptor's deft moulding of muscles.

On the other hand, linguistic representations of the body tell a different story. The term muscle appears not at all in the Homeric epics, nor can it be found in the Greek historians or dramatists. Plato, whb was born after the completion of the Parthenon metopes, refers frequently in his Timaeus to the body's flesh and sinews, but does not mention muscles even once. Muscles do appear in the Hippocratic treatises, but remarkably rarely. Even in those Hippocratic works where one might expect the most detailed attention to musculature, such as the treatises on Surgery and on Fractures, the preferred term is not muscles but flesh. In a pattern mirroring that found in India and China, the Greek author of Fractures thus speaks of "bones, tendons, and flesh"54l rather than "bones, tendons, and muscles", and he cau­tions those treating the arm that the "fleshy growth" (sarkos epiphysis) over the radius is thick, while the ulna is almost fleshless. Nowhere in the Hippocratic Corpus do muscles receive more than fleeting men­tion, and nowhere are they explicitly distinguished from the general notion of flesh.

This disparity between the visual and the verbal representations of the body leads me to one observation and two questions. The obser­vation is that the ripples articulating the bodies of classical Greek sculptures cannot be straightforwardly identified as muscles. While we today might look upon these figures and think of them as muscle­bound, it is almost certain that those who created them would not have described them in this way.

This is not, I want to stress, a quibble about terms. It is rather an observation about the historical complexity of muscle-consciousness.

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PNEUMA, Ql, AND THE PROBLEMATIC OF BREATH 23

Clearly, we would like to say that the artists who moulded the contours of the Parthenon reliefs were already aware of the body's muscularity in some sense, even if they didn't speak of muscles. But in what sense? If not muscles, what did early Greek artists think they were depicting by the bulges and ripples of their athletes and warriors? This is my first question.

My second and principal question concerns the origins of the muscle concept. Sometime between the Hippocratic treatises and the works of Galen, the traditional language offlesh and sinews becomes inadequate for Greek discourse on the body. It becomes essential to refer to muscles. Whereas the plural mues, or muscles, appeared just 14 times in the entire Hippocratic Corpus, it figures over 460 times in Galen. Or, to use another index, in Hippocratic treatises references to flesh outnumber mentions of muscles by nine to one; by Galen's time, they are about equal. What accounts for this shift? What change in the understanding of the body prompted Hellenistic physicians to focus so intensively on a notion that previously had by physicians been invoked only rarely, and by laymen not at all?

My two questions, then, concern the basic issues of continuity and change. We cannot speak of muscularity as a timeless given; we must pursue it historically, as a notion that at once unites and separates Galen's dissections and the metopes of the Parthenon. What is the relationship between the sinuous contours which the classical artist presented to the eye, and the muscles which the Hellenistic physician detailed in words? It is in the framework of this problem that we must seek the origins of the muscular body.

* * * I have already alluded to what may appear to be the obvious

answer. I mean the rise, in the Hellenistic period, of Greek anatomy. According to this solution, Hellenistic physicians spoke specifically of muscles rather than generically of flesh, because they, in contrast to their Hippocratic predecessors, probed below the surface of the skin, and distinguished individual muscles from each other. The continuity and discontinuity between classical and Hellenistic representations of

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the body, in this account, reduces to degrees of visual acuity: early artists saw the same structures that later anatomists saw, but vaguely and incompletely, whence the general term flesh, whereas the latter perceived the complex plurality of muscles with the precision made possible only by the advent of dissection.

This account has much to recommend it. It explains, most imme­diately, why discourse on muscles flourished only relatively late in the history of Greek medicine; and it provides, more generally, an elegant solution to the comparative problem with which we began the paper: the uniqueness of European fascination with musculature can be attributed to the uniqueness of the European anatomical tradition. Moreover, Galen's extensive descriptions of what particular muscles look like, and how and where they are attached to bones and other parts of the body, seems to confirm the important role played by dissection in the articulation of musculature.

But the appeal to anatomical experience has one basic weakness. By approaching muscles simply as objects of visual apprehension, this account neglects precisely that feature most characteristic of the new discourse on muscularity: whereas flesh referred primarily to the visual and tactile perception of somatic bulk, Hellenistic physicians invoked muscles to analyze the body's movements. Muscles were not, in other words, just flesh perceived with enhanced perspicuity; they were organs endowed with a specific and unique function.

The nature of this function is already adumbrated in the early Hellenistic period. According to Galen, Herophilus classed muscles along with nerves and tendons among the "nerve-like" (to neurodes) parts of the body, and opposed these nerve-like parts to the heart and the arteries. Now to us this opposition may seem a bit puzzling, not least of all because we think of the heart as a muscle. 55, But for Herophilus, the opposition expressed one crucial distinction: whereas the pulsations of the heart and arteries lay beyond our control, the motions of the nervelike parts lay were subject to intentional choice (prohairesis). What distinguished muscular activity, in other words, was its voluntary character.

This brings me to the core of my argument. To state my thesis

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first, I suggest that we must seek the origins of Western fascination with musculature not only in the history of how the body was appre­hended from without, as an anatomical object, but also in the history of how Europeans came to embody themselves from within, as voli­tional agents. The emergence of muscles as a topic for intensive dis­course and investigation, I submit, reflected the culmination of a long evolution in Greek thinking about personhood, and the emergence of the concept of autonomous will.

We see this most clearly in Galen. There are, Galen determines, some somatic processes that go on without our attending to them, and we cannot directly influence them even if we wished. Such is the case with digestion and pulsation. But there is also an important class of activities, such as walking and talking, which hinge upon our desires and intentions. We can choose to walk faster, or slow down, or stand still. We can alter the cadence of our speech. We can do all this because we have, in addition to the stomach, and intestines, and arteries, these special organs called muscles. Muscles, in Galen's definition, "are the organs of voluntary motion. " 56) Their activities express the impulses of the soul. It is muscles that allow us to choose the pace and character of our actions. And it is this choice that at once distinguishes voluntary actions from involuntary processes, and gives proof of our status as genuine agents.

For us, who have long ago inherited the idea of will as an essential component of personhood, the connection between volition and mus­cularity may seem trivial. What I am arguing, however, is that in tracing the crystallization of the concept of muscle, we are also, and not coincidentally, tracing the crystallization of notions of an auto­nomous psychic will. This is why Galen's treatise on the motion of muscles, De motu muscu/orum, is as much an exploration of the conundrums of action and attention as it is an exposition of muscular function. It mirrors the inseparability, in Hellenistic medicine, of interest in muscularity and the analysis of agency. Galen, as I said, defines muscles as the organs of voluntary motion. But this definition immediately gives rise to a whole host of puzzles. How can we explain, after all, the man who sings in drunken stupor, or walks in his

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26 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

sleep?571 These actions obviously require extensive use of many mus­cles. Yet those who perform them seem to have no consciousness of performing them. Nor is the puzzle restricted to quirks like sleepwalk­ing. It arises in the most quotidian activities. Thus, the philosopher who, deep in reflection, walks from Piraeus to Athens may have no recollection of the road, or of attending to his arms and feet. And people absorbed in conversation or debate often display mannerisms of which they seem quite unaware. The way in which the soul wills our actions, Galen admits, is not always transparent. 581

Nonetheless, Galen insists- and for us this is the crucial point­he insists upon the dominating presence of psychic volition in the body. Human activity cannot be assimilated to natural motions like the pulsing of the arteries; there is a soul that acts, and acts constantly in the body's activities. Our attention, to be sure, is spotty. We are acutely aware of doing certain things; others we may have no recollec­tion of having done at all. But even the mere acts of sitting or stand­ing, Galen argues, even, that is, apparent non-activity, engages what he terms the tonic action of muscles. It is the active tension of a host of muscles that allows us to sustain a given posture. Muscular engagement is psychic engagement.

But psychic engagement is pneumatic engagement. Though Galen pronounces himself agnostic on the question of whether the soul is identical with pneuma or something other, he is unequivocal about the necessity of pneumatic presence for all action. Indeed, the very notion of"tonic action" derives from the Stoic analysis of human psychology in terms of modulations of pneumatic tension. 591

Fully to appreciate the significance of these views it is useful to contrast them to the very different conception of embodiment found in earlier Greek history. We may recall, for instance, how Homer's Agamemnon blames his tragedy not on any personal decisions or actions, but on ate, a distinctly impersonal clouding of the mind.601

This is not, as E.R. Dodds points out, a self-justifying evasion, but a reflection of the fact that the Homeric Greeks had no concept of a unified personality, or, for that matter, a unified notion of body. Similarly, Jean-Pierre Vernant explains that the Homeric body is not

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an isolated and independent entity, shut up in itself, but

is fundamentally permeable to the forces that animate it, accessible to the intrusion of the vital powers that make it act. When a man feels joy, irritation or pity, when he suffers, is bold or feels any emotion he is inhabited by drives ... which, breathed into him by a god, run throufh and across him like a visitor coming from the outside. (My italics.tt

Vernant's remarks focus on the conception of the body in archaic Greece. But in conjunction with the preceding observations on will and muscles in Hellenistic medicine, they suggest a possible interpre­tation of why, even in classical times, extensive figural representation of what we think of as muscularity was not accompanied by a dis­course of muscles. The bulging swells which knot the limbs and torsos of mythical beasts and heroes (Fig. 8) may signal a wide range of qualities- passion, strength, courage, beauty. But in interpreting these signs we must keep in mind the long Greek tradition that saw courage and strength and all the virtues of heros not as personal qualities deriving exclusively from an inner self, but as marks of the favor of the gods, results of the influx of divine energies. To be sure, by the fifth century B.c. and Periclean Athens, we are beginning to enter a different world. By the end of the century Socrates will have advanced a radically new conception of humanity, one which posited the existence of a unitary and immortal core known as the soul. But this idea will take some time to spread and mature. And in any case the imprisoned Socratic soul is still a far cry from the volitional agent of Galen's sleepwalker. It is itself a divine visitor in a strange land. It is not an embodied person. Full consciousness of muscles would have to await the consciousness that muscles were fully one's own.

The Stoic philosophers, as is well-known, were the greatest pro­moters of pneumatic analysis. But they were also the first to develop the idea of oikeiosis, the process of self-recognition by which personal identity is ultimately achieved.62l What I am suggesting is that these two facts are perhaps not unrelated, and that the emergence of ideas of pneuma went hand in hand with the experience of an active life driven not by outer winds or divine influences, but by changes interior to and defining the self.

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28 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

NOTES AND REFERENCES

l) See George William Brown, "Prana and apana," Journal of the American Oriental Society XXXIX, l04ff; Arthur H. Ewing, "The Hindu conception of the functions of breath: A study in early Hindu psycho-physics," Journal of the American Oriental Society, 22 (1901), 249-308; N.H. Keswani, ed., The science of medicine and physiological concepts in ancient and medieval India (Thompson Press, Faridbad, Haryana (India), 1974).

2) Gerard Verbeke, L'evolution de Ia doctrine du pneuma: Du stoicism a saint Augus­tin (Desclee De Brouwer, Paris, 1945); Max Wellmann, Die pneumatische Schute bis auf Archigenes in ihrer Entwicklung dargestellt (Wiedmannsche Buchhand­lung, Berlin, 1895); Werner Jaeger, "Das Pneuma im Lykeion," Hermes (1913), 29-74.

3) Onozawa Seiichi, Fukunaga Mitsuji, and Yamanoi Yu, Kino shiso: ChUgoku ni okeru shizenkan to ningenkan no tenkai (Tokyo daigaku shuppan kai, Tokyo, 1978); Kuroda Genji, Kino kenkyu (Tokyo bijutsu, Tokyo, 1977); Hiraoka Teikichi, Enanji ni arawareta kino kenkyu (Risosha, Tokyo, 1968). For brief English language accounts, largely dependent on these Japanese sources, see Benjamin Schwartz, The world of thought in ancient China (Harvard University Press), and Nathan Sivin, Traditional medicine in contemporary China (Center for Chinese Studies, the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1987).

4) Hiraoka, Enanji, 45~51. 5) A similar, though slightly more sophisticated view appears in Kano Yoshimitsu,

"lsho ni mieru kiron," in Onozawa Seiichi, et al., eds., Kino shiso, 308-309. 6) See Manfred Porkert, The theoretical foundations of Chinese medicine; Paul

Unschuld, Medicine in China; Nathan Sivin, Traditional medicine in con­temporary China; Benjamin Schwartz, The world of thought in ancient China.

7) John, 4, 24. 8) Homer does, however, use the cognate term,pnoie. On respiration and Homeric

psychology see R.B. Onians, The origins of European thought about the body, the mind, the soul, the world. time, and fate (Cambridge University Press, 1951 ), Chapter IV.

9) All frequencies for Greek texts are based on searches performed on the Thesau­rus linguae graecae: Canon of Greek authors and works (Oxford University Press, 1986) with the IBYCUS computer.

10) Kuroda, Kino kenkyu, 21-52. II) Kuroda, 51-52. 12) Suppliant maidens, 166-167. 13) Euripides, Ion, 1501-1509:

Fate drove us hard in the past, Just now oppressed us again. There is no harbor of peace From the changing waves of joy and despair. The wind's course veers. Let it rest. We have endured

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PNEUMA, QI, AND THE PROBLEMATIC OF BREATH 29

Sorrows enough. 0 my Son, Pray for a favoring breeze Of rescue from trouble.

For more on winds and fate, see below. 14) Seven against Thebes, 463. 15) Medea, 1074. 16) Epidemics, Book I, l. 17) Sacred disease, 14. 18) Aphorisms III, 12. See also Airs, waters, places, 9. 19) Airs, waters, places, 10. 20) Airs, waters, places, l. 21) The notions of seasonality and winds were, moreover, often interrelated.

According to another Hippocratic text, Peri physon (On breaths), "Wind is the cause of winter and summer." See Axel Nelson, Die hippokratischen Schrift 'Peri physon': Text und Studien (Uppsala, 1909). The role of winds in On regimen is discussed by Carl Fredrich, "Die vier Bucher Peri diates," in his Hippokratische Untersuchungen (Berlin, 1899; reprinted Arno Press, New York, 1976), espe­cially pp. 159-167.

22) Hiraoka, Enanji, 48; Akatsuka, "Kaze to miko," 442. 23) Lunheng jiaoshi, 220. Cf. also the Huai Nan Zi, Chapter 7: "Blood and qi is wind

and rain." 24) Yibu quanshu, VII, 5312. 25) Suwen, Chapter 42. See also Hua To, Zhongzang jing, "Lun zafeng zhuang." 26) Suwen, Chapter 3. The claim is hyperbolic and cannot be taken literally. The

Neijing and later Chinese physicians explained the origins of disease in many different ways. (See S. Kuriyama, "Changing concepts of disease in East Asia," in K. Kiple, ed., The Cambridge history and geography of disease (Cambridge University Press, forthcoming)). At the same time, it is undeniable that wind enjoyed a unique and privileged status in Chinese etiological analysis.

27) A fact which implies, if we take indices at face value, that Garrison deemed winds of lesser significance than say "window-tax".

28) Henry E. Sigerist, A history of medicine, 2 volumes (Oxford University Press, 1951 (Vol.l) and 1961 (Vol. 2)); Arturo Castiglioni, A history of medicine, 2nd edition (Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1947); Max Neuburger, History of medi­cine (London, 1910); Erwin Ackerknecht, A short history of medicine (Ronald Press, New York, 1955). It is worth nothing that the History of Chinese medicine (Tientsin Press, 1932), by K. Chimin Wong and Wu Lien-Teh, also fails to list wind in its index of subjects.

29) See note 2 above for references. 30) Akatsuka Kiyoshi has examined in detail the evidence for the mediation of

shamanistic spirits who were associated with the cardinal winds in "Kaze to miko," (Winds and shamans) in his ChUgoku kodai no shukyo to bunka (Kado­kawa shoten, 1977), 415-442. On wind cults in Greek religion see Kora Neuser, Anemoi: Darstellung der Winde und Windgottheiten in der Antike (Giorgio Bretschneider, Rome, 1982), and Roland Hampe, Kult der Winde in Athens und

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30 SHIGEHISA KURIYAMA

Kreta (Sitzungberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, 1967, Bericht 1).

31) Airs, waters, places, 4. 32) Airs, waters, places, 5. 33) Vol. iv, p.Sff; also Zuo zhuan Xiang, 29th year. Confucius similarly objected to

the lewd songs of Zheng, and worried about its pernicious effects on people elsewhere (Analects XV, 10).

34) Lulan, "Yin chu." 35) Sir John Davis thus translates Guofeng as "Manners of the different states".

"The poetry of the Chinese," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, May, 1829; cited in James Legge, The Chinese classics, Vol. IV: The She King.

36) See the "Geographical Gazette" of the History of the Han dynasty, Chapter 12 of the Suwen also discusses the impact of local geography on health.

37) Aeschylus, Suppliant maidens, 28. 38) The suppliant women, 549-554. See also Lucretius, De nat, 5, 1226. 39) Aeschylus, Seven against Thebes, 707-708. 40) Sophocles, Oedipus at Co/onus, 607-615. 41) Shiji, Tianguan shu. 42) Wang Chong, Lunheng jiaoshi, I, 650-651. 43) Plato, Epinomis, 976a-b. 44) Statesman, 299b. 45) Owsei Temkin, Galenism: The rise and decline of a medical philosophy. 46) See Kuriyama, "Changing concepts of disease." 47) S. Kuriyama, "Rethinking the history of anatomy. The origins of Greek dissec­

tion." Shryock Medal Prize Paper (AAHM), 1986. 48) Michel Feher, ed., Fragments for a history of the human body, 3 volumes (Zone

Press, 1989). 49) Bruno Snell, The discovery of the mind in Greek philosophy and literature (Dover,

1982), 5-7. 50) Jean-Pierre Vemant, "Dim body, dazzling body," in Michel Feher, ed., Frag­

ments for a history of the human body, Part One (Zone, 1989), 20-22. 51) See Kuriyama, "Pulse diagnosis in Greek and Chinese traditions," in Yoshio

Kawakita, ed., History of diagnostics. Proceedings ofthe 9th International Sym­posium on the Comparative History of Medicine-East and West (Taniguchi Foundation, 1987), 57-59.

52) Huai Nan Zi, Chapter 6. 53) See for instance, Lingshu Chapters, 38, 47. 54) Fractures, II. See also Aristotle, Parts of animals, II, viii. 55) For that matter, the earlier Hippocratic treatise on the heart also speaks of the

heart as a muscle. See De corde (Edited text in Mnemosyne, 51, 1923, 50ff.). 56) Galen, De motu muscu/orum, in C.G. Kuhn, Galeni opera omnia, Volume IV,

367-464, This definition opens the work. 57) De motu, II, 4 (K. IV, 435ft). 58) De motu, II, 5 (K. IV, 440ft). 59) See C.S. Sherrington, "Note on the history ofthe word tonus," Contributions to

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PNEUMA, QI, AND THE PROBLEMATIC OF BREATH 31

medical and biological research, dedicated to William Osler, I (1919). 60) See E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the i"ational (University of California Press,

1951), 5. 61) Jean-Pierre Vernant, "Dim body, dazzling body," 29. 62) G.B. Kerford, "The search for personal identity in Stoic thought," Bulletin of

the John Rylands University Library, 55 (1972), 177-196.

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Vital Breath (Priif)a) in Ancient Indian Medicine and Religion

KENNETH G. ZYSK

Department of Near Eastern lAnguages and Literatures Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies, New York University 50 Washington Square South, New York, NY, 10012, U.S.A.

33

M OST of us who are immersed in a modern technological world will pass any given day without giving the slightest thought that

we engage in the process of respiration; whether we are awake or asleep, we inhale and exhale countless times a day. Breathing is an aspect of our human existence which simply goes unnoticed except by a few who have chosen to make it a part of their special field of investigation or who recognize its importance in achieving ever greater and higher spiritual and mental states.

Humankind did not always have such an indifferent attitude toward what is perhaps the most vital of all bodily functions. As we shall see, the ancient Indians paid particular attention to respiration and made the process a focus of religious concern and practice. In the minds of the early Indians, respiration was the single indicator of mobile life, assuring longevity (&yus), and what humans breathed was at once the motivating force of both the cosmos and human existence. This cosmic wind was mankind's vital breath (prar.za), the unique manifestation of a person's immortal soul.

The word prar.za is a derivative noun from the Sanskrit verbal root an, "to breathe," plus the nominative suffix a, and the prefix pra, "before," "in front," so that its primary meaning is "the breath in

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34 KENNETH G. ZYSK

front," or the inhaled air. When prlifJ.a is combined with its opposite apiina (apa+an+a), "the breath away," i.e. exhaled air, the process of respiration is indicated. Observation of the vital function of these two aspects of respiration eventually led Indians to a conceptual understanding and codification of bodily breaths or winds and their operations in the human organism. PriiTJ.a took on the character of vital breath, inhaled air in the process of respiration, and the principal wind in the upper part of the body, on which all other breaths depended. Apiina was the exhaled air in the process of respiration, and the essential wind in the lower part of the body.

The principal concern of this essay is to trace the evolution of ancient Indian pneumatology by concentrating on prlifJ.a and the different bodily winds from the Veda through the texts of classical Indian medicine or iiyurveda and Yoga. It demonstrates that a unified doctrine of wind developed in the Vedic literature, and thereafter the original principles of breath served as the basis for elaboration in two distinct directions: The development in medical circles of a physiology of breath, and the advancement among the practitioners of Yoga of the physiology of respiration and techniques of arresting the breath­ing process\ Subsequently, the individuality of these schools of thought broke down and Yoga borrowed from the ayurvedic thinkers knowledge concerning breath and bodily winds. The following chart shows the evolution of ancient Indian pneumatology:

Early Veda

~ Later Veda

/~ Ayurveda Yoga

The single most important aspect binding the various stages of its evolution is asceticism. Focusing on the ultimate principle and its manifestation in the human body, ascetics stove to understand com­pletely the operation of the cosmic wind when it entered the human

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body, then systematically codified and gradually recorded in Indian technical and scriptural literature a comprehensive knowledge of bodi­ly breath and respiration. To trace the development ancient Indian pneumatology, let us turn first to the early Veda.

1. PRAfYA IN THE EARLY VEDA

It is generally acknowledged that the San:zhitiis of the ~g, Siima, Yajur and Atharva Vedas constitute the oldest extant Indian literature. The earliest among these is the ~gveda, a collection of metrical verses to numerous deities of the Vedic pantheon, recited at ritual celebra­tions. It reached its final compilation around 800 B. c. E. The Atharva­veda, which contains material perhaps as old or older than the ~gveda, is also a collection of metrical verses, mostly in the form of magical charms and incantations for benefit of the population at large rather than of the priests and nobles. The Siimaveda and Yajurveda are subsequent treatises employed along with the ~gveda in the great rituals sacrifices and celebrations. Most important for tracing an early evolution of vital breath are the ~gveda and Atharvaveda.

In the ~gveda, priir.ui has a threefold association. It is equivalent to life; it is the representation of the cosmic wind (vata, viiyu) in man­kind; and it is connected with a process of respiration. To Vedic Indians,priif}a's dominant role' was to indicate and motivate life, for if breath was present, there was life, if it was absent, life departed. 1) The cosmic wind that blows in the atmosphere motivates and regulates the normal course of things or the cosmic order (rta') in the same way that breath in living beings motivates life. Thus, wind (viiyu) is the breath of the cosmic person (Puru~a)/) and the dead person's spirit (Iitman) goes to the wind. 3) The cosmic connection between breath and wind gave rise to the notion that not only humans but also certain elements, such as fire (Agm), breathe. 4) As fire, especially in the form of a conflagration, generates a firestorm, the concept that fire produced wind readily follows. In humans, speech results from mankind's wind, so that the cosmic voice (Viic) is said to blow forth like wind and cover all the worlds.5) The association between priif}a, life's indicator and

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motivator, and wind led to the establishment of the health-giving and healing virtues of wind. Wind blows medicines (bhe~aja) to the people and prolongs their lives. It bestows strength to live and contains the elixir of immortality (amfta).6 l The medicinal significance of wind, as Filliozat points out, is very ancient, occurring also in the A vesta of the ancient Iranians.?)

The first indication of breathing as a process of respiration is found late in the ~gveda and continues in the hymns of the Atharva­veda. ~gveda 10.189 1-2 illustrates by way of analogy that respiration was rhythmic, involving an inbreath and outbreath:8l

1. The spotted steer approached [and] rested on Mother [Earth] in the east; and going ahead to his Father Heaven.

2. He wanders between shining ones, breathing out after his inbreath. The bull peered out unto heaven. 9)

The reference in this obscure hymn is to the celestial body con­ceived in terms of a spotted steer and bull, which travels across the heavens pausing before the Earth and moving between other bright objects in the sky in a seemingly regular fashion. The poet likely had in mind the moon· in a night-long course across the sky. Its normal appearance and disappearance on the cosmic scale resembled the process of a human's inhalation and exhalation [asya prii1JtJd apiinatf (apiinattJh)]. This is the earliest indication that breathing involved a twofold process of taking in and expelling air.

The Atharvaveda contains numerous references to vital breath and respiration, continuing the understanding of breath begun in the ~gveda and further developing the pneumatic doctrine indicated in the late passage from the ~gveda. As in the ~gveda, the predominant role of breath and the breathing process in the Atharvaveda was to indicate life and to promote longevity; often they are listed with other aspects of life, such as seeing, hearing, strength, and progeny. The lack of prii1Ja signaled death and the loss of life, IO) and charms were recited to remove breath from enemies. 11 l

The importance of prii1Ja as a life's motivator and sustainer to the Vedic Indian is indicated by AV 11. 4 (6), an entire hymn devoted to

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life-breath. Here praiJ.ti controls the universe and is lord of all things in the universe, both those which breathe and those that do not, protects humans, as a father safeguards his son, and rules over and destroys enemies. 12l

The ~gvedic notion of the microcosmic-macrocosmic connection between breath and wind (vdta, vayu) also occurs in the Atharvaveda, but is further developed to include other life giving and sustaining aspects of the cosmos. Wind is breath's principal link to the cosmos,13 l

for breath comes from wind14l and wind purifies breath;15l but also the sun, the cosmic fire, is the source of breath and, because of its self­motivating and life producing characteristics, is equated with breath. 16)

Earthly and atmospheric fire (Agm) also has breath and breathes, 17)

water (tip) gives breath,18l and Time (kala1 is said to contain breath and mind (mtinas). 19l The latter might refer to the seasonal winds.

From the joining together of the various cosmic aspects of breath come the life producing and sustaining rainstorms of the monsoons, which manifest breath as roaring wind, thunder, lightning and water­ing rains. 20) Rain causes the earth to yield her life in the form of plants which in turn sustain humans and other living beings. Earth therefore is said to give breath and longevity (dyus);21 l and breath promotes the growth of all types of plants/2l which breathe. 23l Specifically the food plants rice and barley are products of the outbreath (apana1 and the inbreath (pra1J.a1, respectivell4l and rice-gruel (odana1 gives breath and possesses life-giving qualities. 25) Wind like plants was also a remedy against life threatening disease.26l In the mind of the Vedic Indians, breath was equated with, contained in, and associated with all micro/macro cosmic elements which produced and maintained life. In short, breath was the universal indicator of life.

The hymns of the Atharvaveda indicate a deeper understanding of the connection between life and the process of breathing. The twofold mechanism of inhalation and exhalation was clearly understood and represented by praiJ.ti and apanti, respectively, often occurring in com­pound form as prafJ.apanti. Like praiJ.ti itself on the micro/macro cos­mic level, these two on the human level, served as the principal mani­festations of life, longevity and respiration. 27l In the body, they are like

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two draft-oxen in the pen/8l and walking together, they are allies for maintaining a sound bodily condition and long life. 29l Although scien­tifically incorrect, a more sophisticated physiological understanding of respiration occurs at AV 11.4(6).14:

A human being breathes out (apiinatl) and breathes in (prti!Jatl) when inside the womb (garbha). When you, 0 Prii!Ja, urge him on he is born again. 30l

As respiration was the primary life-force, it was natural for the Vedic Indian to conceived that it was present in the active fetus about to be born and that the issuance of the fetus from the womb resulted from the functioning of the life breath. Although modern medicine disproves the assertions in this ancient text, one can clearly under­stand its pneumatic basis. Moreover, this connection could have resulted from the observation of breathing patterns of women in labor. Ancient medical doctrines are replete with many similar "logi­cal", albeit scientifically inexact, explanations.

In classical iiyurveda, there are ordinarily five breaths (priilJas) operating in the body to regulate and promote various internal func­tions: 1. priilJa, the "front breath," located in the mouth, ensures respiration and swallowing; 2. udiina, the "upward moving breath," produces speech; 3. samiina, the "concentrated breath," promotes digestion; 4. apiina, the "downward moving breath," ensures excre­tion and childbirth; and 5. vyiina, the "diffused breath," circulates in the limbs and motivates their movement.31 l

The same five terms occur as breaths in the Atharvaveda. They are found in pairs, like prii!Jiipiina, and in groups of threes and fours; never does the group of five occur together as one unit. These Atharva­vedic passages contain what Filliozat claims to be the germs of the ayurvedic physiological doctrine of bodily breaths. 32l Further exami­nation of the evidence suggests that it is unlikely that Vedic under­standing of these words corresponded exactly to those in the ayurvedic treatises. The sequence of their pairings are as follows: priilJa and vyiina,33 l priifJa, apiina, vyiina/4 l priifJa, apiina, vyiina, samiina, as bodily parts/5l and priilJa, apiina, vyiina, udiina, as bodily

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parts.36l It is likely that these words originally referred to manifesta­tions and variations of respiration and the perceived functions of wind once it entered the body. From the acute awareness of the breathing process, priif}a was "inhalation," manifested as air carrying out the functions associated with the mouth, and apiina was "exhalation," manifested as air associated with all functions of expulsion. They were the norms against which following variations were observed: vyiina, "different breath" (that breath situated between inhalation and exha­lation, or the retained air, which circulates irt the body and promotes internal functions), samiina, "complete breath" (that breath remain­ing after the twofold process of respiration, i.e. inhalation and exhala­tion, perceived to bring about digestion), and udiina, "up breath" (that inhaled breath which returns in the mouth as eructation).

Elsewhere several different types of breaths (priif}as) are enumer­ated: these are the breaths that approach, depart, stand, sit, breathe in, breathe out, turn away, and turn toward.37) Sometimes the number of breaths is seven, called the seven seers (f#s), corresponding to seven openings of the sense faculties of the head: two eyes, two ears, two nostrils and the mouth. 38) Other times there are a thousand breaths, said to be contained in the "unsubdued" (astrta) amulet,39l or an indefinite number of breaths.40l

It is clear that particular attention was paid to the occurrence of human respiration which was scrupulously observed, and to the per­ceived functions of wind when it entered the body, based on bodily manifestations of internal air. The results of this empirical process are recorded in the hymns of the Atharvaveda, but a definite systematiza­tion of the physiology of respiration was wanting. Nevertheless, it anticipates perhaps a pneumatology which theoreticians of the medi­cal tradition would systematize and codify several centuries later.

The detailed understanding of respiration expressed in the various hymns of the Atharvaveda also has links to ancient Indian asceticism which employed techniques of breath control and rhythmic breathing in its meditative discipline to obtain quiet states and control of both mind and body. The archaic knowledge of respiratory stages likely derived from ascetics who practiced breath control and a form of

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yoga. Evidence in the Atharvaveda indicates that the ascetic discipline

was emerging by a processes of what Mircea Eliade called "ritual interiorization," whereby aspects of external rituals were internalized by means of meditation.41 ) Central to this process was a deep under­standing of mankind's principal life support system, respiration, which had links to the divine by means of the cosmic wind and was responsible for life and longevity. An Atharvavedic verse states that breath (praiJ.a') is born of the soul (atman), the single immortal part of a human.42, Speech in its personified form provides breath,43 ) so that the reciter of incantations possesses the power to lengthen his breath,44) the first step in breath control, which in turn strengthens the incantations (brahman). Likewise, he on whom is situated the greatest thing, burns his head by truth (satya'), surveys everything here by incantation (brahman), and breathes crosswise (tiryan prdiJ.atl) by breath, i.e. retains his breath. 45 ) The reference in this obscure verse is to a ritualist, skilled in the recitations of incantations, whose head burns because of the self generated heat of asceticism (tapas) which involved a form of breath control. The ascetic internalization of ritual continued with the ritualist making his hand the sacrificial spoon and his breath the sacrificial stake to which the victim was attached. 46,

Truth (satya') and faith (sraddhd) became the sacrificial goat's breath.47)

The Vrtityas, ascetics par excellence of the Atharvaveda, lived seemingly by breath alone and were known for their ability to make their breaths long (a form ofpra1J.ayama).48 ) Part of their ascetic disci­pline involving respiration demonstrates an elaborate process of internalization of ritual. For the Vrtitya, each of the three winds, praiJ.a, apana and vyana, consists of seven types delineated by macro/ micro cosmic correspondences typical of the ritual process. The three winds obviously refer to inhalation, exhalation and retention of air, constituting the threefold technique of breath control. The seven prtiiJ.aS are named with the following correspondences: 1. head (urdhva') is fire (agnz), 2. flowing forth (pra{u/.ha) is the sun (aditya'), 3. flowing to (abhyiuj.ha) is the moon (candramas), 4. all pervading

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(vibM) is the purifier (ptivamiina), 5. uterus (y6m) is the waters (tip), 6. the beloved one (priya} is the domestic beasts (pasu}, and 7. limit­less (aparimita') is the creatures (praja}.491 This enumeration of the various priif)as indicates some location of the breaths and the physi­ological actions they facilitate. The seven apiintis possess specific ritual correspondences: 1. the worship on the night of the full moon (paurnasmiisf), 2. the worship on the eighth night after the full moon (a~.takii), 3. the worship on the night of no moon (timiiviisyii), 4. faith (sraddhd), 5. consecration (dik~d), 6. sacrifice (yajiia'), and 7. fees given to officiating priest (dtik#TJa). 501 The seven vyiintis have macro­cosmic correspondences: 1. the earth (bMmz), 2. the atmosphere (anttirik~a), 3. the sky (dyu), 4. the lunar mansions (ntik~atra), 5. the seasons (rtu), 6. the combined seasons (iirtava'), and 7. the year (sa~vatsara'). The hymn concludes by stating that these are the Vrdtya's offerings.51)

Internalization of ritual by means of ascetic practices focusing on breath control and techniques of respiration led to a catalog of breaths according to the existing ritual categories and terminology. In the midst of this classification there are hints that attempts were being made to associate certain types of breath with bodily functions, further anticipating the later medical authors' treatment of the sub­ject. The development of a doctrine of breaths and respiration was localized among the ascetics whose principal concern was a discipline leading to long life and immortality through meditation and ecstatic techniques, in which respiration was a key factor.

The mystical Vedic poets who composed the literature of the earliest Veda present a pneumatology based on a fundamental micro/ macro cosmic correspondence between breath and wind. Beginnings of a codification of breath occurred as techniques of respiration became important to an ascetic discipline which focused on the inter­nalization of Vedic ritual by utilizing its preexisting categories. In the literature of the later Vedic period, the late Sa1flhitiis, Briihmaf)as and Upani~ads, asceticism remained the principal vehicle for developments in ancient Indian pneuma to logy, but its doctrines became more crys­tallized and standardized.

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2. PRAJYA IN THE LATE VEDA

The literature of the later Veda includes the exegetical Sarrthitas and Brahmaf],as, and the philosophical and mystical Upani~ads, known as the Vedanta, "end of the Veda," and bring the historical evolution down to about the sixth century B.C.E. The notion of breath and respiration in these treatises indicates a continuation of the concep­tions advanced in the earlier Veda, but also demonstrates a further elaboration of breath in ritual and ascetic contexts, resulting in a codification of breaths and respiration with indications of their anatomical and physiological significance.

The ritual Sarrthitas and Brahmaf],as provided the context for con­necting the breaths to the sacrifice and ritual process. In addition to being the principal indicators oflife,prafJ,ti and apanti, as in the earlier treatises, are equated with various divinities including the Sun,52l

Asvins,53 l Agni,54l Sarasvat1 (Goddess of Speech),55 l Indra,56l Mitra and VaruQa,57l and of course the micro/macro cosmic connection between wind and breath and the life promoting rain persists. 58)

More importantly, the breaths are enumerated in mantras accom­panying different parts of the sacrificial ritual, for the sacrifice suc­ceeds by prafJ,ti.59 l Formulaic utterances involving two (prafJ,ti, apana'), three (prafJ,ti, udanti or apanti, vyana'), four (prafJ,ti, apanti, vyanti, udana'), and five (prafJ,ti, apanti, vyanti, udimti, samana') breaths are commonly employed. The twofold formula often forms a pair, as in inhalation and exhalation, as noticed in their connection with the dual deities Mitra and VaruQa.60l Typically the threefold formula is accompanied with other senses and faculties such as eye, ear, speech and mind, and in the context of the horse sacrifice with anatomical parts.61 l

The formula of the five breaths ritually symbolized the five sets of ten bricks, known as breath-supporters (prafJ,abhft), making up the middle layer of the fire altar. Using mantras involving each of the breaths, the ritualist constructed the fire altar. The middle layer of bricks corresponded to the atmosphere (the middle region, containing the wind and from which the rain falls). This layer included the

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naturally perforated brick which the steed of the sacrifice was made to sniff and thereby receive his praiJ.ri. The ten breath-supporters were placed in the east. Mankind's breaths (praiJ.ris) were nine in number, the tenth was the navel (ndbhz). The ritualist placed the breaths in the front, i.e. in the mouth. Therefore the breaths are in front. 62l

The nine breaths referred to in this ritual procedure are the seven praiJ.ris of the head (two of the eyes, nose, ears, and mouth) and two breaths of the lower body (avaiicz).63 l Identification of the sevenpraiJ.ris of the head as the seven seers (f#s) is also found. 64l Elsewhere, and increasingly more frequently in the Upani~ads, praiJ.ri simply occurs in the plural, without specification as to constitution. 65 l They may refer to any combination of the five breaths, the six organs of sense, the nine or ten breaths, or others. 66l

In terms of anatomy and physiology and the development of a pneuma to logy, the indefinite number of breaths indicates the very beginnings of a codification of knowledge concerning the bodily winds. The later standardized formula of five breaths was already present, occurring in the context of other anatomical parts of the sacrificial horse. The connection of various breaths with the senses and sense faculties and the breaths situated in the head point to a generalized location of certain breaths and their physiological func­tions with respect to other sense faculties. In particular, wind (vtita) was gratified with the sacrificed steed's praiJ.ri, the two nostrils with his apana, all praiJ.ris with his roar. Here a hint at the later medical pneu­ma to logy can be observed. The praiJ.ri is, like the wind, a breath outside the body waiting to be inhaled, apana is the breath exhaled through the nostrils, and all the praiJ.riS at one point or another come from within the body, and when expelled (through mouth or anus) create various sounds resembling roars.

The ritual role played by breath in the recitation of mantras, many of which included the names of the various breaths, reflects the ongo­ing process of ritual internalization by means of ascetic practices in which breath control and rhythmic respiration were integral parts. The enumeration of breaths reveals serious attempts to penetrate beyond the twofold process of inhalation (praiJ.a) and exhalation

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(apiina'), and to arrive at a thorough understanding of breath's func­tions in the production and maintenance of life. The closely related philosophical and mystical literature of the Upani$ads shows a com­plete internalization of the sacrifice and a dominant focus on asceti­cism utilizing respiration and breath control as principal practices to attain understanding of and union with the ultimate principle, Brahman, conceived to be the soul (Atmtin) in living beings.

In the principal Upani$ads, breath control and rhythmic respira­tion began to receive increasingly more attention which precipitated the codification of a pneumatology similar to that found in the classi­cal medical treatises. A systematic survey of priir.za and breaths in this important corpus discloses the important role asceticism played in the evolution of pneumatology in ancient India. Persistent mystical con­templation on breath eventually led to the bifurcation of opinions concerning bodily wind. The medical branch focused on the physiol­ogy of breath, and the Yogic branch emphasized techniques of breath control.

The old notion of priir.za, the microcosmic aspect of the macro­cosmic wind (viita), as the animator and prolonger of all life, was the starting point for the mystics' understanding of breath. In their quest through meditation for the universal principle behind all existence, they realized that breath was the closest physical manifestation of the ultimate, unchanging, creative force in man, his Atman, or soul, the embodiment of the Brahman, or universal soul. Priir.za is the seat of the Brahman and arises from the Atman. 67l

Through a systematic internalization of the sacrifice by meditation on various aspects of the ritual through the use of mantras in conjunc­tion with regulation of the breaths, the ascetics came ever closer to the realization of the ultimate principle so closely connected to the breath. The Upani~adic treatises detail every aspect of how this was accom­plished, utilizing the groundwork established in the ritual texts of the later Veda and creating mantras based on sacred syllables, such "OM", and verses from the early Veda, on which to focus their thought and control their respiration. 68l Important in this process was the fundamental connection between wind,priir.za and rain (water), as

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the three bases of life. Added to that was the further association with food, mouth, speech and the mind, for food and water, like breath taken through the mouth, sustain life, provide speech, so important in recitation of the sacred sound, and all together activated and stimu­lated the mind. 69l In fasting, an important technique of the ascetic discipline, the practitioner was to drink only water which contained praf)a, thereby taking in life by the mouth. 70l One passage explains that before eating, the ascetic must wash his breath with water (i.e., rinse out his mouth}, offer oblations with greeting to each of the five breaths (praf)a, apana, vyana, udtma and samana'), eat the remainder of the offering, wash out his mouth again, and meditate on the Atman (soul) with the following mantra:

His breath and fire, the highest soul, has entered into the five winds. May he, when pleased himself, please the all-enjoyer.71 l

The object of the meditation process was to gain control of the mind and the sense functions, conceived to be the praf)as. 72l These praf)as were praf)a, speech, sight, sound and mind, or a combination of the five, of which the Atman consisted. The most important was praf)a because all others contained praf)a. 73 l Therefore one should practice rhythmic respiration and thereby attain divine Praf)a and the divine world. 74l Elsewhere the praf)as are understood, as in the earlier texts, to be the seven seers or sense openings of the head, with an eighth, voice, added. 75 l The anatomical location of the praf)a is said to be the heart. 76l

The persistent contemplation and meditation on the br~aths grad­ually gave rise to a standardized list of five praf)as, their anatomical locations, and their physiological functions, and often they were equated to aspects of the ritual or to different rituals, most notably the Agnihotra or fire sacrifice in which the aforementioned bricks became the object of the connections, as part of the ongoing process of inter­nalization of the Vedic sacrifice.77l

In the Prasna Upani~ad, praf)a, born of the Atman and part of the body by the action of the mind, controls the five breaths individually:

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1. Apiina located in the organs of excretion and generation. 2. Prii~Ja located in the eye, ear, mouth and nose. 3. Samiinti located in the middle, equalizes (in distribution)

whatever has been offered as food. From it arise the seven priiiJOS of the head (i.e. the seven seers).

4. Vyiina moves in the channels of the body, all of which originate in the heart, seat of Atman.

5. Udiinti, rising up from the central channel (su.yumnii), leads in consequence of good work to the good world, in consequence of evil work to evil world, and in consequence of both to the world of humans. 78)

In the Maitri Upani.yad, definitions of these five, based on their physiological functions, are offered:

1. Prii1Jti is the breath that passes upward. 2. Apiina is the breath that passes downward. 3. Vyiina is the breath that supports priiiJa and apiina. 4. Samiina is the breath that conducts into apiina what is the

coarse element of food and distributes in each limb what is the most subtle element of food. It is a higher form of vyiina.

5. Udiina is the breath that is between vyiina and samiina. It belches forth and swallows down what is drunk and eaten. 79)

Elsewhere the five breaths are equated with the five vital functions through the Agnihotra sacrifice: priiiJ.a corresponds to the sight, vyiina to the sound, apiina to speech, samiina to mind, and udima to wind (breath).80l Another enumeration gives a slightly different correspon­dence to the vital functions and includes principal anatomical parts: priiiJa corresponds to sight and skin, vyiina to hearing and flesh, apiina to mind and muscle, udiina to speech and bone, samiina to touch and marrow.81 l

There can be little doubt that the ascetics of the Upani~adic age, through their long contemplations on breath and its importance to the life of a human being, developed a systematic pneumatology codified according to the five fundamental breaths. The efforts of

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these mystics would serve as the basic of a more elaborate scheme of the five breaths developed by the medical intellectuals, who were also inspired by ascetics.

In addition to providing the basis of later medical theories the ascetic pneumatology elaborated in the Upani~ads also led to devel­opments in meditation techniques and in particular to systematic Yoga whose evolution seems to have run parallel to that of medicine. The earliest reference to the later ideas of Yoga are found in the Maitri Upani~ad, where six of the later eight limbs of Yoga are enumerated. Praf)ayama, "the restraint of the breath" or breath control is included in these six. By restraining both breath and mind through controlled respiration, the objects of the senses are arrested and a continued voidness of conception ensues, leading ultimately to the fourth super­conscious condition [turya (turiya)] in which one's soul (Atman) is free to dwell with the ultimate (Brahman). Restraining voice, mind and breath by pressing the tongue against the palate enabled the mystic to see Brahman through meditation. The central channel or vessel (su~umna) (sometimes conceived to be central nerve of the spinal column), leading upward, conveyed praf)ti, and pierced the palate. The ascetic also ascended (i.e. levitated) by joining his praf)ti, the mystical syllable "OM" and his mind, for he drew in the sense func­tions (praf)tis) by means of "OM" and breath control. Yoga was attained by joiningpraf)ti, "OM", and the manifold world resulting in the oneness of praf)ti, mind and senses and the relinquishment of all conditions of existence. 82)

Praf)ti and respiration continued to play a key role in the devel­opment of Yoga and its techniques of ecstasy in the orthodox later Upani~ads and textbooks on Yoga. But a medical pneuma to logy based on praf)ti and the breaths split from the Upani~adic tradition and developed into a separated discipline with its own specialized treatises. This was probably due to the intimate partnership between medicine and the heterodox ascetic traditions such as Buddhism, which utilized ascetic techniques propounded in the Upani~ads in the early period of the development of ayurveda and codification of its medical doctrines. 83) A brief survey of the breaths in ayurveda and

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Yoga discloses how the basic doctrines formulated in the Vedic trea­ties were refined by specialists in each of the traditions and provides the necessary material for a discussion of the connection of medicine and Yoga.

3. PRAJYA IN CLASSICAL AYURVEDA

The texts expounding the classical system of Indian medicine probably began to take shape between the time of the principal Upani­~ads and the beginning of the common era, several centuries corre­sponding roughly to the early Buddhist period in India. Medical knowledge was collected and codified into several treatises, of which the two best surviving examples are the Collections (Safl')hitas) of Caraka and Susiuta.

Central to the teachings in these ayurvedic textbooks was an etiol­ogy based on three humors or do~as, wind (vata, vayu), bile (pitta), and phlegm (kapha, sle~man), which, on analogy with Hippocratic and Galenic medicine, acted as vitiators by disrupting the normal functioning of the body. Given the strong connection between the cosmic and human wind and the preoccupation with breath in early Hindu scriptures, it is natural that wind would have had a significant place in the theories of the Indian medical tradition. Closely related to wind is pralJ.a whose explanations in the classical medical treatises follow those of the Upani~adic mystics, but also assume a technically specific sense wanting in the Veda.

As in all previous literature, pralJ.a was first and foremost the principal indicator of life. 84) In the medical tradition, the physician (bhi~aJ) was called "the one who promotes pralJ.a and destroys dis­ease".85l Unwholesome food damaged praT)a, while wholesome food promoted it. 86) In particular, milk, soups, meat juices and certain elixirs increased and maintained it. 87) With obvious religious and ascetic references, the most excellent promoter ofpraT)a, however, was nonviolence (ahilflsti). 88)

The number of prtiTJ.li's seats varies in the two texts, indicating that the compilers indiscriminately included different explanations about

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prii1Ja in their respective collections. Caraka enumerates the ten seats of prii1Ja as the head, throat, heart, navel, anus, bladder, vital fluid, semen, blood and flesh, with the first six also known as vital organs (marman). 89l Elsewhere he says that they are the two temples, three vital organs (heart, bladder and head), throat, blood, semen, vital fluid and anus. 90l Susruta claims that vital fluid is the highest seat of prii1Ja.91 l

Both compilers also speak of two channels which transport prii1Ja throughout the body: the priil}a-conveying vessles (prii1Javahasrotas) which originate in the heart, and the large vessels (mahiisrotas) which also carry nutritive fluid (rasa). Injury to them due to emaciation, suppression of the natural urges, roughness, physical exercise, hunger and other harsh factors, causes one to cry out with curses, double over, have shallow or frequent loud and painful respiration, become bewildered, dizzy, tremble or die. 92l When the channels are obstructed by wind and phlegm, the most frequent abnormalities are hiccup (hikkii), difficult breathing (iviisa), and asthma.93l

However, as in the Upani$ads, prii1Ja had a religious significance, being connected with rhythmic respiration and Atman, the manifesta­tion of the ultimate principle (Brahman) in humans, and thereby pointing to influence on the medical thinkers from the Upani~adic ascetics. Inhalation and exhalation (prii1Jiipiina), movement of the mind, shifting of one sense faculty to another, and memory are included as signs of the highest self (paramiitman) in a living being, and every self conveys itself by itself into the wombs, while living beings are mastered by the prii1Jas.94 l The ascetic technique of breath control (priil}iiyiima) finds reference in Susruta. During this yogic practice, a foreign object is easily detected in the body.95l

The fundamental micro/macro cosmic connection between wind and breath and transmissions from the ascetic philosophers led to the incorporation of the doctrine of the five winds into the classical system of Indian medicine. Their names were standardized, but only through the efforts of medical specialists did their locations, functions, and morbidities become crystallized. The physiology of the five winds reached its highwater mark in classical Indian medicine.

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Caraka speaks of three kinds of wind: unexcited, excited and normal wind. Unexcited wind has five forms: praiJ.ti, udanti, samanti, vyanti and apanti. As a group they indicate upward and downward movement, lead and control the mind (manas), employ all sense organs in their activity, carry all sense objects, promote union in the body, promote speech, touch and sound, emit excreta, and maintain longevity (dyus).96) Both medical compilers detail the location and function of the five winds, which coordinate and maintain the bodily structures and functions, in a similar way, summarized as follows:

1. PriiJJ.ti, located in the head, chest, throat, tongue, mouth and nose, functions in spitting, sneezing, belching, respiration and digestion and, according to Susruta, causes swallowing and supports life. When excited, it produces hiccup and difficult breathing.

2. Udanti, located in the navel, chest, and throat, functions in speech, effort, energy, strength and complexion. According to Susruta, it goes up, is the best of the winds, initiates speech and songs, and causes, when excited, disruption in structures located above the clavicle.

3. Samano, located in the channels conveying sweat, humors and watery fluids, sits beside the digestive fire and strengthens digestion. According to Susruta, it circulates in the stomach and colon, and, when connected with the digestive fire, digests (i.e. cooks) food and separates its end products. When excited, it causes abdominal swelling, indigestion and diarrhea.

4. Vyanti, moving rapidly, pervades the entire body and performs the functions of movements, extension, contraction and blink­ing. According to Susruta, it diffuses throughout the body, constantly transports nutritive juices (rasa), and aids in sweat­ing and the flow of blood. It has five movements (i.e., expan­sion, contraction, upward, downward, and oblique) and, when excited, brings about diseases all over the body.

5. Apanti, located in the testicles, bladder, penis, navel, thighs, groin and anus, functions to release semen, urine, feces, menses, and fetus. When excited in the colon, it obstructs the

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lower passages and causes reverse movement of wind (udii­varta) and other gastric disorders. According to Susruta, located in the lower bowels, it transports downward and expels at the right time feces, urine, semen, fetus and menstrual fluid. When excited, it produces severe diseases situated in the bladder and anus. 97l

Caraka, abbreviating the comments found in Susruta, states that when the breaths are in equilibrium and situated in their seats, they function normally and sustain the body free of disease; but, when they are unbalanced and move along wrong paths, they affect the body with disorders pertaining to their functions and locations, and quickly remove life (priitJa). 98 l Summarizing the teachings about the winds in Upani~adic fashion, he states that udiimi should go up, apiinti, down, samiinti, in the middle, and vyiinti in all directions. In comparison, priitJti deserves greatest protection because its normal position is essential for life. Moreover effort should be made to restore and maintain normal positions and functions of all the winds should be restored. 99l

The medical compendia also detail the various disorders arising when one wind dominates over another and when each wind is eclipsed by bile and phlegm. 100l Caraka states that all afflictions involving the winds become incurable after one year, and specifies that priitJti and udiinti covered by phlegm and bile is particularly serious because life depends on priifJti and strength on udiinti. 101 l

Susruta instructs that corruption of semen and urinary disorders result when vyiinti and apiinti are excited, and that death ensues when all winds are simultaneously excited. 102l

The differences found in the medical compilers' respective discus­sion of the winds reveal a plurality of sources of information on the doctrine pertaining to the five standard winds. Moreover, in Caraka, a clear distinction between priitJti as the principal motivator of life and priitJti as one of the five winds is wanting, while in Susruta the con­fusion does not appear to exist. This indicates that Caraka's compila­tion incorporated both medical and non-medical data pertaining to wind and priifJti, and Susruta's included specifically medical

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teachings. 103l

Continuing the development of previous doctrines of wind and breath, the classical medical tradition, as preserved in the Caraka and Susruta Sarrzhitiis, established a specifically medical pneumatology almost completely devoid of notions pertaining to respiration, rhyth­mic breathing and breath control. It codified the physiology of priiiJti and the five breaths and the diseases arising from abnormalities in the physiology of each breath. In quite a different direction, a pneumatol­ogy developed around ascetic techniques and the importance of breath in the attainment of higher states of consciousness. These doctrines find their codification in the texts of Yoga. As both the medical and Yoga traditions derive their doctrines of wind and breath essentially from the ascetic Upani~adic thinkers, some overlapping can be expected. To what extent similarities occur in the two pneuma­tologies will be discussed after briefly examining the role of priiTJti in Yoga.

4. PRAJYA IN YOGA

The orthodox brahmaQic system of Yoga owes its textual and practical traditions to the doctrines and practices expounded in the Upani~ads, and therefore carries on the pneumatology contained in them. Most of what pertains to priiTJti occurs in discussions of prii-1Jiiyiima, one of the eight limbs of classical Yoga, in a group of late Upani~ads known as the Yoga Upani~ads. These esoteric treatises were obviously composed by practicing yogic ascetics who based their knowledge on personal involvement with teachings and techniques handed down through the centuries. Along with the special group of Upani~ads, a separate textual tradition specifically devoted to Yoga and its eight limbs began to emerge probably around the second or third century B.C.E. The earliest extant treatise on Yoga are Pataiijali's Yogasiitras which, from the second century B.C.E., predate the Yoga Upani~ads, but most assuredly derive from Upani~adic ascetic traditions.

The cryptic statements of the Y ogasiitras outline the eight parts of

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an ascetic discipline leading to the perfection of Yoga, defined as "the cessation of the fluctuations of the mind,"104l and to emancipation from the endless cycle of birth, death and rebirth. According to the Yogasutras, the mind is calmed by exhaling and restraining prd1Jti by the technique of prd1Jdyama (control of the breath) which is practiced after the postures (asana) are perfected. 105 l Prd1Jdyama involves a threefold operation: external (vahya) or the expulsion of breath, internal (abhyantara) or the drawing in of breath, and suppression (stambha) or suspension of breathing, which become long and subtle when observed according to time (calculation of short time units), space (the breath's scope and distance, i.e. from the tip of the nose or navel to the mouth), and number (the counting ofbreaths). 106l There is also a fourth prd1Jdyama which transcends both external and inter­nal operations, and more subtle than the third prd1Jdyama is the per­fection of prd1Jdyama when suppression of breathing is done all at once, resulting in the arresting of the modifications of the mind. 107)

Prd1Jdyama thins the veil over the manifestations of spiritual knowl­edge by separating the ego from the body and the organs of sense and prepares the mind for fixation on a particular point in space (dhiira~JQ) the next part of the eightfold system leading to emancipating enstasis (samadh1). 108)

The Yogasutras contain only two references to the five breaths. At YS 3.39, Pataiijali states that the conquering of udanti results in the evasion of any chance of immersion in water or mud, or entanglement in the thorns, and assures the exit from the body at death or at any time. Vyasa's later commentary to this verse enumerates the five breaths and their standard locations. At YS 3.40, the author claims that the conquering of samanti results in bodily radiance in which an aura is created around the yogin's body. The brevity of his style required Pataiijali to emphasize only these two breaths, relying on the teacher (guru) to explain the importance of the remaining three breaths to his student.

Unlike the laconic Yogasutras, the late Upani~ads provide detailed information concerning the technique of pra7Jayama, under which discussions of the various breaths routinely occur. Examination of

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54 KENNETH G. ZYSK

these texts indicates both a reliance on the pneumatology contained in the earlier principal Upani$ads and a richer elaboration of the doc­trines based on centuries of development.

The early Upani~adic emphasis on the internalization of sacrifice by means of meditation involving the five breaths is transmitted to the later treatises and becomes formalized in the Praf)agnihotra Upani$ad (1-2) which advocates the making of offerings to each of the five breaths with various hand gestures (mudra) and silently to five ritual fires corresponding to the five breaths and finally to the digestive fires. The result is a sacrifice offered in the body.

With the evolution of a system of Yoga divided into various steps, already indicated in the Maitri Upani$ad, teachings pertaining to respi­ration and the five breaths were codified under the doctrine of breath control (praf)ayama), arguably the oldest recorded ascetic technique of the Yoga system. The following summary of the praf)ayama and the various breaths derives from the teachings of several of the Yoga Upani$ads which expound the system of Ha{hayoga. The Upani$ads utilized include Yogatattva (24, 35-111), Dhyanabif)t/.u (19-21, 39-40, 51-6la, 95-100), Saf)tjilya (1.1, 4, 6, 7.13-15), Amrtanada (6-38), Vara­ha (5), and Yogakuf)rjalf (1).

Praf)ayama is the union of praf)a and apana or the process of respiration. It is well established as one of the eight limbs or parts of Yoga and, as in the older Yogasiltras, is divided into three stages with regular names and divine associations: inhalation (puraka) is Brahma, retention of breath (kumbhaka) is Vi~QU, and exhalation (recaka) is Rudra. Retention of breath has a further two forms: retention involv­ing the union of inhalation and exhalation (sahita) and retention without inhalation and exhalation (kevala). The former involves the holding of the breath after inhalation, the latter, after exhalation. The first, being easier than the second, should be practiced until perfected. Mastering of kevala results in the attainment of all things in the three worlds (underworld, earth, and heaven) and in a healthy condition of mind and body.

According to Hathayoga, praf)ayama purifies the vessels of the body (natjfs), indicating a quasi-medical application. There are 72,000

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vessels in the body, of which ten (some say fourteen) are most impor­tant: irfii, pitiga/a, su.yumna, gandharf, hastijahva, pil.ya, yasasvinf, a/ambusa, kuhil, s&nkhinf (sarasvatf, varuiJ.f, vifvodharf and payasinf make fourteen). /rj.a, pitigala and su.yumna always convey praiJ.ti and have as their deities the moon, sun and fire. lrj.a is the major nerve located on the left of su.yumna, the central nerve of the spine, and pitigala is the major nerve on its right. There are ten bodily breaths which move though all the vessels and maintain life. Life under the influence of praiJ.ti and apanti goes up and down; and praiJ.ti draws itself from apanti, and apanti from praiJ.ti, like a bird (drawing itself from and yet not free) from the string (to which it is attached). The bird and string metaphor occurs in the earlier Upani.yads.

To the five principal breaths are added five sub-breaths which receive elaborate discussion of their locations, functions, seed (bfja) mantras and color and elemental associations. The five standard breaths are described as follows:

1. PraiJ.ti is located in the heart and moves in the nostrils, throat, navel, the two great toes, and lower and upper parts of ku1J.rf.alinf (which, coiled like a snake, lies at the base of the spine). It functions in inhalation, exhalation and cough, has the seed mantra "YA," the color of a blood-red gem or resem­bles a blue cloud.

2. Apanti is located in the anus and moves in the anus, genitals, thighs, knees, stomach, seeds, loins, calves, navel and seat of the anal fire, functions in the excretion of feces and urine, has the mantra "RA," the color between white and red or resem­bles the sun, and is equated to fire.

3. Vyanti is located in all parts of the body and moves in the ear, eye, loins, ankles, nose, throat and buttocks. It functions in giving and taking, has the mantra "LA," the color of a ray of light or resembles the geulia flower (bandhilka), and is equated to earth.

4. Udtmti is located in the throat or in all the joints and hands and feet, functions to keep the body erect, has the mantra "VA," the color pale white or resembles the color of a conch

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56 KENNETH G. ZYSK

shell, and is equated to wind. 5. Samiina is located in the navel or permeates the entire body

and moves in the 72,000 vessels, functions to nourish the body, or, along with fire, distributes food and drink throughout the body. It has the mantra "HA," the color between pure milk and crystal or resembles the color of crystal, and is equated to ether.

Prii!Ja and apiina carry out digestion; prii!Ja and samiina transport the nutritive juices (rasa) to all the vessels and move in the body in the form of breath. The breaths evacuate excrements through the nine bodily openings connected with the outside wind.

The five sub-breaths are as follows: 1. Niiga nourishes the body and controls eructation and vomiting. 2. Kurma moves the eyelids. 3. Krkara causes hunger and thirst (or sneezing). 4. Devadatta causes idleness and controls yawning. 5. Dhananjana cause phlegm, pervades the entire body, and does

not leave even a dead body. These five sub-breaths go towards the outer parts of the body,

such as the skin and bones, and reside in the gross anatomical parts. The enumeration of the bodily breaths demonstrates a continua­

tion of the standard doctrine of five basic breaths and a further devel­opment of it with the addition of five sub-breaths. Explanations of the five breaths sometimes vary, indicating that more that one explana­tion was understood for several of the different breaths. The under­standing of five basic breaths suggests exchanges with the medical tradition, while the five sub-breaths are uniquely yogic.

The process of purifying and maintaining the flow of the breaths through the vessels by means of priiiJ,iiyiima receives detailed explana­tions in the Yoga Upani~ads. Assuming the lotus position (padmii­sana), the yogin should practice priifJ,iiyiima in a suitably remote and sheltered place. He begins by inhaling though the left nostril while keeping the right nostril closed with the right thumb, filling the abdo­men and holding the breath as long as possible while meditating on "OM" as located in the middle of the body and surrounded by

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circling flames. He then exhales slowly through the right nostril while keeping the left nostril closed. Reversing the nostrils used, the same process is employed for a total of twenty repetitions. The inhaled air should travel through the three principal vessels (i4fi, pinga/ii and SU$Umnii) and be absorbed in the middle of the eyebrows which is the root of the nose, the seat of immortality and great abode of the universal spirit (Brahman). The technique is to be carried out four times a day, sunrise, noon, sunset and midnight, and after three months those vessels are purified. The number of respirations in one day was 22,736, which by modem standards is approximately accurate.

Continued practice of priiTJiiyiima leads to the acquisition of the accomplishments (siddhis), a step on the way toward emancipation, and the perfect union of priiTJti and apiina, mind and intellect, and ultimately the individual Soul and the supreme Soul. With advance­ment of the technique, the length of time needed to practice priiTJiiyii­ma decreases by three-fourths, so that it only need be done in the day and at evening for three hours. It brings about the withdrawal of the senses from the objects of the senses and the passage of priiTJti up the central vessel (su$umnii) to the highest point at the top of the head and the attainment of samiidhi or the emancipation from the cycle of birth death and rebirth.

The long tradition of ascetic pneumatology reaches its full devel­opment in the Indian tradition of Yoga. In this tradition, which pro­ceeds on a direct line from the Upani$ads, explanations of the breaths and their control seemingly seek to emphasize a physiological rather than a metaphysical understanding of the human body. This is partic­ularly evident in discussions involving the different breaths, the vessels through which they flow, and the means by which they are purified and maintained. The underlying principle running throughout the Yoga system is that by purifying and controlling the body, the mind can be restrained and eventually conquered.

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5. CONCLUSIONS

In conclusion, let us consider the possible relationship between the pneumatologies of iiyurveda and Yoga. The history of pneumatology in ancient India is one of those rare topics in which a relatively unbroken development can be traced from earliest times to the centu­ries around the beginning of the common era. Wind, breath and respiration concerned the religious thinkers primarily because they represented life. The micro/macro cosmic connection between wind and breath was the ideal metaphor for the universal soul (Brahman) and the individual soul (Atman). Techniques for preserving life's prin­cipal manifestation are probably as old as the Veda, but it is only in the philosophical and mystical Upani$ads that they become fully articulated. These treatises, which result from the thoughts and prac­tices of ascetics in search of immortality and emancipation from the bounds of worldly existence, for the first time advance a science of respiration focusing on priirJa. They present in rudimentary form a physiology of wind in the body and refer to techniques to acquire control of it.

This specialized knowledge evolved among the ascetics whose mendicant lifestyle and radical beliefs made them outsiders in a con­servative environment of brahmaQic social and religious mores. In time these wandering mendicants separated themselves into two groups of ascetics delineated roughly by their beliefs vis-a-vis the dominant brahmaQic attitudes of social stratification and religious ritual and practice. The orthodox ascetics supported the BriihmarJas, while the heterodox ascetics rejected them. The former became asso­ciated with Hinduism, the latter evolved into the Buddhists, Jainas, and A jivikas. The orthodox ascetics gave rise to the system of Yoga, the heterodox ascetics were largely responsible for the system of medi­cine. Both maintained a science of breath which derived from earlier ascetics of the Upani~adic tradition. The bifurcation of this pneuma­tology corresponds to the split into the two ascetic traditions. The medical theoreticians emphasized the physiology of bodily wind, yogic mystics focused on techniques of respiration while advancing a

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physiology in relationship to respiration. Similarities and differences occur in both systems, and a brief comparison of the two will more clearly elucidate them.

Both medicine and Yoga adopt the standard five breaths formal­ized in the Upani$ads. Although minor variations occur, there is general agreement in their respective explanations of the locations and functions of each breath. Yoga, however, adds five sub-breaths not found in the medical treatises. Moreover, medicine addresses the different abnormalities caused by the breaths alone, combined, and along with the humors of bile and phlegm. Yoga only makes slight reference to diseases resulting from the breaths, and places great emphasis on the mystical associations with the breaths and quasi­medical respiratory techniques for purifying them and maintaining their proper circulation in the vessels of the body. The classical medi­cal texts contain no reference to breathing techniques in relationship to the five bodily winds.

Both traditions notice that wind flows through certain vessels in the body. The medical compendia mention two channels which con­vey prii1Ja. One originates in the heart, the other in various large nutritive carrying ducts. The texts on Yoga speak of numerous vessels with convey all the bodily breaths. Ten or fourteen of these are most important, and three of these, if/,ii, piligalii and SU$Umnii, generally associated with the major nerves of the spine, convey prii1Ja. Since Yoga locates prii1Ja in the heart, connection with the medical tradition is a possibility. Again prii1Jiiyiima or control of the respiration is particular to Yoga.

The pneumatologies of these two ancient Indian systems agree on fundamental concepts, but differ on particulars. Each derived the same basic information from a common ascetic tradition and devel­oped that according to its own special concerns. The earliest works on Yoga and medicine indicate that neither system borrowed extensively from the other, but later Yoga treatises, in particular the Hathayoga­pradipikii, illustrate the infiltration of medical ideas, as references to the humors wind, bile and phlegm, frequently occur. Recently, the Yoga tradition ofTranscendental Meditation ("TM"), brought to the

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West by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, has incorporated a modified form of ayurvedic medicine into its spiritual discipline.

Throughout its long history, the Indian science of respiration developed under the influence of the ascetic traditions. In the begin­ning, it evolved as a unified doctrine among the mystics of the Veda. It then split, seemingly with the separation of the ascetics, into a heter­odox medical pneuma to logy and an orthodox Yoga pneumatology, both deriving their fundamental ideas about breath and bodily winds from a common source, and the two evolved individually for several centuries. Gradually, a unification began to occur, probably with the assimilation of medicine into the system of Hindu orthodoxy around the fourth century of the common era, and Yoga began to integrate medical ideas into its discipline and training. Today one finds that Yoga routinely employs the teachings and methods of ayurveda in its spiritual exercises, and ayurveda occasionally utilizes techniques of Yoga in its healing science, indicating that the two approaches, although solidly integrated, remain individually as lively and as pro­ductive as they were in ancient India.

AB AU AV BAU Ca Ci cu KapS Ka~haU KauSU KenaU KS MaitriU MS MuQ4U Ni PrasnaU RV

ABBREVIATIONS

Aitareya BrahmaT}a Aitareya Upani~ad Atharvaveda Br:hadilraT}yaka Upani~ad Caraka SafT}hita Cikitsasthana Chandogya Upani~ad Kapi!f(hala Ka{ha SafT}hita Ka{ha or Ka{haka Upani~ad KaiJSitaki BrahmaT}a Upani~ad Kena Upani~ad Ka{haka SafT}hita Maitri or MaitrayaT}i Upani~ad MaitrayaT}i SafT}hita MWJ4aka Upani~ad Nidilnasthana Prasna Upani~ad ~gveda

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sa SB Si Su su sv TB TS TU Vi vs YS

Sarirastluina Satapatha BrahmQI}a Siddhistluina Suiruta SaTIJhita Sutrasthana Samaveda Taittiriya Brahmaf}a Taittiriya Saf1Jhita Taittiriya Upani~ad Vimanastluina Vajasaneyi SafiJhita Yogasiitras

REFERENCES

1) RV 1.48.10, 1.66.1, 1.101.5, 3.53.21, 10.55.5, 10.121.3. 2) RV 10.90.13. 3) RV 10.16.3. 4) RV 10.32.8. 5) RV 10.125.8. 6) RV 1.89.4; 7.35.5; 10.186. 7) Jean Filliozat, The classical doctrine of Indian medicine. Its origins and its Greek

parallels, English translation by Dev Raj Chanana (Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1964), 71.

8) The Indian pneumatic word vyana (breath in the middle) occurs at RV 10.85.12 (=A V 14.1.12), where it is equated to the axle of the sun god's spirit chariot. Filliozat understood this to be an a clear indication of its meaning as middle breath, for the axle sits in the middle of the wheel (The Classical Doctrine of Indian Medicine, 176). The reference is clearly to breath which forms part of the sun's vehicle, but context prohibits any equation between it and the later mean­ing of the breath that circulates in the middle of the body. It probably refers to the cosmic wind, perceived to be the force which drove the sun through the heavens. Cf. Arthur Ewing, "The Hindu conception of the function of breath: A study in early Hindu, psycho-physics," (Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1901), 32.

9) These verses with minor variations also occur at SV 2.726-7; VS 3.6-7; TS 1.5.3.1; KS 7.13; MS 1.6.1; and AV 6.31.1-2, which has apanata~ and sva~. This translation follows that of Whitney-Lanman who claim that the first verse is a description of a heavenly body in ascent, perhaps the moon, which seems to rest for a moment upon the earth [William D. Whitney, trans., Charles R. Lanman, ed., Atharva-veda-saf1Jhita, Pt. 1 (1905; rpt. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1971),

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303]. Karl Geldner, however, understands the spotted steer and bull to refer to the sun, the shining on perhaps to the dawn, and incorrectly reverses the breathing process. He renders the two verses as follows [Karl Geldner, trans., Der Rig-Veda, Pt. 3 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1951), 403]: l. Dieser bunte Stier ist hergeschritten und hat sich vor Mutter (Erde) und

Vater (Himmel) gesetzt auf seinem Wege zur Sonne. 2. Die leuchtende (U~as?) geht zwischen (Himmel und Erde) von seinem

Aushauch (Leben) einatmend. Der Biiffel hat nach dem Himmel Ausblick gehalten.

10) AV 2.15.1-6, 16.1, 34.5; 3.11.5-6, 29.8; 4.15.10, 30.4; 5.4.7, 8.4, 30.13-14; 6.53.2, 135.2-3; 7.26.2, 31(32).1; 8.2.4; 9.1.2,4, 2.5,16; 10.2.29-30, 5.25-36, 8.2,6,11; 11.2.10, 3.54-56, 7(9).23; 12.1.3-4, 5.9; 13.4.11,19; 16.7.13; 19.46.3, 58.1-2, 60.1, 63.1, 71.1.

ll) AV 6.135.2-3; 10.5.25-35. 12) AV 11.4(6). 1,10,23; see also AV 11.4(6).12; 11.5.22; 15.14.11; and 19.63 l,

where prlirJa is called the Lord of Creatures (Prajapati). 13) AV 5.10.8; 6.10.2; 10.7.34; 11.4(6).15; 19.43.2, 44.5. 14) A V 8.2.3. 15) A V 6.62.1. 16) AV 1.3.4,11,19; 11.4(6).12,21-22 [see Maurice Bloomfield, trans., Hymns of the

Atharva-Veda (1897; rpt. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1964), 624-25]; 13.3.3-5; 19.27.7

17) AV 3.15.7; 5.30.14; 6.53.2; 8.2.13; 19.27.5-7. 18) A V 3.13.3. 19) AV 19.53.7. 20) A V 4.15.1 0; 11.2.3 (here prii'JO is Rudra, the god associated with thunderstorms),

11.4( 6).2-6, II (here prluJ{z is takmtin, fever connected with the onslaught of the monsoons), 16-17; see also K.G. Zysk, Religious healing in the Veda (American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1985), 34-44.

21) AV 12.1.22 22) AV 11.4(6).16-17. 23) A V 1.32.1. 24) AV 11.4(6).13. 25) A V 4.35.5. 26) A V 11.4(6).9. 27) AV 2.28.3-4; 3.11.5-6; 5.10.8; 6.104.1; 7.53(55).2-6; 8.1.1,3,15, 2.11; 11.9(11).11;

16.4.3, 5, 7 where the two forms of breath are associated with the dual gods Mitra and VaruQa; 16.8; 18.2.46; 19.45.6-10, 51.1.

28) AV 3.11.5-6. When yoked to the plow, the two draft-oxen were immensely important beasts of burden used in the process of life-sustaining food production.

29) A V 7.53(55).2. 30) The fourteenth century commentator, SayaQa, understands priifJO here to be

characterized by food (anna). Cf. Jean Filliozat who points out that a similar connection between wind and delivery is found in classical ayurvedic medicine

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(The classical doctrine of Indian medicine, 179). 31) Jean Filliozat, The classical doctrine of Indian medicine, 28. Filliozat bases his

definitions on SuNi l.llff. 32) Ibid., 175-85. 33) AV 5.4.7. At Paip. l4.ll.2cd, apana replaces vyiinci, pointing to the meaning of

inhalation and exhalation. 34) A V 6.41.2; 15.15, 16, 17. 35) A V 10.2.13. 36) A V 11.8.4,26. 37) A V 11.4(6). 7-8. 38) AV 2.12.7 and SayaQa who cites TB 1.2.3.3': sapta vai sir~T}yaiJ priiTJiiiJ;

A V. 5.30.10; 11.3.2. 39) AV 19.46.5-6. 40) AV 3.15.7; 11.3.28; 12.1.3. 41) Mircea Eliade, Yoga. Immortality and freedom (Princeton University Press,

Princeton, 1969), 101, lll-14. 42) A V 11.5.22. 43) AV 13.1.17-19. 44) AV 9.6.19. 45) AV 10.8.19. 46) A V 9.6.22. 47) A V 9.5.21. 48) AV 15,11,5, 14.11. 49) A V 15.15. 50) A V 15.16; cf. Whitney-Lanman, who understand dtik~inf! as "sacrificial gifts,"

without explanation (Atharva-veda-saf{lhitii, Pt. 2, 790). The meaning here given has late ~gvedic support [see RV).l8.5; 10.103.8; cf. Sri Sampumanand, The Atharva Veda. Vriityakiif}f/a with Srutiprabha commentary in English (Ganesh & Co., Madras, 1956), 57].

51) AV 15.17. 52) vs 1.20; 31.22. 53) vs 14.8. 54) vs 13.19; 17.15. 55) vs 8.37. 56) TS 5.3.6.2-3; SB 5.3.3-8. 57) TS 5.3.4.2; SB 8.4.2.1-3.20. 58) vs 31.22, 14.12,14; TS 5.3.1.2-3; SB 8.2.1-4.20. 59) VS 9.21; 18.22; TS 4.7.10. 60) TS 5.2.10.3-5 [See A.B. Keith, trans. The Veda of the Black Yajus School,

Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita, Pt. 2 (1914; rpt. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1967), 415-16]; TS 5.3.4.2; SB 8.4.2.1-3.20.

61) VS 14.8,14,17; 17.25; 22.23; 23.18; 29.8; TS 4.4.1; 4.7.10; 7.4.21; cf. 1.5.11 (=7.1.19); 1.1.6; 7.3.3.1.

62) TS 4.3.5-7, 4.3.2; 5.3.1.2-3, 3.2; SB 8.2.1-4.20. cf. TS 4.3.2,9, 4.3.2 (where the four breaths are mentioned); 5.2.10.3-5 (see A.B. Keith, The Veda of the Black

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64 KENNETH G. ZYSK

Yajus School. Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita, Pt. 2, 415-16); 5.3.2, 7.2-3; VS 9.21; 13.54-58; 14.8, 17; 15.15-19, 62-64; SB 7.3.9-20; 8.4.2.1-3.20; 8.6.1.3-20.

63) See TS 5.6.1.2 and A.B. Keith, The Veda of the Black Yajus School, Entitled Taittiriya Sanhita, Pt. 2, 464 n. 1, and A.A. Macdonell and A.B. Keith, Vedic index of names and subjects, Vol. 2 (1912; rpt. Motilal Banarsiadss, Delhi, 1967), 47-48.

64) VS 14.28; 15.10; 18.58; cf. Macdonell and Keith, Vedic index, Vol. 2, 47-48. 65) vs 25.2; 39.1,3. 66) See Macdonell and Keith, Vedic index, Vol. 2, 47-48. 67) BAU 3.1.3; 4.2.2; KauSU 3.2-4; 4.20. See also KenaU 1.8; CU 4.10.5, 13.1;

7.15.1, 3-4, 26.1; 8.12.3 (cf. BAU 4.4.2); BAU 1.4.17, 6.3; 2.1.10; TU 2.2-3; 3.3.1-4, 7 (cf. 2.8.1; 3.1.10.5) KathaU 4.7 (cf. 6.2); 5.3., 5; Mu!]4U 2.2.5; 3.1.4; Pra8naU 2.13; 3.8-9,11.

68) CU 1.1.5, 3.4, 6 (cf. BAU 1.3.23), 5.3, 7.1, 8.4, 11.5, 13.2; 2.7.1, 11; 3.16; 5.7.1 (=BAU 6.2.12), 19.24; BAU 3.1.5; 5.13.1-4; 6.3.2, 4.24; TU 1.5.3; MaitriU 6.1.2 (cf. 1.1), 5 (cf. 6.3.7), 9; 6.33; MundU 2.1.1-4,8; KauSU 2.3-5

69) AU 3.4, 10; cu 1.2.7-9, 7.1; BAU i.3.2, 27. 70) cu 6.5.2, 4, 6.3.5, 7.1, 5. 71) MaitriU 6.9. 72) CU 6.8.2; BAU 1.5.21-23; 5.14.3-4; TU 1.6.2; cf. CU 3.17.6. 73) CU 5.1 (=BAU 6.1; cf. 1.3); BAU 1.4.7, 5.20-23; 2.1.17, 20 (2.3.6); 4.3.7; 6.3.2,

4.24; TU 1.7; MaitriU 6.31; MundU 3.1.9; PrasnaU 2. 2-3,6, where the simile of pr~fJas as spokes of a wheel oceurs, 11-12.

74) BAU 1.5.21-23. 75) BAU 2.2.3-4; Mu!]4U 2.1.8. 76) cu 3.12.3-4, 13. 77) CU 2.7.1, 11; 3.13; 5.19-24; PraSnaU 4.3.4; cf. 3.1-12. 78) The latter is a reference to the theory of karman, Pra8naU 3.1-12. 79) MaitriU 2.6. 80) cu 5.19-24. 81) TU 1.7. 82) MaitriU 6.18-26. 83) See K.G. Zysk, Asceticism and healing in ancient India. Medicine in the Buddhist

Monastery (Oxford University Press, New York and London, 1991). 84) CaCi 3.5; SuSu 1.4, 45.48; SuCi 5.6, 6.7, 28.233-36a. 85) CaSu 9.18. 86) CaSu 28.7; CaSii 3.17. 87) SuSu 45.48; SuSu 46.359, 373-74; SuCi 27.12, 28.20. 88) CaSu 30.15. 89) CaSa 7.9. 90) CaSu 29.3; cf. CaCi 26.3-4. 91) SuSu 15.21. 92) CaVi 5.8, 18; SuSii 9.12; cf. SuSii 4.31. 93) CaCi 17.17, 21-26, 31-33, 45, 52-55. 94) CaSa 1.70-74, 77.

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VITAL BREATH IN ANCIENT INDIAN MEDICINE AND RELIGION 65

95) SuSu 26.13. 96) CaSu 12.8. 97) CaCi 28.5-12; SuNi 12.20a; cf. CaSu 12.8; CaCi 15.36, 203-4. 98) CaCi 28.5-12; SuNi 1.12-20a; see also CaCi 26.3-4; cf. CaCi 15.36, 203-4; and

CaCi 18.6 where cough (kiisa) results when wind, impeded from below, moves to the upper channels, attains the character of udiina, and sticks to the throat and chest.

99) CaCi 28.219b-2la. 100) CaCi 28.199-216; SuCi 1.34b-39. 101) CaCi 233-36a. 102) SuNi 1.20b-2lb. 103) Caraka's inclusion of the Vedic similes of spokes around a hub and rays from

the sun in relationship to prii1Ja and the compound prii1Jiipiina, which is almost exclusively Vedic, further points to the incorporation of non-medical orthodox religious doctrines in this medical text. At CaSi 9.4, prllfJa and apiina, mind, intellect, consciousness, and the gross elements (mahiibh.ilta) are established in the heart like spokes in a hub, and senses, channels conveying the senses and prii1Jas are located in the head like rays in the sun.

104) YS 1.2. 105) YS 1.34; 2.49. 106) YS 2.50. 107) YS 2.51. 108) YS 2.53-53.

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Daoqi- Existence Between God and Man

KuNIO MuGITANI

Research Institute for the Humanities, Kyoto University 47 Higashi Ogura-cho, Kitashirakawa, Sakyo-ku­

Kyoto, Japan

67

I T is a matter of common knowledge that medicine in ancient China had a close relation with various kinds of Taoist art which situated

on the basis of Taoism. Concretely speaking, it can be listed out methods of nourishing life (yangshengshu),* 1 sexual techniques (fangzhongshu),*2 ways of breathing (huxishu),* 3 methods of inner vision (neiguan)*4 and meditation (cunsz)*5 and further magic etc., are consciously excluded by the medical system of modern ages, that have also become a common and important element between the two. The exchange between the two makes possible because of the concept of qi, the common basis in Chinese thought. The main subject here, bears this close relation between Taoism and medicine in mind, is mainly based on the fact that the evidence of independent develop­ment of philosophy of qi in the Taoist doctrine has been clear, and it will offer a clue for a more deeply nderstanding about the concept of qi as a common basis.

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68 KUNIO MUGITANI

I. THE UNIVERSAL IMMANENCE OF DA0*6

IN THE WHOLE CREATION

Dao stated by Taoist at the head of the Lao Zi*7 is the only absolute existence that transcended a relative limited world, at the same time it is the existence by no means to catch its true nature in word symbol or sense. Because of its absolute infinity, it is considered that the whole creation is formed and changed unceasingly in the foundation of this world, and supported the world order spontane­ously themselves. According to the understanding of what dao should be, and the state united with dao, it is the first time to build up the existence of man's ultimate highest excellence, which was the philo­sophical basis in the Lao Zi.

This dao, like the Confucian concept of tian* 8 (heaven) or tiandi*9

(the supreme god of heaven), is not simply existing transcendentally as the supreme existence, but also from all the living things, including man, to a piece of stone or a lump of earth as expected, is stressed universally inherent in the Zhuang Zi, *10 of which is succeeded to the Lao Zi's philosophy. In Knowledge Wandered North (Zhibeiyou)* 11

of the Zhuang Zi, there is a famous allegory. I)

Master Dongguo asked Zhuang Zi, "This thing called the Way­where does it exist?" Zhuang Zi said "There's no place it doesn't exist." "Come," said Dongguo, "you must be more specific!" "It is in the ant." "As low a thing as that?" "It is in the panic grass." "But that's lower still!" "It is in the tiles and shards." "How can it be so low?" "It is in the piss and shit!" Master Dongguo made no reply.

After that, what dao should be is generally described by three words i.e. "zhou"* 12 (complete), "bian"* 13 (universal) and "xian"* 14

(all-inclusive) in the Zhuang Zi. But so far dao connotes the whole existence and being, universally inherent in all things is concerned,

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DAOQI- EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 69

either one draws the same conclusion. On the other hand, beyond this assertion of universal immanence

of dao in the whole creation, the formation of the whole creation belongs to Taoist cosmogony which begins from dao. In chapter 42 of the Lao Zi speaks of the formation of the world. 2)

Dao begets one qi* 15 ; one qi begets yinyang* 16 two qi; yinyang two qi mingle with each other to beget the blending of the yinyang three qi; these three qi begets all existing objects. The myriad objects carry on their backs the yin and embrace in their arms the yang and are the blending of the two to preserve the harmony.

Here dao produces the first thing as one qi of the chaos (literally yuanqi,* 11 the primordial breath) or the Great ultimate (taijz)* 18 de­scribed in the Yijing* 19 (the Book of changes), upon which there is also some other different opinions. But after that the begotten thing is normally regarded as yinyang two qi (heaven and earth) and the blending of the yinyang three qi (heaven, earth and man). Moreover Confucian view of the formation of the whole creation because of yin yang two qi, has been recognized as an obvious subject appeared in Xicizhuan*20 (Appended Explanations), an appendix to the Yijing. The thought that in pursuit of formation of the world by qi, has become a common basis in Chinese thought regardless of different schools. Upon this basis, cosmogony in general has been recognized as follows in Eastern Han Dynasty: one qi of the chaos is the primor­dial breath which is begotten from dao; the primordial breath begets yin yang two qi separately, and yin yang two qi adds further to mingle the blending qi becoming three qi, from which heaven, earth and man (all existing objects) are created.3l

To see this cosmogony conversely, the Whole creation is com­posed by qi. If qi of the whole creation retrospect, it return back to one qi of the chaos and that one qi of the chaos will become some­thing nothing less than definite realization in the original physical

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70 KUNIO MUGITANI

world of dao. Thus, the proposition in pursuit of an universal inherent evident for the whole creation in dao through the primordial breath is explained in He Shang Gong's*21 Commentary and other Commen­taries of the Lao Zi. The central part of their concern has shown the tendency that it is rather put on qi than on dao itself. However, in this stage, dao was still as original principle or actual being, which was thought qualitatively differed from the primordial breath that realized the function of dao- the primitive existence of the physical world concretely. Therefore, in cosmogony of Wei and Jin Dynasties that was developed from and being continued to classical cosmogony in Eastern Han Dynasty, the subject of investigation was placed upon the process of fractionalization from primordial breath to subdivision of the yinyang two qi, and it was scarcely to give attention to the relationship between dao and the primordial breath.4) This situation showed signs of conspicuous changes, in which an attempt of systemi­zation of Taoist doctrine was started from Eastern Jin Dynasty hence.

II. THE FORMATION OF THE THEORY OF DAOQ/*22

Taoism, taking the belief of the supreme god of heaven and astrolatry, also idea of immortals and sorcery since the Warring States as its basis, was formed to become a national indigenous religion in complexity and flourish as a popular religion in possession of sect and religious doctrine from the end of Eastern Han Dynasty. After that, in addition to the strong reception of influence of the study of Buddhist doctrine, it took the philosophy of Taoist dao as the core ide~ and set the construction of its doctrinal system farther. Through such process several questions appeared as follows, for which are necessary to solve unificatively how is the concept of dao in relation to the supreme god, an object of worship; furthermore how does the religions world con­cept coordinate with the cosmogony hitherto; or how does the art of ascending up as immortals (shengxian),*23 explained as a theory, of

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DAOQI- EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 71

which is owing to meditation (cunsz)*24 and ways of breathing (juq1),*25 the central idea of Taoist art. Moreover, the doctrinal in­vestigation will be conducted about the relationship among dao, shen*26 (spirit) and qi (breath), the three basic concepts of Taoist doctrine.

Ironically the first achievement of this attempt can be seen in Taoist rivalry- the Buddhist records. In chapter 8 of Hongmingji*21

(Collected essays on defending Buddhism, which was compiled by Monk Seng You*28 [435-518]), there is an essay called Shisanpolun*29

(In reply to Sanpolun*30 [An Essay on Three Eradications, a work tentatively written by Taoist adept Zhang Rong*31]) by Monk Seng Shun*32 [The Taisho Tripitaka, Vol. 52, pp. 53c]. Taoist propositions are quoted as criticized objects, for instances: "Dao is breath"*33 or "The origin of dao is breath."*34 It is very remarkable that dao and the primordial breath being regarded as qualitatively different things hitherto are considered as the same thing. This can be said that it shows one of the turning point in the history of Taoist doctrine. However, in which context this proposition should be read was no longer to know.

The definition of "dao is breath" comes to establish in due course, whose idea is expressed in a new word called "daoqi''. This newly appeared word can be classified into 4 systems in accordance with its examples. (1) The original function of dao, especially a state of its power of enlightenment is incarnated rightly to society; in other words, a case shows a state in which atmosphere of whole society agrees on the truth of Taoist School (daojia)* 35 and Taoist Religion (daojiao).* 36 (2) Dao means exhaling qi of most essence, which is a case used as daoqi corresponding to the primordial breath in classical cosmogony. (3) A case that grasp dao itself substantively, and expresses in terms of dao. (4) A case expresses all the gods and goddesses of Taoism in terms of daoqi. The change of examples from

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72 KuNIO MuorrANI

(1) to (4) does not always mean the process of historical transforma­tion being in such way. But the issue of formation of the world in Taoist doctrine is noteworthy. It is that through the process of reli­gious mystification of classical cosmogony in Eastern Han Dynasty, the function of formation of the philosophical concept of dao is sub­stantiated gradually, and in the same time, a religious world cosmog­ony that takes shen (spirit) as the very beginning (shiyuan),* 31 and a philosophical world cosmogony that takes dao as the very beginning are overlapped mutually, so that the unification of dao, shen and qi becomes to be emphasized. As a result, it can be said that the above mentioned concept of daoqi is brought forth. SJ

In other words, accompanied with the development of doctrine, that how to grasp the relationship between the world of gods and the world of man, namely, the necessity for demonstrating Taoist reli­gious world concept, is brought forth. At that time, Taoism selected a way composing its religious cosmogony while it was basing upon the classical cosmogony. Here as the religious mystification of the classi­cal cosmogony that taking dao as the very beginning is proceeding onwards, the former formative process which is expounded as from dao and then the primordial breath and the whole creation, typically reflected in the Santianneijiejing*38 (Book of the Internal Disintegra­tion of the Three Heavens) and the Jiutianshengshenzhangjing* 39

(Book of Vital Spirit of the Nine Heavens), is recomposed as from shen ( daoqz) and then the very primordial beginning three qi and the whole creation. 6l Thus dao and shen become holding the equal posi­tion in cosmogony, and it can be regarded that basis for formation of religions philosophy, in which dao, shen and qi are identical, is pro­vided through the medium of daoqi here. The appearance of the concept of daoqi shows the mark of the development of Taoist doc­trine in such a manner truly; for convenience' sake we call this reli­gious idea as theory of daoqi.

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DAOQI- EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 73

III. THE FORMATION OF THE THREE ONES THEORY -DAO, SHEN AND QI

Nevertheless, the above mentioned Taoist doctrine, was not com­posed unifiably and systematically by no means, differing from peri­odical or regional background and accumulated gradually. The attempt, which intended to systematize the Taoist doctrine that owed various different aspects not contradictorily and unifically; while taking methodology of study of Buddhist "doctrine as a model due to many Taoist scholars of doctrinal study, the study was being pro­ceeded vigorously after entering the latter half of Six Dynasties. Its achievement was epitomized in the Xuanmendayi*40 (The General Principles of Taoism) of Sui Dynasty.

As the Xuanmendayi had already lost, we cannot see its whole picture. But its outline of essentials can be comprehended according to the Daojiaoyishu*41 (The Central Principles of Taoism [in Taoist Canon's Taipingbu,*42 Vol. 763]), a true abridgement of its content composed by among Taoist adept Meng An Pai*43 in Emperor Gao Zong's*44 reign. 7l This Daojiaoyishu put the explanation of dao and de*45 that is the basic concept of Taoism as Daodeyi*46 (Meaning of the Way and the Virtue) in the opening paragraph. There a new definition of"dao is /i*47 (the principle)", which was a radical change to the common definition of "dao is qi" of Six Dynasties, was endowed. This change, is a result of the controversy between Taoism and Buddhism through the period from the Northern and Southern Dynasties to the Sui and Early Beginning of Tang Dynasties, having a very significant meaning in history of Taoist thought. However, it will not touch on this subject here because of limited time. In addition, about the issue on the nature of dao in the Daojiaoyishu, it is interest­ing to note that there is a characteristic which is driven and being developed by the concept of tiyong*48 (substance and function)

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74 KUNIO MUGITANI

learned from methodology of the study of Buddhist doctrine. As a result, in Fashenyi*49 (the sense of fashen- dharma-kiiya, essential Buddhahood or the essence of being), the essence of Laojun*50 (Lord Lao), Daojun*51 (Lord the Way) and Yuanshitianzun*52 (Heavenly Worthy of the Primordial Beginning)- the supreme gods of Taoism- that is to describe how to comprehend fashen in details.

According to the meaning of fashen in Taoism, for which benji*53 (the original and external evidences) have the threefold body (san­shen)*54 respectively. The threefold body of ben is alloted to jing*55 (essence), shen*56 (spirit), qi*57 (breath) that is so-called sanyi*58 the three ones) and establish only three meanings provisionally; but its ultimate essence is said to be identical. This idea is formed because of the allotment of fashen idea to the Three Ones idea that was devel­oped gradually in the latter half of Six Dynasties. This Three Ones idea developed closely with the explanation of chapter 14 in the Lao Zi. In the Laozishu*59 (Commentary on the Lao Zi) which was written by a Taoist adept Cheng Xuan Ying*60 in Early Tang, the explanation by Zang Xuan Jing*61 is quoted as follows. SJ

To begin with, what is called yi*62 (evanescent), x1"*63 (rarefied), wei*64 (minute), that is essence, spirit and breath. Essence is the name of intelligent. Spirit is the function of which cannot be fathomed. Breath is the concept of form and appearance. Assem­ble these three will become a sage ... This is so-called the Three Ones.

Cheng Xuan Ying accepted this and wrote in his work Cl:!.lled the Laozikaitixujieyishu*65 (Commentary on Esoteric preface of the Front Chapter to the Lao Zi). 9l

In the Daodejing*66 {The Lao Zi) it is said: "What cannot be seen is called evanescent." (This is) essence. It said: "What cannot be

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DAOQJ-EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 75

heard is called rarefied." (This is) spirit. It is said: "What cannot be touched is called minute." (This is) breath. Assemble these three will become the holy nature. In the Daodejing it is said: "These three cannot be fathomed. And so they are confused and looked upon as one." But Lord Lao takes the three ones as his body, and there is difference between zhen*67 (truth) and ying*68 ( correlativity).

The difficulty of grasping dao is clearly shown by yi, xi and wei three words in the text of the Lao Zi. Here the explanation to this dao that what the Taoist sage- the supreme divinity- ought to be hav­ing been expressed in the same time. And it can be realized that dao and shen are regarded as identical consequently. Again, in chapter 6 of the Bianzhenlun*69 (Essay on debating Correctness) [The Taisho Tripitaka, Vol. 52, pp. 536] written by a Tang monk who named Fa Lin, *70 after he had mentioned about yi, xi and wei of the Lao Zi and their corresponding concepts of jing, shen and qi that was appeared in former famous scholar's works and in the He Shang Gong Commentary of the Lao Zi, the following passage is found 101:

To my thinking, in the Shengshenzhang*71 (Book of the Rules of Vital Spirit of the Nine Heavens) it is said: "Master Lao assembles the very primordial beginning three qi as one. This isfati*12 (the essence of the Principle). Jing is jing/ing*13 (spirit); shen is bian­hua*74 (change); qi is qixiang*75 (atmosphere). In Lu Jian Ji,*76

Zang Jin,*77 Gu Huan,*78 Zhu Rou,*79 and Meng Zhi Zhou's*80

explanation to the Lao Zi, it is said: "Assemble these three qi to form the holy essence." It is further said: "Nature is the universal essence; three qi is the individual essence."

Here a perfect man or a sage also means the Taoist supreme divinity. And it is stated that his true nature is the very primordial, beginning three qi, and in the same time it is formed in accordance

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76 KUNIO MUGITANI

with the Three Ones of spirit, change and atmosphere. Fa Lin's explanation of corresponding jing, shen and qi to yi, xi and wei, we cannot find in the existing He Shang Gong's Commentary of Lao Zi at least. However, this explanation that is spoken qi, based on Book of the Rules of Vital Spirit of the Nine Heavens or Lu Xiu Jing*81

whom was the leading scholar for study of Taoist classics in the latter half of Six Dynasties, and that is known about dao relates to essence, then the relationship among "dao", "nature" and "three qi", which has become a doctrinal issue.

As stated above, Taoist doctrine in the latter half of Six Dynasties, it is considered that a sage, namely, a supreme divinity, and "the primordial breath" or the very primordial beginning three qi are iden­tical; and further, the philosophical concept of dao is substituted for religious expression of "sage" (the supreme god); and that composed by the doctrine of dao-shen-qi is being known. This regulation of shen is qi, is an original teaching in Taoism which cannot be found in other religions. Its source can be seen from the classical cosmogony in Han and Wei Dynasties, and Taoist art offuqi and cunsi. In the process of systematization of doctrine from the latter half of Six Dynasties, in spite of the strong acceptance of the influence from the study of Buddhist doctrine as a whole, the nature of regulation of shen­being its basis- where is the point that had never accepted Buddhist theory, the originality of Taoist doctrine and the powerful tradition of philosophy of qi in China can be seen.

IV. THE THEORY OF DAOQI AND TAOIST ART

Along with conversion of the body qualitatively to immortals of perennial youth and immortality, joining into the ultimate real world that has been united with dao is the final aim of Taoism. For the sake of that, alchemy as the beginning, there is various kinds of methods among Taoist art. The most basic methods related to qi that can be raised up are methods of fuqi-daoyin* 82 (ways of breathing and

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DAOQI- EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 77

gymnastic practice) and neiguan-cunsi. *83 Fuqi-daoyin is a kind of Taoist art that taking qi of heaven, earth and the chaos, namely, the primordial breath, into internal body and exhaling impure qi of internal body externally, and is going to change the body becoming a permanent existence that is homogeneous with heaven, earth and universe in accordance with preparation of the circulation of internal qi. Also, the method of neiguan-cunsi is a kind of Taoist art that, in accordance with the imagination of tineishen*84 (internal spirit) which is an offshoot of celestial gods inside one's mind, internal spirit is in its turn to cause mutual sympathy with celestial gods and is going to convert the body becoming an homogeneous existence (immortals) with gods. So, as seen in the Taoist classics like the Huangtingneijing­jing*85 (Book of Inner Effulgences of the Yell ow Court), this internal spirit and the Primordial breath are identical thing ultimately, and in-take of the primordial breath is considered just involving in invig­oration of internal spirit. The cognition to unification of internal spirit and qi at the level of this Taoist art, where it is applicable to the relation between dao and qi in the process of abstract theorization of doctrine, is inferred that the moment started to exist after the defini­tion of "dao is qt' had been appeared.

In chapter 6 of Fa Lin's the Bianzhenlun [The Taisho Tripitaka., Vol. 52, pp. 537a], the Yangshengfuqijing* 86 (Book of Nourishing Life and Ways of Breathing) is quoted11 l and the theory of doaqi men­tioned above is based on:

Dao is the primordial breath. If one keeps the primordial breath one will unite with dao, if one unite with dao one will be able to live forever.

This clearly a remarkable proposition. And in the rearward of this proposition, the proposition of unification of dao, shen and qi is obvious. Longevity or immortality is the superior quality that immor­tals owed, so that its realization means a qualitative conversion from

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78 KUNIO MUGITANI

man to the existence of superior being. This kind of conversion makes possible because it is considered that in man daoqi is taken as medium and dao is inherent; and that his body is regarded as the microcosm, in which possessed a complete replica of the celestial gods' world, is brought forth. However, an inflow of impure qi followed in-take of food, loss of spirit because of sexual intercourse etc. will lose purity of the primordial breath for general vital activities in internal body; and these make the internal spirit decline gradually and lead to die finally. Therefore, keeping out of these situation through evasion of in-take of cereals (pigu, *87 abstaining from cereals) or avoidance of loss of spirit due to sexual intercourse (sexual techniques), according to neiguan­cunsi andfuqi-daoyin etc., to purify the primordial breath in internal body and activate internal spirit so as to revive the original body as microcosm, and further intend to assimilate the celestial gods. Beyond such Taoist methods of cultivation, its theoretical foundation offered is the theory of daoqi that expounds unification among dao, shen and qi.

Recently, the similarity between Taoist way of neidan*88 (method of inner cinnabar) is worth noticed. But beyond the method of inner cinnabar, there is such theory of daoqi solemnly; it does not confine to the disparity between method of inner cinnabar and Yoga, and is the point that cannot be ignored as revealing the essential difference between Chinese thought and Indian thought. In Taoist doctrine, it is considered god and man is of existence of unification essentially; their identity is ensured by the mechanism that belonged to the universal immanence for the whole creation of the original one qi- that is the primordial breath or daoqi.

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DAOQI- EXISTENCE BETWEEN GOD AND MAN 79

REFERENCES

1) The original Chinese text is as follows: ·-~T~~~TB. m~~~~ff. ~TB. xm~ff. -~TB. M~~~­~TB. ff... B. ~~r$. B. ff~-- B. ~~~r$. B. ffa~. B. ~~~~$. B. ffl*~. ~~T~rr;;."

2) The original Chinese text is as follows: -~~-. -~=. =~=-- =-~:n~. :n~tt~~f.!!lll. jqlfc.vJ~l!l. •

3) About the relationship between the classical cosmogony in Han and Wei Dynasties and the theory of daoqi, the subject matter has already been discussed in Mugitani, "Roshi sojichu ni tsuite" ~Tmlli.± 1:: "? ~ '""t: (A study of the Laozi Xiang'erzhu), in Toho Gakuho •1i~fll (Kyoto), Vol. 57 (1985).

4) Theory of Five Circulations (wuyunshuoliil~) that is shown in Apocryphal Treatise on the Changes: A Penetration of the Laws of qian fl; (Yiwei Qianzuodu ~-fl:lil.l:) and the Chapter of Cosmogony of Liezi (Liezi Tianrui­pian 91JT:RflUI) is the representative example. There it is explained to fraction­alize as five stages of the process from wu 111t (nothing) to the begotten pri­mordial breath, namely taiyi :t:~ (a Great Principle of Change), taichu :t:m (a Great Origin), taishi :t:~ (a Great Beginning), taisu :t;~ (a Great Primordial Undifferentiatedness), taiji :t:ti (the Great Ultimate).

5) About the details, refer op. cit. essay in note 3. 6) In the Santianneijiejing.=::RpgM$1, the very beginning of the world exists prior

to the primordial breath, is the divinity of daodezhangren ~tf.3tA. (the Old Man of the Way and its Power). Moreover, in the Jiutianshengshenzhangjing :R~:)III•$1, from the qi of three fundamentals (sanyuan =:x ) which is called

three pillars of divinity i.e. tianbaozhangren :R~3tA. (the Old man of the Heavenly Treasure), /ingbaozhangren 11~3tA. (the Old Man of the Numinous Treasure), shenbaozhangren :)111~3tA. (the Old Man ofthe Miraculous Treasure), the three qi of very profound beginning (xuanyuanshi-sanqi~:JC~=:~) is brought forth and the celestial boundary (tianjie :RW) is formed. From thence forth, the terrestrial world starts to form successively. Although we cannot see something like yuanshitianwang ( :JC~:R.r:, the Heavenly Emperor of the Very Beginning), the divinity corresponding to daoqi; it can be considered that there is an assumption about an obvious ultimate existence prior to the qi of three fundamentals practically. This said that in those Taoist literature the identity and unification of shen :)Ill (spirit) and qi of the hunyuan ill:JC (the chaos) has become the core of religious world concept, after all.

7) About the religious doctrine of the Daojiaoyishu and the meaning of intellectual history in Taoist doctrine, refer "Nanbei Chao Sui Tang-Chu Daojiao jiaoyixue guankui" i¥i:!t:tJII!Ili!fmiifj:ftil~iUl (A narrow view on the study of Taoist doctrine in the period from the Northern and Southern Dynasties to the Sui and Early Beginning of Tang Dynasties) in Riben Xuezhe lun Zhongguo Zhexueshi 8;$:~~iatj:rl;i!Jf!r~~ (Collected Essays on History of Chinese Philosophy by Japanese Scholars), 1987.

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80 KUNIO MUGITANI

8) The original Chinese text is as follows: -~~~*•~· MM~~~. -~•~zg. ~~~~zm. *~~~z§. ~

Jit.:::.a?~-~A . ...... i!JTm=.-~~ .• 9) The original Chinese text is as follows:

·g~. mz~~. gs~. •~· az~M. gs*. ~~. •z~~. gs•. ~~. ~Jit.:::.a?~-~~. g~. Jlt.:::.~. ~~~~. ~~m~-~. m~~~=­-~A-. A-~J(rr;z~IJ. • (Based on Ofuchi Ninji *~~~~. Tonko Dokei Zurokuhen fXtljig~WIJI (A Pictorial Catalogue of Taoist Manuscripts from Dun-huang), pp. 462.)

10) The original Chinese text is as follows: -~~~-=~. M:li!:M •. ~:li!:~ft. ~:li!:~~. Mll!llli:m. 1£~. IRIJ:. !#ft. ~~~~~~-~. Jlt.:::.~~~~~. x~. ~~~~~z~. =-~~~~z ~."

11) The original Chinese text is as follows: "il~, ~~. f¥~li1Jiiil, {4i!:IIIJ:!Hf."

Also, in Juelipin t@ti:£ (Category of Abstaining from Grain), chapter 4 of the Sandongzhu'nang .=.ifallll:• (Bead Bag of the Three Caverns) [The Taoist Canon, Vol. 780], same passage can be found in the quoted literature called the Daojitu'najing :ii~DHifig (Book of Taoist Fundamentals of Breathing).

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Concepts of Qi in Ancient China

KATSU HAYASHI

Department of Chinese Literature Daitobunka University

1-9-1 Takashimadaira, Itabashi-ku, Tokyo

I. PROLOGUE

81

A ccORDING to Gu Xie Gang* 1 the great historian of China, wu xing*2 (the five phases of transformation) is a fundamen­

tal law in Chinese thought, and it is a Chinese belief of a universal system. It has exerted a profound influence for over two thousand years. 1l

The most basic and all pervasive element within Chinese culture is qi*3 (pronounced chi). The five phases mentioned above are a variety of qi. Even though the five phases have special attributes which dis­tinguish them from qi in the usual sense, they are still forms of qi. The concept of qi has played such a crucial role in the development of Chinese thought, especially philosophy and cosmology, that every­thing is based on it. If the five phases were not qi, then this system could not have become the fundamental law in Chinese thought and it would never have had the profound and longlasting influence it did. The original forms of qi including the five phases were established in ancient China. Various concepts of qi will be discussed in this paper with an emphasis on qi in relation to the human body.

*I lfiafiiiJI *l 3{1.

*2 n.rr-

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82 KATSU HAYASHI

II. Ql AND THE CREATION OF HEAVEN AND EARTH

In ancient China the various schools of thought and their expo­nents were called Zhuzi Baijia. *4 Taoism was among these early schools of thought and "one of the features of Taoism is that it's concerned with the origins of human society and of the world itself. "2)

Lao Zi*5 who is considered to be the founding figure of Taoism spoke of the creation of the universe as follows:

All things in the world are born from being, and being issues from non-being. (chapter 40) The dao*6 produced One; One produced Two; Two produced Three; Three produced all things. (chapter 42i)

Since Lao Zi did not elaborate on what he meant by One, Two, and Three, it is unclear as to what exactly he was referring to. How­ever, these are explained as follows in Tian Wen Xun* 7 of "Huai Nan Zi"*8:

The dao originated with One. However, nothing is created from One. Therefore it separated into yin*9 and yang.* 10 The yin and yang jointed and all things came into existence. Therefore it is stated that One produced Two; Two produced Three; Three pro­duced all things. 4)

According to this explanation, in the period "Huai Nan Zi" was written, Two was sometimes interpreted as the two qi of yin and yang. Also the next passage shows that the One mentioned by Lao Zi was construed as one qi.

When Heaven and Earth had yet to take form, there was chaos. This is called Tai Zhao. *11 The dao, *6 or the way, emerged from infinite space, and this infinite space produced the cosmos. The cosmos produced qi, which had limitations. The clear and light

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(qz) gathered together to form Heaven. The turbid and heavy (qz) congealed to form Earth. The merging of clear and light was especially easy, whereas the congealing of the turbid and heavy was particularly difficult. Thus Heaven was formed first and Earth was formed afterward. The essential qi of Heaven and Earth formed yin and yang, and the concentrated essential qi of yin and yang formed the four seasons. The dispersed essential qi of the four seasons formed the myriad of things. The hot qi of yang accumulated for a long time to produce fire, and the essential qi of fire formed the sun. The cold qi of yin accumulated for a long time to produce water, and the essential qi of water formed the moon. The refined essence of the excess fluid of the sun and moon formed the stars and the planets. Heaven accepted into itself the sun, moon, stars, and planets, while Earth accepted water, rivers, soil, and dust. Sl

This passage is also from the Tian Wen Xun of "Huai Nan Zi", and it is a famous story of creation. The chaos called Tai Zhao in this passage gives rise to the process by which qi is born from infinite space and creates the universe. Qi plays an important role when Heaven and Earth were formed from chaos. Three things can be noted here. First is that Heaven and Earth are formed by qi. Second is that Heaven and Earth are not two separate entities but were created by the separation of qi according to differences in their nature. Third is that the separa­tion of Heaven and Earth occurred by the movement of qi according to their physical properties. This creation myth in the "Huai Nan Zi" is a compilation of all creation myths which preceded it, and it is representative of the creation myths in ancient China.

"Huai Nan Zi" was a document written by early Taoists, but in ancient China the origin of the universe was never a subject of philo­sophical discussion except in Taoism and the Yin-Yang School (the latter was thought as being formed by descendants of court astrono­mers). The existence of Heaven and Earth was by in large considered to be a given. The majority of ancient Chinese thinkers were preoccu­pied with the process of creation and destruction of the myriad of

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84 KA TSU HAYASHI

things in Heaven and Earth. Let us examine this aspect briefly. It is stated as follows in Li

Lun* 12 of "Xun Zi"* 13 :

When Heaven and Earth unite all things are born. When yin and yang meet changes are initiated. 6,

In this passage, the Heaven and Earth that unite and the yin and yang that meet are all qi. It is stated that the qi of Heaven and Earth generate all things directly without the intermediation of the qi of yin and yang or the qi of the four seasons. It is stated as follows in Yang Huo* 14 of the "Confucian Analects":

Confucius said: the four seasons pursue their courses, and all things are continually generated. 7,

This passage states that all things generate and grow by the changes in the four seasons. The changes in the four seasons was construed as being the seasonal alternation of four qi, each with different properties. These four qi were called the qi of the four sea­sons. Therefore it was thought that the qi of the four seasons was what caused all things to generate and grow. By conceptualizing nature in this way, a principle of generation derived from the four seasons, and thus the concept that the qi of the four seasons was what created all things became established.

Thus far, as that which created all things, I have mentioned the qi of Heaven and Earth, as well as the qi of the four seasons. In addition to these, the qi of yin and yang was mentioned in the "Huai Nan Zi" (which interprets chapter 42 of "Lao Zi"*5) as being that which created all things. If we chronologically compare these three catego­ries of qi, the qi of Heaven and Earth and the qi of the four seasons are older than the qi of yin and yang. The story of creation in the "Huai Nan Zi" combines the principles of generation by these three catego­ries of qi, and goes further to explain the origin of Heaven and Earth.

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CONCEPTS OF Ql IN ANCIENT CHINA 85

In addition to these three categories of qi mentioned above, there were other things which caused the emergence and demise of all things. These were the winds which blew from the eight directions (north, northeast, east, southeast, south, southwest, west, and northwest). Based on the statement in the Qi Wu Lun* 15 of "Zhuang Zi"* 16 that "the qi exhaled from Heaven and Earth is named wind",8)

it was said that "wind is another name for qi".9) Furthermore, based on the discussion in "Feng Fu"* 11 by Song Yu, *18 which states that wind is qi that exists between Heaven and Earth, IO) it has been stated that "wind was considered to be qi itself in ancient Chinese think­ing".11) The winds that blow from the eight directions are called Ba Feng* 19 (eight winds) and each of these winds has its own name and functions. 12) One of these winds is described in the Lu Shu*20 of "Shi Ji"*21 as follows:

The wind of Bu Zhou*22 is located in the northwest and is in charge of the emergence and demise of all things. !3)

The origin of the belief that the eight winds controlled the emer­gence and demise of all things can be traced to the practice of offering sacrifices to the winds blowing from the four directions during the Yin*23 period. 14) In this period the distinction was made between winds blowing from the four directions (east, west, south, and north) and further, these winds were thought to blow according to a cyclical pattern with the seasons. These winds were considered to promote the emergence and demise of living things. 15) If we look to the Yin period for the origin of the concept of qi (that which fills the space between Heaven and Earth, changes itself, affects things, and relates to the phenomena of life), it can be identified as the winds. 16) Compared to the fact that the four directions of east, west, south, and north were distinguished and named in the Yin period, based on documents available, the distinguishing and naming of the four seasons must

• 15 lii~ia *16 ;e:.:r *17 mm

"'18 *:3! *19 J\11. *20 1$.

*21 51!~2.

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86 KATSU HAYASHI

have come much later in the Chun Qiu*24 period. 17l Therefore, although I have already stated that the qi of Heaven and Earth and the qi of the four seasons were the oldest concepts related to the generation of things, the four winds (this is equivalent to the eight winds of later periods)18l is actually the oldest. Wind is not men­tioned, however, in the story of creation in the "Huai Nan Zi" quoted previously. Also there are not many statements in the classics which characterize wind as controlling the emergence and demise of all things. The reason for the diminishing role of wind may be attributed to the appearance of the concept of qi as an abstraction of wind and to the decline in the position of wind in relative to qi in the principle of generation. In other words, over time the various functions of genera­tion attributed to the winds came to be considered the functions of the qi of Heaven and Earth or the qi of the four seasons. In a much later period this function came to be assigned to the qi of yin*9 and yang. *10

III. Ql AND THE EXISTENCE OF THINGS

After creation, the history of the emergence and demise of all things begins. The qi of Heaven and Earth, the qi of yin and yang, the qi of four seasons, and the qi of eight winds control the emergence and demise of all things. It is stated as follows in "Lushi Chun­qiu"*2s:

In the first month of spring, the qi of Heaven descends and the qi of Earth ascends; the qi of Heaven and Earth unite and then the plants germinate and grow. (Meng Chun Ji* 26) The qi of Heaven ascends and the qi of Earth descends; the qi of Heaven and Earth never unite and the activity of all things stop, and then winter comes. (Meng Dong Ji*21i 9l

According to these passages, the qi of Heaven and Earth generate

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CONCEPTS OF Ql IN ANCIENT CHINA 87

all things by uniting, and exterminate them by separating. In contrast to this, the qi of the four seasons each have different functions, and they generate and exterminate things by their alternation. The func'­tion of each of the seasons was stated as follows:

Spring generates things, summer grows things, fall harvests things, and winter stores things.20l

These functions are performed by "the four seasons dominating alternately". 2ll The emergence and demise of all things by the eight winds is the same in nature as that brought about by the qi of the four seasons.

The emergence and demise of all things by the qi of yin*9 and yang* 10 has two patterns, one is like that by the qi of the four seasons and the other is like that by the qi of Heaven and Earth. The concept of yin and yang have the attribute of summus genus. When Heaven and Earth are the specific concept, yang encompasses Heaven and yin encompasses Earth. When the four seasons are the specific concept, yang encompasses spring and summer, and yin encompasses fall and winter.

Therefore qi, as the principle that generates and exterminates all things, works in two ways to cause the emergence and demise of all things- one is by the union and separation of two qi of different attributes, and the other is by the alternate dominance of qi with different attributes.

Now let us examine the process of emergence and demise. In Zhi Bei You* 28 of "Zhuang Zi",* 16 it was written as follows:

Life is due to the collecting of qi. When it is collected, there is life; When it is dispersed, there is death. 22l

This passage refers to the life of man, but it is possible here to substitute the existence of a thing for life. 23 l The following passage explains in detail the process of emergence and demise of men and things:

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88 KATSU HAYASHI

Before the origin of life, there was no life nor any physical form. Not only was there no physical form, but there was no qi. During the intermingling of The Waste and Dark Chaos, a change occurred and qi was born. Another change took place and a physical form was born. And birth and life came after another change. (Zhi Le, *29 "Zhuang Zi")24)

This passage places the occurrence of form as a process between that of qi and life. This physical form is "the housing of life", 25 ) and it implies a concentration of qi. That which has yet to take a form indicates qi in a diffuse and dispersed condition. By placing form between qi and life, it became possible to explain not only the emer­gence and demise of living things, but non-living things as well. The difference between qi and form is the difference in the density of qi. The difference between form and life, however, depends upon the presence of shen. *30

The following statement is made about shen in the Tian Nian* 31 of "Ling Shu"*32 :

When shen (that which works mysteriously) is lost, one dies; when shen is acquired, one lives. 26)

Shen has a different meaning depending on the context in which it is used. Here it means "all life activity and physiological functions in man and living things".27) Shen is the substance which performs these activities and functions. In other words, it is a type of qi. Among qi, there are those that have different properties and attributes. Some types of qi simply create forms, while others perform various life activities and physiological functions. In the beginning all types of qi were intermixed in a state of chaos.

The Wang Zhi*33 of "Xun Zi"* 13 is not an exposition on the principle of generation, but there is a passage which discusses differ­ences in things which exist by differences in constituent substances.

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CONCEPTS OF Ql IN ANCIENT CHINA 89

Water and fire possess qi but no life. Herbs and trees possess life, but no sentience. Birds and beasts possess sentience, but no cour­tesy. Man possesses not only qi, life, and sentience, but also cour­tesy. Hence man is the highest being on earth.281

In this passage the existence of qi, life, sentience, and courtesy is the criterion for the classification of existing things into four levels. In contrast to "Zhuang Zi" quoted earlier, form corresponds to water and fire, and life corresponds to herbs, trees,- animals, and man. Xun Zi* 13 classified living things into three levels and analized their differ­ences. The difference between plants, which are on the lowest level, and animals, which are on the level above plants, depends on the existence of sentience. In Li Lun* 12 of "Xun Zi" there is the following passage about the existence of sentience:

Among all living things that are born between Heaven and Earth, all beings with xueqi*34 have sentience. 291

Xueqi is the combination of blood and qi.301 If we were to apply the term shen here, this would be qi which performs all life activities and physiological function in man and animals.

According to the concept of four levels of existence by Xun Zi, the difference between animals and man, the highest form of existence, depends on the presence of courtesy. Xun Zi considered courtesy to be the highest principle which mankind created, and it is not qi. Also he maintained that courtesy was a result of the voluntary activities of man performed with the volitional and active functioning of the mind. Therefore it can be said that the presence of courtesy implies the presence of intentional and active functioning of the mind. For Xun Zi as well as other thinkers in ancient times, the mind meant the physical heart as well as the spiritual function thought to be possessed by the heart. He thought there was a subordinate passive aspect and a volitional active aspect in the mental function of the heart. The former aspect is the mental function performed by the physical heart itself,

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90 KATSU HAYASHI

but he does not explain anything about the intentional part which controls the latter aspect.

For Confucius and Mencius who were scholars in an earlier period, Heaven was the universal principle, and this principle existed in man and served as the basis of morality in man. 31 ) Xun Zi, on the other hand, limited the definition of Heaven to nature and asserted the volitional and active existence of the mind in contrast to this. Regarding the existence of the volitional and active mind, which is the greatest characteristic of man, however, he was in agreement with Confucius and Mencius. 32) It was a commonly held view among Con­fucians that the existence of a metaphysical mind was the main difference between mankind and animals.

Taoists, the opponents of Confucians, denied the supremacy of the mind over qi. The following are examples of two contrasting vtews:

The will is the leader of qi. (Gong Sun Chou, *35 part 1 of "The Works of Mencius") It is called force when the mind employs qi. ("Lao Zi"*5 chapter 55)33)

The former is Confucian and the latter is Toaist. Despite this view, Toaists had to admit to the superior capabilities of the mind. They attempted to explain the superior capabilities of the mind by qi.

When a quiet mind is present in the center (body), a man is able to hear well and see clearly; his body becomes healthy and his mind becomes the home of jing*36 (essential ql). ling is the refined form of qi. (Nei Ye* 31 of "Guan Zi"*38) 34l

When jing fills the eye, one sees clearly. When it is present in the ears, one hears clearly. When it abides in the mouth, one utters words of wisdom. When it accumulates in the heart (mind) one's thoughts are insightful. (Ben ling Xun* 39 of "Huai Nan Zi"*8) 35)

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There is nothing in existence that cannot be explained by qi when it reaches the point where even the superb capabilities of the mind can be explained by qi. In other words, when the point was reached that everything in existence could be explained by qi, the monism of qi was established. The following passage in the Zhi Bei You*28 of "Zhuang Zi" is a direct expression of the monism of qi.

Under all the sky there is one qi. 361

This monism of qi is an expression of a principle of universal unity (by which all things are originally related). This is a characteristic feature of Chinese thinking. The following passage in Zhi Bei You is often cited as a typical example of an explanation of this principle of universal unity.

Dong Guo Zi*40 asked Zhuang Zi, "Where can what you call the dao*6 be found?" He replied, "Everywhere." Dong Guo Zi said, "Give a specific example. That would be more satisfactory." Zhuang Zi replied, "It is here in the ant." "As low a thing as that?" He added "It is in the panic grass." "But that is lower still!" He continued, "It is in the tiles and shards." "How can it be so low?" "It is in the piss and shit!" To this Dong Guo Zi had no reply.371

This passage explains where the dao (the way) is, and lists lower things one by one. The ranking of ant, panic grass, tile and shards is the reverse of the ranking of water and fire, plants, and animals in "Xun Zi" which was quoted before. By stating that the dao, which is the fundamental being, exists even in piss and shit which is ranked as the lowest thing, it is indicated that the dao exists in everything. Thus the principle of universal unity is an ontology and epistemology in which all things are organically related to each other and are funda­mentally one. The concept of the interrelationship between Heaven and man is based on this principle of universal unity. The interrela­tionships between nature and man explained by this concept include

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92 KA TSU HAYASHI

both static interrelationships and dynamic interrelationships. The former being quantitative and qualitative relationships such as shape, position, and function, and the latter being interactions and synchro­nicity. A practical example of the interrelationship between Heaven and man is given as follows in the ling Shen Xun* 41 of"Huai Nan Zi":

The head is round like the shape of the dome of Heaven. The foot is square like the Earth. Heaven has the four seasons, the five phases, the nine cardinal points, and 366 days. These correspond in man to the four limbs, five viscera, nine orifices, and the 366 joints.38l

Heaven and the head, the Earth and the foot are similar in their shapes and positions. The examples of the four seasons and what follows are merely correspondences in quantity. In the biography of Dong Zhong Shu*42 in the "History of the former Han Dynasty," it is stated that when a governor governs poorly, the complaints of the people generate bad qi which affects the qi of nature and causes natural disasters. 39l This is an example of an interrelationship between nature and man.

The theory of the interrelationship between Heaven and man as stated above was adopted in the ancient Chinese medical model as well and became the basic principle in all areas of medicine including anatomy, physiology, pathology, diagnosis and treatment.

IV. QI AND TIME

In the chapter of Li Yun*43 in "Li Ji"*44 (the book of rites) there is the statement, "Heaven generates time. "40l This is an expression of ancient Chinese thought that time is generated by Heaven and that it belongs to Heaven. This concept was born from the recognition that time is produced by the regular movement of heavenly bodies. According to the Tian Wen Xun* 1 of "Huai Nan Zi", which was

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quoted previously, both Heaven and heavenly bodies are formed by qi, and the movement of heavenly bodies is produced by movement in qi. Therefore, time is generated by the rhythmic movement of qi. Further, the movement of the sun, which has the greatest influence on earth among all heavenly bodies, produces the regular alternation of day and night. The alternation of day and night is the most basic and obvious manifestation of time, and the alternation of day and night is the alternation of light and darkness. Since light and darkness were formed by the qi of Heaven,411 it was thought-that time was generated by the regular alternation of the qi of Heaven. Thus time was thought to be generated either by the regular movement, or by the regular alternation of the qi of Heaven.

Shi, *45 which means time in Chinese, also means the four seasons. This is presumably because the alternation of the four seasons had a great influence on agricultural production in ancient China, where agriculture production was the basic foundation of society. This aspect of time was therefore considered to be the most important one. The alternation of the four seasons is caused by qi, which is different in each season. Since the qi of the seasons exist in Heaven, shi, which means the four seasons, is also generated by the alternation in the qi of Heaven. Thus shi, which also implies the four seasons, can be explained with qi. With this in mind, let us examine several relation­ships between time and qi.

1. Qi and the year

1) Qi and the four seasons In the earliest period of history, it was thought that the four

seasons were brought about by the winds which blew from the four directions. During the Zhanguo Qin Han*46 period (453o.c.-220A.D.), however, this concept was changed to the four seasons being brought on by the qi that characterized each season. Although many kinds of qi characterizing the seasons were described in the classics, the most popular scheme was, "the qi of spring is wind, the qi of summer is

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94 KATSU HAYASHI

heat, the qi of autumn is rain, and the qi of winter is cold. "42l It should be noted here that rain, which is liquid, was considered to be one kind ·of qi.

In later periods of history, many kinds of qi that characterized the seasons were categorized by yin*9 and yang,* 10 which are the most essential of the qi. In this scheme "the four seasons means the span of time in which yin and yang wax and wane. " 43 l One example of expres­sion of the seasons in terms of the rise and decline of yin and yang is "spring is the lesser yang, summer is the greater yang, fall is the lesser yin, and winter is the greater yin. "44l It is apparent that the qi of the four seasons are given various names, but in summary, the essential substance of the four seasons is qi. The qi of the four seasons affects the human body in various ways through the interrelationship of Heaven and man.

The qi of spring resides in the hair on the body, the qi of summer in the skin, the qi of fall in the flesh beneath the skin, and the qi of winter in the muscles and bones. (Zong Shi, *47 "Ling Shu"*32t 5l

Illness resulting from the qi of spring resides in the head, illness resulting from the qi of summer resides in the viscera, illness resulting from the qi of autumn resides in the shoulders and the back, and illness resulting from the qi of winter resides in the limbs. (lin Gui Zhen Yan Lun, *48 "Suwen"*49t6l

The former passage states that the qi of a particular season con­centrates in a particular part of the human body, and the latter states that the qi of a particular season causes illness in a particular region of the body. In addition to these, the "Huangdi Neijing"*50 (consisting of the "Suwen" and "Ling Shu", representative of the oldest medical texts of China) contains many treatises on how to render treatment according to the seasons and how to maintain health by harmonizing the body with the qi of each season. This concept is a reflection in medicine of the philosophy that man's existence must correspond to

*47 ~~

*48 ~--~~

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that of Heaven (nature). Among the correspondences between man and nature, that between man and the four seasons was given particu­lar emphasis. The following passage shows this:

Yin and yang and the four seasons are the beginning and end of all things, and they are the cause of life and death. Those who dis­obey these will give rise to catastrophy, while those who follow these will remain free of serious illnesses. (Si Qi Tiao Shen Da Lun, *51 "Suwen"t1)

2) The five phases Although the five phases (wu xing*2) is to be discussed in greater

detail in the next chapter, I would like to point out here that the five phases inherited several aspects of the four seasons and served to further develop the concept. While the time controlled by each of the four seasons was one-fourth of a year, time controlled by the five phases has the following four features:

(1) Each one of the five phases controls seventy-two days. (2) Wood controls the period from January to March. Fire controls

that from April to May. Earth controls June. Metal controls from July to September. Water controls from October to December.

(3) Wood controls seventy-two days from the beginning of spring. Fire controls seventy-two days from the beginning of summer. Metal controls seventy-two days from the beginning of autumn. Water controls seventy-two days from the beginning of winter. Earth controls the final eighteen days of each season.

(4) Wood controls spring. Fire controls summer. Metal controls autumn. Water controls winter. Earth does not control any par­ticular season.

Among these four features, (2) and (4) are applied in the "Huangdi Neijing". The relationship between the five phases and the human body is almost the same as that between the four seasons and the human body. Although the differences between these two relation-

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ships will be stated in the next chapter, it should be noted that there is a unique order in the five phases which does not exist in the four seasons. In medicine this order was applied to explain pathology and determine the diagnosis and treatment. 3) Other temporal relationships

In the Zhen Yao ling Zhong Lun*52 of the "Suwen" the year is divided into six parts, and examples are given of how the qi in the human body, corresponding to the condition of qi in nature in two month sequences, concentrates in particular regions of the body.481

The Jiu Zhen Lun*53 of the "Ling Shu" states that there are eight parts of the human body which correspond to the eight seasonal periods (ba jie*54). 491 Although no mention is made of the condition of qi in relation to the eight seasonal periods, it is another description of the interrelationship between the qi of nature and the qi of the human body.

In the "Lushi Chunqiu", *25 "Huai Nan Zi", and "Li Ji"*44 (the book of rites), we can find a section titled Yue Ling,*55 in which it is stated that the residence of the Emperor, the color of his cloths, the foods he eats, and his governing functions are all strictly regulated by the qi in ascendancy during that month.501 Yue Ling means monthly ordinance and these writings give instructions on how to conduct human affairs in accordance with the condition of qi in a given month and indicate an attempt to maintain the interrelationship between man and nature through governmental ordinance. Qi in the human body also correlates to the condition of qi in each month. There is a passage in Yin Yang Xi Ri Yue* 56 of the "Ling Shu" which states that in each month the qi of the human body concentrates in a particular region.

2. Qi and the month When the moon begins to wax, then xueqi, *34 or blood and qi begin to refine and the defensive qi begins to circulate. When the

*52 ~~~~Ia *53 1ttt~

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CONCEPTS OF QI IN ANCIENT CHINA 97

moon is full to the rim, there is an abundance of Xueqi, the muscles and flesh are firm and strong. When the moon is empty to the rim, the muscles and flesh become reduced and the jing luo*51

(channels for the circulation of xueqz) become empty, the defen­sive qi withdraws and only the outer form remains. (Ba Zheng Shen Ming Lun,*58 "Suwen"i 1)

On the first day of the moon's birth, a physician inserts a needle into a patient once. On the second day he inserts it twice. Then successively the number of insertions is increased until on the fifteenth day the needle is inserted fifteen times. Then the number of insertions is successively decreased. The number of insertions is determined by the waxing and waning of the moon. (Miu Ci Lun, *59 "Suwen")52)

The former passage describes the relation between the waxing and waning of the moon and the xueqi in man. The latter passage dictates the relation between the waxing and waning of the moon and the number of times a needle is to be inserted. The waxing and waning of the moon is a form of waxing and waning in the qi of Heaven.

3. Qi and the day

From early dawn (about 4 a.m.) until midday is the yang* 10 of Heaven, namely yang within yang. From midday until twilight (about 8 p.m.) is the yang of Heaven, namely yin*9 within yang. From the beginning of night (about 8 p.m.) until cockcrow (about 2a.m.) is the yin of Heaven, namely yin within yin. From cock­crow until early dawn is the yin of Heaven, namely yang within yin. Thus man corresponds to this pattern ... Therefore the thorax is yang, and the yang within yang is the heart. The thorax is yang, and the yin within yang is the lungs. The abdomen is yin, and the yin within yin is the kidneys. The abdomen is yin, and the yang within yin is the liver. The abdomen is yin, and the extreme yin within yin is the spleen. (Jin Gui Zhen Yan Lun,*48 "Suwen"*49) 53 )

*58 J\i£:jlfi8Jlia

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98 KATSU HAYASHI

In the above passage yin and yang is divided into yang within yang, yin within yang, yang within yin, and yin within yin. This divi­sion is very similar to the division of yin and yang into lesser yang, greater yang, lesser yin, and greater yin, as quoted in the previous section in "qi and the four seasons." Dividing yin and yang in this way was an attempt to explain various phenomena of the world which could not be explained by just the two divisions of yin and yang. Just as in yin and yang, the above four divisions have the features of qi as well as location. The yin and yang of "Heaven's time" was based on the condition of qi of the season or the time. The yin and yang of the five viscera was decided primarily based on their location. Once the yin or yang of a thing was established, then time and the viscera were correlated with no regard to how these were originally classified as yin or yang. One of the main characteristics of yin and yang is that it relates to both temporal and spatial aspects (the condition of qi as well as location). In regard to "Heaven's time", just as with the four seasons, it consists of special qi specific to that time.

The time system cited above is a system of twelve hours to a day, but in the "Huangdi Neijing" one can find mentions of sixteen hour and one hundred hour systems. 54) These systems will not be discussed here for the sake of brevity.

Thus far I have discussed the relationship between qi and time, and time always corresponds to the changes in the qi of nature. Time, as one entity, is a process which has certain durations of change in the qi of nature, and moments of time are a phase within the change in the qi of nature. When the body is synchronized with changes in the qi of nature, then one is healthy. When it is not synchronized, then one becomes sick. From the perspective of preventive medicine, it is important to know the conditions of the qi in the body and that of the qi in nature and to keep these in harmony with each other. When illness is caused by dysharmony between the qi in the body and the qi in nature, restoring harmony in these becomes the aim of treatment.

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V. CLASSIFICATIONS OF Ql

An incredible variety of things exist in this world. In ancient China this diversity was explained by differences between the effects and properties of the qi composing things. Even if it is only one thing, when comes to something as complex as a human being, it is com­posed of many kinds of qi with different effects and properties. Although qi is fundamentally one thing, there are as many kinds of qi, each with different effects and properties, as -there are things man was aware of. In this paper qi will be classified into the four types of the qi of nature, normal qi in the human body, abnormal qi in the human body, and the qi of yin-yang and the five phases. This classification is based on the classification of qi by Kuroda Genji*60 55) and by Lu Yu Qi*61 and Zheng Hong Xin. *62 56) Since this paper is being written for a symposium of medical history, the ancient medical text "Huangdi Neijing" will be considered for the most part. A brief analysis will be made at the end of this chapter concerning the qi in the human body as expounded in the "Huangdi Neijing."

1. The Qi of Nature

The following are the varieties of qi which exist in nature that were mentioned in the "Huangdi Neijing":

1) qi of Heaven, qi of Earth, and qi of four seasons 2) qi of clouds, qi of rain, and qi of thunder 3) cold qi, hot qi, hot summer qi, warm qi, wet qi, dry qi, and wind qi 4) qi of water and qi of fire 5) qi of food, qi of liquor, and qi of ginger and leek 6) qi of medicine, qi of herbs, and qi of mineral medicine

The qi in items 1) to 3) are qi that make up the environment, and living in harmony with these qi is a condition for health. Although 4) is also qi that is part of the environment, these are used to explain

*60 lt8':1/W-iX *61 ht.:ii~

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100 KATSU HAYASHI

physiology, pathology, and treatment. The qi of items 5) and 6) are taken in by way of the mouth. The qi in 5) becomes nutrition to sustain the body and that in 6) serves as medicine. The qi of items 3) and 5) can become the cause of illness (refer to 3. Abnormal qi in the human body).

2. Normal qi in the human body Man lives by taking in substances or qi from the natural world,

and the following two conceptual models for taking in qi are de­scribed in the "Huangdi Neijing": (1) The qi of Heaven enters the lungs through the nose and is related

to the visual and auditory senses. The qi of Earth enters the stomach by way of the mouth and becomes the qi of the five viscera and the six hollow organs to sustain the mind and body.57l

(2) The other model of ingestion of subtances from the external environment places the main emphasis on food and drink, and this concept is the mainstream in the "Huangdi Neijing".

It was thought that digestion and absorption of foods and drinks were accomplished by the spleen, the stomach, the small intestine, and the large intestine, but in many instances only the stomach is men­tioned. There are contradictions in the descriptions of digestion and absorption in the "Huangdi Neijing". It is difficult to understand what was meant, but it may be summarized as follows:

The qi of food and drink (often the term guqi,*63 or cereal qi is used) enters the stomach. The qi of food and drink in the stomach is called the "qi of the stomach" and separates into zongqi,*64 jin ye,*65

and refuse matter. Zongqi goes to the nose by way of the lungs and throat, and becomes the breath and the sense of smell. Part of the jin ye*65 (liquid matter) goes to the shang jiao*66 (a unique concept in Chinese medicine denoting the heat or activity in the thoracic cavity)

*6S /$i/l *66 _t~

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CONCEPTS OF QI IN ANCIENT CHINA 10 I

and another part goes to the zhong jiao*67 (the upper abdominal cavity). The }in ye which goes to the thoracic cavity becomes weiqi*68

(defensive qz) and is spread throughout the body by the lungs. The }in ye which goes to the upper abdominal cavity becomes yingqz'*69 (nour­ishing qz) and is distributed throughout the body by the lungs. The refuse matter goes to the xiajiao*10 {the lower abdominal cavity), and is excreted after the liquid is absorbed. 58l Refer to the appropriate headings in subsequent sections for more detail on zongqi,*64 weiqi, and yingqi.

The foregoing has been a brief summary of the process of absorp­tion of substances taken in from outside the body as explained in the "Huangdi Neijing". Now the most important types of normal qi in the human body will be explained below. 1) Xueqi* 34

Xue* 11 means blood. Xueqi appears in documents from ancient times as a term indicating life force or physiological function. Xue as described in the "Huangdi Neijing" is made from the qi of food and drink and the zhong jiao is involved in its production. 59l Although it is clear that xue is blood, in many cases qi cannot be defined clearly. There are three possible relationships between xue and qi when con­sidering the word xueqi. First is simply blood and qi together, and qi originally meant the breath, and later it came to denote vital energy or life force. In the "Huangdi Neijing" blood flows inside the channels and qi flows outside the channels. In this context the meaning of breath for qi is very minimal.60l The second relationship is qi which is known as blood, and this denotes qi which exists in the form of blood.61 l The third relationship is the qi within blood, and qi here means function and capability, or that which has functions and capa­bilities. 62l There also is the term qixue*12 which is very similar to xueqi, *34 but this term with reversed word order simply means qi and blood. 2) Jingqi*73

*67 tp~

*68 l*J~

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Jing* 36 means refined, essence, and excellent. In general jingqi means refined and excellent qi. This type of qi exists not only in human bodies, but also in nature. In the "Huangdi Neijing" the jingqi of Heaven and E~rth, and the jingqi of food and drink are described, and man is said to live by taking in these jingqi. There are many kinds of qi in the human body, but those that are recognized as being refined and excellent are called jingqi.

There are two types of jingqi in the body. One is that which enables life activity and physiological functions, and this is related to the jingqi in nature. More specifically this refers to yingqi, *69 63l the two qi of yingqi and weiqi, *68 64l or the qi of the five viscera, and so on.65 l The other type ofjingqi is related to reproduction and growth of the human body. It is stated, "the source of life is calledjing,"66l and "when a man is born, jing is formed first. " 67l

3) Shenqi The original meaning of shen*30 is divinity. The meaning changed

and it became a word implying mysterious or supernatural. The term shenqi*14 then came about. Shenqi has two meanings. One is qi which controls life activity and physiological function in the human body. Even when referring to life activity or physiological function, the term jingqi*13 was used when emphasizing the refined or excellent aspect and the term shenqi was used when emphasizing the mysterious or supernatural aspect. It often happens in Chinese medicine that one qi (or function) has more than two names. The other meaning of shenqi is mind- the most mysterious or supernatural aspect of a human being. It is stated that "when the five viscera are complete, shenqi resides in the heart. " 68l Thus the qi with the function of consciousness exists in the heart.

One of the unique features of the "Huangdi Neijing" is that a variety of qi with functions of consciousness are said to reside in each of the five viscera, not just the heart.

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CONCEPTS OF Ql IN ANCIENT CHINA 103

The heart stores shen (spirit), the lungs store po*75 (vitality), the liver stores hun*76 (soul), the spleen stores yi*71 (thought), and the kidneys store zhi*78 (motivation).691

Both po and hun denote the soul or spirit, but po is the physical aspect and hun is the mental aspect. Yi is the activity of the mind or thinking. Zhi denotes motivation or will. Shen in this context refers to the qi which integrates or coordinates the functions of consciousness in the five viscera. 4) Yingqi*69 and weiqi*68

The term xue*71 (blood) is used often in "Huangdi Neijing", but there is almost no mention about the physiological function of blood. It is thought that yingqi and weiqi are the qi which perform the functions of blood. Descriptions of yingqi and weiqi appear in many chapters of "Huangdi Neijing", and what is stated can be summarized as follows:

Ying* 79 means nourish or nourishing and yingqi is the refined qi which is extracted from the qi of food and drink. This qi goes from the zhong jiao*67 to all parts of the body by way of the channels and supplies nourishment. Wei* 80 means to defend or defensive. Weiqi is sharp and quick qi extracted from the qi of food and drink, and this qi goes from the shang jiao*66 and travels outside along the channels to all parts of the body and carries out a defensive function. Both yingqi and weiqi circulate through the body fifty times a day. 5) Zhengqi*81

Zheng* 82 means good, correct, or regular, and in the Chinese classics it is often used as a pair with its antonym xie*83 (evil, perverse, or irregular). As will be discussed a little later, xieqi*84 was originally harmful qi which invaded the body from the outside. One school which emphasized the role of wind in disease considered xieqi to be xufeng*85 (deficient wind). One meaning of zhengqi, a term used in

*78 ~ *79 ;g .so iti

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104 KATSU HAYASHI

contrast to xieqi, was qi which conducted normal and orderly physio­logical processes. Another meaning in the context of wind as a cause of illness, was zhengfeng*86 (correct wind).

Zhengqi*81 is zhengfeng. *86 It is a wind which blows from one direction and is neither shifeng*87 (excess wind) nor xufeng*85

(deficient wind). 701

Also, according to "Lushi Chunqiu", *25 zhengfeng is "a wind that blows from the right direction at the appropriate time and which performs its proper function."711 In other words, zhengfeng is wind that blows from the right direction at the correct time and has the proper effect for the season. The "Huangdi Neijing" stresses the importance of harmony between the human body and nature. Since the qi of nature changes with the season, the qi in the body was also thought to change. Zhengqi was therefore the qi in the human body which corresponded to the correct and healthy qi of nature in each season. The school of medicine which stressed the role of wind in disease associated the source of zhengqi to be wind or zhengfeng. In later periods the relation between zhengqi and wind was forgotten and zhengqi came to be understood as another name for zhenqi*88

(true qz). 6) Zhenqi*88

Zhen*89 means true, real, or genuine. There are three attributes to zhenqi. The first is the qi of Heaven absorbed by the respiratory organs.

Zhenqi is received from Heaven, and it fills up the body along with the qi of food. 721

Heaven in this passage is often interpreted to mean prenatal or hereditary. However, since the above passage is found together with explanations of zhengqz"*81 and xieqi, *84 which mean zhengfeng*86 and xufeng*85 respectively, which are both qi of Heaven, the word Heaven

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in this passage is best understood as the sky or the heavens. Further­more, there are two modes of taking in qi into the body from nature. One of these is respiration or the absorption of the qi of Heaven. Discussion of this aspect is to be expected in "Huangdi Neijing", and probably zhenqi*88 was the term used for this. Therefore air was most likely called true qi or genuine qi, and this concurs with the fact that the original concept of qi was related to wind and breath. The second attribute of zhenqi was the qi in the channels. Among the many kinds of qi in the body, the qi which was considered most important may have been called true qi or genuine qi. The third attribute resulted from the evolution of this concept, and zhenqi came to mean the same thing as zhengqi- qi which performs normal physiological functions. 7) Zongqi*64

Zong*90 means ancestor, foundation, or great master. Zongqi is qi that has been absorbed from food and drink which goes to the lungs and finally becomes part of the breath. Kuroda Genji*60 calls it "a concept that is halfway between digestive and respiratory functions. " 73,

8) Daqi*91 and juqi*92

Both da*93 andju*94 mean large or great. Daqi is a great mass of qi. Daqi in the chest means zongqi. There is a statement in the "Huangdi Neijing" that daqi should be retained in the body by tonifying methods, but in other references daqi causes harm to the body. Daqi*91 means air in some contexts, but appropriate examples of the use of this term in this way cannot be found in the "Huangdi Neijing". The term juqi*92 appears very seldom in the "Huangdi Neijing" so its connotation is unclear, but it probably means the same thing as daqi. 9) Other qi

(1) Types of qi named after their location: Qi of kidneys, qi of small intestine, qi of channels, qi of head, qi of bones, qi of upper body, etc.

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(2) Types of qi as adjective modifiers: Clear qi, turbid qi, old qi, agile qi, accumulated qi, separated qi, dispersed qi, assembled qi, etc.

3. Abonnal qi in the human body 1) Xieqi* 84

Xie* 83 means evil, perverse, or irregular. Xieqi is qi which attacks the body from the outside and harms it. It was said in ancient Chinese medicine that "wind is the cause of all diseases,"74l and "wind is the parent of all diseases. " 75l Thus great importance was attached to wind as a cause of disease. Further, in one school which placed special emphasis on wind as the cause of disease, it was defined as follows: "Xieqi is xufeng*85 (deficient wind) which is injurious to a person."76l

The definition of xieqi grew in later years and it came to be used also for external pathological influences that invade the body. Some qi of nature (wind qi, cold qi, and etc.), when present at the right time in appropriate amounts, serve to promote the normal physiological functions in the body. However, when these qi exist at the wrong time, or are excessive or deficient at the right time, they become the cause of disease. Among the qi listed in the "Huangdi Neijing" as having a defensive function against the invasion of xieqi*84 are weiqi, *68

xueqi, *34 jingqi, *73 zhengqi, *81 and zhenqi. *88

2) Eqi,*95 duqi,*96 and bingqz"*97

Just like xie,*83 e*98 means evil. In contrast, however, to xieqi being a qi that invaded the body from the outside, eqi means qi which is not normal regardless of its source. Du*99 means poison. Bing* 100

means illness, or disease. Bingqi therefore means qi which is the cause of illness or that which manifests the disease condition. 3) Luanqi,* 101 yinqi,* 102 and baoqi* 103

Luan* 104 means in disorder or to disturb. Luanqi primarily means the qi that disturbs the order of qi which should exist in each of the

*95 ~~

*96 -~ *97 ~~

*101 ;51.~ *104 !L *102 ~~

*103 a3fi

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CONCEPTS OF QI IN ANCIENT CHINA 107

four seasons. It also implies qi which has been disrupted from the normal order it should have followed. When one does not adhere to the proper order in life or the correct treatment procedure, this becomes the cause of disease.

Yin* 105 means excessive. Yinqi is defined as qi existing in excess quantities in the body which becomes the cause of disease. Yin also means to permeate. When yinqi is used with this connotation, it is not related to disease.

Bao* 106 means sudden and violent. Baoqi means qi that becomes a cause of an illness where a person falls ill suddenly and acute and serious changes occur. 4) Tuoqi,* 101 duoqi,* 108 and shiqi* 109

Tuo* 110 means to come off. Tuoqi indicates a condition where qi has fallen off. Duo* 111 means to take away, and duoqi indicates a condition where qi has been taken away. Shl'* 112 means to lose, and shiqi indicates a condition where qi has been lost. All three of these terms refer to conditions where qi is lacking. In the "Huangdi Neijing" examples are given in which tuoqi is a condition caused by inappro­priate treatment, and shiqi is a condition which results from digestive problems caused by excessive fatigue. 5) Shangqi* 113 and niqi* 114

Shang* 115 means upper part or to ascend. Shangqi (qi in the upper part of the body) is an abnormality of qi in the thorax which causes coughing and respiratory problems. Also since these symptoms are caused by diseases of the lungs, it can be interpreted as diseases caused by the qi of the lungs ascending (the qi of the lungs is normally supposed to descend). Sometimes, however, shangqi is simply used to denote qi in the upper part of the body, without any relation to disease.

Nl'* 116 means to go backward. Niqi denotes qi movement in the opposite direction, and this is a cause of illness. The qi of the lungs,

*105 ~

*106 •

••o1 n~t~

*108 -~ *109 $1C~

* 110 n~t

*Ill •

*112 $IC *113 _t~

*114 i2!~ *115 _t *116 i2!

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108 KA TSU HAYASHI

for example, is normally supposed to go down. If it go up, then it can cause respiratory problems. The qi of the stomach is also supposed to go down, and when it goes up it causes vomitting and hiccoughs. 6) Duanqz"* 117 and shaoqz"* 118

Duan* 119 means short. Duanqi indicates a condition of being short of breath. Shao* 120 means little or scarce. Shaoqi means symptoms of hypoxia as well as a lack of vitality. 7) Types of qi named after diseases or syndromes

These include biqi,* 121 nueqi,* 122 yangqi,* 123 shanqi,* 124 and so on. Bi* 125 means pain or numbness caused by cold and dampness. Nue* 126 is a condition similar to malaria. Yang* 121 refers to carbuncles. Shan* 128 means hernia. 8) Abnormalities in qi caused by the seven emotions

Qiqing* 129 (seven emotions) refers to joy, anger, melancholy, pen­siveness, sorrow, fear, and fright. The emotions were considered to change the condition of qi in a person's body.

When one is angry, qi rises; when one is glad, qi becomes loose; when one is sad, qi scatters and disappears; when one is fright­ened, qi sinks; when one is startled, qi becomes disordered; when one becomes concerned, qi gets knotted up. 77)

The normal range of emotions does not cause any problems, but when they become excessive, this causes an abnormal condition in the qi which in turn leads to disease. The seven emotions were also con­sidered to occur as a result of abnormal conditions of qi.

When xueqi*34 (blood qz) becomes frenzied and rises, it makes a person angry. 78)

Melancholy occurs when qi is blocked and does not flow ... When the qi of the heart is deficient, there is sadness ... When the qi of the liver is deficient, there is fear ... 79)

*117 ~~ *118 j>~

*119 9iil

*120 j> *121 ~~

*122 a~

*123 ·~ *124 lil:i~

*125 ~

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CONCEPTS OF Ql IN ANCIENT CHINA 109

In other words, changes in qi can cause the seven emotions, and when these are excessive, it further exacerbates the abnormality in qi. This concept explains the interrelationship between the mind and the body through qi.

4. Qi of Yin-Yang and the Five Phases

1) Yin-yang Yin*9 and yang* 10 in addition to being two opposite yet comple­

mentary categories that cover every existing. thing,80l are also two qi which are opposite and complementary. Yin and yang are categories which denote contrasting aspects and they provide a basic and relative classification system which compares various things in pairs. Due to the relative nature of these aspects, a thing may be classified as yin in one context and as yang in another. For example, when qi and taste are compared, qi is yang and taste is yin. 81 ) When qi and virtue are compared, however, qi is yin and virtue is yang. 82) Therefore, different classifications of yin and yang are not always consistent or compati­ble. This lack of consistency, nevertheless, is one of the important feature of yin and yang.

Yin and yang as qi control the emergence and demise of all things, and there are two modes in which this takes place. In both modes, yin and yang transform by their own power, and by doing so, they trans­form other qi. Yin and yang are the greatest among all qi that compose the world. Thus yin and yang play a essential role in both the principle of generation and the principle of existence. This dual role has caused some confusion in these principles based on yin and yang. For exam­ple, there is a principle of generation dating from a later period, which holds that taiji* 130 (great origin) generates yin and yang, yin and yang generates the five phases, and the five phases generates all things. Once yin and yang is generated, these should naturally be different from taiji, but yin and yang continue to have the attributes of taiji. The same thing happens between taiji and all things generated. 83) The confusion of these two principles is an obvious feature of not only yin

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and yang, but also of the five phases. The principle of yin and yang was applied in all areas of Chinese

medicine including anatomy, physiology, pathology, diagnosis, and treatment. For example, blood which is associated with yin moves inside the channels, and qi which is associated with yang moves along the outside of the channels. 841 This can be explained by the following feature of yin and yang: Yin is on the inside and yang is on the outside. Further, if another feature of yin and yang is also considered, in which yin is cold and yang is hot, then the following concept of pathology is deduced:

When yang is in abundance, the outside is hot, and when yin is in abundance, the inside is cold. 851

Yin and yang is also emphasized in diagnosis as follows: He who is skilled in examination judges the (patient's) complexion and takes the pulse to first determine whether it is yin or yang (condition). 861

These passages are just a few examples of the application of yin and yang mentioned in "Huangdi Neijing". Clinical findings were thus first classified into yin and yang categories and then the findings were interpreted according to the nature of yin and yang, and finally they were used as information on which to base the treatment according to the situation. 2) The five phases

The five phases (wu xing*2) are five mutually related qi, which have the characteristics of the substances wood, fire, earth, metal, and water. It was held that these five qi are the manifestation of the five virtures (compassion, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and trust) in the form of qi. There are specific relationships between the five phases which become the basis for their mutual interaction. The main rela­tionships are as follows:

the creative cycle (wood, fire, earth, metal, water) the controlling cycle (earth, wood, metal, fire, water) the generating cycle (water, fire, wood, metal, earth)

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CONCEPTS OF QI IN ANCIENT CHINA 111

The relationship between the five phases and all other things is that the five phases are a system of classifying everything in the universe into five categories. 871

This is a very concise description of the five phases, but examining the origins of this concept, there are four different sources. The first appeared as a representation of the essential elements in life, and this was called the five phases of Earth and followed the controlling cycle. The second source of the five phases is that described in the Hong Fan* 131 of"Shu Jing"* 132 and this scheme follows the generating cycle.

The third source is found in Shi Ling. *133 By being incorporated as one item in the Shi Ling, the five phases of Earth acquired the three aspects of the creative cycle, attributes of qi, and a system of classify­ing everything into five categories. The five phases described in the Hong Fan is one of the nine divisions of the Hong Fan. The structure of the nine divisions of the Hong Fan is the same as the divining table described in Jiu Gong Ba Feng* 134 of "Ling Shu".*32 881 Therefore the five phases in the Hong Fan is related to wind. The Shi Ling, which is the third source, originated with the rituals of the four winds during the Yin*23 period. Thus the main components of the five phases relate to wind.

The fourth source of the five phases is that by Zi Si*135 and Mencius, but the details concerning this were unknown until recently. Study of the silk manuscripts excavated from the Han*136 Dynasty tomb of Ma Wang Di*137 in 1973 has revealed that these were actions based on the five virtues (compassion, righteousness, propriety, wis­dom, and holiness). 891

I believe that Zou Yan* 138 was the one who organized the five phases into a mutually interrelated system by drawing from these four sources.

Just as with yin*9 and yang,* 10 the five phases were applied in almost all aspects of medicine .

• 133 lit;~

•134 :ft. ;g J\.11. •137 .I!EEJI .138 lllffi

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The pulse of a person with a blue complexion is like a bow string. With a red complexion the pulse is like a hook. With a yellow complexion the pulse is intermittent. With a white complexion the pulse is like a strand of hair. With a black complexion the pulse is like a stone. When the complexion and pulse do not correspond (as above, and instead) the complexion and pulse are in a control­ling relationship, then the person will die. If these are in a creative relationship, the person will recover.90l

This is an example of diagnosis based on the five phases. When the complexion and the pulse quality belong to the same five phases category, this is normal. When they do not belong to the same cate­gory, the prognosis is determined based on whether the complexion and pulse are in a controlling relationship or a creative relationship. As is evident from this example, when two things belong to the same five phases category, they have an affinity. When two things belong to different five phases categories, they are judged to be superior or inferior in relation to the other based on whether they are in a control­ling relationship or a creative relationship. In other words, the five phases was applied to understand the relationship between two things, and this was used as the basis for making decisions in specific situations.

5. Analysis of Qi in the Human Body in the "Huangdi Neijing"

At the beginning of "Normal qi in the human body" in this sec­tion, I stated that there were two conceptual models concerning the way external qi is taken into the body. In one model, external qi is taken in by two systems through the nose and through the mouth. In the second model, the majority of the qi taken in is that of food and drink taken in through the mouth, and qi taken in through the nose only plays a minor secondary role. It is even possible to call this a model of taking in qi by one system (i.e. digestive system) by way of the mouth.

In the version of "Huangdi Neijing" which exists today there are only a few passages which relate to the former conceptual model, and

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the majority relate to the latter. I believe this tendency of emphasizing the second model does not reflect the original make up of the "Huang­di Neijing", which was a compilation of medical documents written over several centuries. In the writings of the earlier period there were many passages which related to the former model. As time went on, however, writings about the latter model increased and these eventu­ally became dominant in the present day version of the "Huangdi Neijing". .

The first reason for my view is that the former model dividing the intake of qi into two systems (related to Heaven and Earth respec­tively) corresponds to the yin*9-yang* 10 principle, and the second model emphasizing the mouth and qi taken into the stomach is related to the five phases system of the New Text School. The yin-yang prin­ciple appeared first in the medical theories of the "Huangdi Neijing" and the five phases system was adopted later.91 ) In the present day version of "Huangdi Neijing", the five phases system of the New Text School is dominant in the medical theories, and as the model for the intake of qi, that through the mouth is emphasized. In the medical theories in the old period, however, corresponding to the dominance of the yin-yang principle, the intake of qi into two systems by way of the nose and mouth was the dominant model.

The second reason for my view is because there is one clear trend in the way qi is described in ancient documents. The description of qi in the present day version of "Huangdi Neijing" is most similar to that found in documents of the later period. To give an example, in the three hundred year period from the publication of the "Confucian Analects" to "Huai Nan Zi", the proportion of qi from breathing within the discussion of qi in the body diminishes as time pro­gresses.92) "Huai Nan Zi" is the latest work in this period, and the description of qi in "Huai Nan Zi" and the present "Huangdi Neijing" are most similar.93) The historical trend in the description of qi, and the similarity of the way qi is described in "Huai Nan Zi" and the present "Huangdi Neijing" leads me to believe that the "Huangdi Nei­jing" of the older period treated qi in a way similar to the "Confucian Analects" (i.e. a greater emphasis on qi of breathing).

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Based on the above two reasons, I presume that the intake of qi from the natural world by breathing was emphasized in the old parts of the "Huangdi Neijing", most of which has been lost.

In discussing the varieties of qi in the human body in this section, I failed to mention one aspect, which maybe relevant to the theme of "life breath" in this symposium, and that is the aspect of qi as soul or spirit. The word for soul or spirit in Chinese is po*15 or hun*16• These terms originally meant the spirit that separates from the body after a person dies.94) The terms po and hun are found in the Zhi Bei You*28 of "Zhuang Zi"* 16 where it is stated that hun and po leave the body at death 95 ) and in Cike Lie Zhuan* 139 of "Shi Ji"*21 where it is stated

' that hun*16 and po*15 is not shamed if revenge is obtained,96) and also in the "Huangdi Neijing" where it is stated that hun comes and goes with shen*30 and po comes and goes with jing. *36 97) As mentioned in this section under "Normal Qi of the Human Body" however, aside from the hun and po that leave the body at death, the concept that hun is the mental function of the liver and po is the mental function of the lung is found in the "Huangdi Neijing".

Two reasons can be postulated for why the terms hun and po came to acquire new definitions. One is represented in the statement "It is useless to speak of the virtues of a moral life to those who believe in demons and spirits. "98) The medicine of the "Huangdi Neijing" developed as a process of doing away with shamanistic practices, and thus the terms for soul or spirit, which were inextricably tied to shamanistic practices had to be redefined. The other reason is the influence of the five phases system. These terms relating to the spirit were put together with other terms relating to the mind to complete a classification of five attributes of the mind.

I think that the change in the meaning of hun and po in the "Huangdi Neijing" is related to the fact that there is not much mention of the qi of respiration. It is well known that breathing is closely related to the soul or spirit. Thus if concepts about either one changes, a change would also occur in the other one as well. It cannot easily

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be acertained which changed first, the concept of breathing or that of spirit, in the period "Huangdi Neijing" was compiled. Nevertheless, it is certain that the change in the concept of soul or spirit and the decrease in of emphasis in medicine on the qi of respiration are closely connected.

Thus I have briefly examined the characteristics of the way qi was treated in the presently existing "Huangdi Neijing" and elucidated the two points of how in general great importance was attached to the qi of respiration and the qi of the spirit in ancient China and how within the context of medicine this emphasis and meaning changed.

VI. CONCLUSION

The original substance which existed at the time of creation was qi. This qi moved by itself and separated into Heaven and Earth, and then the qi of Heaven and the qi of Earth moved by themselves to mix with each other and create all things. The movement of qi, if viewed objectively, is largely the movement of substances called qi according to physical laws. Nevertheless, in ancient China qi was thought to move in and of itself. The myriad of things which were created out of qi were all composed of qi. The infinite number of things, which was all composed of qi, existed in an infinite variety of ways. Differences in the manner of existing was. thought of originate from differences in the density and the quality of qi which made up the things.

Qi was an element which composed all things, but it was also an element which composed time. The alternation of the four seasons, the cycle of twelve months, and the progression of time in a day were all brought about by changes in qi which composed time. Qi moved and changed by its own power, and along with this time progressed.

Thus far I have summarized the features of qi in the natural world. A great variety of qi exist in the natural world, but the original form of the concept of qi was derived from wind.

Looking at the qi in the human body, in addition to being the substance which composes the body, qi is also a substance which conducts life activities in general, including physiological functions

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and mental functions. It was thought that a person was born by receiving the qi of his father and mother. This is the same as the emergence of all things through the interaction of the qi of Heaven and Earth. After man is born, he maintains the activities of his life by taking in qi from the natural world. He uses this qi as material to compose his body as well as energy on which to function. A person dies if he is unable to obtain qi from the natural world. There are two modes of taking in qi from the natural world. One of them is for a person to take in qi through two systems by way of the nose and the mouth, and the other is taking in qi primarily through one system by way of the mouth. In the "Huangdi Neijing", as was discussed in the previous section, the latter mode is dominant, but great importance was attached to the qi taken in by breathing in ancient China in general. Therefore, I believe the view attributing the origin of the concept of qi in the human body to respiration99l is correct. Since the origin of the concept of qi in nature was wind, the features of qi which are common to that in nature and the human body is the flow of air as well as its connection to life and death.

That the concept of qi originated from wind and breathing is very significant not only for ancient Chinese medicine, but also for the concept of the interrelationship between Heaven and man, which was a fundamental concept in ancient Chinese philosophy. I believe that this is the reason why qi was able to maintain a powerful influence in Chinese thinking through the ages.

Although the breath and wind, the source for the concept of qi, were not given great emphasis in the "Huangdi Neijing", they have continued to play an important role in areas other than medicine. Breathing techniques were developed in Taoist practices for health and longevity, and the directions of wind is an important factor in divination and geomancy.

NOTES

I) Gu Xie Gang, "Wude zhongshi shuo xia de zhengzhi he lishi (The theories of the Five Elements in relation to government and history)" Gu Shi Bian (Discus­sions on ancient history and philosophy), book 5, 1935, p. 404.

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2) Mitsuji Fukunaga, "Doka no kiron to Enanji no ki," Kino Shiso (Thoughts of qz), 1978, p. 126 (in Japanese).

3) Lao Zi Dao De ling (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), De ling, pp. 2b-3b. 4) Huai Nan Zi (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 3, pp. lOa-lOb. 5) Huai Nan Zi, vols. 3, p. Ia. 6) Xun Zi (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 13, ch. 19, p. l6a. 7) Lun Yu (Shi San ling Zhu Shu edition), vols. 17, p. Sa. 8) Zhuang Zi (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vol. l, ch. 2, p. l9a. 9) Teikichi Hiraoka, Enanji ni arawareta kino kenkyu (A study of qi in Huai-Nan­

Zz), 1961, p. 48 (in Japanese). 10) Wen Xuan (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 13, p. lb. II) Yoshinobu Sakade, "Kaze no kannen to kazeuranai; Chugoku kodai no giji­

kagaku," Chugoku shiso kenkyu ronshu; Obei shiso yori no shosha (Treatises on study for Chinese thoughts; lrradications from Western thoughts), 1986, p. 235 (in Japanese).

12) For Ba Feng (the Eights Winds), see, for example, Keiji Yamada, "Kyukyu happu setsu to shoshi ha no tachiba," Toho gakuho, 52, 1980 (in Japanese).

13) Shi li (Zhonghua shuju, 1959), p. 1243. 14) Kiyoshi Akatsuka, Chugoku kodai no shukyo to bunka; In-ocho no saishi (Reli­

gion and culture in ancient China; A study of the Yin Dynasty), 1977, pp. 415-442 (in Japanese).

15) Ibid. 16) Shozo Maekawa, "Kokotsu bun, kin bun ni mieru ki," Kino Shiso (Thoughts of

ql), 1978, p. 25 (in Japanese). 17) Yu Xing-Wu, "Suishi qiyuan chukao," Lishi yanjiu, April 1961. 18) Yoshinobu Sakade, op. cit., p. 239. 19) Lu Shi Chun Qiu (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vol. l, p. 3a and vols. 10, p. 2a. 20) Huai Nan Zi, vols. 9, p. lb. 21) Xun Zi, vols. II, ch. 17, p. l6b. 22) Zhuang Zi, vols. 7, ch. 22, p. 43a. 23) Takio Sawada, "Junshi to Ryoshishunju ni okeru ki," Kino shiso (Thoughts of

q1), 1978, p. 82 (in Japanese). 24) Zhuang Zi, vols. 6, ch. 18, p. 32a. 25) Huai Nan Zi, vol. l, p. l6b. 26) Ling Shu (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 8, ch. 54, p. l5a. 27) Liu Chang-Lin, Nei ling de zhexue he zhong yixue de fangfa, 1982, p. 104. 28) Xun Zi, vols. 5, ch. 9, pp. l2b-13a. 29) Ibid., vols. 13, ch. 19, pp. 20b-2la. 30) Toshiaki Maruyama, Kotei naikei to chugoku kodai igaku, 1988, p. 157 (in

Japanese). 31) Toshihiko Uchiyama, Chugoku kodai shisoshi ni okeru shizen ninshiki (The cog­

nition of nature in the history of Chinese ancient thought), 1987, pp. 80-llO (in Japanese).

32) Shuzo Ikeda, "Chugoku," Iwanami koza, Tenkanki ni okeru ningen, vols. 2, 1989, pp. l47-l5l (in Japanese).

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33) Meng Zi (Shi San ling Zhu Shu edition), part I of vols. 3, p. 8a. Lao Zi Dao De ling, De ling, p. 9b.

34) Guan Zi (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 16, ch. 49, p. 2a. 35) Huai Nan Zi, vols. 8, p. 8a. 36) Zhuang Zi, vols. 7, ch. 22, p. 43a. 37) Ibid., pp. 49a-49b. 38) Huai Nan Zi, vols. 7, p. 2a. 39) Han Shu (Zhonghua shuju, 1962), vols. 56, p. 2500. 40) Li li (Shi San ling Zhu Shu edition), vols. 22, ch. 9, p. Ia. 41) Zuo Zhuan (Shi San ling Zhu Shu edition), vols. 41, p. 27a. 42) Lu Shi Chun Qiu, vols. 19, ch. 7, pp. l6b-l7a. 43) Bai Hu Tong (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 8, p. l6a. 44) Chun Qiu Fan Lu (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vols. 7, ch. 24, p. 13a. 45) Ling Shu, vols. 2, ch. 9, p. 2la. 46) Suwen (Si Bu Cong Kan edition), vol. I, ch. 4, p. 20b. 47) Ibid., vol. I, ch. 2, pp. l4a-l4b. 48) Ibid., vols. 4, ch. 16, pp. 8b-9a. 49) Ling Shu, vols. 12, ch. 78, pp. 4a-4b. 50) Fung Yu-Lan, A history of Chinese philosophy (Princeton Paperback, 1983),

vol. I, p. 164, mod. 51) Suwen, vols. 8, ch. 26, p. 5b. 52) Ibid., vols. 18, ch. 63, p. 4a. 53) Ibid., vol. I, ch. 4, pp. 2la-22a. 54) Katsu Hayashi, "Somon Hyohon byoden-ron no jikoku seido," Kanpo kenkyu,

September-November 1986 (in Japanese). 55) Genji Kuroda, Kino kenkyu, 1977, pp. 52, 194 (in Japanese). 56) Lu Yu-Qi, Zheng Hong-Xin, Nei ling qixue gailun, 1984, p. 3. 57) Suwen, vols. 3, ch. 9, p. 7b; vols. 3, ch. II, pp. l4b-l5a. 58) Ling Shu, vols. 4, ch. 18, pp. l4b-l7b; vols. 9, ch. 63, pp. l3b-l4b; vols. 10, ch.

71, pp. l3a-l3b. 59) Ibid., vols. 6, ch. 36, pp. l4a-l4b; vols. 12, ch. 81, p. l5a. 60) Suwen, vols. 17, ch. 62, p. 4b, 6b; Ling Shu, vols. 2, ch. 6, p. 8b; vols. 3, ch. 12,

p. 20a. 61) Ling Shu, vols. 6, ch. 30, pp. 3b-4a. 62) Suwen, vols. 17, ch. 62, p. Ia. 63) Suwen, vols. 12, ch. 43, p. 7b; Ling Shu, vols. 8, ch. 52, p. l2a. 64) Ling Shu, vols. 4, ch. 18, p. l7a. 65) Suwen, vols. 3, ch. II, p. l4b. 66) Ling Shu, vols. 2, ch. 8, p. l4a. 67) Ibid., vols. 3, ch. 10, p. Ia. 68) Ibid., vols. 8, ch. 54, p. l5a. 69) Suwen, vols. 7, ch. 23, p. lOb; Ling Shu, vols. 12, ch. 78, p. 6a. 70) Ling Shu, vols. II, ch. 75, pp. l3b-l4a. 71) Lu Shi Chun Qiu (Er ShiEr Zi edition), vols. 5, ch. 5, p. l2a, Zhao's note quoted

by Bi Yuan.

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72) Ling Shu, vols. 11, ch. 75, p. 13b. 73) Genji Kuroda, op. cit. p. 80. 74) Suwen, vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 17b; vols. 16, ch. 60, p. Ia. 75) Ibid., vols. 6, ch. 19, p. 4b; vols. 12, ch. 42, p. 2b. 76) Ling Shu, vols. 11, ch. 75, p. 14a. 77) Suwen, vo1s. 11, ch. 39, pp. 3~. 78) Ibid., vols. 18, ch. 64, p. 9a. 79) Ling Shu, vo1s. 2, ch. 8, pp. 14b-15b. 80) Paul U. Unschuld, Medicine in China; A history of ideas, 1985, p. 55, mod. 81) Suwen, vols. 2, ch. 5, p. 2a. 82) Ling Shu, vo1s. 2, ch. 8, p. 14a. 83) Shuzo Ikeda, "In to You," /wanami koza, Toyo Shiso, vols. 14 pp. 3-4 (in

Japanese). 84) See 60) 85) Suwen, vols. 17, ch. 62, p. 6a. 86) Ibid., vols. 2, ch. 5, p. 9b. 87) Joseph Needham, Science and civilization in China, vols. 2, 1969, p. 261, mod. 88) Shigeo Nomura, "Kohan no sekai," Mori hakase shoju kinen toyogaku ronshu,

1979, pp. 48-50 (in Japanese). 89) Pang Pu, Boshu wuxing-pian yanjiu, 1980. 90) Ling Shu, vol. 1, ch. 4, pp. 20b-21a. 91) Keiji Yamada, op. cit. 92) Genji Kuroda, op. cit., pp. 52-54. 93) Idem. Ibid., p. 48. 94) Naomi Kurita, "Jodai Shina no tenseki ni mietaru ki no kannen," Chugoku

jodai shiso no kenkyu, 1949, p. 121 (in Japanese). 95) Zhuang Zi, vols. 7, ch. 22, p. 48b. 96) Shi Ji, vols. 86, p. 2519. 97) Ling Shu, vols. 2, ch. 8, 14a. 98) Suwen, vols. 3, ch. 11, p. 15a. 99) Naomi Kurita, op. cit., pp. 102-105.

H.H. Dubs, Fung Yu Lan

J. Legge

E. Morgan

A Bibliography in Translation Chinese into English

The works of Hsun Tze (London, 1928). A history of Chinese philosophy, translated by Derk Bodde (Princeton, 1952). The Chinese classics, Vol. 1 (Oxford, 1893). The text of Taoism (Oxford, 1891). Tao the great luminant; Essay from Huai Nan Tzu with introductory articles notes analyses (Shanghai; repr. Taipei, 1966).

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J. Needham A. Rump

P.U. Unschuld

I. Veith

B. Watson

Science and civilization in China, vols. 2 (Cambridge, 1969). Commentary on the Lao Tzu by Wang Pi (University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1979). Medicine in China; A history of ideas (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1985). Huang Ti Nei Ching Su Wen; The Yellow Emperor's classic of internal medicine (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1966). The complete works of Chuang Tzu (Columbia University Press, New York, 1968).

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The Life Philosophy of Ancient China and Qi

LIU CHANG LIN

Institute of Philosophy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences No. 5, Jianquomen Nei St, Beijing, 100732, China

121

N o concept is as important and widely used as the concept of qi in traditional Chinese medicine. To say that the concept of qi is the

foundation stone of Chinese traditional culture (including traditional Chinese medicine) is not excessive. In various fields of Chinese tradi­tional culture, the terms related to the concept of qi are many; like­wise, the principles of many fields of Chinese culture are related to the concept of qi. One such principle relates to Chinese literature, and proposes that to write and make comments on an article takes qi first. One of the standards and methods of Chinese art is qi yun sheng dong* 1 - or the metre of the inner life. Mencius said: "I am good at fostering my noble grand qi." (Gongsun Chou shang of Meng Zi)1)

This qi is both the qi of morality and the qi of life. Chinese philosophy takes qi as the basis of all things on earth. The concept of qi and many other traits of traditional Chinese culture are directly related to the life philosophy of ancient China.

SECfiONONE

The so-called "life philosophy" mentioned above is a general name for several schools of ancient Chinese philosophy. The common trait

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of these schools of thought was that they stressed the fundamental importance of life: among them were the Confucian School, Taoist School, Mohist School and the Yin Yang School. Traditional Chinese medicine formed and developed under the influence of these ancient life philosophies. Although each of these schools developed different views of society and politics and different theories of knowledge, they had in common a perception that the life of man came first, as the starting point for all thinking and action. At the same time, they considered life to be a universal phenomenon, a process existing in all things in the universe. Therefore, I've termed this common thread of thought "life philosophy."

The basic characteristics of the ancient Chinese life philosophy are as follows: 1. A basic respect for human life

Central to this philosophy is a respect for and cherishing of the life of man. Confucius put forward the theory of ren, *2 which he looked on as the mainstay of his philosophy. Confucius said: "The man who has grasped the theory of ren cherishes man" (from the Yan Yuan of Lun Yu). 2) Of course, without a doubt, to cherish man is to cherish the life of man first.

The second sage of the Confucian school, Mencius, encouraged "a sense of pity" (from the Gongsun Chou shang of Meng Zi). 3) He wanted people not only to c_herish their fellow man, but to show sympathy for them as well. The founders of the Confucian School demanded in general that everyone's life be cherished,4) thus display­ing their basic humanitarian feelings. All early Confucianism emerged from this central point.

The Taoist School valued individual life even more than the other philosophical schools. The key concepts of Lao Zi* 3 and Zhuang Zi*4

are to be quiet and avoid action, letting things take their own course. One of the roots of this philosophy grew from qigong, an ancient system of deep-breathing exercises which has good health and long life as its aims.

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Many training methods and theories on the ancient qigong have been preserved in the book of Daode Jing* 5 of Lao Zi and the book Nanhua Jing*6 of Zhuang Zi. *1 Although Zhuang Zi expressed a calm and indifferent attitude towards death, this was in fact the comple­ment of a thirst for a free life. Lao Zi said: "If a man values the world as much as he values his body, we can entrust the world to his care; if a man loves the world as much as he loves his own body, we can commit the world to his care."5) Thus it can be seen that the Taoist School regarded the life of man as the highest and most valuable thing in the world. Afterwards, the Taoist religion, as one of the chief religions in China, came into being during the Han Dynasty (A.D. 25-220). The essence of the Taoist religion has been to seek a long or even eternal life. The relation between "the Taoist religion and Taoist School of philosophy is a close one.

The Mohist school advocated "love for each other with no difference" and "opposition to wars of aggression" (Mo Z1).6) They valued the life of man in much the same way as other schools.

The Yin Yang school studied the growth and decline of the relative strength of yin and yang in the natural world and society and sought out the laws of normal change in all things on earth. This school took the above-mentioned work as their own duty. One of their purposes was to help people avoid illness and disaster and prolong their lives. In later periods, the Yin Yang school became mixed with Confucian­ism, Taoism, the Tao religion and medical science.

Confucianism and Taoism represented the mainstream of ancient Chinese philosophy. But the basic law that the Yin Yang school put for­ward became a form of thinking which all ancient Chinese culture fol­lowed. In the Warring States period (476-221 B.c.), the Mohist school enjoyed as much prestige as Confucianism, so its influence was very deep. Thus we can say that the traditional spirit of Chinese culture is one that thinks highly of the significance and value of man's life. 2. Life regarded as a fundamental property of the universe

The Chinese people have a strong subjective consciousness in the

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sense that they analogize the properties of all things on earth accord­ing to their knowledge of man himself. In short, this means "putting oneself into the place of other things" and "knowing about objects in the light of subjects" (Yinyang yingxiang of Suwen). 71 According to this idea, the ancient Chinese people thought that since the body of man is a living whole, heaven and earth and all things on earth are a whole with its own life too. Moreover, the concept of "heaven and man in harmonious union"*8 and "all things on earth as one body"*9

was generally agreed on in ancient China, and thus it was thought that all things on earth must have the property of life just as man does.

In pre-Qin times, almost all scholars agreed that just as man is born by parents, all things on earth are born by heaven and earth, and thus heaven and earth are the parents of all things on earth.

According to this way of thinking, the basic property of the uni­verse is sheng, * 10 which means "alive"- the universe itself has life and at the same time breeds all things on earth continuously. The book Xi ci zhuan xia of Yi Zhuan says: "The greatest virtue of heaven and earth is to breed. " 81 The ancient scholars thought that since heaven and earth and all things on earth are alive, they certainly must follow a uniform law of life, and can make refer to each other.

Zhuang Zi said: "All things on earth are like a seed. It becomes a different shape in the process of change. These different shapes come out one after another. The start of change joins the end of change like a ring. We cannot seek the dividing line of the ring. This is what is called tianjun.* 11 Tianjun is just tian ni* 12" (Yu Yan of Zhuang Zi). 91

Zhuang Zi thought that all concrete things change, just as plants grow from seed to bud to seedling to flower to fruit (seed), this being the process of the unfolding of life. 3. Maintenance of health, cultivation of moral character, and

governance of the country viewed as a united and integrated enterprise Confucians advocated the self-cultivation of morals and stressed

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the individual cultivation of moral character as the basis for govern­ing the country. At the same time, they considered the cultivation of moral character and the preservation of one's health as involving the same methods and principles: thus, the two got mixed together. For instance, preserving one's health was thought to require quieting one's heart and diminishing one's desires. Equally, quieting the heart and diminishing desires are the basic premise of practising the theory of ren*2 and observing /i,* 13 thereby achieving noble moral character. Li means "ceremony" and "social standards." The Taoist school's out­look on society and life focused on having people not fight each other for position or glory, but detach themselves from common customs. The Taoist school stood for the same principles of quieting the heart and diminishing desires: they also thought that these were the rules people must observe to preserve their health.

In the light of the theories espoused by the Yin Yang school, the human body's health involves keeping a balance between yin and yang. If the different aspects of the human body all achieve a yin-yang balance, then the person involved will display a gentle and mild temper, honest and upright behavior, a modest and amiable manner, and moderate and appropriate deportment. To make these two opposing forces balanced is the basic and vital law of governing societies and countries well, in addition to being the principle of maintaining good health and curing sickness. 4. Appreciation of beauty comes after the improvement of health

and must serve to preserve one's health Some pre-Qin dynasty books and records such as the books of

Lushi Chunqiu,* 14 Zuo Zhuan* 15 and Guo Yu* 16 and others pointed out that artistic activities originated from the need to improve health and cure sickness. Thus creation and the appreciation of art should observe the regulation of helping to maintain good health, and should take their benefits to the soundness of body and mind as their criteria. The appreciation of elegant works of art can both purify one's heart

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and raise one's level of health. On the contrary, bad art is not only an offense against decency, but is also harmful to one's health. A famous medical man, Yi He,* 17 in the Spring and Autumn period (770-476 B.c.), and many pre-Qin dynasty scholars elucidated this idea.

To sum my point up, the central characteristic of ancient Chinese philosophy was to cherish and respect human life and to elaborate the property of life into a general property of all things on earth. Ancient Chinese scholars took the life of man to be the center of all things, and united the true, the good and the beautiful. According to ancient Chinese scholars, grasping these truths intrinsically meant to under­stand the noumenon of life and seek to make life exist normally and develop harmoniously. Therefore, to practice such truths was to embody virtue, with true and the good fusing into one at the basic point of seeking a perfect life. At the same time, it was thought that the beautiful should embody the noumenon of life in the universe and benefit the harmony and continuity of life. Therefore, the beautiful and the true and the virtuous were all seen as consistent.

SECTION TWO

The scholars in pre-Qin times expressed varying views on the origins of the universe. The book of Guan Zz'*18 stated that the uni­verse originated with water and earth, but in general, scholars of this period didn't thoroughly discuss this important topic. (The theories of wuxing* 19 and bagua*20 do not actually belong under the heading of a study of the origins of the universe.) Although, as mentioned, different philosophical schools held different opinions, most of them agreed that qi was the basic matter that composed the universe, and that qi was the source of various functional phenomena as well as movement. From the Zhou*21 and Qin*22 dynasties to the Ming*23

and Qing*24 dynasties, many scholars insisted that in the real percep­tual world, qi is the original source of all physical material and

*19 lirr *20 J\!1-

*23 Bjj *24 ;1t

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movement. According to the expositions of ancient scholars on qi, we know

that the concept of qi came to include extraordinarily complicated and varied connotations. The original concept of qi included only air and other substances in a gaseous state. Later, people attached many other connotations to the qi, especially many properties involving function.

Why did the scholars of pre-Qin times generally agree on their views of qi? Why did more and more people accept its importance and pay attention to it afterwards? It is not easy to find ready answers from ancient literature. However, we can say, since almost every scholar in history had the same or similar opinions on qi, they all accepted that qi comprised the origin or sub-origin of the cosmos, so the concept of qi was not confined to one academic group or one era, but existed throughout the development of Chinese culture. Thus this very concept embodies and in a compressed form many important views and characteristics are innate to Chinese culture. On the other hand, qi's material reality, as air and all things of gaseous state, was most suitable to express and embody those consistent and united viewpoints and characteristics of Chinese philosophy and Chinese culture, and thus our Chinese ancestors chose an important role for the concept of qi.

From the above analysis, we can reasonably infer that the forma­tion and development of the concept of qi must be closely related to the life philosophy that a lot of important schools held. The relation of the concept of qi with life philosophy is as follows: l. People know from general knowledge that breath is the most important condition for the existence of human life. In remote antiq­uity, the Chinese found that appropriate adjustments to breathing can relieve fatigue and improve health. This is the origin of qigong (qi exercises). Zhuang Zi said: "True man breathes very deeply. True man breathes through his heels, ordinary people breathe through their throat" (Da Zong Shi of Zhuang Zi ). 10l The book of Huangdi Neijing states: "True man pays attention to adjusting his breath and makes his spirit keep independent and quiet" (Shanggu Jianzhen fun of Suwen).''l The true man is wiser than a sage according to Taoism. A

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conclusion could be drawn naturally from these sources that qi is the source of life for the human body. Lao Zi said: "The space between heaven and earth is like a bellows. It appears empty but is inexhausti­ble. The wind goes out continually as soon as the bellows moves, and as a result, the universe is full of vitality" (Lao Zi, Chapter 5). 121 We know that wind is formed of air, namely qi. So in the light of Lao Zi, the bellows are similar to the lungs of the human body. The wind is just the breath of the universe, and qi is the root of the universe's life. People depend on qi for their vitality, and all things on earth depended qi for their birth and form. In ancient China, people believed life to be the fundamental attribute of the universe: therefore, the importance of qi in the universe seems obvious. 2. The ancient Chinese noticed that the four seasons, fair and cloudy weather, day and night have decisive influences on all things' germina­tion, growth, decline and death. They attributed this influence to heaven, and heaven consisted of qi. In this way, people could use the concept of qi to signify the great effect that heaven has on the procrea­tion and multiplication of all things. The role of qi can thus be better seen. 3. The ancient Chinese regarded life as the foundational attribute of the universe and paid special attention to it. This strengthened the tendency in ancient Chinese thinking to stress the functional and the dynamic state of things as opposed to the substance of things. Owing to the mobility and fluidity of qi, we can see that it is a convenient concept for explaining and showing rhythms of life and the function of the universe, and it makes sense to take qi as the basis for all things on earth.

The concept of qi actually has two aspects: one is material, the other functional. The functional aspect of qi is more important. Thus according to the theory of traditional Chinese medicine, the vitality of the human body relies on yuanqi*25 (original qz). Yuanqi is translated into English as "(inborn) vital energy." 4. If we observe the world in terms of life, all things on earth should

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be an organic whole. Life and the universe were seen as closely con­nected with each other. It accords with this logic to use the invisible and non-orderly qi to describe how a visible and orderly whole comes into being and then disintegrates. This is the theory of qihua*26

(changes in qz). 5. The continuity of human life depends on the marriage of man and woman. Plants and animals are also separated into male and female. Therefore, ancient Chinese scholars _inferred that heaven and earth also bear all things through sexual relations, with heaven and earth being the parents of all things. Since the universe is alive, all things on earth should also be divided into two kinds- male and female. Thereupon, ancient Chinese scholars used the concepts of yin and yang to generalize the sexual nature of all things: this is the logical process behind the formation of the concept of yin-yang. The principle of yin-yang is an important part of life philosophy, advocating that it is universally true that all things can be divided into two parts-yin and yang. According to this, qi-the original component of the universe- is also divided into yinqi and yangqi. Life philosophy used qi to explain the functions of yin and yang in all things, and the interaction of yin and yang with each other, using yinqi and yangqi to account for the two aspects of the universe, i.e. yin and yang. 6. Qi strengthened the tendency of ancient Chinese scholars to emphasize time more than space with regard to the existence of all things and their life. This is because the form of a life being promi­nently displays the property of time. Under the influence of this tend­ency of thinking, the concept of qi includes the property of time. As mentioned above, ancient Chinese scholars thought that the alterna­tion of day and night, the four seasons and solar terms were governed and arranged by heaven. Thus the term tianshz"*21 - heaven-time, meaning weather, climate, season, opportunity, timeliness and so on, all of which are connected with heaven. But heaven consists of qi. Qi divides into yinqi and yangqi. Thus it is the growth and the decline and the transformation of yinqi and yangqi that produce day and night

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and the four seasons. Therefore, it is owing to the effect of qi that heaven can govern and arrange day and night and the four seasons. From the viewpoint of life philosophy, the motion of qi has peri­odicity and rhythm.

These opinions about qi and time had a great impact on tradi­tional Chinese medicine, a medicine of rhythms in a certain sense. The rhythms of the human body are explained through qi's rhythms in traditional Chinese medicine. 7. Another characteristic of traditional Chinese thinking is a par­ticular stress on the continuity of all things. The forming and the strengthening of this characteristic is related to life philosophy. The process of life displays a clear continuity, and qi, as atmosphere or other material in a gaseous state, is a continuous mass as observed by the sensory organs of the human body. This contributed to the view that qi was the origin of the universe or the basis for forming all things on earth. 8. Long long ago, ancient Chinese scholars recognized three states of matter,: gaseous, liquid and solid, in addition to their transforma­tion. Ancient Chinese scholars also thought that after death, an organism is transformed from a visible thing (in the solid state) into invisible gas, namely qi, which then goes back into the natural world. The gas, i.e. qi, can also be transformed into a visible living organism under given conditions. Therefore, qi is not only the medium which links up organisms and all things on earth, but also the basis for making the universe a united whole. 9. Life philosophy must lead to and strengthen the concept of wholeness. This must impel people to actively discover and study the varied connections between all things on earth, including the connec­tion between information and reaction*28 inside the organism and between the organism and the environment and so on. It is convenient to use qi as a way of describing the connections and relations which people cannot see with their eyes and observe with difficulty. There­fore, qi has become something that embodies and realizes varied

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connections. The concept of qi formed and developed under the direct influence

of life philosophy, making its vision of a living universe more com­plete and systematic in terms of theory. The concept of qi was origi­nally based on breathing, with qi as atmosphere. However, because of the influence of life philosophy, qi was transformed into a very impor­tant philosophic concept after many more abstract properties not related to breathing were added. The wisdom, temperament and feel­ings of the Chinese people appear vividly in this concept. The concept of qi became a living spirit in the theoretical structure of each field in traditional Chinese culture.

SECfiON THREE

Theories of traditional Chinese medicine came into being later than the philosophic concept of qi. Therefore, the meaning of qi had become more abstract and extensive than simply the air that was breathed. Apparently it was quite difficult to apply this philosophic concept to a medical science which was specific and based on clinical practice and experience. The concept of qi in philosophy only exists as abstract thinking and imagination, yet any concept in medical science always has to be employed to express a specific thing no matter how wide its range of applicatiop is.

How did medical specialists solve this contradiction? Essentially, they came to regard the concept of qi as a symbolic-theoretical model. Under the precondition of keeping most of the philosophical connotations of qi, qi was made to correspond to the connections, functions and substances of certain parts of the human body, and then, the relevant physiological and pathological attributes known through the clinical observation of the whole of human body were attached separately to the concept of qi. Finally, qi was given different names to delimit and further specify it, such as weiqi, *29 yingqi, *30

xinqi,*31 feiqi,* 32 jingqi,*33 zongqi,* 34 and so on. In this way, in medi-

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cine, the concept of qi was limited to representing certain parts of the human body. This model gradually developed into a highly systema­tized medical theory based on clinical observation, verification, and continuous revision over a long period of time.

In general, traditional Chinese medicine set up four types of mod­els regarding qi. They reflect the four basic properties that belong to the human body. 1. Qi as the intermediary in the transition between living substances

and physiological functions. Traditional Chinese medicine founded the concepts ofjing,*35 qi*36

and shen. *37 ling is a living substance. Shen refers to the spirit and general body functions. Qi is something betweenjing and shen, some­thing material as well as functional. As material, it is invisible and too delicate to have any content. Although it is a function and acts as the energy of life, it is also clearly a kind of substance because it can change directly to jing and vice versa. Traditional Chinese medicine believes that there is an intermediary existing in the course of the transition of living substances and functions of life. It is like a bridge between them. This medium is qi. 2. Qi as the medium between the body's internal organs and the four

limbs, between the body's surface and the inside, and between the body and the external environment.

According to traditional Chinese medicine, there is a kind of qi in the human body. It moves all over the body along jingluo, *38 and it not only pushes the blood forward to transport nutrition to each part of the body, but also transmits information to link the body into a whole. In addition, as early as the Warring State period (770-221 B.c.), ancient Chinese scholars discovered that invisible information transmission over long distances can occur between two organisms. For example, the book of Lushi chunqiu states: "One person lived in the state of Qin in West China, another person he loved lived in the state of Qi in East China. When the person in Qi died, the person in Qin immediately felt uneasy for no apparent reason. It may have

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happened because jingqi transmitted the information between them" (Jingtong of Lushi chunqiu).' 3l The so-calledjingqi is one kind of qi. It is the "cream" in all kinds of qi. The writer of Lushi chunqiu believed that jingqi existed which could transmit information both in cosmic space and in organisms. It is thus clear that a connotation involved in the concept of qi includes information and its transmission. Qi, as the carrier of information, has the capability of leaping over extremely wide spaces. 3. Inside qi and outside qi generated by qigong

These qi have many functions, such as dispelling pathogenetic factors, nourishing the body, raising intelligence and regulating qi, blood andjing/uo.*38 In addition, these qi can make the body perform extraordinary feats. 4. Pathogenetic xieqz"*39

Xieqi means "evil qi." It can cause disease. For instance, in tradi­tional Chinese medicine, there are six yin xieqi, *40 i.e. feng* 41 qi, han*42 qi, shu*43 qi, shi*44 qi, zao*45 qi and huo*46 qi. Xieqi are not the components of the normal body. Many kinds of xieqi come from the environment. In order to study the pathogenetic xieqi, traditional Chinese medicine used its basic symbolic-theoretical model. The ancient doctors knew the properties and characteristics of xieqi and the means of dispelling xieqi through observing and analysing the different responses of the normal body to xieqi and the relationships between medical measures and changes in the disease.

The concept of qi in traditional Chinese medicine has very rich connotations, much more so than the four aspects discussed above. Of course, to classify qi more precisely belongs to fields of special research in traditional Chinese medicine. It must be pointed out that owing to the melding of the philosophic concept of qi with traditional Chinese medicine, and the use of the symbolic-theoretical model, traditional Chinese medicine has discovered and studied areas and phenomena which are hard to conceive through the methodology and

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conceptual framework of Western medical science. For example, without using the concept of qi and the symbolic-theoretical model, the establishment of the theory of jingluo*38 would have hardly been imaginable.

Though the study of these fields is at an early stage, it is undeni­ably a great contribution of the ancient Chinese life philosophy and the concept of qi in traditional Chinese medicine, both of which have opened roads for deeper research on the human body.

SECTION FOUR

Discussing the concept of life breath through a comparison between Eastern and Western medicine makes a great deal of sense in understanding the spirit of Chinese culture and the differences between Eastern and Western culture.

Ancient Chinese philosophy and traditional Chinese medicine at­tached importance to qi. Ancient European philosophy and medicine also attached importance to air. In ancient Greece, Anaximenes thought that air was the origin of all things on earth. Empedocles set forward the theory of four elements. He viewed fire, air, water, and earth as the basic forms of the universe. Thus air is one of four elements. In the field of medicine, the Hippocratic school founded the theory of pneuma. According_ to this theory, pneuma is the substance of the human body. It plays the role of keeping a balance in the body, and stems from air breathed. Thus, ancient Eastern and Western philosophy and medicine have something in common. However, the European people did not produce any comprehensive theory like that involving Chinese qi. Equally, traditional Chinese medicine did not found any precise anatomy of the human body.

Why is this? Essentially, ancient Chinese culture and European culture had the different ways of thinking, or different tendencies in their thinking.

What were the characteristics of ancient Chinese thinking? Gener­ally speaking, traditional Chinese ways of thinking have the character­istics of what might be termed "female thinking". In other words,

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Chinese traditional thinking falls under the yin*47 category. In my opinion, traditional Chinese ways of thinking have shown no difference with basic tendencies of female thinking. We can thus reasonably say that traditional Chinese ways of thinking have feminine traits, as follows:

1. A precocious subjective consciousness 2. The tendency to mix subject and object together 3. The central idea of wholeness 4. Paying attention to function and relation, not substance 5. Valuing time more highly than space 6. Skill at thinking in images, but not so much skill in logical

thinking 7. Skill at thinking of intuitively These are all aspects of traditional Chinese thinking; moreover, in

the light of modern psychology they are traits of female thinking as well. These traits of thinking were what made ancient Chinese scholars attach importance to life, place great value on air breathed, and to develop the philosophical concepts of qi and the medical con­cept of qi. If the ancient Chinese people had not borne these traits of thinking, they would not have founded the concept of qi which we see today. By the way, according to modern psychology, male and female thinking are matched and balanced in the level of intelligence, but have important differences _in the distribution of that intelligence.

The strong subjective consciousness of the ancient Chinese people led them to attach importance to man's self. The attention of tradi­tional Western thinking was in the direction of matter, but the atten­tion of Chinese traditional thinking directed toward the human realm. This difference is also similar to differences in tendencies of thought between male and female. Thus Chinese traditional philosophy belonged to the philosophy of life and traditional Chinese medicine flourished in ancient times. Traditional Western medicine took man as a substance to study, but traditional Chinese medicine took man as a living thing, stressing the traits of wholeness and the life of man. At

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the same time, ancient Chinese scholars united medicine, ethics, mana­gerial science, aesthetics and philosophy, and so on into one whole.

Owing to a strong subjective consciousness, the ancient Chinese people took man as the center of the universe, mixing subject and object together, as a result of the idea "heaven and man in harmoni­ous union".*8 From this, ancient Chinese scholars analogized the properties of all things on earth according to the knowledge of man himself, regarded life as the basic property of the universe, and there­fore believed that air breathed is the root of life of the universe, and finally, made the concept of qi an important category of philosophy which had a wide range.

The concept of qi has two aspects. One is material, another is functional. And the functional aspect is more important to the con­cept of qi. It reflects the fact that Chinese ancient scholars paid great attention to the functions and the relationships of all things. We know the functions of qi were concrete and various: particularly in tradi­tional Chinese medicine. But the substance of qi was abstract and blurred. This also embodies a central tendency of Chinese traditional thinking.

Chinese traditional thinking attached importance to image, and was good at thinking in images. This can be proved by the Chinese pictograph. This trait of thinking in images still shows through the concept of qi. The substance of qi was abstract, but its function had a clear image. Ancient Chinese doctors knew and expressed the func­tional properties of qi through the signs of the body, personal feelings and experience, or in other words, through images. So a basic term in traditional Chinese medicine-"analyse the signs of the body"*48 also means "analyse the images of the body". *49 The concept of qi, as a model of the human body and pathogeny was founded by observing and analysing the images of signs of the human body.

In a word, Chinese traditional ways of thinking made it possible to found life philosophical category of qi and the medical concept of qi as a medical model.

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NOTES

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Animal Spirits and Eighteenth-Century British Medicine

L.S. JACYNA

Wei/come Institute for the History of Medicine 183 Euston Road, London, NWJ 2BE United Kingdom

INTRODUCTION

139

I N his treatise on The English malady published in 1733, the English physician George Cheyne declared that:

The Doctrine of Spirits, to explain the animal Functions and their Diseases, has been so readily and universally receiv'd from the Days of the Arabian Physicians (and higher) down to our present Times, that scarce one (except here and there a Heretick of late) has call'd this Catholick Doctrine in question.

Even those who harboured doubts about the correctness of this the­ory were content for the sake of convenience to make use of this "common Dialect." Thanks to the efforts of philosophers and mathematicians, as well as physicians, what had initially been a "rude and imperfect" system had now been developed into a "more consist­ent and less absurd Theory." 1)

The doctrine Cheyne described can be viewed as a linear descend­ant of the Galenic notion of a "psychic pneuma" which was secerned in the brain and then distributed throughout the body by means of the nerves. Despite the vicissitudes this doctrine had undergone through the centuries, it retained its identity and continued to attract wide­spread support as late as the eighteenth century. Perhaps the most

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eminent supporter of the theory during this period was the Swiss physiologist Albrecht von Haller ( 1708-77). This persistence was in part due to the survival into the nineteenth century of the Galenic notion of the anatomy and physiology of the nervous system. 2l On the Galenic view, the brain was the seat of the psychic principle; it was also "undeniably the source of all the Nerves of the body". 3l The mind exercised its influence over the body by means of these nervous cords; as Cheyne put it, "the Intelligent Principle, or Soul, resides somewhere in the Brain, where all the Nerves, or Instruments of Sensation termi­nate, like a Musician in a finely fram'd and well tun'd Organ Case; ... these Nerves are like Keys, which, being struck on or touch'd, convey the Sound and Harmony to this sentient Principle, or Musician. "4l

The doctrine of animal spirits provided a putative mechanism for explaining the interaction of mind and body. The chief tenets of this theory can be summarized as follows:

1. That there was a substance- sometimes called a "fluid" on other occasions a "vapour" or "spirit"- secreted in the brain.

2. This substance was conveyed by the nerves to the different parts of the body.

3. Sensory impressions were transmitted from the external organs by the agency of this fluid to the brain; here they became present to consciousness.

4. Conversely, the impulses of the will were transmitted to the muscles by means of the nervous fluid which was the efficient cause of muscular contraction.

There was room for considerable disagreement on detail within this general framework. The mode of transmission of the nervous fluid, for example, was contentious. Some favoured the notion that the nerves formed hollow tubes and that the fluid was conveyed along them in the same was that blood or lymph travelled through their appropriate vessels. The fact that even with the assistance of the most powerful magnifying lenses, no cavity was visible in the nerves was, however, a stumbling-block to this notion. Others, such as Kinneir, maintained that the nerves were solid cords; the fluid was transmitted along them by a mechanism analogous to capillary motion. s)

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There was, moreover, no consistency of terminology among authors who adopted some version of this system. As well as nervous fluid, the substance secreted by the brain was on occasion called, among other names, the succus nervosus, liquidium nervorum, liquor encepahli, and "animal spirits." In part, these terms were interchange­able; some of them, however, conveyed subtly different shades of meaning. By means of the name an author chose to use different attributes could be predicated of the nervous something. These ambi­guities added considerably to the flexibility and therefore serviceabil­ity of the theory.

Disagreement over the manner in which the nervous fluid per­formed its function was also apparent. Some clung to the notion of it as a subtle, highly tenuous substance whose operations were inscruta­ble. Others, influenced by the mechanistic philosophy of the seventeenth-century and especially by Descartes physiological ideas, employed a grosser concept of the nervous subtance and of its effect on other parts of the body. Malcolm Flemyng, for instance, declared the "simplest and most natural account of voluntary muscular motion" to be that: "The will determines a flux of animal spirits through nerves. . . into the cylindrical cavities of fleshy muscular fibres, thereby increasing their diameters, and shortening their axes with a certain degree of force, according to the strength of the muscle. "6)

Other variations and points of disagreement could be adduced. In addition to the functions of the animal spirits outlined above, for example, some authors maintained that the nerve juice performed a nutritive role- contributing to the growth and maintenance of the brain and spinal marrow as well as to that of the nerves themselves; some even maintained that all bodily parts depended on this source for nutrition.

These were variations within a generally accepted framework. The eighteenth century saw, however, a fundamental challenge to the doc­trine of animal spirits. Critics of this ancient system maintained that it was gratuitous to hypothesize the existence of some nervous fluid; "some there be," admitted James Gibbs, "who have deny'd or

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doubted the Being of Animal Spirits, one Reason may be, because They knew not what to make of them; like Atheists, who are not free to acknowledge a Deity, because they think it not convenient for them that there should be any such Being." 7)

These physiological sceptics maintained that vibrations along solid nerves sufficed to explain all the operations previously ascribed to the motions of the nervous fluid. These vibrations were either thought to occur in the gross substance of the nerves or in the subtle "ether" supposedly diffused throughout all matter. The latter view owed much to Sir Isaac Newton's speculations upon the way in which the physical forces acted. Newton himself suggested that this universal ether might supply an explanation for nervous action. S)

Among the best known expositions of this position was found in Cheyne's The English malady.9 ) He argued that none of the versions of the doctrine of animal spirits was tenable: they all imputed logically incompatible attributes to the supposed nervous fluid. If, as some alleged, the fluid was analogous to light,

(the most subtil, active and penetrating Fluid apparent in our System) which would make them quickly penetrate, fly through, tear break, and consume their rare and tender Prisons [i.e., the nerves], which would be of no more Use to them, to determine them to regular and uniform Motions, than Glass Tubes are to Light. And were they like urinous or inflammable Spirits; yet neither would such slender Prisons contain them any Time, or convey them uniformly for regular Purposes. And lastly, if they were like Water or aqueous Fluids, they could neither have Activ­ity nor Subtilty sufficient to solve the Appearances, nor could they move with Velocity enough to answer the Purposes of Volition, Sensation, and voluntary or involuntary Motions, under the more gross and sluggish Form, and would even then ouze thro' their containing Tubes.

In short, "give them what Nature you will, [the animal spirits] will never answer the animal Functions and Appearances." 10)

In Cheyne's view, the doctrine of animal spirits arose out of the

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use of a misguided analogy to solve "The most difficult Problem in all the Animal Oeconomy ... to give any tolerable Account of Muscular Action or Animal Motion." The apparent "Similitude of a Machin [sic] put into Action and Motion by the Force of Water convey'd in Pipes, was the readiest Resemblance the Lazy could find to explain Muscular Motion by." From this supposition, "It was easy ... to forge a thin imperceptible Fluid, passing and re-passing through the Nerves, to blow up the Muscles, and thereby to lengthen one of their Dimen­sions, in order to shorten the other. On such a slender and imaginary Similitude, the precarious Hypothesis of Animal Spirits seems to be built. " 111

Cheyne's own view was that the phenomena of muscular motion, together with "the other abstruse Appearances in the Animal and Vegetable Kingdoms," were best explained on the hypothesis expounded by Newton of "an infinitely subtil, elastick Fluid, or Spirit ... distended thro' this whole System, penetrating all Bodies with the greatest Facility, infinitely active and volatile" .121

Despite these arguments, and despite the invocation of Newton's considerable authority, the doctrine of animal spirits did not succumb to the attacks made upon it. On the contrary, it retained advocates throughout the eighteenth century who mounted a vigorous defence of its validity. In the remainder of this paper, I wish to consider the grounds upon which they rested their case; to explore the rationale of the doctrine of animal spirits. I will then proceed to consider the uses this system may have possessed within the economy of eighteenth­century British medicine.

THE RATIONALE OF THE DOCfRINE

It is easy to dismiss the theory of animal spirits, much as Cheyne did, as the result of careless reasoning or of the servile acceptance of traditional wisdom. But advocates of the system had an array of arguments at their disposal to substantiate their claims. An examina­tion of these casts light on why the theory was considered tenable; and, more generally, provides an insight into the forms of evidence

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and argument that were deemed legitimate and relevant to adduce in the resolution of issues of this kind.

In his 1797 lectures on the Theory of Medicine at Edinburgh University, Andrew Duncan discussed the doctrine of animal spirits in the context of his general treatment of the animal fluids. He acknowl­edged, however, that the nervous fluid possessed a unique epistemo­logical status that distinguished it from the other substances discussed in this part of his course. "With respect to theN [ervous]. Fluid we are not in the same Situation as with any of the other Fluids we have described; all the others are the Objects of Sense, & most of them have been examined both in the way of Chemical Analysis & Microscp1

Observations. But none of these Modes of Investigation can be employed on the N. Fluid." The first enquiry to be made about the nervous fluid was therefore "Whether or not it really exists."13l

Despite its elusive nature, Duncan maintained, it was possible to adduce empirical evidence which made the existence of a nervous fluid probable. The importance of the nerves in the operations of the animal economy was generally acknowledged; it was difficult, how­ever, to account for their functions if they were merely solid cords. The physical appearance of the nerves did not support the view that they were vibratory media; and "Besides, did the Nerves perform their functions by Vibration, Sensation should be strongest in the parts which have the greatest rigidity, because these Vibrations would be most easily propagated. But on the contrary we find yet Sensibility is destroyed by the rigidity of the parts."14l On these and comparable grounds the doctrine of a nervous fluid seemed, on balance, the more probable explanation.

Further "Arguments for the Existence of this fluid are adduced from the Analogy of the other parts of the body;"15 l it was, in other words, legitimate to seek elucidation of the way in which the nervous system worked by reference to what was known of the functions of other, less obscure organs. In particular, throughout the eighteenth century proponents of the doctrine of animal spirits insisted on an analogy between the brain and the glands of the body. 16l

In the lectures on physiology he gave in London in the 1750s

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Malcolm Flemyng simply assumed the validity of this analogy: "the primary function of the brain being to separate a fluid from the blood, by the influx of which into the nerves the actions of these filaments are performed; it was requisite to pave the way towards the understand­ing of the functions of the brain and nerves, by previously explaining animal secretion, and the structure and uses of glands." 171 This was "the most generally received opinion of physiologists, however strongly it is controverted by some". 181 _

Alexander Monro, Professor of Anatomy at Edinburgh, in 1732 similarly asserted that the brain secreted the nervous fluid "in the same Way as is done by other Glands to their Excretories". 191 In a later edition of the same work Monro expatiated upon the "strong Analogy of the Brain and Nerves to other Glands of the Body and their Excretories" at greater length. Those who argued for the exis­tence of a nervous fluid

think that the vascular Texture of the Cortex of the Encephalon and Medulla Spinalis; the Continuation of the Cortex in forming the medullary Substance, the fibrous Texture and succulent State of this Medulla, and its being wholly employed to form the Nerves, where the fibrous Texture is evident; all these Things, say they, conspire to shew such a strong Analogy between these Parts and the other Glands of the Body, as carries a Conviction that there is a Liquor secreted in the Encephalon and Medulla Spinalis, to be sent out by the Nerves to the different Parts of the Body.

The analogy between the brain and kidney was, in Monro's view, particularly striking. 201

Monro conceded that this analogy was open to objections. Per­haps the most obvious of these was:" ... We see the Cavities and can examine the Liquors in the Excretories of other Glands much smaller than the Brain, which cannot be done in the Nerves." He claimed, however, to have a satisfactory response to this criticism. He granted that " . . . Microscopes, Injections, and all the other Arts hitherto employed have not shewn the Cavities of the nervous Fibrils, or the Liquors contained in them"; but, in view of the minute size of the

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nerve fibres, this was not surprising. Moreover, mere invisibility was not an insuperable objection to the existence of a structure or sub­stance: the existence of such entities was a legitimate and necessary inference from universally-accepted axioms about the workings of the animal body. Monro argued that

so long as such a Number of little Animals can every Hour be brought to the Framers of this Objection, in which they can as little demonstrate the Vessels or contained Fluids, it will not be allowed to be conclusive Reasoning, that because ocular Demon­stration cannot be given of Pipes, therefore they do not exist. For if we have any notion of an Animal, it is its being a Hydraulick Machine, which has Liquors moving in it as long as it has Life; if therefore such little Animals have Vessels and Liquors which we cannot see, why may not some of the Vessels and Liquors of the human Body be also invisible to us.21 l

Objections to the brain/gland comparison could thus be obviated by a series of further analogies and collateral arguments. Monro made explicit one of the fundamental strengths of the doctrine of animal spirits as an explanation of nervous function: it was consonant with the dominant physiological model. If the other organs consisted of fluids passing through tubes, it was natural to suppose that the ner­vous system was similarly constituted. Further, since this notion of the living body as a "Hydraulick Machine" was the only model of organism then available, it had to be as applicable to the smallest as well as to the largest animal. A microrganization of tubes and fluids must by definition exist in minute life-forms; by analogy, a similar magnitude of organization could be assumed to exist in the texture of larger animals. In Flemyng's words, "There are animalcules so minute, as to appear, when viewed through the best glasses, to be little bigger than points; but these must consist of a variety of organised parts, much less than their wholes. Why then may there not be vessels in the human body so small that their cavities cannot any how be perceived?"22l

Elsewhere Flemyng stated that the harmony between the theory of

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animal spirits and other aspects of contemporary physiological doc­trine was one of its strengths and attractions. It was "the chief advan­tage of our theory, to shew all to be consistent with and analogous to animal nature, as considered in itself, and as it were, within its own estate, without going abroad for, and obtruding foreign and unneces­sary beings or properties".23 ) Such "foreign and unnecessary" terms would, presumably, include the ether- a concept drawn from physi­cal science. Monro also took the view that the importation of this concept into physiological discourse was unhelpful creating more problems than it solved. "We know not," he insisted, "sufficiently the Properties of an Aether pervading every Thing, to pretend to apply it to the animal Functions, especially where we must suppose it sent a great Way in a long Cord, in which we cannot conceive how it should be confined; which are Difficulties not to be surmounted in account­ing for the Functions of the Nerves by Means of such an Aether".24 )

The self-sufficiency and internal coherence of physiological doc­trine were therefore normative principles that could be invoked in support of the system of animal spirits. The plausibility and rhetorical force of the brain/gland analogy needs to be seen against this back­ground. There was, however, also a felt need to place the doctrine upon an experimental basis; although invisible, the effects of the nervous fluid might under the proper conditions be perceived. Con­versely, experiments might also serve to refute competing theories of nervous function. Flemyng referred to investigations undertaken by a Dr Stewart in which

He hung a live frog, tied by the two fore legs, upon two pins, at a moderate distance from one another, and in that position he clipt off it's head with sharp scizzars; then he gently put a smooth surgeon's probe into the hole of the first vertebra of the neck, through which the spinal marrow passes, easily touching spinal marrow; upon which the inferior extremities ... were all in an instant bent upwards with a convulsive motion.

There was nothing in the stimulus applied, Flemyng argued, "that hath the least tendency either to excite elastic tremor, or to create

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spasm by acrimony". 25)

The most crucial experiment cited by Flemyng and other advo­cates of the doctrine of a nervous fluid was, however, one performed by Lorenzo Bellini and repeated by Alexander Monro "with exact good Success", and which

does not appear capable of being accounted for, unless a Fluid is allowed in the Nerves. It is this: After opening the Thorax of a living Dog, catch hold of, and compress one or both phrenic Nerves; immediately the Diaphragm ceases to act: Remove the compressing Force, this Muscle again contracts: Grip the Nerve some way above the Diaphragm, and it again becomes inactive: Then with the other Hand strip down the Nerve from the first Hand to the Diaphragm, this Muscle again contracts: After strip­ping the Nerve thus down twice or thrice, the Muscle will contract no more, though that Action of Stripping is repeated, unless the first Hand is taken away or removed higher; when the Experiment will again succeed. The natural Account of all these Appearances would seem to me no other, than that the Course of the nervous Fluid is interrupted by the Compression, and that a mechanical Force being applied to supply that natural propelling Force of the Brain, & c. the stagnating Part of the Fluid between the gripping Fingers and the Muscle is squeezed into the muscular Fibres, and occasions their Contractions: but as soon as that Part of the Nerve is exhausted of its Fluid, then can no such effect follow from stripping the Nerve, till a new Quantity of Fluids are brought down from the Part of the Nerve which had not been evacuated.

If this experiment proved the existence of a fluid in the motor nerves, then it was legitimate that a similar fluid also mediated sensation. 26)

These proofs and arguments formed the chief bases of the doctrine of the animal spirits in eighteenth-century Britain. Duncan added one other, derived from "some Phenomena in morbid Cases, particularly that appearance in the Symptomatic Epilepsy, which is called Aura Epileptica, where the Motions of the Nerves fluid may even be felt". 27)

But although he leaned towards the doctrine of animal spirits,

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Duncan was far more reserved about the evidence adduced in its favour than earlier authors. Thus, while he numbered the experiment on the phrenic nerve among the arguments for the existence of a nervous juice, he added: "This Argument is not conclusive for we may easily conceive how Compression may stop the Nerves Influence, tho' it depend on other Circumstances than a Fluid. " 28l The contrast with Monro's dogmatic interpretation of this experiment is striking.

Debates about the existence of a nervous fluid did not, however, occur in a purely theoretical context; throughout the period these discussions were seen to have practical implications. In the final sec­tion of this paper I shall consider how theory was seen to impinge upon practice.

ANIMAL SPIRITS AND THE DISTEMPERS OF THE BODY

When reading eighteenth-century physiological texts it is impor­tant to bear in mind that their authors were rarely "pure" scientists who engaged in these speculations for their own sake or merely to advance knowledge. They were, on the contrary, for the most part physicians who saw their theoretical labours as bearing directly upon their clinical practice.

They operated with assumptions about the interrelations of the theoretical and practical aspects of medicine derived from the normal organization of the medical curriculum in the eighteenth-century European university. According to this schema, medical knowledge comprised three grand divisions: physiology, pathology, and thera­peutics. These were seen as interdependent. Physiology explained the workings of the body in health; it was therefore a necessary founda­tion for pathology, which dealt with the deviation from this standard that constituted disease. Pathology was, in turn, necessary to the rational treatment of disease which aimed to return the body to its physiological condition. 28l Such assumptions were apparent when Flemyng came to consider the "utility" of his enquiry into the nature of the nervous fluid: "As the same impetum faciens, or active fluid, hath a very large share of influence on the disorders of the animal

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machine, the clearer, juster, and fuller ideas we have of its nature and constituent parts, the more masterly and comprehensive will our knowledge be of the various diseases in which it is materially con­cerned, and of the methods and remedies requisite for their cure. " 291

This approach to the practice of medicine did not belittle the importance of clinical experience; but it did insist that the rational treatment of disease depended upon the application of general princi­ples to particular cases. In Kinneir's words, "As long as the general principles are certain, a practice founded upon these, coinciding with just observations of the causes, effects, and symptoms of diseases, as well as of the nature, operation and efficacy of remedies, is a sufficient light to enable a Physician to form his judgment of a case with some certainty, and to prescribe accordingly."301 The supposed relevance of theory to practice was therefore central to the legitimacy of the physi­ological enterprise. It provided a normative framework or regulatory principle by which theoretical constructs could be evaluated and priorities for enquiry established. Kinneir, for instance, admitted that the question of whether or not the nerves were hollow had not been settled by his investigations; he was content to admit that the issue would probably always remain open. But he maintained that "by what has been said, and will follow from thence, some clearer notions may be formed, than what have perhaps occurred to others, from which some improvements in the practical part of Physick may pro­ceed".321 On the other hand, the ultimate pragmatic orientation of theory imposed a discipline upon speculation: mere theory was dis­credited and reckless and irresponsible hypothesizing condemned,

for forming hypotheses without attending to facts, is often the production of error, and apt to mislead, in place of clearing up a point, and consequently can be of no service to mankind; for it is good to our fellow creature, which ought to be the end of a Physician's knowledge, and the rule to direct him in his re­searches. If we cannot with all our faculties discover the absolute nature of things, we can still find out the relation that they bear to us, and their tendency either to preserve or obstruct health. 331

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In his 1712 discussion of scrofula James Gibbs gave an example of how the doctrine of animal spirits might be applied to elucidating the nature of one class of disease and its cognates. Scrofula could. he argued, act upon the animal spirits to produce a wide range of patho­logical conditions: "Sometimes the Passages of the Spirits are so obstructed in the Nerves, as to produce Paralytic Impediments, and at other times the Spirits are irritated into Convulsive Ferments, and all these disorders appear to proceed fro_m a Scrophulous Original in Persons afflicted with other Strumous Symptoms, and are all remov'd by Medicines appropriated to the Cure of Scrophulous Diseases only."34l

As mentioned above, the precise nature of the substance circulat­ing in the nervous tubes was a subject of considerable disagreement. Gibbs elected to "compare the Animal Spirits to the Vapours of generous Fermenting Liquors, which we know are of such Force, as frequently to break the Vessel which contains them". 35l This concept of the animal spirits provided him with a resource with which to account for the manner in which the nervous substance acted in the healthy body and hence to explain how its dysfunctions might occa­sion disease. In the case of secretion, the "Spiritous Vapour ... de­scending thro', and filling the Cavity of the Nervous Fibres, are [sic] in a sort of Turgescence as Fermenting Liquors are. This Turgescence in the Fibre causes a Contraction of the Fibre in its length, as a Rope being wet, grows shorter; and this Contraction must necessarily pro­duce a Constriction of the Glandulous Membranes, which the Ner­vous Fluids surround and encompass". It followed that "a defect of the Animal Spirits will cause a Relaxation of the Gland, and such a relaxation will prevent both the Fermentative Operation and just Secretion of the Gland so relaxt".36l

In another essay Gibbs turned more particularly to therapeutics. Proceeding from the premise that disease arose from an excess or deficiency in the ferment of the animal spirits, he went on to explore the remedies that could be rationally prescribed to return them to their natural state. When "the Animal Spirits in general are in too great a Ferment, Acid Spirits, which are qualify'd to intrude among

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the Animal Spirits, appear most proper for reducing them into Order and Tranquillity."37l Of all medicines opium had the most remarkable effects on the animal spirits; it "sometimes contributes to the strength and agility of the Animal Spirits, sometimes excites them to i"egular and distressing Ferments, as I have observed in Hysterick Persons, and sometimes, if taken in a quantity beyond what the Spirits are dispos'd to bear, the Sulphurs of the Opium encumber and overload the Spirits with a mortal Oppression, so that they never manage to their natural expansion again. " 38l

Kinneir also expounded a pathological theory based upon dys­function of the nervous fluid. His exposition highlighted the advan­tages that this notion of the workings of the nervous system possessed over its rivals: it was readily integrated into the humoral system that remained influential in eighteenth-century medical thinking and prac­tice. 39) Because the nervous fluid was secemed out of the blood sup­plied to the brain, it was ultimately dependent upon the quality and proper circulation of the blood for its own healthy composition and efficacy. The "quality and quantity of our blood," in its tum,

depend upon what is taken into the body, or the six Non-naturals, viz. air, meat and drink, motion and rest, passions of the mind, things contained or discharged, sleep and watching. A right or wrong use of any of these non-naturals, occasions a good or a bad state of health, and consequently the requisites for good juices, as they all flow from the blood, depends intirely upon them. But whatever qualities the nervous juice derives from a wrong use of any of those, it is only the excess of those qualities and quantities of the blood, that produceth distempers ... 40)

Obvious therapeutic conclusions followed from these premises. If, as Kinneir asserted, all disorders proceeded from disorders of the blood and circulation which vitiated the actions of the other body fluids, then "all methods of cure are conducted by discharges, as bleedings, purgings, promoting urine, and increasing the insensible perspiration; by attenuating, stimulating, vomiting, dilution and thickening; and, in fine, by every thing that increases or diminishes the

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circulatory motions, so as to bring them to the true standard for accomplishing all the animal functions necessary to a state of health".41 l

The doctrine of a nervous fluid thus led in Kinneir's writing to a convenient endorsement of the standard therapeutic armamentarium of eighteenth-century orthodox physic: "all the practice of Physick," he declared, "mostly depends upon filling and emptying".42l It could also be made to underwrite the skills necessary for the successful treatment of disease. Although he expounded universal principles of the nature and treatment of disease, Kinneir emphasized that these doctrines had to be adapted to each individual case:

In some people the blood may be more disposed . . . to certain kinds of humours, than in others, under equal directions in the Non-naturals; and in this disposition there may be as great variety as there is of faces. This variety is the reason why there can be no specific remedy, nor particular diet effectual in all cases; for sim­ilar distempers require different methods of cure in different per­sons, it being evident from daily experience, that one medicine will be of service to one, as well as one method of diet, that are hurtful to another in the same case. 43 l

The art of the skilful physician was to devise a therapeutic strategy appropriate to each individual case.

This notion of the good physician as one who applies himself to the understanding and management of the unique characteristics of his patient, is one of the features of eighteenth-century "Bedside" medicine stressed by N.D. Jewson. He maintains that humoralism and heroic remedies of depletion were also central to this system. 44l

Jewson argues that this kind of medicine was most appropriate to an interaction between an aristocratic patient and a lower class physi­cian. Kinneir, as a medical practitioner in the fashionable spa town of Bath, certainly catered for an upper-class clientele.45 l The medical theory that he produced, including his doctrine of the nervous fluid, can be viewed as an a posteriori rationalisation of an established medical regime.

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But it had also a more specific polemical purpose. As a physician at Bath, Kinneir had a vested interest in promoting the therapeutic virtues of its waters. In his treatise he lamented, however, that other members of the Faculty had of late been inclined to deprecate the value of this form of treatment. He deplored the fact that

the mode should govern as much in Physick as it does in dress. A leading man in his profession, takes a fancy to some methods of practice; others, out of complaisance to his person, or deference to his authority, adapt the same into theirs ... Hence it comes, that the method of cure by bathing in chronick cases is so much de­cried, and so generally dissused, when heretofore Bathing was the only remedy; some now run upon excessive bleedings, purgings, emeticks, &c. 46l

Kinneir's treatise on the nervous fluid represented an attempt to reverse this unfortunate trend in medical fashion by demonstrating the rationality of resorting to the Bath waters as a treatment of choice for a wide range of complaints. In his own words, "My intention in this short Essay was not only to clear up, in some measure, the doctrine of the Nerves ... ; but also to shew the usefulness of drinking the Bath waters, and particularly of Bathing in most cases".47l

Kinneir attempted to show that this conclusion could be derived from his theory of the nervous fluid and the morbid alterations to which it was subject. An obstructed perspiration could lead to an engorgement of the vessels and consequent bodily congestion. Because the nerves were dependent upon a healthy circulation of bodily fluids for their natural action, they too would suffer and numerous nervous complaints ensue. This congestion could be relieved by various methods:

For instance, the Cold Bath upon immersion so shakes and com­presses the whole nervous system, that even the minutest capil­laries feel the influence; and the pressure, with the sudden chill produces such an impetus, as to crisp the fibres, and force open the smallest passages. By this means the velocity of the circulating

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fluids is increased, and the impending load discharged through the pores of the skin; and instead of keeping back the perspirable matter, which had contracted such qualities as to occasion the various complaints for which the Bath was advised; the frequent clippings freely dislodge what affected the nervous termination with uneasy and painful sensations; so that after bathing, one is brisk and lively, and feels a lightness and agility of body ... by which we find that the motion of the blood is accelerated, and the

. 48) Succus Nervosus duly diffused through the Nerves ...

Kinneir especially recommended bathing of the head which ensured "a speedier conveyance . . . of the salubrious effects of the water to the scalp and brain, contributing to promote the secretion of the Succus Nervosus into the Nerves". He recognised, however, that there might be resistance to this practice from lady patients "from their coming to Bath with fine dressed heads".49)

Kinneir acknowledged that congestion could be relieved by other methods than bathing. But he drew upon the researches of Keil and Pitcairne to demonstrate that perspiration was by far the most effica­cious means of obtaining this end. so) He placed special emphasis upon hypochondriacal and hysterical nervous complaints, which were engendered by the indulgent lifestyle of his customary patients, and were, he maintained, most likely to benefit from the regime he prescribed. 51)

Kinneir's claim that the primary causes of the hypochondria and hysteria of his patients were "either luxury, too intent and constant study, sloth and laziness, or want of labour and exercise" is reminis­cent of Cheyne's diagnosis of the English Malady as the result of "the Inactivity and sedentary Occupations of the better Sort (among whom this Evil mostly rages)". 52) Both works can be seen as reflecting a widely disseminated concern with nervous complaints as a major problem of society in general, and of the "better sort" in particular.

Much of the discourse about animals spirits in the eighteenth century may be considered as an aspect of this preoccupation with nervous disorders, their causes and cures. Cheyne was aware that

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"The Existence of animals Spirits, has been chiefly contriv'd to solve the Appearances of nervous Distempers, viz. Obstructions of the Nerves, or their incapacity to act under some Circumstances." As we have seen, he did not, however, accept that the theory of a nervous fluid supplied the best explanation of these morbid phenomena, main­taining that "if these Appearances can be accounted for, more con­formably to the Analogy of Nature without this Support than by it, then the Dispute will be at an End, and [animal spirits] useless."53J

Indeed, far from guiding physicians to a rational understanding and treatment of nervous complaints, Cheyne felt that this doctrine led them to adopt misguided and damaging therapies. 54J He concluded that "the Notion of animal Spirits is of the same Leaven with the substantial Forms of Aristotle, and the celestial System of Ptolemy. " 55)

But it is worth noting that, despite the obvious differences between an opponent of animal spirits like Cheyne and an advocate like Kin­neir, they both shared considerable common ground. Both operated within the system of orthodox medicine outlined above; both catered to an upper class clientele-Cheyne too practised in Bath. Both, moreover, were committed to a thoroughly secular and naturalistic account of nervous diseases. While Kinneir merely assumed these limits to legitimate explanation, Cheyne made them quite explicit. At the beginning of the English malady he wrote: "What I pretend to have done in some Degree in the following Treatise, is, That I have explain'd the Nature and causes of Nervous Distempers (which have hitherto been reckon'd Witchcraft, Enchantment, Sorcery and Posses­sion, and have been the constant Resource oflgnorance) from Princi­ples easy, natural and intelligible, deduc'd from the best and soundest Natural Philosophy". 55) Such determination to account for these ail­ments upon purely naturalistic principles was one of the features that distinguished eighteenth-century medicine from that of the preceding era when supernatural causes of disease were readily admitted. 56J

By referring all nervous disorders- including those which we would today call psychiatric complaints- to natural causes, Cheyne thought to make them less stigmatizing and so to facilitate the interac­tion between physician and patient. He lamented that

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nervous Distempers especially, are under some Kind of Disgrace and Imputation, in the Opinion of the Vulgar and Unlearned; they pass among the Multitude, for a lower degree of Lunacy, and the first Step towards a distemper'd Brain ... So that often when I have been consulted in a Case before I was acquainted with the Character and Temper of the Patient, and found it to be what is commonly call'd Nervous, I have been in the utmost Difficulty, when desir'd to define or name the Distemper, for fear of affront­ing them, or fixing a Reproach on a Family or Person.

Notwithstanding these prejudices, "the Disease is as much a bodily Distemper ... as the Small-Pox or a Fever" and should be treated accordingly. 57)

Cheyne here raised the important question of how psychological disorders were to be conceptualized. In keeping with the general trend of eighteenth-century medicine, he did not draw a sharp distinction between bodily and mental complaints. Part of the utility of the doc­trine of animal spirits was that it was well-adapted to reinforce this bias and to enable medical theorists to employ a vocabulary that accommodated both psychological and physiological functions and dysfunctions within a common framework.

The nervous fluid was seen to operate at the interface between mind and body. Monro conceded that

We have perhaps no Idea of the Manner how Mind and Body act upon each other; but if we allow that the one is affected by the other, and that the Fluid of the Nerves (whatever Name People please to give it) is a principal instrument which the Mind makes use of to influence the Actions of the Body, or to inform itself of the Impressions made on the Body, we must allow that the Mind can direct this Instrument differently, particularly as to Quantity and Celerity. 59)

These alterations of the nervous juice would influence the state of the entire body. Conversely, the impressions made upon the nervous fluid by various physical influences could impinge upon the mind.

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Gibbs took these reciprocal influences for granted in his writings. Among the causes of scrofula he listed was "Sadness, or a long Dejec­tion of the Spirits". He noted van Helmont's observation that "a dread of Poverty had occasioned Madness in some Persons, and Scro­phulous Disorders in others".60l The potential offered by the ambigui­ties of the term "animal spirits" should be emphasized: this could be taken either figuratively - as referring to a mental state, or literally as denoting a physical substance, or in both these ways simultaneously.

Ambiguity might be thought a weakness in a theory. But in this case the imprecision of meaning attached to "animal spirits" was among the attractions of the theory to eighteenth-century medicine. It lent tacit support to the notion that mind and body were- at least in this life- inextricably linked. Physicians could easily slide from psyche to soma in their accounts of disease by employing a vocabu­lary that deliberately obscured the profound problems involved in any account of the manner in which the interrelation between the two might be conceptualized.

CONCLUSION

In this paper I have tried to give an account of the doctrine of animal spirits as it was articulated in eighteenth-century British medi­cine. The controversial status of this theory, along with disagreements on matters of detail among its proponents, has also been noted.

My chief aim, however, has been to demonstrate the need to consider theoretical discourse of this sort in relation to the practical activities of those who engaged in these debates. Their motives for engaging in such theorizing may have been various: a desire for a reputation for learning was no doubt prominent among them. But throughout these texts one finds an insistence upon the subordination of theory to practice; we must therefore consider what forms of prac­tice might have been best served by the theoretical construct in ques­tion. My general argument is that the doctrine of animals spirits readily accommodated key features of the system of "Bedside" medi­cine that was definitive of eighteenth-century practice. It also reflected

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a current preoccupation with "nervous" diseases as an affliction peculiarly endemic among the better sort of society- the client -group which Bedside medicine sought to satisfy. The theory had the addi­tional advantage of encompassing both the mental and the physical aspects of these complaints in naturalistic and non-pejorative terms.

A number of issues remain for further investigation. Prominent among these is whether the ontological status of concepts like the nervous fluid changed in the course of the eighteenth century. A comparison of Monro's and Duncan's views suggests that a much more pragmatic and instrumental attitude to such notions was evident by the 1790s: the nervous fluid was deemed "real" because it supplied the most satisfactory (though not perfect) explanation for a range of phenomena. The impact of contemporary epistemological debates upon physiological thinking would clearly be of relevance here; in Scotland especially there was at the end of the eighteenth century a strong philosophical aversion to any resort to "hypothetical" entities to explain natural phenomena.61 )

REFERENCES

1) G. Cheyne, The English malady; or a treatise of nervous diseases of all kinds, as spleen, vapours, lowness of spirits, hypochondriacal and hysterical distempers, etc., (G. Strahan, London, 1733), 77-8. On Cheyne see: R. Porter, "Introductory essay" in G. Cheyne, The English malady; or a treatise of nervous diseases of all kinds (Routledge Reprint Series in the History of Medicine, London, 1990); G.S. Rousseau, "Mysticism and millenarianism: 'Immortal Dr Cheyne'" in R. Popkin, Millenarianism and messianism in the enlightenment (University of Cali­fornia Press, Berkeley, 1987), 81-124.

2) E. Clarke, and L.S. Jacyna, Nineteenth-century origins ofneuroscientific concepts (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1987), 29-30. For an account of the place of animal spirits within Galen's wider physiological scheme see: J.D. Spillane, The doctrine of the nerves: Chapters in the history of neurology (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1981), 31-32.

3) David Kinneir, A new essay on the nerves, and the doctrine of the animal spirits rationally considered; Shewing the great benefit and true use of bathing and drinking the bath waters, in all nervous disorders, and obstructions: With two dissertations on the gout, and on digestion with the distempers of the stomach and intestines, 2nd ed. (W. Innys and R. Manby, London, 1739), 1.

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4) Cheyne (fn. 1), 4-5. 5) Kinneir (fn. 3), 33. 6) Malcolm Flemyng, An introduction to physiology, being a course of lectures upon

the most important parts of the animal oeconomy (J. Nourse, London, 1759), 167. 7) James Gibbs, Observations of various eminent cures of scrophu/ous distempers

commonly called the King's evil; With some new considerations of the structure of the glands, and of animal secretion; Of the influence of the moon on human bodies, mechanically explain'd; and other PHAENOMENA relating to the causes of SCROPHULOUS DISEASES. To which is added, an ESSAY, concerning the ANIMAL SPIRITS, and the cure of convulsions: Together with a SHORT ACCOUNT of the forms and qualities of the essential particles of salts and sulphurs (Ralph Simpson, London, 1712), 26.

8) See S.W. Jackson, "Force and kindred notions in eighteenth-century neurophy­siology and medical psychology" Bull. Hist. Med, 44 (1970), 401-2.

9) For an account of Cheyne's life and work see: Porter (fn. 1). 10) Cheyne (fn. 1), 81-2. 11) Ibid., 74-75. 12) Ibid., 75. 13) Ibid., 82. 14) Ibid. 15) On the brain/gland analogy see Clarke and Jacyna (fn. 2), 77-8. 16) Flemyng (fn. 6), 130. 17) Ibid., 146. 18) A. Monro, The anatomy of the humane bones. To which are added, an anatomical

treatise of the nerves; an account of the reciprocal motions of the heart; and a description of the humane lacteal sac and duct, 2nd. ed. (T. and W. Ruddimans, Edinburgh, 1732), 4.

19) A. Monro, The anatomy of the human bones and nerves: With an account of the reciprocal motions of the heart, and a description of the human lacteal sac, 3rd ed. (W. Monro and W. Drummond, Edinburgh, 1741), 14-15.

20) Ibid., 15-16. 21) Flemyng (fn. 6) 156-7. 22) M. Flemyng, The nature of the nervous fluid, or animal spirits, demonstrated·

With an introductory preface (A. Millar, London, 1751), viii. 23) Monro (fn. 19), 24. 24) Flemyng (fn. 6), 165-6. 25) Monro (fn. 18), 5-6. 26) Duncan (fn. 12), 83. 27) Ibid. 28) A.R. Cunningham, "Aspects of the history of medical education in Britain in

the 17th and early 18th centuries" (Ph.D. Dissertation, London, 1974), 128ff. 29) Flemyng (fn. 22), xix-xx. 30) Kinneir (fn. 3), 22. 31) Ibid., 27. 32) Ibid., 47.

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ANIMAL SPIRITS AND EIGHTEENTH-cENTURY BRITISH MEDICINE 161

33) Gibbs (fn. 7) 8; see also 38-40. 34) Ibid., 27. . 35) Ibid., 28-9. 36) "An essay concerning the animal spirits, and the cure of convulsions; Together

with a short account of the forms and qualities of the essential particles of salts and sulphurs," in Gibbs (fn. 7), 23.

37) Ibid., 5-6. 38) In contrast, Porter sees the doctrine of nerves as solid cords as an alternative to

humoralism: R. Porter, Mind-forg'd manacles: A history of madness in England from the restoration to the regency (Penguin, London, 1990), 181.

39) Kinneir (fn. 3), 56. · 40) Ibid., 61. 41) Ibid., 77. 42) Ibid., 57-8. 43) N.D. Jewson, "Medical knowledge and the patronage system in 18th century

England," Sociology, 8 (1974), 369-385. 44) See R.S. Neale, Bath 1680-1850 a social history. Or a valley of pleasure, yet a sink

of iniquity (Routledge, London, 1981). 45) Kinneir (fn. 3), 82. 46) Ibid., 63. 47) Ibid., 66-7. 48) Ibid., 75. 49) Ibid., 76-7. 50) Ibid., 87-90. 51) Cheyne (fn. 1), ii. 52) Ibid., 83-4. 53) Ibid., 89. 54) Ibid., 85. 55) Ibid., x. 56) M. Macdonald, Mystical bedlam: Madness, anxiety, and healing in seventeenth­

century England (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1981), especially chapter 5.

57) Ibid., 260-2. 58) Monro (fn. 19), 28. 59) Gibbs (fn. 7), 5; see also 30. 60) See: G.N. Cantor, "Henry Brougham and the Scottish methodological tradi­

tion," Stud. Hist. Phil. Sci., 2 (1971), 69-89.

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Zhou Tian Gong or the Cosmic Orbit "The Circulation of Qi in the Body"

KUNIO MIURA

Faculty of Letters Osaka City University Sugimoto-cho, Sumiyoshi-ku, Osaka

INTRODUCfiON

163

I had the chance of living in Shanghai for six months from April to October in 1987. During this time I studied with Professor Zhu Rui

Kai* 1 in the Literature Department of the University of Shanghai. My time in Shanghai was completely free except for the private lessons I received from Professor Zhu once a week on the history of Chinese ideology. Since for some time, I had a personal interest in Chinese qigong (health promotion exercises), I called on some qigong teachers to learn qigong exercises in the land of their origin. Naturally, I visited the Shanghai Qigong Institute*2 which is the main authority on qigong in Shanghai, but unfortunately I was not permitted to study there. Consequently, the teachers I studied with were all private prac­titioners of qigong.

I learned a variety of qigong and tai chi (traditional Chinese shadow boxing) exercises, as listed below. Since it took some time to find teachers I could study with and also I took some trips out of Shanghai, I did not have sufficient time to master these exercises.

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Nevertheless, I did have the opportunity to get first hand experience of the following traditional exercise systems currently popular in China:

1. He xiang zhuang*3 (crane style qigong) Dr. Zhu 2. Zhan zhuang gong*4 (standing qigong) Dr. Liu 3. Wai qigong*5 (external qigong) Dr. Chen 4. Ba duan jin*6 (eight brocade exercises) Dr. Wang 5. Jian hua tai ji quan*1 (simplified tai chz) Dr. Wang

In addition to learning these exercise systems, I received moxibus­tion treatments from Dr. Zhang*8 which was a secret method handed down for generations in her family. I also received acupuncture from Dr. Chen,*9 who treated me using a traditional method called zi wu liu zhu zhen,* 10 a system of acupuncture based on diurnal rhythms of qi circulation. In this system acupuncture points are treated according to the season and the time of day, and this is based on the concept of correlation between Heaven and man. This is not unrelated to the theme of this report, but acupuncture is another subject in itself so I will limit my discussion to traditional Chinese exercise systems.

1. THE COSMIC ORBIT IN QIGONG, THE HEALTH PROMOTION EXERCISES OF CHINA

Among the exercises listed above, zhan zhuang gong (standing qigong) taught by Dr. Liu is most closely associated with the theme of this report. This style of qigong originally developed as a method for strengthening the lower body in Chinese martial arts and later came to be included within the rubric of qigong as a health promoting exercise. Standing qigong basically consists of maintaining a half squatting stance for long periods. There are some variations, and the method Dr. Liu taught me was quite unique. His method of holding a standing pose in front of an old tree with knees slightly bent, arms dangling, and the head tilted slightly forward so as to keep one's center of gravity forward, is unlike the posture in other styles of

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THE CIRCULATION OF QIIN THE BODY 165

standing qigong. (Typically the head is kept erect and lowering the head is avoided.) The breathing is kept natural, and when absent thoughts arise in the course of the exercise, one places his awareness on the acupuncture point yongquan* 11 on the soles. Dr. Liu asserted with confidence that if a person continued to exercise this way for one hour every morning and evening for three months, one could not only become free of disease by achieving circulation of qi through the ren and du channels,* 12 but would also gain the ability to cure the diseases of others. Since I did not maintain the strict practice of this exercise according to his instructions, I was not able to achieve the circulation of qi through the ren and du channels, but nevertheless I was deeply impress with Dr. Liu's method of zhou tian gong* 13 or Cosmic Orbit.

There was great interest in the Cosmic Orbit among the teachers and practitioners of qigong in Shanghai. When I asked Dr. Zhou,* 14

who taught me he xiang zhuang (crane style qigong), about the Cosmic Orbit she sharply criticised the standing qigong of Dr. Liu saying that, "the Cosmic Orbit is not such a simple thing that can be accomplished in just three months." Be that as it may, in her strong criticism was a clear recognition of the importance of the Cosmic Orbit.

On a street corner in Shanghai I saw a poster recruiting students for Cosmic Orbit classes. It seemed to be of a different style than the one taught by Dr. Liu. This poster was a good example of how the Cosmic Orbit, an ancient method for longevity, still remains popular to this day among the people of China. At the top of the poster, the word qigong* 15 was written in big letters in red ink. Under this was the name of the place the classes were held: Wushu Lilun Yanjiuguan* 16

of Shanghai. This was followed by an explanation of the Cosmic Orbit as follows:

The Microcosmic Orbit is the aim which has been pursued in all the schools of martial arts and mysticism from ancient times. The reason for this is that the Microcosmic Orbit is one of the

*15 ~~

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166 KUNIO MIURA

main orbits sustaining vital activity in the human body, and once the Microcosmic Orbit is opened, the Macrocosmic Orbit opens by itself and all the channels of energy flow in the body are harmonized so that all diseases are cured. Our method of zhenqi yunxing xiao zhoutian gong,* 17 or the Microcosmic Orbit by circu­lation of true qi, is based on wubu liangong fa,* 18 or the five stepping exercise method. Our method proceeds gradually from beginning to advanced levels and follows a natural progression so that it is possible to open up the Microcosmic Orbit in about one hundred days. We have many years of teaching experience and have instructed students from the age of seven to over eighty, so that they were able to achieve the Microcosmic Orbit in the time stated. Such results cannot be obtained by studying in other schools. This method of circulating of true qi dramatically awak­ens the latent power in each individual and the aim of curing illnesses and prolonging life can be achieved by controlling and focusing this power. When true qi is concentrated in a certain area of the body, regardless of the location, physiological changes take place and any pathological condition there is improved. Our method is particularly effective for neurosis, gastroptosis, heart disease, arthritis, cirrhosis of the liver, hypertension, rubella myelitis, and gastric and intestinal ulcers.

This big surge of interest in the Cosmic Orbit is not a localized phenomena limited to Shanghai, but is instead a widespread trend in circles of qigong practitioners throughout China. Looking through any one of the numerous periodicals on qigong published in China, there is always one or two articles concerning personal experiences or theories related to the Cosmic Orbit.

Hu Yao Zhen,* 19 one of the most influential qigong experts in China, has written the book "Jingdong Qigong", *20 and in the very first page of his book, in the preface, he states that the Micro and

*17 J!~ilfl'!J\Jlif~ti.J

* 18 li~iikti.Jit

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THE CIRCULATION OF QI IN THE BODY 167

Macrocosmic Orbits can be established just by practicing this qigong alone. The second page of this book includes a figure known as Rendu Ermai Shengjiang Tu*21 (ren and du two channel ascending and descending diagram). This is held to be one of the Huatuo Liu Neigong Tu* 22 (diagram of sustaining internal qigong of huatuo ), and the following explanation is added:

"The du channel pertains to yang and is made to ascend to niwan*23 (the brain) and the ren channel pertains to yin and is made to descend to lower dantian*24 (point in lower abdomen)."

In the book Zhongguo Qigong Xue*25 by Ma Ji Ren, *26 which was recently translated into Japanese, forty pages in the appendix is allot­ted to the subject of the Micro and Macrocosmic Orbits. Also in Zhonghua Qigong Xue*27 by Hu Chun Shen,*28 a chapter is devoted to the theory of the Cosmic Orbit. Furthermore, in tai ji quan, which was originally developed as a martial art, the Cosmic Orbit is sometimes discussed in relation to breathing techniques. 1)

Let us take a closer look at how the Cosmic Orbit is actually achieved in qigong practiced today. A qigong master, Qin Zhong San, *29 explains his method of standing qigong in his book by break­ing it down into six stages, and he describes the posture, breathing, intention and mental focus, and the effects, as well as the period of practice for each stage, which is unusual for books of this type. 2) His method is presented in a chart format covering the total training period of 750 days. This books is explicitly a manual for achieving the Cosmic Orbit. I will translate just the portion describing the second stage below for reference. This stage is called "qian huxi"*30 or sub­merged breath and also carries the subtitle "yinyang xunhuan xiao zhoutian"*31 or yin-yang circulation- The Microcosmic Orbit. Posture- sanyuansi, *32 a style of standing qigong in which the feet are

shoulder width apart, the arms are held out in front of the chest, and the hands are formed as if holding a ball.

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168 KUNIO MIURA

Breathing- Exhale with the mouth slightly open, holding the teeth gently together. The tongue rests on the floor of the mouth and the lower abdomen is expanded while the whole body is relaxed. Inhale through the nose with the mouth closed, and keep the teeth together. Position the tongue so it is touching the roof of the mouth and depress the lower abdomen. At the same time grasp the earth with the toes and pull in the anus. Breathing must be slow and gentle as well as thin and even.

Intention and Focus- When exhaling imagine the qi descending from the crown to the chest and down into the lower abdomen. When inhaling, imagine the qi moving from the lower abdomen to the anus, the tail bone, up through the spine and the neck to reach the cerebrum. The body must be relaxed and the mind remain alert so as to guide the qi by one's intention. Avoid becom­ing tense by practicing qibao sanzhang. *33 (To grasp the arms inward with the exhale using 70 percent of one's strength and opening the arms with the inhale using 30 percent strength. This actually need not be done on a physical level, but just as a mental exercise.)

Effects- Cures lung disease, gastrointestinal conditions, and hear conditions, and lowers high blood pressure.

Training Period- Ninety days Next I would like to introduce an account of the personal expe­

riences of Chen Kuan Jin*34 with the Cosmic Orbit. This practitioner was paralyzed in both legs from his childhood. In 1947, when he was thirty, he learned from a certain qigong master how to achieve the Microcosmic Orbit by practicing in the seated posture. He continued this practice for many years without incident. On the night of March 15, 1956, he suddenly began to feel an intense itch around his coccyx, but it went away in half a day. At midnight on May 3 of the same year, his legs began to move suddenly, but this also ceased in two days. After this incident, however, he felt a creeping sensation around his coccyx, like the wriggling of an earthworm, and this sensation

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THE CIRCULATION OF Ql IN THE BODY 169

persisted for three months. On the night of August 18, his body began to rock back and forth spontaneously. The movement in his head and neck was particularly vigorous. This movement became more intense later in the day and even the bed in which he was sitting began to move. On the night of October 19, his coccyx grew hot and this heat spread throughout the rest of his body so that he felt as though he were sitting in front of a hearth. On New Years Eve of the same year, when he was practicing in the cross legged position, he felt heat in the coccyx which then moved up the spine and stopped at the point called dazhui* 35 at the base of the neck. Since the heat did not move from there, he used his intention to guide it up to the crown. Then he guided the heat down his face, chest, and abdomen, and finally con­solidated it at dantian. After repeating this practice for two days, the heat began to travel spontaneously from the coccyx up past dazhui to the point baihui*36 on the crown. The heat collected here and began to go around and around in circles, and he felt intense pressure on his head as if the mountain Taishan*37 were on his head. His head then rocked side to side sixty-three times. After two years, on the night of May 14, 1958 for the first time the heat spontaneously went up his back and went down his front side. Thus the circulation of qi through the ren and du channels was established. Ever since this time he feels the qi moving up and down with every in breath and out breath, and his body became strong so that all his illnesses have been completely cured.3)

Based on his own experience, Mr. Chen explains how to achieve the Microcosmic Orbit. There are two features worth noting about his instructions. The first is that once heat is felt in the lower abdomen after three months of practice, straightaway one must use his inten­tion to guide the heat through the ren and du channels. The second feature is his advocacy of curing disease by guiding the qi to the affected part after the Microcosmic Orbit has been achieved. As will be discussed later, these are age old practices traditionally employed in internal alchemy. The first practice corresponds to the process of

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neidan*38 in which dan, or heat, is generated, and thereafter this qi is made to circulate in the Microcosmic Orbit. The second practice takes after ancient methods of treating disease by moving qi, which was referred to in the poster introduced earlier.

Let me summarize the features of the Cosmic Orbit in modern qigong which can be gathered from the preceding discussion. 1) There are many variations in posture. For example, standing, sit­

ting, and active movement such as tai ji. 2) When the Microcosmic Orbit is opened, a special sensation of qi

can be felt moving up and down the ren and du channels. 3) The Cosmic Orbit often begins with a feeling of heat in the lower

dantian (abdominal point). 4) There are different approaches, and in some methods the breathing

is kept natural and all the person has to do is to continue to stand or sit to achieve the Cosmic Orbit. (e.g. Dr. Liu's method)

5) In another method, a person imagines (guides by intention) inter­nal qi rising along the spine while inhaling external qi, and sinking down the midline on the front while exhaling external qi. (e.g. Dr. Qin's method)

6) In yet another method, the breathing is kept natural while a person just uses his intention to induce circulation of qi. (e.g. Dr. Chen's method)

7) Once the flow of qi is opened through the ren and du channels, a person becomes completely free of disease.

8) Unlike the internal alchemy (neidan) developed in the Tang and Song Dynasties, there is no concept of the generation of dan from the intercourse of yin qi and yang qi. It might be added that the cosmic orbit has been attracting some

interest in Japan in recent years, and it is being studied from different perspectives and its application is being attempted even in medice.4l

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THE CIRCULATION OF Ql IN THE BODY 171

2. TECHNIQUES FOR CffiCULATING Ql

The Cosmic Orbit in modern qigong evolved through the long history of health promotion practices in China. I will trace the devel­opment of the Cosmic Orbit in the chapters which follow. In modern times the Cosmic Orbit is a method for circulating qi around the body. People in China have known qigong techniques for circulating qi through the body since ancient times. It was called xingqi*39 or yunqi. *40 These methods, however, did not involve the circulation of qi through the ren and du channels. Nevertheless, today these methods are regarded as the earliest origin of the Cosmic Orbit. The often cited xingqi yupei ming,*41 thought to date to the Warring States period (403-221o.c.), is the oldest extant text of xingqi. This inscription con­sists of only forty-five seal characters cut into jade. It begins with the two characters for xingqi and concludes with the statement, "to follow is to live and to go against is to die." It is very difficult to know what was meant by this. Some consider this to be a reference to the circula­tion of true qi in qigong, such as that in the Microcosmic Orbit. Yet it has not been established whether there was even a distinction between internal qi and external qi in that period. What is clear at least from this inscription is that the Chinese have had keen interest in breathing methods and the circulation of qi since ancient times.

Inquiring into the roots of the Cosmic Orbit, we cannot fall to notice the reference to how zhenren*42 (true man) breathe in dazong­shi*43 of Zuang Zi. *44 This Taoist text says the common man breathes with his throat and the true man breathes with his heels. Zhongxi, *45

or heel breath, was formerly considered to be just a metaphor. Recent studies, however, have made it clear that this interpretation was mis­taken since heel breath was a concept based on in ancient Chinese medicine and physiology, which presumed a route of qi reaching the heels with each inhalation. Examining the xingqi yupei ming just mentioned as roughly contemporary material in a contrastive study,

*4' rr~:tttlut *42 JI:A

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172 KUNIO MIURA

Hidemi Ishida *46 defines zhongqi as the respiration of qi descending and ascending through the body from the oral cavity down to the heels that corresponds to the descending of Heaven qi and the ascend­ing of Earth qi. Furthermore, Ishida boldly suggests that the concept of zhongxi included the route of qi in the first process of internal alchemy, that of "intercourse of heart and kidney.5l

Another method of circulating qi, in addition to breathing, was exercising, as is inferred by the phrase daoyin-xingqi. *47 The circula­tion of qi was achieved by various physical movements. Daoyin is thought to have included xingqi-diaoxi*48 (guiding qi- breath con­trol) and massage from the beginning, and to be practiced for therapy, health promotion, and longevity by occultists and physicians. 6l There is the possibility that the heel breath mentioned in Zhuang Zi was achieved with special exercises such as those depicted in the daoyin figures excavated from the Ma Wang Dui*49 tomb.

The great French scholar, Henri Maspero, presumed that the circulation of qi was achieved by neiguan, *50 or inner sight, and stated as follows:

"The Taoist views the interior of his body by inner sight, and guides qi by his concentration, leading qi through veins or all the various channels in his body by visual guidance. In this way, he can guide qi anywhere we desires. When becoming ill, or when the chan­nels become blocked and the normal movement of air is obstructed, he guides qi to the distubed area to restore the circulation of qi. This brings about the cure." 7l

This passage enlarges on "Huangting Waijing Jing* 51 (A.D. 356) Maspero seemed to regard the qi guided by inner sight as external qi, taken in from the outside by respiration. This is clear because he stated in another one of his essays that many books referring to the theory and techniques of circulating internal qi appeared from the latter part of the Tang Dynasty to the Sung Dynasty. Sl

In Yanqi Jue*52 of Yunji Qiqian,*53 which Maspero cited and

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THE CIRCULATION OF QI IN THE BODY 173

placed in the latter Tang Dynasty (8th or 9th century), attention is drawn to the difference between internal qi and external qi, and it states that it is certainly not external qi but internal qi which is circu­lated in the body. Therefore, it is evident that before that time a clear distinction had not been made between internal qi and external qi, and that xingqi in general referred to the circulation of external qi. I will translate the relevant portion of Yanqi Jue below.

The special delight in taking in internal qi lies in yanqi. In general people draw in external qi (air) and consider this to be internal qi, and are unable to distinguish between the two. How it possible to discuss yanqi with (this level of understanding)? Those who place importance on breathing techniques must be aware of this, or otherwise they will make mistakes. Our body is originally created from the source qi of Heaven and Earth. Therefore source qi (or internal qz) must also exist independently in the body. When one takes in qi or breathes, this external qi interacts with the internal qi of the body. Thus when one exhales, the (internal) qi in qihai (the lower dantian) follows the breath up to the throat.

This is followed by instructions on how to lead internal qi to lower dantian by means of intention and massage. But Xingqi Jue, *54 which follows Yanqi Jue, is more important to our discussion. The process of circulating the internal qi collected at lower dantian through the body is described as follows:

Lower dantian is close to the two rear openings, and this is connected to niwan*55 at the top by the spinal channels. Niwan is the name for the fluid in the palace ofthe brain. After taking in qi three times in rapid succession, imagine the internal source qi received at lower dantian going to the two openings by using intention. The one must visualize the following: Two lines of white qi ascending on either side of the spine as if being pulled upward, and these go straight into the brain to foment the palaces in the head. After this the qi descends over hair, the face, the neck, the

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arms, and to the fingers of both hands as if completely covering them. This qi dispersed over the body then gathersand descends through the chest to middle dantian. This is the spirit in the palace of the heart. Next the qi moistens the five viscera and goes through the lower dantian to reach the three stars (the penis and testicles). Splitting into two lines, the qi continues downward through the femurs, the knees, the lower legs, the feet, and finally ends up at the acupuncture point yongquan. *56 (acupuncture point in the center of each sole)

Let us examine the above description in greater detail. First let me summarize the course followed by the internal qi. Lower dantian- two openings- spinal channels- brain- hair­face- neck- arms- fingers- chest- middle dantian- five viscera -lower dantian- penis- femurs- knees -legs-feet- yongquan

Although this route is not described in terms of the ren and du channels, a prototype of the Micro and Macrocosmic Orbits is already apparent in this course of qi circulation. That is, the course of qi movement goes in a circle by beginning at lower dantian and returning again to lower dantian, and further, the qi travels down the legs to reach the soles. Furthermore, the various qi circulation patterns in Cosmic Orbit techniques (the Cosmic Orbit used so far in the narrow sense of the term is just one of these patterns) is apparent in its nascent form. At this point I would like to classify into several types the qi circulation routes for the Cosmic Orbit in the wide sense. 1) Circulation through the ren and du channels. This is the so called

Microcosmic Orbit in which qi goes up the backside and down the frontside. It is also known as xiao he che. *51

2) Circulation not only through the ren and du channels, but also through the eight extraordinary channels. This is the so called Macrocosmic Orbit. It is also known as da heche. *58 (In this paper type 1) and 2) are collectively referred to as the Cosmic Orbit.)

3) Ascending movement from the coccyx up to the brain. This is the

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so called reverse current of the Yellow River, and is also termed "zhouhou feijin jing. "*59

4) A type consisting of the circulation of 1) and circulation through the five viscera.

5) Circulation up and down between the upper, middle, and lower dantian. 91

6) Descending movement from the brain down to the coccyx. 101

7) The direct route penetrating zhonghuang. *60 111

From the above classification, it can be seen that the above pas­sage of Xingqi Jue includes the types listed under 1 ), 2), 4), and 5). The method of circulating qi in the Xingqi Jue is one of leading qi by conscious intention alone. This method is the same as item 6) of the methods summarized in chapter 1.

The Xingqi Jue refers to the "internal source qi received at the lower dantian." This corresponds to huangya, *61 which is the sprout of jindan*62 in the theory of neidan, or the internal alchemy of a later period. In terms of the modern practices of the Cosmic Orbit, this corresponds to the heat generated at lower dantian, which was men­tioned earlier. Thus the Xingqi Jue can be regarded as a forerunner to the theory of internal alchemy, in which it was held that the circula­tion of qi is accomplished after forming dan.

There are two more things in Xingqi Jue which must not be over­looked. These are the statements, "lower dantian is close to the two rear cavities," and "the two lines of white qi." I think the concept of two cavities and two lines of qi is connected, but I am unsure as to which acupuncture points and which channels they refer to. "Two cavities" near lower dantian makes me think of the two kidneys. I have only a vague idea of what the two channels leading to the brain refer to. As one example, it is said that "there are two channels in the brain and these go down both sides of the spine to the point three (Chinese) inches below the navel (place known as qihai, or sea of qz)."121

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This concept most likely originated from the following passage in the sixtieth chapter of Suwen of the Huandi Neijing (Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic):

"The du channel ... originates along with the tai yang channel of the leg at the inner canthus of the eyes and goes over the forehead up to the crown where it joins and connects with the brain . . . it goes internally on either side of the spine to reach the waist ... connecting to the kidneys where it terminates."

This passage describes the course of the du channel in women, but it is can be supposed that the du channel was considered to be two lines in ancient times.

Since these channels are not discussed much in Taoism or Chinese medicine, it could be that they came from India. In fact, there are striking similarities to the doctrine of Tantra Yoga. Tantra Yoga embodies the concept of awakening and drawing up Kundalini (snake energy), which is cohered around the perineum. Thus crude sexual and animal energy is transformed into spiritual energy and ultimately this is radiated from the crown out into the universe. The route by which this Kundalini ascends, opening chakras (seven vital centers between the periuem and the crown) along the way, is the two chan­nels called Lalana (Ida) and Rasana (Pinga/a). The Kundalini must transmute these two channels to pen up a new "middle way". That is, to open up and rise through the middle channel Sushumna. It may be possible that Huang Zhen,*63 the author of Xingqi Jue, considered the Lalana and Rasana to be the "two channels".

It is not the intention in this paper to compare Tantra Yoga and Taoist practices of longevity, so I will put this issue aside. It must, however, be noted in connection to this that there is a remarkable similarity between the Taoist sexual practice called huanjing bunao, *64

or drawing semen up to nourish the brain, and that ofTantra Yoga in which Kundalini (which can be equated to semen) is drawn up the spine.

Careful study of the Xingqi Jue does in fact reveal remnants of

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Taoist sexual practices. In the statement "two lines of white qi ascend ... into the brain," the "white qi" reminds one of the semen mentioned in the huanjing bunao technique. The practice of drawing up qi from the lower dantian to the brain in itself is an adaptation from huanjing bunao. Also the terms huanjing bunao and intercourse can be found in the latter half of the Xingqi Jue, which I did not present here. Even though the Xingqi Jue retains traces of Taoist sexual practices, the practices in this tt:xt must surely be a step removed from sexual practices.

On the other hand, Sun Si Miao,*65 a Taoist in the early Tang Dynasty, makes clear reference to such sexual practices in his famous medical text.

"If one desires longevity and immortality, first he must play with a woman and swallow her saliva. After both having become excited in this way, one must clench his fist and focus his awareness on dantian, the point three inches below the navel. By doing this, red qi appears there and the inside of it turns yellow while the outside turns white. Eventually this is transformed into the sun and moon. After moving around in dantian, the sun and moon go up to niyuan*66 (same as niwan, or the brain) and join together to become one. I3J

The sun and moon mentioned in the above passage are related in some convoluted way with the white qi in the Xingqi Jue and therefore perhaps with the two channels in the Tantra Yoga mentioned above. The great Dutch dilettante van Gulik stated that the technique of huanjing bunao of Sun Si Miao bear a striking resemblance to the techniques of sexual mysticism of Tantra, particularly in Kundalini Yoga. He further asserted that there had to be a historical connection between the two systems of Chinese and Indian sexual mysticism. 14l

I would tend to agree with van Gulik, but the main point I wish to make about the writing of Sun Si Miao is this: In Chinese sexual mysticism sexual intercourse was eventually replaced by the mental imagery of the union of the sun and the moon. In a later period this sexual symbolism of union of the sun and the moon was converted

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into that of kan*67 and /i*68 of the eight trigrams in the theory of inner alchemy. 15l The offspring of this symbolic sexual union was the genera­tion of neidan. We are already touching on type 3) of the routes of qi circulation presented earlier. I will expand on this ascending pathway in the next chaper.

3. FROM HUANJING BUNAO TO HUANGHE NILIU (REVERSE CURRENT OF THE YELLOW RIVER)

The practice of drawing up qi from the coccyx to the brain in internal alchemy originated from huanjing bunao of Taoist sexual practices. The continuity between the theory of internal alchemy and sexual practices has been pointed out by many scholars, 16l but the continuity in these two practices is worth stressing again. Huanjing bunao is a technique in which a man stops just before ejaculation. The jing, *69 or essence, which is about to manifest as a physical substance, semen, is immediately drawn up along the pine to the brain (niwan), and thus this vital crystalization of energy is conserved.

It is stated in the Shizhi Pian*70 of Baopuzi*71 that, "there are more than ten schools of sexual practices, but the main point in all of them is the one practice of huanjing bunao." So it is the most essential technique among all the sexual practices. We must bear in mind, however, that this was not the only link between sexual practices and the theory of internal alchemy. It goes without saying that the concept of generating dan, the offspring of the intercourse of yin and yang, originated purely from Taoist sexual practices. Furthermore, it should be noted concerning the intercourse of yin and yang that, even before Sun Si Miao's "union of the sun and moon," there were other schools which used symbolic imagery for sex while actually performing sex.

In the fourth century, long before the theory of internal alchemy became established, a Buddhist monk named Dao An*72 made the following remark:

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"Those Taoists feel free to write huangshu*73 (pornography). words like open the gate of life, and hold the infant of true man, or play by turning the dragon and tiger-these are common phrases from huangshu." (from Er jiao lun of Guanghong Mingjz)

We cannot be certain from just this as to what exactly huangshu were and it is also unclear as to what sexual practices were performed according to these texts. From the above statement, however, it is inferred that there were other techniques of sexual practice other than huanjing bunao. The phrase "dragon and tiger" is common to both waidan*74 and neidan (internal alchemy). The expression "infant of true man" came in advance of the theory of internal alchemy, which advocated generating dan in one's body. The "infant" was, in fact, a metaphor for this dan. It can be said that sexual practices uniting male and female qi was not completely displaced by internal alchemy to lose its place among the techniques of longevity. There was actually a school known as Yinyang Shuang Xiupai, *75 which continued to practice sexual mysticism within the context of internal alchemy. 171

As I have stated repeatedly, Taoist sexual practices were carried over into internal alchemy in the techniques of "reverse current of qi to niwan" and "intercourse of dragan and tiger". Shangdong Xindan Jingjue, *76 the text I will cite next, is thought to date from the middle of the Tang Dynasty. 181 This is a text on internal alchemy which is one of the first to use the term "the way of neidan." The term huangjing bunao is also used unchanged in reference to circulating qi, and thus this text clearly demonstrates the continuity between sexual practices and internal alchemy. During the Tang Dynasty huanjing bunao was also referred to as yindan*77 in contrast to jindan, which was called yangdan. *7819)

There are tens of methods of conserving essence and circulating qi, but all of these will not be listed here. The central practice. is huanjing bunao. This must be practiced during the six yang times,

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that is, between the zi*19 time and the wu*80 time. It may also be done at a time yang arizes in the body. At this time one may go into a quiet room, but one can do this regardless of whether he is moving, standing, sitting, or lying down. Basically one must main­tain purity of the body inside and out and achieve a state of oneness with qi, like the suppleness of a baby. Then one builds a fire at yutan*81 and weilu*82 (the coccyx). This qi is then moved straight up on both sides of the spine through the two gates to ascend the three mountains. This is continued until Mount Yu­jing*83 is reached. After a long time, the brain becomes filled with qi naturally.201

The Yuanqi Lun, *84 volume fifty-six of Yunji Qijian, *85 cites Shangqing Dongzhen Pin*86 and states as follows. This passage explains why filling the brain with qi causes longevity.

"The method of diyi huifeng*81 is to revert back to the source of the one hundred channels so as to reinforce the brain above and invigorate the source qi below. When the brain is filled, the spirit becomes perfect, and when the spirit is perfect, the qi becomes perfect. When the qi is perfect, the body becomes perfect. When the body becomes perfect, the one hundred joints become adjusted inside and the eight evils are extinguished on the outside."

Lu You, *88 a great poet of the Southern Song Dynasty, was also renouned as a great health promotion expert, and he tried all the various Taoist techniques of his time. We know that he personally experienced the "reverse current of the Yellow River," which was adapted from huanjing bunao. This is clear from the following lines from his poems:

Bright red flame is constantly shining below. The surging Yellow River is flowing in reverse.

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THE CIRCULATION OF QI IN THE BODY 181

Yellow current does not flow into the sea. Surging (upward) reaching kunlun (the head)

(op. cit. Ganhuai, Vol. 28)

In these lines, the "bright red flame" and "shining below" refer to the sprout of neidan generated at the lower dantian. As mentioned earlier, this is sometimes experienced as heat. The current of the Yellow River which "does not flow into the sea" and "reaching kunlun" implies the ascendingjingqi, or semen energy. Also studying Lu's other poems recording his practices of circulating qi, the qi is drawn up to the brain and stops there; we cannot find any reference to qi going down the front of the body. It seems that for Lu, this method was complete in itself. Further, in these poems, there is no mention of the intercourse of the two qi of yin and yang. This could mean that he understood internal alchemy from the standpoint of the one qi theory.

This method of "reverse current of the Yellow River" was rejected in later years as "being the lowest method for longevity" in the more sophisticated theory of internal alchemy as expounded in the Lun Dadao Pian* 89 of Zhonglu Chuandao Ji. *90 This important Taoist text, which takes the form of a dialogue between a teacher and student (Zhong Li Guan*91 and Lu Dong Bin*92) is held to have been com­piled in the last half of the eleventh century.21 ) The distinguishing feature of this text is its repeated emphasis on the intercourse of yin and yang, based on the contention that all creation was a result of intercourse.

The concept of generating neidan by the intercourse of yin and yang originates from sexual practices involving the actual sexual union of man and woman. This practice was eventually replaced with symbolic representation. In terms of internal alchemy, it became the formation of huangya (or the sprout of dan) by the intercourse of the heart and kidney (or the dragon and tiger). In this scheme, however,

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huangya is not complete as dan. In order to build up huangya to become the all powerful medicine, jindan, or da dan, *93 it had to be placed on he che*94 to be circulated around the body. Thus in Zhong/u Chuandao Ji, the huanjing bunao of Taoist sexual practices is converted into what is termed zhouhou feijin Jing. This practice required that qi be drawn up to the brain and then returned to lower dantian. The term ren and du channels, however, does not appear in Zhong/u Chuandao Ji. This practice is described simply in terms of qi ascending and descending between the dantians, which is called huandan. *9522)

This methods of qi circulation comes under type 5) according to my earlier classification.

In the Zhong/u Chuandao Ji the practice of circulating qi is com­plete only by pairing the dan formed by sexual intercourse and the Cosmic Orbit. This approach is not unique to Zhonglu Chuandao Ji, but became the basic scheme in most theories of internal alchemy after the Song Dynasty. For example, this scheme can be found in the preface to Dadan Zhizhi*96 written by Qiu Chu Ji*97 in the Yuan Dynasty. Qiu proposed a practice of qi circulation which proceeded from the intercourse of fire and water to the circulation of qi around the body and ended with the perfection of da dan. Qiu provides a clear explanation of why intercouse and circulation of qi had to be coupled as follows:

"Something like a grain of rice is formed by the intercourse of the dragon and tiger. Even if this circulated back to huangting, *98 how­ever, it cannot be refined and condensed without heat. On the other hand, only empty qi collects in dantian with the circulation and heat alone. "23)

Further in the Dadan Zhizhi, the small huandan*99 is distinguished from the great huandan* 100 as follows:

"Qi passes from the kidney to the liver, from the liver to the spleen, from the spleen to the heart, from the heart to the spleen, and from the heart back to the kidney. This is circulation according to the five

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THE CIRCULATION OF Ql IN THE BODY 183

phases, and is called small huandan. Qi passing from upper dantian to middle dantian and then to the lower dantian, going back and forth among the three dantian is called great huandan. "24l

Small huandan is fairly close to type 4), and great huandan belongs to type 5) of the earlier classification. The course of qi in these schemes are somewhat different from that in the Micro and Macrocosmic Orbits. Nevertheless, they may be regarded as qi circulation methods in a transitional stage toward becoming the Micro and Macrocosmic Orbits. ·

4. COMPLETION OF THE COSMIC ORBIT

Cosmic Orbit, or zhoutian, was originally a term in Chinese astronomy meaning a rotation of 360 degrees. An example of this type of orbit is given in the commentary of Kong Ying Da*101 on the Yueling Pian* 102 of the Lijz"*103 as follows:

"The twenty-eight fixed stars and all the other stars circle to the left with Heaven. Every day and night they travel one revolution and one degree to make a total of 365 revolutions and one quarter."

The stars make one revolution in the heavens every day and night, and the sun makes one revolution a year along its orbit. This term in astronomy for the orbit of the sun, moon, and stars was adopted for the circulation of qi around the body in Taoist internal alchemy, with its correspondence between the microcosm and the macrocosm. In other words, man was considered to be a miniature replica of the universe. There is some difference between the Macrocosmic Orbit and the Microcosmic Orbit in the theory of internal alchemy. There was even a theory which made the orbit of the stars correspond to the Microcosmic Orbit and the orbit of the sun to the Macrocosmic Orbit.25l

One of the earliest examples of the use of the term Orbit in Taoist literature appears in Zhouyi Santongqi* 104 as follows:

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"The bar goes up and down, and revolves (orbits) around with great force."

The above passage was actually derived from the Zhouyi San­tongqi Fahui* 105 written by Yu Yan* 106 during the Yuan Dynasty. In texts such as Zhouyi Santongqi Fenzhang Tongzhenyi* 101 by Peng Xiao,* 108 the oldest extant text, Orbit is written as haiqz"* 109 or harmful qi. Yu Yan stated that Orbit, or zhoutian, was actually miscopied as zhouqi* 110 in an old text and that there was no grounds to change zhouqi to haiqi. In his commentary Zhouyi Santongqi Shiyi, *111 Yu Yan interprets the above passage in the following manner:

"The shape of Heaven is like a bullet, and it Orbits night and day. In a days time, the south end and north end of Heaven that is the bar, goes up and down. The human body is like Heaven, so it has the bar of Heaven above, and the pivot of Earth below. When both the bar of Heaven and the pivot of Earth can be turned, and the movement of the upper part and lower part correspond to each other, one orbit around the body can be accomplished with one breath." (Daozang, Vol. 34, p. 26976)

Also in the Yuan Dynasty, the famous author of Jindan Dayao, *112

Chen Zhi Xu,* 113 a generation younger than Yu Yan, stated as follows in Guizhong Zhinan:* 114

The intercourse of kan and li is also called the Microcosmic Orbit. This intercourse begins after practicing the basic exercise for one hundred days. Water (kan) and fire (/z) go up and down to the middle palace, and the yin and yang mingle in the three legged vessel. Clouds lift, the rain stops, qi collects, and the spirit con­denses. These are its indication ... The intercourse of qian* 115 and kun* 116 is also called the Macrocosmic Orbit. This intercourse begins after the intercourse of kan and li. The intercourse of qian and kun occurs after the medicine (dan) has already emerged."

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THE CIRCULATION OF Q/IN THE BODY 185

(Daozang, Vol. 7, p. 5078)

This passage shows that the Cosmic Orbit was already well estab­lished in the Yuan Dynasty both as a technical term of internal alchemy as well as a practice of circulating qi. There was good reason for Yu Yan's choice of the term Orbit in his text, quoted earlier. Yu's text, particularly his new theory, played an important role in estab­lishing the Cosmic Orbit as a major force in the practice of internal alchemy. As stated already, there was a strong inclination in Taoism and internal alchemy toward the concept of a correspondence between the microcosm and the macrocosm. Yu Yan took this con­cept all the way to develop a theory incorporating the rotation of Heaven into the human body based on the premise of the corre­spondence between the universe and the human body. A modern scholar Li Yuan Guo* 117 states as follows concerning Yu Yan's place in the history of internal alchemy:

Yu Yan's method of dan was simple and straightforward. It brushed aside the complicated and confusing methods from the Southern Song Dynasty. Yu placed the primary emphasis on opening the two channels of ren and du ... This method is much simpler and more appropriate than the method of internal smelt­ing with four steps from the Southern Song Dynasty. (The four steps are, building a foundation, refining jing (essence) into qi, refining qi into shen, *118 or spirit, and returning shen back to the void.) Yu Yan never mentioned "refining qi into shen" or "return­ing shen back to the void." Thus very little trace of religious or mystical overtones remained in his method. It was thus stripped of elements of spiritualism. Without question this was a radical reformation which Yu Yan brought about in the practices of internal alchemy from the Southern Song Dynasty.26l

Since the universe and the human body resemble one another, the movement of the sun and the moon in the universe must be similar to

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THE CIRCULATION OF Ql IN THE BODY 187

the circulation of qi in the human body. Based on this concept, Yun Yan drew up a diagram which simultaneously depicted on one plane the directions in the universe and the cyclical flow of time. (See Fig. 1, by Santongqi Fahui, Vol. 5 in Daozang, Vol. 34, p. 26891, 26892, 26982.) He then applied this concept to the human body, and stated as follows about the movement of qi in the body:

"Qi reaches the coccyx at the zi time, (in the Chinese time system each time period is two hours and begins with zi, which is from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m.) and then it goes to the waist at the chou* 119 andyin* 120

times, to the spine at the mao, *121 chen* 122 and si* 123 times, to the brain at the wu time, to the chest at the wei* 124 and shen* 125 and you* 126 times, and returns to the abdomen at the xu* 127 and hai* 128

times. This is the (cycle of) qi circulation in a day. A similar circula­tion also occurs with each breath. Qi ascends from below to above during inhalation, and descends from below to above during exhala­tion." (Yiwai Biezhuan, Daozang, Vol. 34, p. 27068)

Locations on the body can be correlated to times of the day using the same scheme as the diagram created by Yu Yan. (See Fig. 2.) Although Yu did not use the term ren and du channels in the above passage, it is clear from his writing, even without reference to the earlier commentary of Li Yuan Guo, that Yu Yan attached great importance to these channels.

That the head is qian (Heaven) and the abdomen is kun (Earth), is absolutely the same as Heaven and Earth. The ascend­ing and descending movement of the two qi in the body also corresponds to that of Heaven and Earth. The Neizhi Tongxuan Mijue* 129 states as follows: "The sun and moon always orbit around the ecliptic and the equator. Many zhenren (true men) devised methods of internal alchemy based on this knowledge. Their method corresponds to the movement of Heaven and Earth. The reason they drew upon this movement was to obtain the same

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effect as Heaven and Earth." The essential point of their method was the two channels of ren and du. This is because the ren and du channels are the sea of yin and yang, and they are the basis on which the origin of the five qi are founded. The ren channel starts from below zhongj1"* 130 and goes up above the (pubic) hairline, and travels over the abdomen to guanyuan* 131 and then goes up to the throat. This channel serves as the sea of yin channels. The du channel starts from the cavity in the lowermost part of the abdo­men and ascends along the spinal column to fengfu* 132 and then goes over the forehead to reach the bridge of the nose. This chan­nel serves as the sea of yang channels. The reason for the name ren of the ren channel is because it is by this that women conceive and nurture a fetus. The reason for the name du of the du channel because it governs the sea of channels and vessels.

Deer have a long life. Deer become white when they are five hundred years old. They become blue when they are one thousand years old. This is because their du channel is opened very well. The turtle, crane, and toad live as long as a thousand years because their ren channel is opened very well. It is stated in the Nanhua Zhenjing* 133: "When one always lives by relying on the du channel, the body can be kept healthy and a person can live to a ripe old age." When one can open the two channels, the one hundred channels will all open and natural circulation (of q1) is established and all problems such as obstruction and stagnation disappear. The way to longevity and far-reaching vision without a doubt lies in these two channels. 27)

As indicated in chapter 3, the basic method for generating dan was formulated by combining sexual practices and qi circulation of the Cosmic Orbit. In a manner of speaking, one method is with sex and the other is without sex. So it is a combination of the concept of two qi with that of one qi. Yu Yan also referred to sexual intercourse.

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He said, "Heaven and Earth generate all things by the intercourse of yin and yang. It is impossible for anything to be created without intercourse." (Santong qi Fahui, Vol. 5, Daozang, p. 26925)

Time and again Yu Yan mentions the generation of jindan, or great medicine by the intercourse of shen (spirit) and qi. (Santong qi Fahui, Vol. 6, Daozang, p. 26954) Looking at the following paragraph, however, we can assume that he incorporated the intercourse of shen and qi into his theory of qi circulation in the_ attempt to unify every­thing under the Cosmic Orbit. The paragraph below also shows that Yu's method of the Cosmic Orbit was practiced with the respiration of external qi.

In the days of old, practitioners of the way of dan devoted themselves exclusively to the way (dao), thinking of nothing, forgetting all methods, keeping their heart pure and clear. They embodied the qi of chonghe (principal harmony) with their minds in a quiet and steady state. Their exhalation was very fine and their inhalation was long and continuous. (Their ql) ascended to the brain and descended to reach mingmen. Thus their shen and qi were joined without one moments break. When neidan was about to emerge in this way, yuanqi collected in dantian of its own accord. So the one qi of Heaven and Earth was shared (by man and the universe) and this one qi was controlled at will. In ancient times when the Yellow Emperor resided in his palace with a great garden and viewed the inside of his body for three months, he must have been using this method." (Santong qi Fahui, Vol. 8, Daozang, p. 26969)

The passage which follows the above paragraph provides some explanation for why the Cosmic Orbit gave a person a long life.

This method is extremely simple. When one gains continuous control of his qi for twenty-four hours a day and achieves unity of shen and qi, he will attain longevity. By making the shen and qi orbit with the sun and moon, and revolve with the River of Heaven, as ceaseless as these rotations become, so will one's life become endless.

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This is followed again by a more concrete explanation of the union of shen and qi in Yu Yan's method of Cosmic Orbit.

If shen does not govern the exhalation, it becomes imperfect, even if only one breath. Also if shen does not govern the inhala­tion, it becomes imperfect, even if only one breath. What is impor­tant is that the heart and breath be closely connected so that the shen and qi protect each other constantly, and awareness is main­tained without break and thee remain united. This is precisely what exalts both the physical body and shen to a sublime state and both the way and truth can be embodied.

Judging from the above statement, breathing of external qi plays an important part in Yu Yan's method. His method is not one of leaving the movement of internal qi to itself, but of leading internal qi with the assistance of external qi, or respiration. This respiration, however, must always be controlled by the heart and shen (con­sciousness and awareness). This is apparent by the phrases "the shen govern" and "the heart and breath be closely connected." The shen is related not only to external qi, but also with internal qi. This is clear from the words "shen and qi protect each other". Further, "the inter­course of shen and qi" implies the state in which internal qi is con­trolled by shen and the two are unified. Actually, what must be unified is the three aspects of shen, internal qi, and external qi.

Applying the above mentioned principles to deduce Yu's method of Cosmic Orbit in practical terms, it is must have been something like this: While inhaling external qi, one's awareness was drawn up along the du channel from the coccyx to the brain. (In so doing it was believed that the internal qi ascended by moving in concert with one's awareness and external qi.) Next while exhaling, awareness (and thus internal qi also) was moved downward along the ren channel from the face to lower dantian. In short, while inhaling, the practitioner imagines qi ascending from the coccyx to the brain, and while exhal­ing, he imagines qi descending from his face to lower dantian. Should this assumption be correct, it can be stated that Yu Yan's method was not any different from the Cosmic Orbit practiced today.

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In trying to define his method of Cosmic Orbit, Yu Yan drew from a great number of sources, and one source he cites gives a clear outline of what he meant by the Cosmic Orbit.

"It is neither xingqi (moving qz) or cunxiang* 134 (visualization), nor is it zhouhou feijin jing (drawing qi up from the coccyx to niwan) or exercising the heart (mind) to think of the spine. This is the true and fundamental way of breathing the qi of taihe* 135 (great harmony) to maintain and defend nature." (Santong qi Fahui, Vol. 5, p. 26936)

The successors to Yu Yan of the Yuan Dynasty in the history of internal alchemy were Wu Shou Yang* 136 or Chong Xu Zi*137 of the latter Ming Dynasty and Liu Hua Yang* 138 of the Qing Dynasty. Wu Shou Yang belonged to the Qiu Chu Ji* 139 School, the northern branch of the Longmen*140 School, which was part of Quanzhen­jiao*141 Sect of Daoism. Wu claimed to be the eighth headmaster of the Longmen School. Liu Hua Yang was first educated in Confucian­ism, and later took up Zen Buddhism, and finally ended up studying Taoism. Thus he was very knowledgeable in all three philosophies. Since Liu studied Wu's approach of Taoist internal alchemy, when a new sect of Taoism was formed based on their work, it was named the Wu-Liu School. Their main work consisted in the coupled volume of Wu-Liu Xianzong. *142 The main emphasis of their method was on the way of opening the ren and du channels.

Wu set forth a method by which qi was ideally circulated 360 times a day. Nevertheless, it was not Wu but Liu who had the greatest influence on Taoist thought. Huimingjing* 143 by Liu Hua Yang retains much of Buddist philosophy. Also, Liu's Jinxian Zhenglun* 144 gives a more simple and effective description, so it not only went through edition after edition in China, but was translated into Japanese in 1927 by Koen Ito* 145 under the title, Rentan Syuyo Ho. *146 (This Japanese edition was translated back into Chinese in 1931 by Yin Shi Zhu* 147 under the title, Neigong LiamJan Mijue.* 148)

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The main point of the discussion in the Jinxian Zhenglun is the method of the Microcosmic Orbit. And it is said that this book covers every aspect of the Microcosmic Orbit. In chapter nine of this book is Zhoutian Tushuo, * 149 or illustration of Cosmic Orbit, which shows the course of qi in the Cosmic Orbit and gives a simple overview of this theory of internal alchemy. Further, in chapter eleven, there is the Rendu Ermai Tushuo, *150 or illustration of ren and du channels, as an attempt to put an end to the confusion and controversy regarding the location of the two channels. This book scarcely refers to the inter­course of yin and yang, but instead emphasizes a method of Cosmic Orbit using both the respiration of external qi and conscious intention as seen in Yu Yan's method. The theory that Yu Yan presented, however, was not clearly presented as a method, and was only given in a fragmented manner in his commentaries. Therefore it is of great significance that Liu Hua Yang wrote a manual on how to practice the Cosmic Orbit.

A book on internal alchemy named Taiyi Jinhua Zongzhi* 151 was introduced in the West by C.G. Jung and R. Wilhelm.28l In China this book was published under the name Lu Dong Bin,* 152 but he is not the real author since this text did not appear until the Qing Dynasty. Be that as it may, this book occupies an important place in the history of internal alchemy. As may be apparent from the fact that this book was published in a set with Huiming jing by Liu Hua Yang, the central theme in Taiyi Jinhua Zongzhi is also the Cosmic Orbit. Space does not permit a thorough discussion of this important work, but I would like to point out one thing. The eleventh chapter of this book is Kanli Jiaogou (intercourse of kan and lz) and the twelfth chapter is Zhoutian (Cosmic Orbit). The twelfth chapter contains the following passage:

"One orbit occurs in one day and one orbit occurs in each time (two hour period). The intercourse of kan and li constitutes one orbit. Our internal intercourse is thus the revolution of Heaven."

It is very difficult to know what was meant by this passage, but it

*t49 fflER~ilt

*ISO fft'f=~~ilt *151 :t:Z:.~¥:iRI!i *152 :Sifali!(

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THE CIRCULATION OF QIIN THE BODY 193

may be said that here again is an attempt to unify the concepts of intercourse and circulation of qi.

Now we will go directly from the Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. When discussing the history of the Cosmic Orbit in modern times, one cannot overlook Yinshi Zi Jingzuo Fa, *153 written by Jiang Wei Qiao*154 (1873 -1958). Jiang was a noted educator and a scholar of Buddhism. His book advocated quiet sitting (meditation) based on his personal experience as a young man. Since I have already intro­duced this book in another essal91 I will not go into it in depth here. Briefly, the point of this book is the attainment of the Cosmic Orbit by quiet sitting. One simply sits comfortably and breathes naturally, but one must be diligent in this practice of quiet sitting. One day, all of a sudden, the lower dantian begins to shake and this changes to a sensation of heat. (This corresponds to the sprouting of dan by the intercourse of yin and yang mentioned in classical texts.) Eventually the body begins to shake all over. At this time, one makes the energy circulate along the ren and du channels using conscious intention. This is the just of Jiang's method, and this method is identical to that used by Chen Kuan Jin, as discussed in chapter l. Jiang's book not only created a sensation at the time it was published, but is still widely read and is cited by modern qigong books. Naturally there are some points in this book which may be criticized, but in all fairness, it cannot be denied that this book has had a key influence on passive qigong in the modern era.

5. CONCLUSION

In this paper I have traced the development of modern methods of the Cosmic Orbit. Let me summarize the foregoing discussion, which may have been somewhat complicated.

It was well known in ancient China that qi circulated in the body along established routes, even without reference to Huangdi Neijing

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(Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic). We must, however, bear in mind that the existence of a route of qi circulation is one thing, and qi actually circulating along these routes is quite another. It is a basic assumption in Chinese medicine that, when qi circulates smoothly along these routes as it is supposed to, diseases never occur in the first place. This concept is the same as that in Taoist approaches to longev­ity (or health preservation), which developed in tandem with Chinese medicine. Even if a route for qi exists, when qi is not flowing un­obstructed, it is the same as if the route did not exist. This may be likened to a path to a heavenly garden, Tao hua yuan,* 155 which becomes overgrown with weeds so that nobody passes that way anymore.

Taoism attaches greater importance to the eight extraordinary channels (especially the ren and du channels) than to the twelve ordinary channels. Although there has been some controversy about the route and location of the two most important channels, the ren and the du, these were recognized from the ealiest times because they appear in the sixtieth chapter of Suwen (Basic Questions) of the Huangdi Neijing (Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic) as well as in the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh chapters of the Nanjing* 156 (Classic of Difficulties). Zhou Da Hong* 157 of the Guangzhou Zhongshan Medical School*158 explains the significance of the obstruction and opening of the ren and du channels as follows:

"The ren channel governs yin and the du channel governs yang. As soon as a person is born, the ren and du channels become blocked. Thus the intercourse of yin and yang does not occur, and the path between the front route (ren channel) and the rear route (du channel) is cut off. Therefore, qi in dantian does not go to the coccyx, and also acupuncture points become blocked so the movement of qi is obstructed and consequently qi becomes stagnated. This is why it is so important to open the ren and du channels by practicing methods of moving qi. "30)

There are two main reasons why special importance is attached to

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THE CIRCULATION OF QI IN THE BODY 195

the ren and du channels. Firstly, it is believed that once these two channels are opened, all other channels in the body open up spon­taneously. Secondly, in line with the concept of the correlation between the macrocosm and the microcosm, it is believed that once the Cosmic Orbit is achieved in one's body, the same immutable nature of Heaven and Earth, which orbit continuously, can be acquired.

Tracing the roots of the Cosmic Orbit, we find methods of moving qi (xingqz) at its origin. Huanjing Bunao, an esoteric sexual practice with a history as old as methods of circulating qi, can be considered a kind of qi circulation method in its own right. The route of qi leading up from the coccyx to the brain first became established with huanjing bunao, but in this method, only the rear ascending route (du channel) is discussed and no mention is made of the front descending route (ren channel).

The theory of internal alchemy which began in the Tang Dynasty, became established as a complete system in the Song Dynasty by incorporating qi circulation methods, sexual practices, and taixi* 159 or abdominal breathing, from preceding periods. Thus huanjing bunao was renamed zhouhoufeijinjing, or huanghe niliu, and assimilated into the theory of internal alchemy. Furthermore, the sexual practice was sublimated to become a symbolic intercourse between yin and yang (otherwise kan and li, or dragon and tiger), which did not require a partner. In this way the theory of internal alchemy, consisting of generating dan by the intercourse of yin and yang, and then causing this qi to orbit, became established. The method of progressing from "intercourse" to an "orbit", as mentioned above, had already appeared in the Zonglu Chuandao Ji. But there was no mention of circulating qi along the ren and du channels, and instead of zhoutian (Cosmic Orbit), the term huandan (returning dan) was used. Practices almost identical with the modern form of the Cosmic Orbit first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty in Yu Yan's writing. Probably Yu was the first to use the term Cosmit Orbit. Yu Yan carried on the

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traditional method of internal alchemy incorporating both the "intercourse" and the "orbit", but he changed the concept of the intercourse between yin and yang to that between spirit and qi.

Books devoted to the subject of the Cosmic Orbit were written in the Ming and Qing Dynasties by Wu Shou Yang and Liu Hua Yang, and these books received a widespread recognition and readership. It was the work of Jiang Wei Qiao, however, that served as the bridge between the classical approaches of Cosmic Orbit and qigong in the modern age. When Jiang was a young man he contracted tuberculo­sis, and among the many medical books his father brought his to read, he came across the "Macro and Microcosmic Orbits of the Taoists". Based on this he began to practice quiet sitting. After a number of years, he finally achieved the Cosmic Orbit and cured his illness. Jiang wrote a book on quiet sitting (actually about the Cosmic Orbit) in simple language based on his experience. His book was very well received especially among ailing individuals.

REFERENCES

1) Chen Yan Lin, "Taijiquan Daojian Hansanshou Hepian" (Taijiquan Sabre, Sword, Staff, and Manual Technique Compendium), Guoguang Shuji (1943) Vol. 1, 7a and lOa.

2) Qin Zhong San, Qigong Liaofa he Baojian (Qigong therapy and health promo­tion), (Shanghai Kexue Jishu Chuban, 1984).

3) "Xiao Zhoutian Liangongfa" (Method of Practicing for the Microcosmic Orbit) Qigong Jingxuan (Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe, 1981), 77.

4) Yayama Toshihiko, "Syoshuten ni Itaru Michi" (Path to the Microcosmic Orbit), Special Issue Takarajima, No. 103, Ki wa Chosen Suru (Challenges with Ql).

5) Ishida Hidemi, Shosokuko (Thoughts on Heel Breath) in Chugoku Kodai Yousei Shisou no Sogoteki Kenkyu (Comprehensive Study of Ancient Chinese Health Preservation), (Hirakawa Shuppansha, 1988).

6) Sakade Yoshinobu, "Doinko" (Thoughts on Daoyin) Ikeda Suetoshi Hakase Kinen Toyogaku Ronshu, 1989.

7) Kawakatsu Yoshio, Translation of Henri Maspero's writing in Dokyo (Taoism), (Heibonsha, 1978), 129, 261 (72).

8) Mochida Kimiko (trans.), Dokyo no Yosei Jyutsu (Methods of Health Preserva­tion in Taoism), (Serika Shobo, 1983), 62.

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THE CIRCULATION OF Q/ IN THE BODY 197

9) Ishida Hidemi, Ki Nagareru Shintai (The Body in which Ki Flows), (Hirakawa Shuppansha, 1987), 230, 223.

10) See note 5) above, 107. ll) Wang Mu, preface to Daojiao Wufa Danfa jingxuan, Vol. l (Zhongyi Guji

Chubanshe, 1987). 12) Daixi Jingwei Lun of Daozang, Vol. 31, p. 24578. 13) Sun Si Miao, Qianjin Yaofang, Vol. 27, Fangzhong Buyi. 14) E. J. Brill Leiden, 1974, Sexual Life in Ancient China, 200, 339. Japanese transla­

tion by Matsudaira Ioko (Serika Shobo, 1988). 15) Andrew Weil, The Marriage of the Sun and Moon. Japanese translation by Ueno

Keiichi (Nippon Kyobusha, 1986). 16) See note 9) above, 202, 228, etc. 17) Li Yuan Guo, Daojiao Qigong Yangsheng Xue (Qigong Health Promotion Prac­

tices in Taoism), (Sichuan Province Social Science Press, 1988), 410 forward. 18) Sakauchi Shigeo, "Sholo Dendoshu to Naitan Shiso" (Zhonglu Chuandaoji

and the Ideology of Neidan), Chugoku Shisoshi Kenkyu (Journal of History of Chinese Thought), Vol. 7, 75.

19) Yunji Qiqian, Vol. 64, Wangwu Zhenren Koushou Yindan Mijue Lingpian. Also see ibid, 229.

20) Daozang, Vol. 32, p. 25790. 21) See note 18). 22) Zhonglu Chuandao Ji, Lun Huandan. 23) Some argue that this text was not written by Qiu Chu Ji. See p. 257 of Zhong­

guo Qigong Xueshu Fazhan Shi (Historical Development of Chinese Qigong) by Wang and Zhou (Hunan Science and Technology Press, 1989).

24) Similar passages can be found in p. 3063 of Shouzhen Taiji Hunyuan Zhixuen Tu (Daozang Yiwen Ban, Vol. 4, p. 3062).

25) Hu Chun Shen, Zhonghua Qigong Xue (Study of Chinese Qigong), (Sichuan University Press, 1989), 116.

26) See note 17), 408, 409. 27) Santongqi Fahui, Vol. 5, Daozang, Vol. 34, p. 26934. The same passage can also

be found in Yiwai Biezhuan of the Daozang, Vol. 34, p. 27076. 28) Taiyi Jinhua Zongji was translated into Japanese by Yuasa and Sadakata under

the title "Ogon no Hana no Himitsu"(Jinmon Shoin, 1980). 29) Miura Kunio, "Ki no Fukken- Kiko to Dokyo" (The Reinstatement of Qi­

Qigong and Taoism), in Essays Commemorating the Retirement of Prof Ito Sohei (Kyuko Shoin, 1986).

30) Zhou Da Hong, "Qigong Yuanliu Luekao" (Overview of the Origins of Qigong), in Qigong Jingxuan, (Renmin Tiyu Chubanshe, 1981), 343.

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The Interpretation of Qi According to Japanese Herbalists "Two Theories of Etiology in Eighteenth Century Japan"

TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

The Oriental Medicine Research Center of the Kitasato Institute 5-9-1 Shirokane, Minato-ku, Tokyo, Japan

1. INTRODUCTION

199

T HE development of medicine in Japan up to the eighteenth century was under the constant influence of Chinese Medicine.

For this reason traditional Japanese medicine has been criticized by some as lacking originality. Nevertheless, careful study shows that Japanese medicine, instead of being a simple imitation of Chinese medicine, is a uniquely Japanese adaptation of medical concepts. The main features of this Japanese adaptation was the emphasis on practi­cal and directly applicable aspects of Chinese medicine, and the avoid­ance of abstract and speculative aspects.

A neo-classical movement in medicine known as the Koho* 1

School occurred in the seventeenth and eighteen centuries, and several key features of the Japanese adaptation of Chinese medical ideas became very apparent in this period. The term koho means old way or ancient method, and it implied the use of ancient prescriptions or methods of treatment. Basically this referred to the use of prescrip­tions from the "Shang Han Lun",*2 a treatise on febrile diseases writ-

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ten by Zhang Zhong Jing. *3 The sources of ancient methods applied by the Koho School practitioners were in fact quite varied. Neverthe­less, it is widely accepted that the herbalists of the Koho School did promote a specific trend of reformation in Japanese medicine.

This reformist trend was characterized by "doing away with spec­ulation and putting clinical experience first." This trend was actually the first clear expression of a spirit of criticism in the adoption of Chinese medicine in Japan. This medical reformation is known to have had its ideological foundations in the contemporary Neo­Confucianist movement in Japan.

This essay will examine the influence of this reformist trend on the perception of qi or vital energy in traditional Japanese medicine. This will be accomplished by comparing two theories of etiology in the Koho School, set forth by Goto Gonzan*4 (1653-1733) and Yoshi­masu Todo*5 (1702-1773), two leaders in the Koho School. These theories are ikki-ryutai-setsu*6 (theory of stagnation of one qz) and manbyo-ichidoku-setsu*7 (theory of all diseases originating from one poison).

Qi is an essential concept in traditional medicine and no practi­tioner denied its existence. But, since qi can neither be seen with the eyes or held in the hands, when Japanese physicians in the eighteenth century decided to do away with speculation to establish a new prag­matic approach, they had in some way to account for the intangible element of qi. The main theme of this essay is therefore the attempt of Koho School herbalists to come to grips with qi in a tangible and materialistic fashion.

2. PHYSIOLOGY AND PATHOLOGY OF Ql IN TRADmONAL MEDICINE

In kanpo,*8 or Chinese herbal medicine as it developed in Japan, the oldest bible for pharmaco-therapeutics is the medical treatise

.s s~U{ifal •6 -~ilii!Ul!

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THE INTERPRETATION OF QI ACCORDING TO JAPANESE HERBALISTS 201

"Shang Han Lun", which was presumably compiled by Zhang Zhong Jing in the third century. This is practical textbook of pharmaco-therapeutics is essentially based on clinical experience in China, and little regard is given to the systematization of medical theories. In contrast to this "Huangdi Neijing"* 9 or the "Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic", compiled in the first century is regarded to be the first document published that endeavored to systematize the theories of Chinese medicine. This text became the bible for physi­cians specializing in acupuncture and moxibustion. The systematiza­tion of theories in "Huangdi Neijing" was based on the principles of yin-yang and five phases (Wu Xing).* 10 Interestingly, the term qi is so ubiquitous in "Huangdi Neijing" that this work can even be construed as a textbook for the "medicine of qi''. As a matter of fact, treatments using drugs are scarcely described in "Huangdi Neijing".

The Jin-Yuan*" period (1115-1369) was a turning point in the history of Chinese medicine. The two great bibles of medicine in that period, "Shang Han Lun" and "Huangdi Neijing" became the starting point for the systematization of medicine and pharmacology was expounded in line with the basic theoretical framework provided by the latter text. The "Shang Han Lun", the oldest and most authorita­tive textbook of herbal therapy in traditional Chinese medicine, pro­vided classical examples of treatments using crude drugs. The move­ment to systematize medicine during the Jin-Yuan period was aimed at expressing the properties of crude drugs in relation to qiwei.* 12

(Qi refers to the nature of the drug and wei, to the taste.) The charac­teristics of qiwei were classified according to the yin-yang and five phases system. This approach eventually led to the systematization of pharmacology based on the meridian theory and the concept of "guiding drugs". After the Jin-Yuan period the concepts of the "Huangdi Neijing" and "Shang Han Lun" were no longer separated in China.

Although one can find slight differences in the attitudes of the

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Japanese who adopted Chinese medicine, generally speaking their perceptions remained consistent with those held in China. The Japa­nese created areas of agreement in which they adopted only those concepts that seemed concrete and practical. This was the main ideo­logical trend in medieval Japan. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Chinese medicine of the Jin-Yuan-Ming* 13 period prompted much criticism in the Japanese medical community. Suspi­cions rose over philosophical and speculative expressions within Chi­nese medicine. At this point the trend in Japanese medicine shifted decisively toward the purging of all abstract elements derived from "Huangdi Neijing", which were added to "Shang Han Lun". This trend is reflected in the incorporation of the concept of qi in Japanese medicine.

The main features of the interpretation of qi in Chinese medicine are as follows: 1. Qi in the realm of nature is most closely associated with air and

wind. 2. Qi is drawn into the human body by breathing. 3. Qi harmonizes the delicate relationship between the universe

(macrocosm) and the human body (microcosm). 4. Qi, whether in the universe or the human body, is the very source

of life. Qi continually circulates throughout the body and governs the functioning of the viscera. Qi originates in the body just after conception in the space between the kidneys, the so-called shen­jian. * 14 This qi is called "prenatal ql'' and this particular type of qi is also known as yuanqi* 15 and serves as the source of life within the human body. Qi acquired by eating and drinking are referred to as "postnatal ql''. This qi serves to directly replenish the original source of energy. Qi of breathing is called zongqi. * 16 The lungs are considered to be the most essential organ in relation to qi because they transmit energy into the liver, heart, kidneys, and spleen, and into the lungs themselves. These five organs are called wuzang, *17

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which literally means five viscera. These organs in the abdominal and thoracic cavities store qi. The qi stored in the wuzang, when released, travels through meridians and blood vessels. The wuzang are interdependent and comprise an intricate system of mutual balance by variously promoting or inhibiting each other's activity. The state of health is a condition in which qi in all the five viscera are in balance.

5. When an imbalance of qi causes physiological abnormalities, dis­ease inevitably results. Also exposure to deleterious external condi­tions such as extreme heat or cold causes disease when harmful qi enters the body and becomes xieqi,* 18 which means miasma or "poisonous qi''. Generally there are six different categories of poi­sonous qi. The question then arises, "how does this xieqi enter the body?" To answer this basic question, we must start by examining the relationship between poisonous qi and what is known as the "normal qi" of the body. Normal qi promotes physiological func­tions and prevents the infiltration of poisonous qi. Disturbances in physiological functions is explained by looking into whether the qi of yin and yang in the body are in proper balance, in quantitative terms. The pathological condition is determined by investigating how fast or slow the poisonous qi is disseminating in the body, or otherwise by the location (in the viscera or meridians) where the qi stagnates most frequently.

6. In general, treatment is rendered to either expel the poisonous qi from the body or to strengthen the normal qi which defends the body. The above six features of qi serve as a general outline for the

physiology, pathology, and therapeutics of qi as expounded in "Huangdi Neijing". In the centuries that followed, these features were incorporated into a systematized theory of yin-yang and five phases as well as that of pharmacology. It was not made clear in ancient China whether qi had any material basis. It was not until the Song*19

period (960-1279) that thinkers began to seriously consider the issue

$18 $~ $19 *

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204 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

of how qi could be identified in a concrete manner. In the seventeenth century arguments about the excessively speculative nature of Chinese medicine intensified in the Japanese medical community. The abstract and metaphysical concept of qi, in particular, was the target of sharp criticism by practitioners of the Koho School. Their contentions about the concept of qi can be summarized as follows: l. Is qi abstract or concrete? 2. Can qi deficiency be replenished by medicine? 3. What is the significance of the meridian theory as applied to guid­

ing drugs? What relationship do crude drugs have to the qi of yin-yang and five phases? In short, is there any significance at all to the properties in relation to qi which are ascribed to the various drugs?

4. From a purely clinical perspective, is it really necessary to adhere to the various principles of qi systematized in accordance with the yin-yang and five phases principles? Furthermore, is the emphasis on qi in etiology and pathology really necessary to explain the occurrence of disease? As far as the drugs themselves were concerned, they all had certain

properties, so in this respect qi had some substance. For this reason, few physicians denied the existence of qi. Be that as it may, they could not overlook the fact that qi was intangible and could not be seen.

The purpose of the discussion which follows is to examine how Japanese physicians in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries incorporated the concept of qi in their clinical work. Thus the efforts on the part Japanese physicians to do away with speculative notions prevalent in Chinese medicine will be brought to light, and we shall see how they tried to create a more materialistic and pragmatic approach by identifying qi as something that was visible and tangible in a strict sense.

3. IKKI-RYUTAI-SETSU (THEORY OF STAGNATION OF ONE QI)

The ikki-ryutai-setsu is a theory of etiology in which the cause of

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disease attributed to the stagnation of qi that circulates throughout the body. This theory closely parallels the traditional Chinese concept of etiology as already explained in the previous section. Thus it cannot be regarded as a new theory. This naturally raises questions about the true significance of this theory. Goto Gonzan's own writing, "Shisetsu Hikki", *20 was one vehicle by which he advanced his own medical theories. In his work Goto stated the two most important aspects of ikki-ryutai-setsu as follows:

First he stated, "Don't be misled by what the Song and Ming scholars had to say about yin-yang balance and visceral corre­spondence. It is sufficient to know that all diseases result from the stagnation of qi."

Goto's approach was to shelve the theories of yin-yang balance and visceral correspondence based on "Huangdi Neijing" as excessive speculation on the part of scholars since the Song period. His idea was to set aside all conjecture about etiology for the time being and to just hold to the simple and clear-cut concept of etiology in traditional Chinese medicine, which viewed disease in terms of the flow or the obstruction in the flow of qi. In "Shisetsu Hikki" Goto goes on further to state, "All one needs to do is to understand the general framework of traditional Chinese medicine. There is no need to con­sider etiology in great depth." Goto's approach to etiology was that which de-emphasized the cause of disease.

The second important aspect of Goto's theory is stated as follows: "As the causes of disease there are qi stagnation due to wind, cold, and dampness, qi stagnation due to food and drink, and qi stagnation caused by extremes in emotions. Even though there are a variety of causes to diseases, they are all simply the result of stagnation in yuanqi*21 (source qz)."

This statement was made as a refutation to the etiological theories advanced by Chen Yan*22 in his work "SanyinFang"*23 written in the Song period. It is held that "Sanyin Fang" was based on and devel-

•2o lilillBiU2 *21 7[;~

*22 -~ *23 =:t;§/J

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oped the ideology of health promotion as set forth by Lu Bu Wei*24 in "Lushi Chunqiu". *25 Health promotion or yangsheng*26 was an strong current within Chinese medicine in this period and its aim was to increase the vitality of the body to protect it against various patho­genic factors. Chen Yen's work exerted a great influence on Jin-Yuan medicine in China and on Japanese medicine in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In "Sanyin Fang" etiology is categorized into three categories. These are internal factors, external factors, and mis­cellaneous factors.

The emotions comprise the internal factors, or neiyin, *27 and these become injurious to the body when they adversely affect what is termed shen*28 (spirit) in "Lushi Chunqiu". These emotional factors are known as the "seven emotions" and include joy, anger, worry, grief, sorrow, fear, and fright. These emotions when in excess become lodged in the abdomen and gradually spread to other parts of the body.

The category of external factors, or waiyin, *29 includes meteoro­logical conditions, which are known as the "six climatic factors". These are heat, cold, dryness, dampness, wind, and fire. These factors are held to upset what is termed jing*30 (essence) in "Lushi Chunqiu". They make their way into the body from the outside and settle in the meridians. Then they spread to the viscera and disrupt their function.

The category of miscellaneous factors, or bunei buwai yin*31 were unnatural occurrences or those things man brought upon himself by lack of moderation. Eight unnatural conditions including injury and starvation are listed. Excesses in diet constitute an important miscel­laneous factor, and it is mentioned in "Lushi Chunqiu" how imbal­ances in the five tastes, or wuwei,*32 (salty, sour, bitter, pungent, and sweet) can bring harm to the body. The category of miscellaneous factors was created in "Sanyin Fang" to include the five tastes as well as other factors that caused ill health which were neither internal or external.

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Goto Gonzan's ikki-ryutai-setsu was not a total denial of"Sanyin Fang" in which internal, external, and miscellaneous factors were held to be the cause of disease in all circumstances. Nevertheless, Goto added in his own words that disease occurs only when these factors present an insurmountable obstacle to the natural circulation of qi through the body. Goto added that this fact must be borne in mind at all times before beginning to discuss diseases. This line of thinking considering qi to be a defensive agent for the body was merely in conformance with traditional Chinese medicine, and there was nothing extraordinary about it. It must also be noted that, in the years which followed, all kinds of explanations were added to the original ikki-ryutai-setsu by Goto's pupils. The lack of authenticity in this theory of etiology by Goto therefore is immediately noticeable, even in the quote given above. Yet, the theory still bears Goto's name. Ikki-ryutai-setsu was continuously amended by Goto's pupils who had probably become overly conscious of Yoshimasu Todo's manbyo-ichidoku-setsu. Goto's theory was rearranged in a manner to bring it more in line with traditional Chinese medicine. For this rea­son, Goto's theory always has to be taken with a grain of salt.

The gist of ikki-ryutai-setsu is apparent from the quote given above. Qi is regarded as a defensive agent in the body. The following three points reinforced this viewpoint. I. Even if there were an internal pathogenic factor, if there were no

significant stagnation in the circulation of vital energy, the internal factor could never act as a factor of pathogenesis in the body. In other words, qi, or vital energy, is analogous to a defensive agent in the body.

2. If a stagnation in qi were to be triggered by depression or failure to observe the rules of proper diet, then this will immediately bring about an imbalance of vital energy. In one part of the body yuanqi (source qz) might become pent up, while in another place yuanqi may be totally absent. When yuanqi becomes stagnated inside the body, this eventually causes neishangbing,*33 or disease by internal

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injury. Conversely, in places where yuanqi is absent, in no time at all external factors take advantage of this susceptibility and invade through the vacancy. This causes waishangbing, *34 or disease by external injury.

3. Differences can be detected in various diseases by examining the following things: a. the depth at which qi is congested b. visible or palpable differences in the area where the external

factors have become lodged c. the severity of the condition and how fast it develops One can infer from the above analysis that Goto and his followers

intended to legitimatize the meridian theory by advancing ikki-ryutai­setsu. For example, Kagawa Shu-an,*35 one of the most distinguished students of Goto, stated as follows:

Generally a disease always involves the body as a whole, and not just a particular part. There is no disease involving one specific meridian or one particular organ. If the outside of the body is afflicted, so is the inside, and vice versa. All the internal organs are connected to each other. If any one part of the body is affected, the whole body is affected, because every corner of the body is filled with qi, which is by no means separable.

Kagawa carried his argument to the utmost extreme so as to even rule out parts of the "Shang Han Lun", which contained a few specu­lative concepts. In all fairness, however, it must be noted that Goto himself did not necessarily give his stamp of approval to such radical statements of his students.

4. MANBYO-ICHIDOKU-SETSU (THEORY OF ALL DISEASES ORIGINATING FROM ONE POISON)

Yoshimasu Todo once stated that "I really cannot say that there is no cause for diseases, but if I did say something about this, it would

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be pure conjecture on my part. Therefore I prefer not to make any statement about it."

As already mentioned in the preceding section, Goto's ikki-ryutai­setsu was a theory of etiology in which the very significance of etiolog­ical factors was played down and the stagnation of qi itself was regarded as the sole factor responsible for the occurrence of disease. Yoshimasu's theories were advanced along the similar lines. The fol­lowing passage by Y oshimasu indicates his rejection of all speculation:

It is nonsense for me to discuss the etiology of a disease because the etiology is more or less a product of speculation. For example, a patient with purulent stools may suffer from intestinal abscess, and another patient with purulent expectoration may suffer from lung abscess. But how is it possible to know that these patients suffer from intestinal abscess or lung abscess unless the chest or abdomen are opened? So these so-called etiologies are products of speculation. Purulent stools and expectoration are beyond doubt. We therefore depend on what is really seen and examined and nothing else.

Yoshimasu Todo's theory inherited many aspects of Goto's ikki­ryutai-setsu, except that Y oshimasu denounced parts of Go to's theory which he thought involved too much speculation. For instance, Yoshimasu emphatically stated that Goto's concept of jiqi*36 (stag­nated qz) was nothing but pure conjecture. There is a brief but clear statement in Iji Wakumon,* 31 a text by Yoshimasu which is in ques­tion and answer form giving basic explanations and instructions. "All poisons have a form, but jiqi does not. Therefore we prefer to call it poison rather thanjiqi." This statement embodies Yoshimasu's intel­lectual approach which was the inclination to consider as valid only those things which were clearly perceptible or visible to the eye.

Comparing Goto and Yoshimasu's etiological theories, Otsuka Yasuo*38 saw a distinct difference between ikki-ryutai-setsu and

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210 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

manbyo-ichidoku-setsu as follows:

Ikki-ryutai-setsu places its primary emphasis on the signifi­cance of qi as a medium that circulates around the body. Being an internal factor, qi can therefore be regarded as a defensive agent of the body. Because of this characteristic, when qi degenerates it can create the cause for disease.

On the other hand, manbyo-ichidoku-setsu focuses on the sig­nificance of a substance called doku,* 39 or poison, as the main constituent of disease. It is important to bear in mind that poison is neither hereditary nor intrinsic by nature. In other words, it is something acquired and is considered to be an extrinsic substance. Be that as it may, poison forms inside the body, triggered by a variety of factors. In order to purge the poisonous substance in the body, we have to counter this poison with poisonous drugs. The method of administering poisonous drugs varies depending on the location of the poison inside the body.

Since the way drugs are administered differs according to the location of the poisonous substance in the body, this inevitably creates a large variety of ways in which drugs are administered. Nevertheless, an important concept in manbyo-ichidoku-setsu is that all poisons are identical regardless of where they are located in the body. The thing that poses the greatest problem in manbyo­ichidoku-setsu is how to determine the location of the poison and the changes they produce there. Manbyo-ichidoku-setsu is unique in the long history of traditional medicine in China and Japan in that it is the only approach to pathology that is based entirely on the idea of solid pathology.

As already mentioned, ikki-ryutai-setsu in general has much in common with humeral pathology, which bears a certain resemblance to vitalism in the West. Manbyo-ichidoku-setsu, on the other hand, seems to share a common denominator with solid pathology. It must be noted, however, that neither of these theories can escape the criti-

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cism that they are far from complete and that they are unfit to be called theories of pathology in the real sense. Also these theories have not been established as full-fledged conceptual models of etiology. One way of examining these two theories is to look for their similari­ties by viewing them to be aberration from what are generally con­sidered as theories of etiology. Another way is to compare them as two opposing theories of etiology to come up with differences between them. Personally, I am of the opinion that t~ese theories should not be regarded as two opposing theories of etiology. The lowest common denominator between manbyo-ichidoku-setsu and ikki-ryutai-setsu can be found in the statement, "No more speculation. Only concentrate on medical treatment."

According to "Huangdi Neijing" and "Sanyin Fang", a living organism is composed of an intricate network of pathways of qi. Thus in the traditional Chinese concept, within the antagonism of neiyin and waiyin, qi is allocated in relation to the site the disease originated according to the Sanyin Fang system. The main point of ikki-ryutai-setsu was to keep the "reason" for a disease distinct from the traditional philosophy of seeking harmony between man and nature or the microcosm and macrocosm. This meant that it was not necessary to question the cause for the occurrence of a disease prior to the stagnation of qi. Everything therefore started with the stagnation of qi and nothing more. When a person actually becomes ill, great importance must be placed on the autonomy and independence of the living individual. In this sense, it can be said that ikki-ryutai-setsu was actually intended to counter the traditional medical concept that placed strong emphasis on the inseparable relationship between the individual and his environment.

Yoshimasu Todo stated that waiyin could not be a direct cause for the occurrence of disease. He made this point clear in his work "lji Wakumon" as follows:

Todo was asked: "I would like to know if the six qi which are wind, cold, heat, dryness, humidity, and fire, can cause disease."

His answer was: "No, you do not become ill just by being

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212 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

exposed to the six qi. This is because these qi are part of the heavenly order, an order that governs the growth of all living things. These (six qz) may be referred to as Heaven's qi. Those who are easily affected by the six qi are affected because there is poison in their body. Once they get rid of the poison, they do not fall prey to a disease even when they expose themselves to cold wind."

According to Yoshimasu's line of reasoning, all poisons are degenerated forms of qi, which exist in the body divorced from the process of life. Yoshimasu failed to realize, however, that this auto­matically meant that the actual existence of such poison had to be proven. His failure to do so made manbyo-ichidoku-setsu something quite removed from solid pathology. What Yoshimasu really wanted was some tangible substance to serve as the object of his therapy. This substance had to be properly expressed with a distinct term that would leave no room for speculation. In this sense, manbyo-ichidoku­setsu was a result of his ideology placing great emphasis on "linguis­tic" significance. This indicates how the core of Yoshimasu's famous theory is colored by strong Confucian influence.

In any case, the introduction of ikki-ryutai-setsu and manbyo­ichidoku-setsu in the eighteenth century by no means implied that two completely new theories of etiology emerged in the Japanese medical community. On the contrary, these theories should be considered as part of a movement to totally reject Chinese medical concepts based on theoretical and speculative approaches.

5. FEATURES OF GOTO AND YOSHIMASU'S INTERPRETATION OF Ql

(1) The issue of what qi is No metaphysical interpretation is given concerning qi. Goto's

interpretation of qi appeared in his work "Shisetsu Hikki," in which he concludes that "qi is in fact something like wind." Yoshimasu, on the other hand, wrote about his clinical experiences in "Kenju

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Roku"*40 as follows:

A young man of about twenty had been bed-ridden for many years with a grave illness in which he vomited blood about once every ten days. This autumn he vomited a great amount of blood and became deathly ill. Then Yoshimasu Todo went to see him. Just taking one look at this dying young man, Yoshimasu sensed that he was not quite dead yet. So Y oshimasu took a few strands of cotton and placed them right under the nostrils of the patient to see if the cotton would move. There was slight movement back and forth. So Yoshimasu palpated the patient's abdomen and confirmed that there was a slight pulsation. Therefore he judged that the patient's qi was not completely exhausted as of yet.

From the above account, it is clear that, in order to determine whether a patient was still alive, Y oshimasu used strands of cotton to check if the patient was still breathing. From the above points, it can be concluded that both Goto and Y oshimasu recognized qi as some­thing tangible in the form of air or the breath. (2) Opposition to the use of tonic drugs

In Chinese medicine the importance of harmonizing the qi in the body with that of nature received great emphasis after the Jin-Yuan period. The qi of the body was divided according to the system of the five viscera and balance among these was considered important. A certain group of herbal medicines, which in Japan are termed shoyaku,*41 or crude drugs are. designated as buqi yao,*42 or qi tonic medicines. These qi tonic drugs are supposed to reinforce the qi in the body which gradually becomes depleted. Both Goto Gonzan and Y oshimasu Todo were opposed to the idea that buqi yao like ginseng*43 could increase one's vitality. In Goto's "Shisetsu Hikki," there is the statement, "Ginseng increases tension in the vital energy and therefore, when herbal formulas containing ginseng is prescribed continuously, vital energy becomes exhausted."

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In "lji Wakumon," Yoshimasu gave the following answer to the question, "Does ginseng actually supplement qi or not?

Yoshimasu said: "Yuanqi is qi which has its root in the universe. When it resides in the human body, it takes the form of qi and is under the direction of the Creator. Therefore qi is beyond any human power to change or control. In other words, when qi disappears it means death. The span of one's life is decided by the will of Heaven. So there is no way we can supplement qi by administering crude drugs such as herbs, roots, branches, or tree bark."

Both Goto and Y oshimasu asserted that qi is hereditary by nature. That is to say, something one is born with and that therefore there was no way that one's life span could be extended by using tonic drugs. They held that qi acquired after birth is only acquired by way of food and drink and not through the use of tonic drugs. Thus neither Goto nor Y oshimasu accepted the idea that buqi yao could be administered to augment one's source of vital energy. (3) Goto and Yoshimasu's standpoint as medical practitioners

Why were Goto and Y oshimasu so vehemently opposed to the idea of tonifying qi? The main reasons are as follows:

Y oshimasu classified physicians into three categories to clarify where he stood as a medical practitioner himself. The three categories were shitsu-i,*44 or practical doctor, inyo-i,*45 or yin-yang doctor, and sen-i,*46 or sorcerer doctor. A practical doctor was a doctor that cured a patient's illness by herbal therapy. A yin-yang doctor was one who just played around with concepts of yin-yang and five phases or abstract notions of the viscera and meridians, but was unable to actually treat a patient. Sorcery doctors were those who taught secrets of longevity and everlasting youth as advocated by Taoists and mys­tics. To put these categories of physicians in more contemporary terms, the practical doctor would be a practitioner, the yin-yang

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doctor would be medical scholars and critics, and a sorcery doctor would be a health counselor. Yoshimasu argued that since most doc­tors worshiped the theory of yin-yang and five phases, they brought great harm to society. The same applied he said to the sorcery doctors who played around with esoteric doctrines of everlasting youth. Yoshimasu said, however, that fortunately there were not as many sorcery doctors as there were yin-yang doctors so the amount of harm sorcery doctors inflicted upon society was not as great.

Yoshimasu considered himself to be a practical doctor. His con­tention was that he was the only physician who followed the true path of a medical practitioner - a path which very few had followed after the time of Zhang Zhong Jing, the author of "Shang Han Lun". Just as the ideal practitioner according to Y oshimasu was a more narrowly defined role for physicians, Goto's main concern was to find ways in which to deal with actual diseases from his standpoint of being a true practitioner. Thus they were critical of supplementary methods of treatment to increase vitality by the administration of tonic drugs or Taoist practices of yangsheng, or health promotion. Both Goto and Y oshimasu considered eating and drinking to be the sole means by which to maintain and enhance one's health. They saw medicine as nothing more than a temporary means for treating disease, and not something to be taken regularly. Yoshimasu sarcastically stated, "If one could supplement yuanqi by taking ginseng, then people would never die."

The speculative nature of the rationale for using tonic drugs was criticized profusely by Goto and Yoshimasu. Neither were they fond of the idea that crude drugs reacted selectively on specific viscera and meridians. Behind this reluctance to accept traditional theories of pharmacokinetics we must view the reality of clinical practice they faced with changing disease trends. The traditional approach of administering tonic drugs was an indirect method which was un­economical as well as ineffective.

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216 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

6. DETECfiNG ABNORMALITIES IN Ql BY ABDOMINAL PALPATION

Given the fact that qi is invisible, how did Japanese physicians perceive qi within the abnormal condition of disease in a way which was convincing to everyone? One of the primary methods they employed for this purpose was abdominal palpation. In "Shisetsu Hikki" Goto Gonzan stated as follows:

In palpating the abdomen, when a pulsation is felt on the midline between the pit of the stomach and the navel, this is always a sign that qi has collected here to cause a pulsation.

This clearly demonstrates that Goto tried to grasp the phenomena of qi stagnation in a more concrete manner through abdominal palpa­tion. Yoshimasu Todo's approach was identical. Yoshimasu made the following statements about abdominal palpation and poison, the sub­stance he associated with abnormalities in qi:

Poison is something which forms in the body postnatally, and since most poison is to be found in the abdomen, it can be per­ceived as a tangible substance by means of abdominal palpation.

Having poison in the body dose not necessarily mean that illness exists. Disease results when the poison moves around the body.

The abdomen is the source of all life. All diseases have their root in the abdomen. Therefore, to examine disease, one must always palpate the abdomen.

It is important to know that qi becomes afflicted when the poison in the abdomen begins to move around the body.

The above statements indicate that even Y oshimasu could not ignore the significance of qi. In order to stay away from any unneces­sary speculation about qi, he was careful to avoid mentioning any­thing about traditional concepts of physiology and pathology of qi. He contended that all that was necessary was to have a concrete way of detecting abnormalities of qi in a diseased state. Yoshimasu Todo

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asserted the validity of employing abdominal palpation by quoting the words of a legendary Chinese physician, Pian Que*47 who said, "All reactions to disease manifest on the surface of the body."

It is interesting to note that there are quite a number of expres­sions in the Japanese language which refer to abnormalities of qi (relating to emotional states, not diseases). The following are a few examples: Dancho-no-omoi-feeling of severed intestines (as if one's heart were being torn open) Harawata-no-niekuri-kaeru-omoi- feeling like the viscera were boil­ing (as if one's blood boiled with rage) Hara-no-mushi-ga-osamaranai- the bug in the belly will not keep still (one's feelings cannot be appeased) Hara-o-saguru- to search another's abdomen (to fathom what another person really thinks or feels)

The last example, of course, has nothing to do with abdominal palpation; Nevertheless, the strong association between the abdomen and emotions (which are often equated to qi in Japan) is inherent in the Japanese culture.

7. IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE KOHO SCHOOL AND ITS FEATURES

Physicians of the Koho School in Japan assumed a very critical attitude in adopting Chinese medical concepts. Needless to say, the academic foundations of their movement rested not on modern science, but on Confucianism. The Neo-Confucianist movement in Japan in the eighteenth century is called kogaku. *48 This school of philosophy was extremely critical of Chinese Confucianism of the Song period. The same drive for reformation was spearheaded in the field of medicine by the Koho School as was initiated by the Neo­Confucianists in the realm of philosophy. It is important to note that the aim of the Neo-Confucian movement in Japan was to do away

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with Buddhism and Taoist concepts of yangsheng, or health promo­tion and longevity.

In general the works of Ito Jinsai*49 (1627-1705) had a strong influence on Goto Gonzan, while Ogyu Sorai*50 (1666-1728) had a strong impact on Yoshimasu Todo's work. Nakamura Hajime,*51 in his famous work "Toyojin-no-Shiihoho"*52 (Oriental way of thinking), summarized the tendencies of the Japanese people to think in non­rational ways. He outlined the following four features of Japanese thinking in his book: 1. lack of ability to think with logical organization 2. poor development of logic and lack of ability to express abstract

ideology 3. tendency toward excessively emotional and intuitive thinking 4. preference for simple symbolic representations

These four tendencies are also conspicuous in the thinking of the Neo-Confucian scholars of the Edo*53 period (1600-1867). The works of the Chinese Neo-Confucian schools of Zhu Zi*54 and Wang Yang Ming*55 were studied widely in Japan during the Edo period. The question still remains, however, as to how well Japanese scholars understood these works. Some examples will be given below regard­ing this point to show that the Neo-Confucian scholars in Japan disliked speculation about metaphysical matters. The Zhu Zi School made a distinction between ll"*56 (principle), or dao* 51 (way), and qi. Dao was considered to be "above form" (metaphysical) and qi was "below form" (physical). Western scholars sometimes translate the former as form and the latter as material.

The Japanese scholar Kaibara Ekken*58 (1650-1714) attempted to understand Neo-Confucianism from the perspective practical of life in Japan, but he was unable to understand the distinction between above form and below form. He was inclined to understand both of these as belonging to the physical realm of the senses. Kaibara stated, "In my

*49 f'fit:Dif .so tt~{OJ* *51 <ft*'fj[;

•s2 Jlli$AO).\t\tlt1i'itz *sJ iiP *ss :EI!IRJl .s4 *r .s6 J!l!

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opinion 'form' means to be corporal, 'over' means to be in Heaven, and 'below' means to be on Earth."

As to the meaning of Heaven and Earth Kaibara stated, "Those things which 'form' shapes in Heaven are simply the sun, moon, stars, and constellation. The phrase 'below form' refers to those things which 'form' causes to appear on Earth. And all things that have shapes of any form, such as mountains, rivers, the ground, and men are receptacles (for ql)." Thus Kaibara was never inclined to recognize a realm which transcends and underlies the natural world recognizable to the senses.

As another example, Ogyu Sorai, a thinker who made much of the "Will of Heaven," could not grasp the idea of Heaven as an abstract concept. He could not conceive of Heaven as being distinct from the visible heavens of the natural world. Because of this, he made state­ments such as the following:

We need not wait to understand Heaven. We all know it. When we look at Heaven (the heavens), it seems to be boundless and beyond any measurement. It embraces the sun, moon, stars, and constellations, and it is the place where all things receive their destiny. It is the god of gods, holy beyond any comparison, and nothing can rise to its height.

It is at least historically true that the neglect of logic is one clear feature of traditional Japanese thinking. Direct experience and intui­tion is favored much more than abstract concepts which are devoid of any tangible connection with the world perceived by human beings. The concept of dao, or way, in being incorporated into Japanese thought was also interpreted from a more tangible and human per­spective. Ito Jinsai, in particular, understood the way as being active and representing the principle of growth and development. Ito rejected the nihilism inherent in the philosophy of Lao Zi*59 and he stated as follows concerning Lao Zi's work:

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Lao Zi says that everything emerges out of nothing, but Heaven and Earth have covered all things from time immemorial, and the sun and moon have always shined from time immemorial. The four seasons have constantly alternated from time immemo­rial. What changes with material has always changed its form from time immemorial, and what changes does so with material from time immemorial. Things inherit from and generate one another, and living things go on perpetuating endlessly. How can one see what is called "emptiness"?

To Ito, the universe was one big living entity, and the essence of the universe was nothing other than its incessant life. Ito found justifi­cation for his view of the universe as a living entity in the phrase from the Book of Changes, "The great virtue of Heaven and Earth is called life." In this same manner, Ito bestowed a characteristically Japanese interpretation upon the works of Confucius. In the Analects of Con­fucius it is stated as follows: "Concerning the river the master states 'what passes away passes thusly. It never ceases day or night."' The medieval Chinese scholars interpreted this statement as being words of lamentation that "everything passes away like the water of a river, which once gone, never returns." According to Zhu Zi these words are reflections of an objective observer in which the water of the river symbolizes everything that is in incessant motion and flow.

The Japanese Neo-Confucian scholar Ito Jinsai, on the other hand, interpreted these words entirely differently from the Chinese. According to him, the river represents, "the virtue of the wise man that is fresh everyday and never becomes stagnant." This whole pas­sage is the expression of the exuberance of human vitality. In contrast to the negative, passive, and indifferent character of the Chinese interpretation, Ito's interpretation is positive, active, and full of hope. He has great confidence in human activity. Ogyu Sorai, who was diametrically opposed to Ito Jinsai concerning everything else, extolled Ito's views as far as his attitude of dynamism was concerned. Ogyu stated, "Master Ito's theory of living things and dead things is indeed the supreme wisdom of a thousand years. He is strong advo-

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cate of dynamism, and rejects the passive tendency of Chinese Confu­cianists of the Song period. Heaven and Earth are living things and so is man. Those who regard them as though they were tied up with a rope are just snobs poisoned by useless learning." Most of the Confu­cianists of the Song period advocated quiet sitting and having a benevolent heart as methods of mental training. Ogyu ridiculed these methods stating, "As I see it, even gambling appears superior of quiet sitting and having benevolence in one's heart."

Ogyu Sorai emphasized facts rather than theories, and stressed the superiority of the former over the latter. The ideological trends of the Japanese Neo-Confucian scholars of that time can be summarized as follows: l. denial of abstract ideology 2. emphasis on practicality and dynamism 3. emphasis on morality 4. reformist tendency based on the rereading of classics (linguistic

interpretation) This ideological framework, especially that constructed by Ito

Jinsai and Ogyu Sorai, became conspicuous in the Japanese interpre­tation of qi, which formed the very foundation oftraditional Japanese medicine. Therefore, it is strongly believed that the viewpoint on life, as well as that on yuanqi and vital energy, held by Japanese physicians such as Goto Gonzan, Yoshimasu Todo, and Nagoya Gen-i*60 were part and parcel of the viewpoint on life advocated by the Neo­Confucian ideology of the period. In cognizing qi in the context of medicine, none of these Japanese physicians, just as the Neo­Confucian scholars in their time, were able to make a clear distinction between qi in the natural world and qi in the human body. Further­more, they also failed to distinguish the different kinds of qi in the human body.

One can establish a characteristic pattern in the incorporation of the concept of qi into Japanese medicine starting with the father of the new interpretation, Nagoya Gen-i. This approach was passed on to

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Goto Gonzan and finally Yoshimasu Todo developed this to its far­thest extreme. Nagoya Gen-i attempted to incorporate the work of Zhang Jing Yue*61 (1563-1640) as the physiological model for qi in

Healthy state; Excessive and overflowing

of ying qi

=:~ (sanjiao) (course of energy, and something coating like skin)

1ltfr, (mingmen) (source of vital energy and origin of yang q1)

:go-Jj_~~ Nagoya Gen-i

-~~~~~~ esteem of yang but despise of yin

{jtfif=il Ito Jinsai dynamic vitalism

Figure I

Balance of yin-yang of qi

lin-yang qi

Fire

1ltfr, (mingmen)

Jin-yin material Water

(source of vital energy and origin of both of yin-yang q1)

~:ftffi Chang Chung Ching

:Rill :It~ esteem both of yin-yang

*+ static vitalism

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the microcosm of the body. The theories of the physiology and pathology of qi were strongly advocated in China based on yin-yang and the five phases by differentiating the qi of the five viscera and viewing these in terms of the generating or controlling relationship or the balance of yin water or yang fire. Zhang sought logical consistency in this ideology by applying the passive perspective of life, which was represented by the work of Zhu Zi. *62 Because of Zhang's passive perspective oflife, however, Nagoya ultimately rejected his viewpoint. Basing his assumptions on the principles of yi, *63 or divination, Zhang did not question that yuanqi, the source energy for life in the micro­cosm, originated from mingmen. *64 This wellspring of yuanqi was thought to be located in the space between the kidneys.

Nagoya, taking a more pragmatic view, could not comprehend this abstract concept since there was no tangible entity located between the kidneys. Accordingly, in his interpretation of yuanqi,

Table I

Nagoya Gen-i Goto Gonzan Yoshimasu Todo

Idea of life Yang qi, continuously smoothly circura- practitioner can not created from mingmen tion of only one qi understand it, this (tfii r~ ; source of problem belongs to energy), sanjiao (.=_~; Heaven triple energizer)

Correspondence affirmative, yang qi as denial denial between Macro- defensive agent against cosmos to Micro- cold qi as offensive cosmos at the agent pathological state

Etiology a little lack of yang qi only stagnation of occurrence of poison as causes inversion of internal qi the degeneration of qi, external evil qi which has no more any

correspondence to life

Therapy supplement of yang qi restoration of stage- exclusion of the foreign ment qi matter as

named "poison"

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Nagoya dispensed with abstract concepts such as the different qi for the five viscera and the yin qi and yang qi within the kidneys. He simply interpreted yuanqi to be the yang qi of mingmen, which burns brightly in water (symbol for the kidneys). His interpretation for qi was further simplified so that the qi of disease was basically cold qi (yin q1) of the macrocosm (nature); the warm qi (yang ql) in the microcosm (body) served to defend the body against invasion of cold qi. Nagoya's ideological foundation for this interpretation rested on the words of Ito Jinsai. Ito stated, "Yuanqi is vibrant and ever active." Ito also spoke in terms of, "the one yuanqi which is alive and never dies."

Goto Gonzan's view is also based on Ito's interpretation of yuanqi. Goto proposed that only the stagnation of qi in the micro­cosm was responsible for disease. Goto's interpretation of qi was also characterized by the rejection of the concept of mingmen, which was traditionally regarded as the source of yuanqi in the body. Goto further advanced Ito's concept of one yuanqi as being a force which permeated the macrocosm as well as the microcosm. This amounted to a total denial of the traditional conceptual framework, with a mutual correspondence between the microcosm and macrocosm. Goto's contention was that a disease is a condition occurring when qi in the body stagnated and that fundamentally there was no other cause of disease.

Yoshimasu Todo argued that whatever the substance was that stagnated in the body, it had already degenerated into a substance foreign to the body. He named this substance doku, or poison. Y oshimasu drew the conclusion that this foreign substance had to be expelled from the body by means of poisonous drugs. His unprece­dented viewpoint is evident in his statement, "Normal qi never dimin­ishes even though poison may exist in the body." In other words, Y oshimasu contradicted the traditional concept of pathology not to mention modern pathology, in which disease is held to reduce one's vitality and shorten one's life-span. Behind this radical stance of Y oshimasu lay the strong influence of Ogyu Sorai.

As the first example of this there is the foreign substance Y oshi-

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THE INTERPRETATION OF QI ACCORDING TO JAPANESE HERBALISTS 225

masu termed poison. He adhered to the dictum, "only speak about things that can be seen." His concept of poison, however, had no basis whatsoever in morphological studies like dissection. What Y oshimasu meant by "substantial" was that the object had to have a proper linguistic foundation. He sought verification of the substance in the words of the classics. His approach to substantiation h~d its origin in Ogyu Sorai's approach emphasizing the significance of words as the starting point. This notion is referred to as kobunji gaku,*65 or literally classical lexicography. Yoshimasu developed his theories by arbitrary reference to the classics. It is not appropriate therefore, to directly relate the stance in the Koho School of "doing away with speculation" to the Advent of positivism.

The second example is the strong influence of Ogyu's tenmei theory on Todo's work. The main feature of Ogyu's tenmei theory was his attitude toward fate as something that could not be fathomed by a human being. Ogyu rejected Ito's concept of "the vibrant one yuanqi," as pure speculation. Ogyu contended that only Heaven knew the truth about life, and that it was disrespectful and blasphemous to speak as if one knew all there was to know about the will of Heaven. He stated, "The oldest classics do not mention qi," and refused to accept speculation about the nature of qi. Ogyu's definition, "qi refers to the qi of yongqi (courage)," is vague and is excessively emotional in its implication. In any case, Yoshimasu's fatalistic stance that "life is beyond the control of physicians," emerged out of this ideological context.

8. CONCLUSION

Some aspects of how the concept of qi was interpreted in a unique way in eighteenth century Japan have been elucidated by the exami­nation of two theories of etiology proposed by two physicians of the Koho School, Goto Gonzan and Yoshimasu Todo. One of the fea­tures of the Japanese interpretation of qi is the conspicuous incom-

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226 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

pleteness of the physiology and pathology of qi within the context of medicine due to the utter lack of conceptual development based on abstract reasoning and logic. Therefore, in terms of the physiology of qi, abstract conceptualization did not go beyond relating qi to air and breathing. Also, in respect to the pathology of qi, the physicians of the Koho School tried to limit themselves to very simplified and symbolic representations.

The medical theories of Nagoya Gen-i, Goto Gonzan, and Yoshimasu Todo clearly represent the orientation of the Koho School. That is to say, both ikki-ryutai-setsu and manbyo-ichidoku­setsu were theories of etiology which discouraged further speculation regarding qi. The approach of the Koho School at the time to "do away with speculation," in dealing with the concept of qi, effectively dispensed with speculation regarding the process leading up to dis­ease. In other words, all the traditional theories systematized concern­ing the correspondence of internal qi and external qi, the disturbance of internal qi, and the process of pathogenesis were refuted. To the physicians of the Koho School, actual clinical experience took the place of theories and they focused on the direct application of drugs for specific disease conditions. The ideological foundation of this radi­cal approach was rooted in the Neo-Confucian trend of that period. This was also the reason that the attitude of "doing away with specu­lation" did not lead to the concept of positivism as known today.

Putting a stop to further speculation regarding qi, on the part of Japanese physicians, was not intended as a denial of the existence of qi. A traditional practitioner could not help but grapple with the concept of qi in his clinical work. When it came to describing this phenomena, however, the practitioners of this period had strong reservations about trying to verbalize it in a logically consistent manner. Perhaps because of this attitude, the word qi in Japan today is used mostly to describe intangible things like emotional states. In other words, rather than being associated with scientific knowledge, in Japan qi is related with implicit understanding. This trend in the interpretation of qi is very distinct in Japan today.

The physicians of the Koho School had the notion that qi was

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THE INTERPRETATION OF QI ACCORDING TO JAPANESE HERBALISTS 227

an invisible entity which actually did exist. They attempted to get a grasp of the physical manifestations of qi and to describe this in a way which could be understood by everyone. One result of their effort to describe qi, which is invisible, as a tangible and verifiable entity was the diagnostic technique of abdominal palpation, which is still prac­ticed to this day. In the years after Yoshimasu, Japanese medicine once more turned back toward the framework of traditional medi­cine. In this sense, the thrust of the Kobo School in eighteenth century Japan was mostly a divergence from traditional medicine and its concepts. This phase may be viewed as aimless wandering, but it actually gives indication of the vitality of that period. As another sign of this vitality, out of the Kobo School emerged individuals instru­mental in the acceptance of science of anatomy into Japanese medi­cine and the eventual transition to modern medicine. In the realm of traditional medicine, concepts of the physiology and pathology of qi were gradually revived, but only in regard to practical matters relating to the organization of accumulated experience about the application of crude drugs. Thus, although the meaning of qi was reinterpreted in Japanese medicine, Japanese physicians of the eighteenth century never came up with a new and systematic interpretation for the ancient concept of qi.

REFERENCES

1) Yasuo Otsuka, Toyo-igaku-nyumon (Nihon-hyoron-sha, 1983), (in Japanese). 2) Yasuo Otsuka, "Chugoku-igaku-no-dento," Chi-no-kakumei-shi 6, Igakushiso­

to-ningen (Asakura-shoten, 1979), (in Japanese). 3) Otsuka, ed., "Kinsei-kagaku-shiso," Nihon-shiso-taikei 63 (Iwanami-shoten,

1971), (in Japanese). 4) Hajime Nakamura, Toyojin-no-shiihoho, three (Shunjyu-sha, 1962), (in Japa­

nese). 5) Shuzo Go, ed., Toto-zenshu (Tohodo-shoten, 1918), (in Japanese). 6) Toshiaki Maruyama, Toto-zenshu-to-Chugoku-kodai-igaku-Sono-keisei-to-shiso­

teki-haikei-oyobi-tokushitu (Tokyo-bijyutu, 1988), (in Japanese). 7) Yoshimitsu Kano, Chugoku-igaku-no-tanjyo (Tokyo-daigaku shuppan-kai,

1987), (in Japanese).

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228 TOSHIHIKO HANAWA

8) Kojiro Yoshikawa, et. al., Ogyu Sorai, Nihon-shiso-taikei 36, (Iwanami-shoten, 1973), (in Japanese).

9) Yasuchika Anzai, Nihon-jyuikenkyu (Ryugin-sha, 1943), (in Japanese). 10) Toshihiko Hanawa, "Goto Gonzan-no-Ikki-ryutai-setsu-ni-tsuite," Yakazu

Michiaki-sensei-kijyu-kinen-bunshu (Onchi-kai, 1983), (in Japanese). II) Toshihiko Hanawa, "Ikki-ryutai-setsu-to-Manbyo-ichidoku-setsu-ni-tsuite,"

Kanpo-no-rinsho, Vol. 30, No. 10 (1983). 12) Toshihiko Hanawa, "Nagoya Gen-i ni tsuite," Kinsei-kanpo-igakusho-shusei

Vol. 102 (Meicho-shuppan 1984), (in Japanese).

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229

The Concept of Qi in Early Chinese Ophthalmology

JDRGEN KOVACS

Institute of the History of Medicine University of Munich Lessingstr. 2, D-8000 Munich 2, Germany

A NY investigation of the concept of qi* 1 in Chinese medicine comes face to face with the multiplicity of contexts and usages for the

term. Confronted with such a variegated semantics, one can hardly help but be astonished that Chinese medical thinkers, as far as we know, never seriously questioned the concept of qi itself; for them, qi was, throughout history, an indispensable and unquestioned notion. For the modem western student of Chinese medicine, however, the term obviously creates problems.

This is most strikingly revealed in the varied translations of Chi­nese medical texts into Western languages. One sign of insecurity regarding the meaning of qi is that its translators have almost always seized on whatever facet of the concept was then currently fashionable in western medicine. So in the 17th century, when the German physi­cian Andreas Cleyer translated the Mai jing, *2 he identified qi with "spiritus," a concept in vogue in the medicine of his time. In the earlier part ofthe 20th century the mechanistic aspect of qi ("breath") or the kinetic aspect ("energy") were favoured by some translators; more recently the informational aspect of qi has been emphasized. I)

The concept of qi in Chinese medicine and its literature does of course lend itself to multiple explanations, but at the same time, it

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230 JORGEN KovAcs

seems to encompass the entirety of all these notions. In fact, this inclusiveness is precisely what poses a constant problem to modern investigators accustomed to analytic terminology with clear def­initions.

It was in the Zhou era that the concept of qi became established in Chinese thinking as a key word in the description of various natural phenomena, and of the relationship between man and nature. Through these descriptions, one can see that qi means "breath," "air," and "atmosphere" in a concrete sense, as well as in a metaphor­ical sense. 2) Qi is spoken of as present in both the microcosmic world of man and the macrocosmic space that surrounds and influences him; its changes comprise the concept of time. From a certain per­spective, hardly any issue in classical Chinese natural philosophy falls outside the sphere of qi.

Nowhere, however, is qi of such central importance as in medical theory, physiology, pathology, hygiene, and macrobiotics. In this chapter, the role of qi as a concept shall be examined in relation to a specialized field of medicine, ophthalmology.

Ophthalmology was considered a separate branch of medicine in China from the Tang Dynasty onward. References to eye diseases can, however, be found in earlier literature, much of which we know only by their titles, the books themselves having been lost. Apart from scattered references in literary works3) of the Zhou period, the Huangdi neijing*3 contains a number of passages related to the physi­ology of the visual organs and to eye diseases. These constitute the basis of a theory of ophthalmology that, from that period onward, was preserved and accepted throughout traditional Chinese medicine.

According to the Neijing, the structure of the eye consists of the same varied "substances" (today we would say "tissues") that consti­tute the entirety of the human body. These substances include blood (xue*4), (seminal) essence (jing* 5) and qi, a triad of eminent impor­tance in physiology and pathology:

*3 til\Wi*J¥!Jl: .s ti'f *4 Jfn.

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THE CONCEPT OF QI IN EARLY CHINESE OPHTHALMOLOGY 231

The essence of the muscle flesh constitutes the lids; inside, the essence of the tendons and the bones, the blood, and the qi are tied up, and, together with the vessels, they constitute a connective that upwardly belongs to the brain.4l

The integration of the eye into the entire system of the body is conceived as follows:

Twelve conduit vessels, 365 network vess~ls, their blood and qi all move up to the face and go to (their respective) hollow apertures, their essence and yang qi rise and go to the eye and constitute the eye-ball. S)

As for the visual function of the eye, the Neijing states:

The eye distinguishes the five colours. 6)

and

It is the essence of splendour by which the 10,000 things are seen, black and white are distinguished, long and short are recognized. 7)

In later texts, similar statements are to be found; there, however, the other two vital substances, blood and qi, are identified as being responsible for undisturbed function of the eyes.

The position of the eye in the system of correspondences lies in its special relationship with the liver:

The liver opens up an aperture at the eye. S)

This connection of liver and eye is apparently thought of as a movement of qi from the liver, as a depot-organ, to the eye:

The liver-qi penetrates to the eyes; if the liver is balanced, then the eyes can distinguish the five colours.9l

In the Wai tai bi yao, it clearly expressed that this movement was considered to take place via a definite pathway.

The dependence of the eye and its visual functions on the liver is expressed in the Neijing as follows:

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232 JORGEN KOVACS

The liver receives blood and enables (the eyes) to see. 10l

Any disturbance of man's state of health may involve the eyes:

If qi is weak, the eyes are not clear. 11 l

The same is true when the body undergoes changes due to advanced age:

At the age of 50 the qi of the liver starts to weaken, the leaves of the liver start to become thin, the liquid of the gallbladder starts to vanish, and the eyes start to become unclear. 12)

Disease of an internal organ, particularly the liver, influences the eyes even more:

As for liver diseases, there is pain on both flanks extending to the upper abdomen, it causes man to easily become angry, in case of depletion, the eyes ... cannot see. 13 l

Apart from "internal causes" of eye afflictions, there are also "external causes" that may be responsible for eye problems such as wind,feng, *6 the evil, xie, *7 or trauma. These may either harm the eye directly, or by means of prior harm to internal organs.

The above quotations from the Neijing afford us an understanding . of early ideas concerning the function and pathology of the eye. Usually one or more of the triad of blood, (seminal) essence, and qi are involved. In eye dysfunction, qi is involved, as either a deficiency of qi or as a movement of pathological qi to the eyes.

Other passages in the Neijing refer to combinations of essence and qi, or of blood and qi. The expressionjingqi*8 may be interpreted as "essence and qi" or as "the qi of essence"; the same holds for the term xueqi*9 which is sometimes used to denote "blood and qi" or "the qi of blood." 14l

*6 Ill. .s *R~ *7 $ *9 lfn.~

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THE CONCEPT OF QJ IN EARLY CHINESE OPHTHALMOLOGY 233

The jing (and) qi of the five depots and six palaces all rise and flow to the eye and become essence. The nest of the essence is the eyeball. The essence of the bones is the pupil; the essence of the tendons is the black part of the eye; the essence of the blood are the network-vessels; its nest, the essence of qi, constitutes the white part of the eye; the essence of the muscle flesh constitutes the lids. 15l

Hence, in the Neijing we deal with three concepts that, in conjunc­tion, are viewed as being responsible for both normal and pathologi­cal morphology in the eyes, for both function and dysfunction. Of these three concepts, qi appears to be the most active.

The entire extant body of ophthalmological literature subse­quently produced in China is based on the guidelines laid out in the Neijing. The work of almost two millennia following the Neijing does not concern itself with these theoretical foundations, but represents an accretion of more practical information, such as the details of empirical observations, diagnostics, and treatment.

The earliest extant medical book containing a special section on ophthalmology is the Zhu bing yuan hou lun,* 10 16) published in AD 610 by Chao Yuan Fang. *11 In Chao's book a multitude of differen­tiated eye afflictions are listed, each presented under a heading that may be taken as its name. Each of these nosographic units contains a brief description of the etiology and/or pathogenesis of the affliction, which are explained essentially along the lines of the Neijing. Fre­quently, the individual nosographies start with a quotation from the latter work:

The eye is the aperture of the liver. 17)

However, Chao has given a new, more abstract tinge to this idea by introducing the term hou,* 12 meaning "sign" or "indication." A frequently repeated phrase is:

•10 ~ifJi:lim!f~illrli. or Zhu bing yuan hou lun (ZBYHL) *12 f~ *II ~JC1J

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234 JORGEN KOVACS

The eye is the indicator (hou) of the liver. 18l

Here again the primacy of the liver in the genesis of eye diseases is emphasized, and qi is again viewed as the vehicle by which pathologi­cal influences are transported to the eye, where the symptoms are manifested. In Chao's words:

In man, the liver-qi communicates with the eye. 19l

and

The heat-qi of the liver dashes to the eye.20l

In the Zhu bing yuan hou fun, aberrations of qi are again named as the most frequent causes of eye afflictions, and the qi implicated may be of any kind and in any form or combination: heat-qi, wind-qi, poison-qi, evil qi, essential qi, blood-qi, deficiency of the qi of yin and yang and of the depots.

With the Beiji qianjin yaofang* 13 21 l of Sun Si Miao,* 14 published in 652, new etiological elements entered Chinese ophthalmology. Sun, an eminent scholar, deeply versed in all currents of thinking in his period- Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist- included in his list of etiological pathogens certain infringements of what was considered proper life-style in one or more of these respective ideologies. These infringements included such activities or states as excessive emotional­ity, studying too hard at night, dietetic or sexual excesses, or even leisure pursuits such as hunting and playing chess. Whether the activ­ities were seen as exerting their detrimental effects directly upon the eye or indirectly by first harming the liver is not clear in each case. The fact that topical application of drugs is frequently recommended in Sun's writings suggests the notion of direct influence. In any event, the Bei ji qian jin yao fang documents an etiological schism, one group of causes being based on the older, theoretical doctrine that relies on the triad blood- essence- qi, and the other being more empirically based. By Sun Si Miao's time, Indian Buddhist medicine had doubt-

*13 WJ~.+~~:JJ. or Bei ji quan jin yao fang (BJQJYF)

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THE CONCEPT OF Ql IN EARLY CHINESE OPHTHALMOLOGY 235

less already attained wide acceptance/2) and this may have been responsible for the influx of foreign medical concepts to China.

Strong Indian influence is found in the Wai tai bi yao,* 15 23 ) com­piled by Wang Tao,* 16 and published in 752. The section on ophthal­mology starts with a description of how the Chinese understood Indian theories concerning the anatomy, physiology, and pathology the eye. Some of these doctrines may have seemed truly foreign to the Chinese of the time, for instance, the notion of the eye being built up on different layers. Others, however, must have already been familiar, such as the idea of a special "liver-duct" (gan guan},* 11 no doubt interpreted by the Chinese as the pathway by which the liver-qi was supposed to reach the eye, as was already assumed in the Neijing. Certain eye afflictions such as the so-called "membranes," a term loosely used for opacities of the cornea and for cataracts, were also thought to develop when, to quote directly:

the liver duct is pierced. 24)

This passage implies the notion of a loss of liver-qi through a leak in a tube-like structure responsible for the permanent flow of qi from the liver to the eye.

The nosographic section proper, consisting mostly of quotations and borrowings from earlier texts including the Zhu bing yuan hou lun, however, follows very much along the lines of orthodox Chinese theory. A passage of the "Four Prescriptions against Misty Shades" shall be quoted here as it summarizes in an exemplary manner the doctrines of the period:

The origin of the disease is that the essence splendor Uing hua}* 18

of the five depot (-organs) and the six palace (-organs) all move up and pour into the eye. The eye is the external indicator of the liver. The liver stores blood. If the blood-qi is not sufficient the liver will be depleted, so that it receives wind-evil. The wind-evil is transmit-

*1s 9HH!:·~. or Wai tai bi yao (WTBY) *17 Ht* *16 £i#. *18 ffl;lj'ii

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236 JORGEN KovAcs

ted to the essence-qi. Hence the essence-qi accumulates and devel­ops on top of the white (part of the) eye, and it surrounds the rim of the black (part of the) eye. The eye becomes variegated, unclear and muddy. Black and white are not clearly (distinguished). Deal­ing with this, one calls it "misty shade. "251

When examining the Yanke long mu lun* 19 261 we do not find any new notion of the role of qi in ophthalmology. Again there is mention of a connection between the liver and the eye thought to consist of a tangible structure:

The liver is upwardly linked with the conduit of [or: leading to] the root of the eye connection. 271

Since the term mu xi ben*20 refers to the inner canthus and the lacrimal caruncle, we may assume that the liver-duct was thought to end there. 281 Again, it is via this pathway that pathogenic qi was thought to reach the eye. We find passages expressing the idea that qi "rises,"291 and that blood and qi "dash upwards."301 Another patho­genic notion involving the liver duct is based on a blockage within that pathway: qi "cannot swiftly run through"311 and qi and blood "are blocked. " 321 Or qi is considered to be blocked at the eye itself: warmth-qi struggles and comes to a halt at the two lids. 331

Qi may, however, also undergo general changes within the entire system of the body. Such disturbances may relate to quantity, leading to "depletion" or "excess" of qi, "overabundance" of blood and qi; or the quality may be altered, leading to "cold" qi, "warm" qi, "weak­ness" of qi and blood. Finally, qi may, in a general way, be "unbalanced. " 341

The basic concepts on the role of qi in ophthalmology that had developed up to that period are found again in later texts.

One of the major ophthalmological texts in the second millen­nium, the Yin haijing wei,*21351 however, adds a few new facets to the

••9 H!HiJ-ft;M~. or Yan ke long mu lun (YKLML) •z• }Rjfij:*'ffflt (YHJW) .zo I'H'~*

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THE CONCEPT OF Ql IN EARLY CHINESE OPHTHALMOLOGY 237

issue under discussion: these may be understood as details that were part of the further systematization of Chinese medicine in general, and of ophthalmology in particular. According to the Yin haijing wei, the kidney is of virtually equal importance to the eyes as the liver. To explain this, the classical concept of the five phases (wu xing)*22 is employed:

The eye is an external indicator of the liver. The liver is linked to the (phase of) wood, and the kidney is linked to the (phase of) water. Since water can generate wood, the liver is the son and the kidney is the mother. How could (one consider) son and mother as being separate from each other! When, therefore, the qi of liver and kidney are abundant, then (the eyes) are bright, and vision is clear. If the qi of the liver and kidney are deficient, vision will be dim and confused. 36)

Having opened up the theory to speculation on the basis of the five phases, the Yin hai jing wei reflects on the influence of the other depot-organs on the eye. With emphasis on the heart, the role of blood in ophthalmopathology is strengthened again:

The qi of the liver and kidney in man operate in mutual interde­pendence, but who is aware of [the fact that] the heart is the seat of the spirit, and hence acts as an assistant to the liver and kidney? This is what is called "one divides into two" and "two unite in one." What does that mean? The heart is in charge of the blood, while the liver stores the blood. Since blood can generate heat, in all cases when heat moves up and manifests itself at the eye one must clear the heart and cool the liver.37l

In fact, the Yin hai jing wei, more than any other text mentioned before, insists on a holistic view when it states that in therapy ...

. . . none of the five viscera should be neglected. 38)

On the role of the lung, the text states:

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The lung is in charge of the qi . ... All "shades" originate in the lung.39)

With the inclusion of the spleen into the group of organs that influence the eye, the triad of blood, essence, and qi found in Tang ophthalmology has received even stronger theoretical underpinnings.

The spleen is in charge of the flavours. When an abundance of the five flavours nourishes the center (i.e. the stomach), then essence spirit manifests itself externally, [that is: at the eye].40)

Consequently, therapy must be performed under the following guidelines:

... the primary concern must be to regulate the blood and cause the qi to move properly .... all one has to do is moisten and nourish (the kidney) ... Any application of drugs must take into account the patient's age, and whether his qi and his body are depleted or replete.41 )

It is in the Yin hai jing wei that the association of the five viscera with the five spheres*23 undergoes a detailed discussion and receives ample application with respect to nosology. Qi, together with blood and to a lesser degree (seminal) essence are the substances whose balance and proper movement within the body must be maintained or re-established by general treatment; even topical application of drugs is thought to be appropriate to reach this effect:

Locally apply current medication in order to disperse the blood and the qi.42 )

Also surgical manipulations have to serve the aim of regulating these vital substances in order to restore health:

Evil qi gathers at the lids and, as a result, the upper and the lower lid turn red ... Clamp up the eyelids and expose the black part of the eyeball in order to disperse the blood and the qi. If stagnating

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THE CONCEPT OF Ql IN EARLY CHINESE OP'H'TH.L»Ji.<"L1 ::;q

blood accumulates in the eyelids, one may prick and n!bC :he::: '

At this point one may wonder exactly what, in concrete term~. :he Chinese physician of that period might have had in mind .,.ben he tried to "disperse" pathologic accumulations of qi by means of topt­cally applied drugs, the application of clamps, or pricking .,.ith a needle. 44) In the case of blood, the idea seems to make sense without further explanation. As for the more elusive qi, he would have to rely on speculation rather than empirical observation. And this again opens up the question of the relationship between blood and qi. By the time of the Yin hai jing wei the term xueqi*24 appears to have become so stereotyped that it apparently denotes a single entity, which one would be tempted to interpret as "the qi of the blood." There is, however, significant evidence against this interpretation.45 )

The relationship between both these concepts, as found in the Yin hai jing wei, is still the classic one as defined in many premodern texts:

Qi is the leader of the blood; blood is the mother of qi.46)

Examining the concept of qi in ophthalmological literature before the first contacts of Chinese medicine with Western medicine (at the end of the Ming Dynasty) is, by itself, not sufficient to completely unveil the enigma of qi in its entirety. It is, however, possible to demonstrate the importance of the concept and its ubiquitous use in theoretical as well as practical issues of ancient Chinese ophthalmology.

NOTE AND REFERENCES

l) Cf. Liu, C.L. in the present Proceedings, p. l2l. 2) The Shuo wen jie zi Olt:ScM*) interprets the character as originally meaning

"cloud," or "mist."lt must, however, be emphasized that etymology does not have much bearing on the analysis ofthis concept as employed in later medical literature.

3) Relevant passages are found in classic works such as the Shan haijing (UJift*!),

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Shi jing ( ~~ ), Xun Zi ( iU .:r- ), Zhuang Zi ( Jl±-=f ), Mo Zi (~-=f), and others. 4) lUi, Ch. 80 ( *!'$~ ). 5) 11~, Ch. 4 ( $~\itil'ff:Jilitt ). 6) iiM:, Ch. 17 (IJJR!l). 7) ~ra9, Ch. 17 (JliR~!M~~). 8) ~ra9, Ch. lO ( li\it(£10C~ ). 9) ~ra9, Ch. 4 ( ~I!:J!:a~ ).

10) Ibid. ll) ;IM:, Ch. 30 (#c~). 12) ;tM:, Ch. 54 (~if-). 13) ~ra9, Ch. 22 ( it~i*il'lf~ ). 14) See, however, below. 15) ;I~, Ch. 80 ( *!'$~ ). 16) In addition to Juan ("Chapter") 28, which consists of 38 ophthalmological

nosographies, there are 13 more sections on eye diseases scattered throughout chapters on pediatrics, obstetrics and diseases of the ear and the nose. Edition quoted here: People's Hygiene Press, Beijing, 1984.

17) ZBYHL, p. 772 (Juan 28, 3). 18) ZBYHL, p. 773 (Juan 28, 6). 19) ZBYHL, p. 771 (Juan 28, 1). 20) ZBYHL, p. 1337 (Juan 48, 113). 21) Edition quoted here: People's Hygiene Press, Beijing, 1987. 22) A number of titles of translated Indian medical books are listed in the biblio­

graphical section of the dynastic history of the Sui, some of them being ascribed to Longshu (~Jt), the famous Indian Buddhist monk philosopher Nagarjuna. A poem by Bai Juyi (772-846) attests to the existence of an ophthalmological book, Long shu /un ( llKJtifiiii ). Whether this is identical with the Y an /un (OR~) mentioned in the Ishimpo, or with the Y an ke long mu /un ( DJilH~*~ ), a text preserved from the Song Dynasty, is unclear.

23) Juan 21 is concerned with ophthalmology. Edition quoted here: People's Hygiene Press, Beijing, 1987.

24) WTBY, p. 563. 25) WTBY, p. 576. 26) The textus receptus of the ( OlllH~*~) or YKLML of the Song Dynasty has

the extended title of Mi chuanyan ke long muyi shu zong lun ( ~fifD!IlHili*Ui!l= ~.~ ). It contains a lengthy section written by a Taoist named Bao Guang ( f*J't), who may have been the editor ofthe entire edition. Edition quoted here: Xuanfeng chubanshe, Taipei, 1976.

27) YKLML, p. 39. 28) The terms El * and 13 :<f;: are already introduced by Lingshu (Ch. 80 and Ch. 21,

respectively). These passages in the Neijing suggest the interpretation given here. 29) YKLML, p. 31. 30) YKLML, p. 16. 31) YKLML, p. 43. 32) YKLML, p. 35.

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THE CONCEPT OF Ql IN EARLY CHINESE OPHTHALMOLOGY 241

33) YKLML, p. 35. 34) The technical term is :;r-;tn. 35) A date not much earlier than the 15th c. is most probable. The traditional dating

to the Tang Dynasty has proven to be obsolete. Edition quoted here: Wuzhou chubanshe, Taipei, 1980.

36) YHJW, p. l. 37) Ibid. 38) Ibid. 39) YHJW, p. II and p. 12. "Shade" refers to opacities in the refractive media. 40) YHJW, p. II. 41) YHJW, p. II and p. 17. 42) YHJW, p. 23. 43) YHJW, p. 10. 44) It may be noted here that the Yin hai jing wei contains hardly any reference to

acupuncture treatment. 45) There are passages in which we find the two words in reverse order, and others

where they are contrasted against each other. Cf. YHJW, p. 65. 46) cr. q,v*~lf (Taipei 1983), 21.

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243

INDEX

A accomplishments (siddhis) 57 age ..•...................... 232 Agnihotra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 air .. .. .. .. .. II, 127, 128, 134, 136 Ajivikas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Analogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 animal spirits ................. 140 apiina . . . . . . . . 34, 38, 39, 46, 50, 55 art . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121, 126 asceticism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34, 49 ascetics • . . . . . . . • . • . . . . . . . . 40, 58 Atharva veda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Atman .. .. .. .. . .. .. . 44, 45, 47, 49 iiyurveda . • . . . • . . . . . . . . . 34, 47, 60

-and Yoga .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 58 ayurvedic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

B baby ........................ 180 baihui ....................... 169 Baopuzi .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 178 baoqi ........................ 106 bathing ...................... 155 "Bedside" medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Bei ji qian jin yao fang . . . • . . . . . 234 bile (pitta) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. • 48 bingqi .......•........•...... 106 blockage . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 blood .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 101, 103, 230 body .. .. .. .. • 14, 15, 16, 22, 26, 27 Brahma ..................... 54 Brahman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44, 47,49 Briihma1Jas . .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. 42, 58 brain .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. . 190, 195 breath . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1, 2, 3, 7, 9, 10

101, 105

-control (prii1Jiiyiima) .. 44, 49, 54 - supporters (prii1Jabhft) . . . . . . 42 5 -s .. .. .. .. .. .. . 42, 45, 53, 54 5 principal -s . . . . . . . . . . • . • . 55 5 sub--s . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . 56 heel- -..................•. 171 restraint of the - . . . . . . . . . . . 47

breathing . . . • . • . . . . . . . . • . . . • . ll3 Buddhists .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 58

c Caraka . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48, 49, 50, 51 central vessel (~mnii) • . • . . . . . 57 change . . . . . • . • . . • . . . . . • . . 16, 19 channel .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 97, 101, 103

central - or vessel (~) . . 47 du- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176, 188 eight extraordinary -s ..•.•.• 194 ren and du -s . . 165, 182, 194, 195 ren- .................•..• 188 twelve ordinary -s .......... 194

Chao Yuan Fang ............. 233 Chen Zhi Xu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Chon Xu Zi . . . . . . . . . . • . • . • . • . 191 classification of existing things . . . 89 Cleyer, Andreas . . . . . . . • . • . . . • . 229 clinical practice . . . . . • . • . • . . . • . 149 coccyx .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 168, 169, 180

187, 191, 195 confucius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 contingency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 cosmic

- order (rta') .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. 35 - voice (Viic) .. .. . .. .. .. .. . 35 -wind (vata, viiyzl) . . . . . . . . . 35

creation of the universe • . • . • . • . 82 cunxiang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

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244 INDEX

D da dan •.•.................... 182 da heche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 Dadan Zhizhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 dan . . . • . . . . . • . . 170, 175, 178, 195 dantian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169, 175, 177

lower- ... 174, 177, 181, 182, 193 middle- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174

dao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69, 82, 91 Dao An ..................... 178 Daojiaoyuhu .•.•....•......... 73 daoqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 daoyin-xingqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 daqi . • . • . . . . . • . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . 91 dazhui .....•................. 169 Devadatta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • 56 Dhananjana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • 56 digestion and absorption . . . . . . . 100 divination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 diyi huifeng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . 180 doku ......•.•....•.•.•.•..•• 210 dragon and tiger ...... 179, 181, 195 duanqi .......•............... 108 duoqi ........................ 107 duqi ....•.........•.......... 106

E Eliade, Mircea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 emancipating enstasis (samddhl) . • . 53 empirical observations . . . . . . . . . 233 emergence and demise

of all things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 eqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 essence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 ether ........................ 142 experiment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 eye diseases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230

F fashen . . . . . . . • . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Filliozat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36, 38

fire sacrifice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 5 phases . . . . . . . . . . 81, 95, 110, 237

- spheres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 - system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 -viscera .............. 100, 102

4 seasons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84, 93, 95 fuqi-daoyin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

G Galen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23, 25, 26 gate of life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 geomancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11, 18 glands ....................... 144 Gonzan, Goto . . . 200, 205,207,209

213, 216, 218 223, 224, 226

guanyuan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Guizhong Zhinan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184

H hand gestures (mudrii) . . . . . . . . . . 54 Hathayoga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . 54

- pradipikii . . . • • . • . • . • . . . . . 59 heche ....•.•..•.•...•.•..... 182 He Xiong Zhuang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 heart ........................ 237

- and kidney . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Heaven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90, 92

- and Earth . . . . . . . 84, 187, 189 He Shang Gong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Hindu orthodoxy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Hinduism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Hippocratic . . . . . . . . . . 7, 8, 23, 134 Hongmingji . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Hu Yao Zhen ................ 166 huandan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182, 195 Huangdi Neijing . . . . . . . 94, 128, 193

201,230 huanghe niliu . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . . . 195 huangshu . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

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Huangting Waijing ling . . . . . . . . . 172 huangya ................. 175, 182 huanjing bunao . . . . . . . . . . • . 176-180

182, 195 Huimingjing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 humors or do~as . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 humoralism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152, 153 hun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103, 114

I idii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 -, pinga/ii and su.pJmnii . . . . . . 59

ikki-ryutai-setsu ....... 204, 207, 209 210, 212, 226

incantations (brahman) . . . . . . . . . 40 Indian Buddhist medicine . . . . . . 234 infant ....................... 179 inhalation and exhalation . . . . . . . 37 inner alchemy ............ 178, 182 internal spirit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 interrelationship

- between Heaven and man. . . 91 - of Heaven and man . . . . 91, 94 - between man and nature . . . . 96

Ishida, Hidemi .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . 172 Ito, Jinsai .................... 218 Ito, Koen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

J Jainas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Jiang Wei Qiao . . . . . . . . . . . 193, 196 jin ye ........................ 100 jindan .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 175, 182

J- Dayao . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 184 jing .. .. .. .. .. .. . 74, 102, 132, 178 jing luo .. .. .. .. .. 97, 132, 133, 134 jingqi .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 101, 133, 181 Jinxian Zhenglun . . . . . . . . . . 191, 192 Jiutianshengshenzhangjing . . . . . . . 72 Jung, C.G. . .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. . 192 juqi . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . 105

INDEX 245

K Kagawa, Shu-an . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 kan .........•.•......•.•.... 178

- and li .. .. .. .. .. .. .. • 184, 195 Kanli Jiaogou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 kanpo ....................... 200 kidney ...................... 237 kobunji gaku ........... ~ .. .. . 225 koho .....................•.. 199 Krkara .• -.................... 56 Kundalini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 kUTJrfiJiini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 kunlun ....................... 181 Karma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

L Lao Zi .. .. .. .. .. . 68, 82, 123, 128 li . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 Li Yuan Guo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 LingShu ..................... 94 Liu Hua Yang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 liver ........................ 232

--duct .................... 235 longevity (ayus) . . • . . . . • . 33, 37, 50 lotus position (padmiisana) . . . . . . 56 Lu Dong Bin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181, 192 Lu You ..................... 180 luanqi ....................... 106 lung ........................ 237 Lushi Chunqiu . . . . . . . . . . . . 133, 206

M Ma Wang Dui .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 172 Maharishi Mahesh Yogi . . . . . . . . 60 Mai jing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 manbyo-ichidoku-setsu . . • . . . 208, 210

212,226 mantras . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Maspero, Henri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 Mencius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121, 122 mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90, 102

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246 INDEX

mingmen ..••.•.....•......... 189 miniature replica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Mount Yujing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 muscle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22-26

N Niiga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Nagoya, Gen-i ........ 221-223, 226 Nanjing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 neidan .. .. .. .. .. . 78, 170, 178, 179 neiguan . . . . . . . . . • . • • . • . • . • . . . 172

N---cunsi .•.•.............. 77 Neijing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9, 14 nervous fluid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 niqi ......................... 107 niwan .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 167, 173 niyuan •.•.•...•.•............ 177 non-violence (ahif!ISii) . . . . . . . . . . 48

0 odJuui .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. • 37 Ogyu, Sorai .......... 218, 221, 224 ophthalmology ............... 230 origin of life .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 88

p Pataiijali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 pathogens .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 234 pathology .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 149 phlegm (kapha, s/e~man) . . . . . . . . 48 physician (bhi~aj) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 48 physiology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 pigu ......................... 78 piliga/ii . • . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Plato . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 pneuma . . . . . . . . . • . • • . • . • . • . • . 134 Po ..•................... 103, 114 point in space (dhiirOIJO) • • • • . • • • 53 poison ...................... 216 pores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18, 19

postures (iisana) • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 53 priilJa .. .. .. .. .. . 33, 38, 39, 45-48

50,55 - apiinli .. .. .. .. .. .. • 42, 55, 56 - conveying vessles . . . . . . . . . 49

Prii!Jiignihotra Upan~ad . . . . . . . . 54 priiiJiipiilui .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 37 prii!Jiiyiima . • . • . . . . • . 40, 47, 52, 53

56, 57, 59 principle of universal unity . . . . . . 91 pulse ........................ 112

Q qi ...•.•...•.•... 200,202-204,207

212, 214, 216 deficiency of- .. .. .. .. .. .. . 232 external- . . . . . . . . . 170, 171, 173 internal- .. .. .. .. .. .. . 171, 173 monism of- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 movement of pathological - . . . 232 one- .................... 189 - of food and drink . . . . . . . . 100 - of Heaven and Earth . . . . . . 86 - of nature .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 99 - of the four seasons . . . . . . . . 87 red- ..................... 177 relationship between

- and time .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 98 shen and- ................ 189 three - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72, 75 true- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166, 171 union of shen and - . . . . . . . . 190 white- ................... 177 yang- .................... 224 yin- ..................... 224

qibao sanzhang .........•.•.•.• 168 qigong .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. • 123, 133 qihai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . • . • 175 Qui Chu Ji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 quiet sitting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

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R respiration . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33, 36, 38

rhythmic - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 IJ.g . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . . . 35 IJ.gvedll . . . . . • . • . • . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Rudra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

s Siima . . . . . . . • . . . • . • • • . . • . . . . 35 samiidhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . • . • 57 samiina . . . . • . • . . . 38, 39, 46, 50, 56 Siimavedll . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Sal!lhitiis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Santianneijiejing . . • . • . . . . . . . . . . 72 sanyi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • • 74 School

Longmen- ...........•.•. 191 Qiuchuji - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • 191 Quanzhenjiao Sect - • • • • • • • • 191 Wu-Liu - . . . . . . . • . • . • . • . • . 191 Yin-Yang- . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . 83

secretion . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • . . • . • • 145 seed (bija) mantras • • • • . • • • • • • • 55 7

- emotions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 - seers (f~is) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

sexual -practices . . . . . . . . . . . . 177, 188 -union ................... 181

Shang Han Lun • • • • • . • • • • • 199, 201 shang jiao • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 100 shangqi ..•••••••.•••••••••••• 107 Shangqing Dongzhen Pin ••.••••• 180 shaoqi ............••••••••••• 108 shen (spirit) . . . . . . . 71, 88, 102, 103

132, 189 -and qi .............••.•. 189 union of - and qi • . • . • • • • • • 190

shenqi .•.•................... 102 Shi ling . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . Ill shiqi . . . . . • . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • 107

INDEX 247

Shisanpolun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . 71 6 hollow organs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 soul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 27

- or spirit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 soul (Iitman) • . • • • • • • • • • • 40. 41, Sl

universal- (Bralurtoft) • • • • • • • Sl source of life . . . . . . . . • . .. .. . • . IG2 speculation . . . . . • . .. .. . . .. .. .. 2Jt spiritus ..................... ._ 9 spleen ....................... 2ll sun and moon ••••••••...• 177. 111 Sun Si Miao .. .. .. • .. .. .. • 177. 2M surgical npi.. I ;,- • e • e • • • e • 2ll Suauta . . . . . • • • • • • • . . . . . • • • ~s 1 ............................... ss s-- (BIIic o~--o(tbe,......N~~Jw ....... ...

1J11C111 o( Qlite&p...._a .. .. • • 231

T taichi exercises • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 163 tai ji quan • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 167 taihe • • • • • . • . • . • • • • • . . • • • • • • . 191 taixi . . . . • . . . • . • . • • • • • • • . • • • . 195 Taiyi Jinhua Zongzhi ........... 192 Taoism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67, 82 Taoist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122, 123, 125 therapeutics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Three Ones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 time . . . . . . . . . . . . 93, 129, 130, 135

Wu - . . . • . • . • . • . • . . • • . 180, 187 Zi- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180, 187

Tra.nscendmlal Meditation ("TM") . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

~tions .................. 229 True Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 IIIOqi . . . • • . • • • • • • • • • • . • . • . • . • 107

u udima . . . . . . . . . . . 38, 39, 46, 50, 55 ultimate principle • • . • . . • • • • • • . 44

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248 INDEX

unification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77, 78 Upan4ads . . • . . . . . . . • . . • . • . 42, 44

v van Gulik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 V~QU . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • • • • • • • • • 54 vital substances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Vrdtyas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 vyanti . . . . . . . . . . . 38, 39, 46, 50, 55

w waidan ...................... 179 Wai tai bi yao ................ 235 Wang Tao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 weilu ........................ 180 weiqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101, 103 Wilhelm, R. .................. 192 will . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 wind . . . . . . . . . . . 5, 7-13, 18, 85, 93

103, 106, Ill, 128 8 -s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 - disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

wind (vdta, vayu') . . . . . . . . 37, 43, 48 Wu Shou Yang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

X xia jioo . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • . • . 101 xiao heche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 xieqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106, 133 xingqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171, 191, 195

- diaoxi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . 172 - yupei ming ............... 171

Xuanmendayi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 xueqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89, 97, 101

y Yajur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Yajurveda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Yan ke long mu lun . • . • . . . • . . . . 236 yang

concept of yin and - . . . . . . . . 87

greater - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 lesser- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 - within - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 - within yin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 yin and- . . . 82, 84, 95, 109, 178

181, 192, 195 yin within - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 yin-- principle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Yin-Yang School . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

yangdan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Yanqi Jue .................... 173 Yellow River . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175, 180 yin

extreme - within - . . . . . . . . 97 greater - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 lesser- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 - within - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 -dan ..................... 179 --yang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69, 129 - yang school . . . . . . 122, 123, 125 Yinyang Shuang Xiupai . . . . . . . 179

Yin hai jing wei . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 yingqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101, 103 yinqi .............•.......... 106 Yinshi Zi Jingzuo Fa •••••.•.•.. 193 Yoga ............... 34, 44, 47, 52,

56,5~

Kundalini - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Tantra- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176, 177 - Upani~ads . . . . . . . . . . • . 52, 54

Yogasiitras • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52, 53 yongquan .................... 174 Yoshimasu, Todo ..... 200, 209, 218

223, 224, 226 Yu Yan ..................... 184 yuanqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69, 129

Y-Lun ................... 180 Yue Ling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 yunqi •.•.........•.•.•.•....• 171 yutan ..............•......... 180

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z zhan zhuang gong . . • . . . . . . . • . . 164 Zhang Jing Yue ............... 222 zhengqi • . • . . . . . • . . . . . . . . • . . . . 103 zhenqi ....................... 104 zhenren . . • . • . • . • . . • . • . • . • . • . • 171 zhong jiao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • 101 Zhong Li Guan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 zhonghuang . . . . . • . . • . • . • . . . • . • 115 Zhonglu Chuandao Ji . . . . . . . . . . . 181

INDEX 249

zhongxi . • . • . • . . . . . • . . . • . • . • . • 171 zhouhoufeijinjing ....•.•.• 175, 182

191, 195 Zhouyi Santongqi . • . • . . • . • . . . . . 184 Zhu bing yuan hou jun . • . • . • . • . • 233 Zhuang Zi ........ 68, 123-125, 128 zi wu liu zhu zhen . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Zonglu Chuandao Ji . . • . . . . . . . . . 195 zongqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . 100, 105