lexical suffixes in colu·8ian salishlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_kinkade.pdf ·...

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Eighth Intemational Salish Conference August 1973 Eugene, Oregon A GRAllilAR OF LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISH : I. Dale Kinkade University of Colunbia A granmar of lexical suffixes in most Salishan languages must account for 1:\/0 things: stress and order. 1 Importance of one or the other may vary accord- ing to the predictability of stress (as in Sliarnmon, llhere stress is ab'lays on tlw first syllable of a l'lOrd) or the propensity for canpounding lexical suf- fixes (compare Columbian, "/hich compounds them relatively freely, ,d th Upper Olehalis, whidl does so rarely2). litis paper deals l1ith tilese 'b'l0 problems in Columbian Salish (hereafter G.l), but no claims that these solutions are applicable to any other language. Stress placement in a complex ''lOrd is one of the most difficult problems in nearly all Salisilml languag.;:s 7 and Cm is no exception. I!very full word must have me and only ane primary stress. ;:ost suffixes and many roots have both stressed and unstressed variants. The problem is to make generalizations as to \'lhether the root or a suffix \Jill be stressed in any given COl'1bination. Clearly tilere are some roots and some suffix.;:s which are basically stressed and others l/lliel are basically unstressed (hereafter to be called stronG and lvealc, respec- "stressed" and "tUlstre5sed" "rill refer to actual occurrence of stress). Other roots seem to be variab Ie as to stress according to tile suffixes that are added to tHem; most suffixes that can be stressed have variable stress. nut feH of tilese groups are entirely consistent--stronr; roots sometimes occur Ulstressed and roots sOIi1etitleS occur stressed; variable roots seem simply to be unpredictable. The first tHO illcOllSistencies are easy to deal "Tith. A strong root Hill be unstressed under 'bvo conditiOllS: 1) \'Ihen folloHed by a strong suffix, and 2) '\1hen follm-led by n-IO or more lexical suffixes, at least one of lihich is variable (or strong). A "leak root uill be stressed only

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Page 1: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

Eighth Intemational Salish Conference August 1973 Eugene, Oregon

A GRAllilAR OF LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISH

: I. Dale Kinkade

University of Britis~l Colunbia

A granmar of lexical suffixes in most Salishan languages must account for

1:\/0 things: stress and order. 1 Importance of one or the other may vary accord­

ing to the predictability of stress (as in Sliarnmon, llhere stress is ab'lays on

tlw first syllable of a l'lOrd) or the propensity for canpounding lexical suf­

fixes (compare Columbian, "/hich compounds them relatively freely, ,d th Upper

Olehalis, whidl does so rarely2). litis paper deals l1ith tilese 'b'l0 problems in

Columbian Salish (hereafter G.l), but ma:~es no claims that these solutions are applicable to any other language.

Stress placement in a complex ''lOrd is one of the most difficult problems

in nearly all Salisilml languag.;:s 7 and Cm is no exception. I!very full word must

have me and only ane primary stress. ;:ost suffixes and many roots have both

stressed and unstressed variants. The problem is to make generalizations as to

\'lhether the root or a suffix \Jill be stressed in any given COl'1bination. Clearly

tilere are some roots and some suffix.;:s which are basically stressed and others

l/lliel are basically unstressed (hereafter to be called stronG and lvealc, respec­

tively~ "stressed" and "tUlstre5sed" "rill refer to actual occurrence of stress).

Other roots seem to be variab Ie as to stress according to tile suffixes that are

added to tHem; most suffixes that can be stressed have variable stress. nut feH of tilese groups are entirely consistent--stronr; roots sometimes occur

Ulstressed and \',ea1~ roots sOIi1etitleS occur stressed; variable roots seem simply

to be unpredictable. The first tHO illcOllSistencies are easy to deal "Tith. A

strong root Hill be unstressed under 'bvo conditiOllS: 1) \'Ihen folloHed by a

strong suffix, and 2) '\1hen follm-led by n-IO or more lexical suffixes, at least

one of lihich is variable (or strong). A "leak root uill be stressed only \'''~len

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follOlV'ed by one or more ,V'eak suffixes, or Nh~n final in a lIord. 3 Othendse any

strong root ,V'ill dominate any \veak or variable suffix, any strong suffix l'Jill

dominate at'"1y ueak or variable root, any variable root Hill dominate any "leak

suffix, ~ll'"1d any variable suffix i'lill dominate any l1eal;: root. Examples of eadl

of the nine possible comLinations folloH.

1. strong root + strong suffix kWm\utiya? 'carty in the .ilalld' (1~wan- 'tal~eJ cany' > -utiya? 'around')

ma~wx1xmall 'ruin somethinr for someone' (ma~W_ 'break', -nx 'benefactive')

2. strong root + variable suffix

tkW~mksun 'shake 1l~l11ds v O~wan- 'take, carty', -ar~t/-kst 'hand')

nama~~an 'he broke his back' (ma~W_ 'break', -lken/-kan 'back')

3. strong root + "leak suffix kW"'anta? 'take it! t (kWan- ~take, carty', -ta? 'sg. imperative')

ma~\"alqs 'he broke his nose' (ma~W_ 'break', -alqs 'nose, point, end')

4. \'1eak root + strong suffix , ~" ~' nkamall{ayt 'shoulder' (kem- 'surface, area', -ail{ayt 'shoulder') ;J' , ,

llKSalawas 'mean person: (kas - 'bad', - elGl'las 'chest, heart')

S. ''leak root + variable suffix , .,;> <

snkOOllkan 'back' (Kan- 'surface, area', -lkan/-kan 'back')

kastoonnan 'hate' (1~as - 'bad', -mini -man 'instrumental')

6. \'1eak root + \'leak suffix

tI<emalqstxan 'Sllin' (kam- "surface, area', -alqst 'shin', -xan 'foot, leg')

kest tbad t (kas - 'bad:, -t 'characterization')

7. variable root + strong suffix (;t

tltlllal'las 'suffer~ (qll-/qil- 'sick', -alal'las 'dlest, heart')

klxarlal'lasan 'bib? (xar-/xar-/xar- 'cover with flat object', -alal1as 'chest,

heart ')

8. variab Ie root + \veale suffix

qllt 'sick' (ql1-/qil- :sick', -t 'characterization')

xWfd,wian 'I llashed it off him' (xWUkw-/x"'l~w- 'clean', -i- 'benefactive',

-an 'I')

9. variable root + variable suffix

sna41Uta? 'stomadl-adle' vs. snqelapas 'toothadle' (ql1-/qil- 'sick',

-alta? I-ita? 'body (inside) t, -apas/-aps 'tooth ')

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sxW1yaps 'toothache' vs. sxWiyana? 'cactus' (xW{y-/xWiy- 'sharp', -apas/ -aps 'toOtil', -ana?/-ana? 'ear')

txwijkwsqt 'clear sky, clear day' vs. xw:t~w1~a? en 'clean lint off a blan1<:et'

(xWUkw-/x'1~w- 'clean', -asqt/-sqt 'sky, day') -1~? /-~a? 'body (out­

side)')

katxark W t thin layer of SClDll on ''later' vs. snxer~atl 'a shield' (xar-I xar-/xar- 'cover Hith flat object', -atkW/-kw "·'1ater', -~an/-:teen 'upper arm')

scllksqt 'Friday' vs. ncilkstqin 'five tipis put togetiler' (cllkst 'five',

-asqt/-sqt 'sky, dayt, -q1n/-qen 'head')

1m. example of a strong root losing stress to a combination of variable or strong

lexical suffixes is Ih~c1nxan 'deer-hoof rattle "lorn on ankle' (~- 'make a

banging noise', -dn/-can 'moutil, edge', -Xatl 'foot, leg'); cf. ~~tam 'rattle, shake a rattle' (-aI<st/-kst ?hand'). Another may be kil::wmcanS1tSatl 'grab by

the \'lrist' (kWan- 'take, carry',4 -cm/-can 'moutil, edge', -aItSt/-ItSt 'hand') W ,. ,. ,.

or nk anapus:tean 'hold someone by the arm' (-ap 'base, bottom, IOHer end', -us/-s, 'eye, face', -~an/-~an 'upper ann') vs. yapkW'anltSan 'grab someme passing by

the ann or hand'. There are exceptims to this particular generalization, e.g.,

snaPta\~asqan 'rooster's comb' (:teit- 'ridge', -'3lls/-S*as/-u?s/-m"ls 'middle,

center', -qm/-qan 'head') vs. snms:1tqan 'fancy ridge (on a house)' and

kat~tatkW 'ripples on ''later'' (-atkW/-kW "'later').

As can be seen from the examples in (9) above, combinations of variable

roots and suffixes are unpredictable. Rare instances even occur of tl'lO foms

llTitil the same variable root and suffix differing only in stress placement. I

have mly one example in Columbian, salya?qan 'round head' vs. salta?qin • a

knob southeast of Waterville (place-name)' (sal- 'round', -8.ya? I-ya? 'head', -qln/-qan 'head.'), and one in Upper Olehalis, l'IltqW 'out on a prairie' vs.

l',rit8.qw 'middle of a prairie' (l'lit-/i"it- 'middle', _iqw/_qW 'prairie').

As noted above, a sequence of variable or strong lexical suffixes al,.,ays

attracts stress; there is one exception to this: -aya?-qan often does not,

e.g., ?ackW'usya?qan 'curly hair' , n?m'l?m,.rya?qan 'stand on head'. l'Jhen more

than one variable or strong suffix occurs (Hhether lexical or othen'lise), a

decision must be made as to \vhich ''1ill bear stress. Any strong suffix will

retain stress; in a sequence of 'bJ'O strong suffixes, tile second "Jill be stressed.

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Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

suffixes. ad nm-lexicalsuffixes, a lexical suffix Hill be stressed. .And '~len

there are tl'lO variable lexical suffixes, the last one ,.,ill be stressed~ there

are a few exceptions, indicating that there is a hierarchy of stress dominance.

-qm/-qan 'head t loses stress to -ap 'base, bottom, lm'ler end', -'iMas/-8IIs/-u?s 'middle, center', or -aya?/-ya? 'head'; -alx"'/-lx'" 'house' loses stress to -a.?st/

-a?st 'stone'~ -lea?/-ta? 'body (outside)' loses stress to -ap 'base, bottom,

10l'ler end'; and -~en/ -:teen 'upper ann' loses stress to -Us/ -s f eye, face'. Only

eight three-member sequences occur, and four of these have l1eak -xan f foot, leg'

as last member. But only one of the other four has stress on the final member: k '" '-- an-aIIDC -em. All other three-member sequences stress the penultimate suffix.

Four-member sequences are stressed like three-member sequences.

'TIle order in uhich lexical suffixes occur in sequences does not seem to be

random. Suffixes occur consistently before or after specific other suffixes.

TIle order may tum out to be insignificant, but since the total meaning of a

complex fonn is not a sequential accretion of meaning corresponding to the

physical sequence of suffixes (other than in layered derivations), I assume

that it is not random. Because of limited co-occurrences, absolute order

bet"leen all occurring suffixes is not possible. Insofar as it is possible to

detennine it, ordering seems to be according to the folla'ling list. 'TIle nuniber

of combinations in ''1hich each suffix participates is given in parentheses after

the gloss for the suffix. Suffixes enclosed in a left bracket s1101'l no preference

as to their relative order with other members of that group. Several suffixes

occur in only one combination, so nothing can be indicated about their place

in this sequence except that they immediately precede or follm'l another suffix;

these are the suffixes to the left (for preceding) and right (for follOl'ling)

of the main coltmm.

-s 1 (8) ,- , ~ -alus • a stack f

l~8.lPS 'back part of the neck' w-, I-arnx 'people' (2) !"'" ? ' ,-;:r:.·:s/-awas/-u s/-aws l.. 'middle, center' (15)

-asqt/-sqt 'sky, day'

-cln/-can 'mouth, edge' (12) -aks(oo.)/-ks(oo.) 'hand, ann'

-aya?/-ya? 'head' (4)

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-maxW/-arnxW 'person, man'

5

.. -ap 'base, bottom,

la1er end' ( 31)

-ana?/-ena? 'ear' (4)

(17) rqu,1 -qan 'head' -alxW/-lxW 'skin, hide'

-al/-al 1 -a?son 'long solid object'

-~p/-lp 'tree, plant' -alqW/-lq \i tlonp; or tall

cylindrical object'

-aut/ -ut 'distant v (2)

-Us/-s 'eye, face' (5) -~an/-~en 'upper arm'

-a?st 'stonet (4)

-alxw/-lxw ~house' (4)

-alt/-olt 'child r (4)

(-alqs 'nose, point, end)

-Bnk/-ank 'belly, flat surface'

J -Okst/-kst 'hand' (3)

-8.lx 1

-~mt/-e.mt ? (5)

-atkw/-kw tl'/ater~ (8) t-=ap 'base, bottom, la'ler end' (97)

-lken/-kan 1 back , (9) -Ups/-ps 'tail, runp'

-ita'? f-·ta? rbody (out-side)' (5)

-alqst 'shin' t -xen 'foot, leg I (16)

-apala?/-pala? 'handle'j

-: alq wp i throat, oral cavity t (2)

-alqs / -lqs ' clothes, dress' (3)

-Qlqs 'nose, point, end? (2) "" w/ \.:" W • (5 -atk p -s:r.k up/ -Ie p 'fl.re' 2)

-uiox\'I/-eiex~1 'soil, earth' (5) ~ t ,

-alca? /-lca? 'body (inside)'

-,.,ll/ -weI 'canoe, conveyance, container' (3)

-axw/-x\.: 'resident' (8)

-u.tiya? ? (5)

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6

Note that -ap occurs in t\'10 positions~ so does -elqs, but it is infrequent in

canbinations and is placed betllTeen parentheses in the left colunn to separate

it fran other suffixes \'lhidl occur in only one combination. It is not certain

that -s is a lexical suffix~ its function or meaning have not yet been estab­

lished.

Several of these suffixes should be reducible (at least historically) to

a sequence of -8.l-/-al- (a combining element of indetenninate function) plus a

lexical suffix. But this -al- should precede all lexical suffixes occurring

in a 'lTord (as it does, e.g., in 01). Here, halTever, it occurs 'nth the follow­

ing suffix as a mit, never separated, and this mit then occurs folla'ling

another lexical suffix. Syndlronically, then, these forms \'Ii th -8.l- must be

considered mits (mless a function for -8.l- car). be fOtmd 'IThidl is compatible

,nth compomding of lexical suffixes). SUdl suffixes fOtmd to occur in combi­

nations are: (a) after -s: -8.lus, -alps, -alqWp~ (b) after other lexical suf­

fixes: -alxw, -8.lqs, -alqw, -8.lt, -el'?''I8s, -alqs, and possibly others (the

t\ITO groups do not overlap).

Differences in the fonn of a fe\'l other suffixes suggest further analysis. Isolation of an element -81-/-1- is suggested by -81~a? /-l~a? 'body (inside)'

vs. -!~a?/-~? 'body (outside) t. The variation betlITeen the stressed and

mstressed variants of -atkwp/-kwp 'fire' and -atkw/-kw '\'later' suggests the

isolation of an element -at-. .J\nd finally, the semantically similar sets

-Skst/-kst 'hand' vs. -Bks(an)/-ks(an) 'hand, ann', -a?st 'stone' vs. -a?san

'long solid object', and -a1qs 'nose, point, end' vs. -alqst 'shin' suegest

that -t and -n may be extensions added to these and various other lexical suf­

fixes, and may actually be -t 'dlaracterization' and -n 'nominalizer'.

Some exceptions to the above order do occur, indicating. layering of deri­

vation. -dn meaning 'language' may corne last, fo110\ITing -axw 'resident'.

Another layered sequence is - aiu?xW -Uiaxw, the only instance of the same suf­

fix occurring t\.ITice on one \'lOrd.

Three-member sequences (and four, if they are valid) vary the above order

somewhat. Only eight three-member sequences have been fomd, and only t'l10 that

may consist of four suffixes (both of whirll augment existing three-menber

sequences l'lith -s-). These differ from o'm-member sequences in at least t\"o

1'1ays, the second of ,nlich "Ias noted above: (1) the ordering of elements is

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7

different in -ap&~sqan and -kenamxwdn~ (2) stress is not on the last element .,,' , 6 as expected 1n -apawsqan, -(s)qanuskst, and probably -(s)apus~an.

Often a sequence of suffixes has a specialized meanine, not necessarily .. an obvious sum of the meanings of the members of the sequence. Thus -canakst

and -can3J.csan always refer to the urist, and -dnxan to the ankle. Other such

specialized meanings are: -cenana?xen 'ankle bone', -qenUskst 'finger', -qanUsxen

'toe, hoof', -apxan 'heel', -apus~an 'upper ann', -apxan 'IOlver end, base',

-&~asqan 'crown of the head t, -Usxen 'hip, thigh', -alq5l1il 'end of a canoe' ,

-alqstxcm 'shin, lOHer leg', -cenatkW 'shore', -(a)ya?qm 'head, knob', -qam'lll

'load' or 'car', -qinxen 'knee( cap) t. Others all"laYs occur with one or another

positional prefix (S = stem) ~ ni?-S-ank3I<st 'palm', kat-S-qenaI 'lid, cover',

n-S-qenaIxw 'house top' , n-S-canana? 'temple', ni?-S-apq,m 'hair on the head' ,

n-S-s&~S 'juncture, point of contact', n-S-sa?ISXml 'knee', n-S-ikanxan 'sole',

kat-S-lkanxan 'foo'O'Iear'.

Personal names conmonly occur 1'lith t"lO lexical suffixes. 7 Often the root

of a personal name occurs nOl'/here else in the language, so the total name can­

not be translated; hm'lever the suffixes are usually clear enough. At least bvo

suffixes occur only in personal names, both as the first element in a suffix

compound: -lmt/-amt and -~x. Because of this restricted occurrence and the

unidentifiable roots, neither can be elossed. -~x precedes only -ikan/-kan

'back', but -lmt/-amt can occur before five other suffixes. Besides these combi­

nations, personal names provide seven suffix compounds that have not been found

else11here. Some of these may in fact not be Columbian names inasmuch as inter­

marriage Hith the Colvilles has brought Colville names into the laneuage, but

the order of the suffixes follOl/S the list given above.

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IOOTNOfBS

1. Research on Colunbian Salish has been made possible by grants fran tile

National Science Foundation, the American Philosophical Society Librazy, and the lhiversity of Kansas. I \1ish to than1<: especially Laurence C. ThanpsCll and

H. Teny nlompsan for comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper.

2. In Upper Cleh81is (Ch), sequences of lexical suffixes are DIlCh less

frequent than in On; they might even be considered rare. Those that do ocalr

seem to be DIlch more loosely conbhed than in On. Or, put another ''lay, the On

sequences often h2~-e a specialized meaning by themselves and are added to the

root as a sequence; in 01, the second and third suffixes seem to be added to a

!1!! already containing a lexical suffix (like th~ On foms considered layered).

Only 13 two-member and one three-member sequences have been found in 01: -iyaq-als in ~1pxwiyaqaisn 'eyelClShes t, -apS'-alucn in nsulapsalucn 'mouth of

Chehalis River', -aqp-ui in talaqa.pul 'call for a canoe' J -ci-aqW in taliCiBctw

'river side of a prairie', -axw-i,'1.p in sila.?laxwinp 'floor', -an?-i?l in

s~Wata·J\il 'baby mouse', -ais-i?l in :mms;wa'!si?l 'baby squirrel', -lnl-i?l in

qi.niD\liAl. 'baby \'Iolf t , -Ci-amS jn sqeo,hCiamS 'Puget Sound Indians t ,-stq-alis

in qW8.?stqls vheadadle', -iaq-als in 4"'acialtals 'upside dam, on ale's head' ,

-iyq-l,.,ltxW in Q;qiyaqlwltxW 'anthill', -ail-q in ltWayU1q '~er Chehalis

language t , -pii-q-in? in qW?y8i!aqln? 'Upper Chehalis \'1anaI'l'. Little ordering

is possible among these; -i?l is a final suffix, as is probably -in?, and -als precedes -1?1. -Ci precedes -ictw and -amSj -ais or -als (= -alis) follows -iyaq, -ialt,. and -stq. -81- is a more obviously independent unit in Ch than in On, but

nevertheless occurs ciS part of complex suffixes -als or -aIs, -alucn, and

-lwltxw. Generalizations about stress cannot be made for Cl1. t except to observe

that root stress seems to be more dominant than suffix stress; only once is

primary stress on one of a sequence of suffixes.

Chly three Cll sequences have both members cognate to On suffixes: -an?-1?1

COn -ana? t -8:tt), -ais-i?;}, (On -Us, -8J.t) , and -a,;~omS (On -atkw, -arnx 01' -'8mx"J. The third of these is in a different order from the On order.

3. On has several frequently occurring ,,,eak suffixes, resulting, if neces­

satyt in this shift of stress bad<: to weal, root;:;. Some of these suffixes have

stressed variants in sane of the neighboring Salishan languages. Thus ,,,eak

roots occur with stress mOTe frequently than in these other languages.

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9

4. kWan- is problematic. The root may actually be kWma-, as in several

other Salishan languages.

5. It is unclear l'Jhy a fe\'! suffixes have variant stress location, e.g.,

-atkwp/-atkWUp'fire', -apas/-apas 'tooth', -as~it/-as~ayt 'throat, dlest'.

Note that the strong root ~it- 'ridge' loses stress before the -apas variant

of t tooth' : up tapas 'a Sal'l'.

6. -~an does have a stressed fonn -~an, unlike -xan, - alqs, -alqst, and

-axw, but no examples occur of the stressed fonn in a conbination of suffixes.

7. Suffixes on personal names are consistently associated ''lith one sex

or the other, "lith feli exceptions. An unfamiliar name can thus be identified

as male or female according to the final suffix. Women are definitely slighted

in the distribution of suffixes, having only 0'10 or three to themselves and

sharing up to three others,; men, on the other hand, are designated by over 15

suffixes. The 0'10 suffixes used most frequently on ",omen's names are -aIqs/-lqs

'clothes, dress' and -atkw/-kw 'l'later'. A feli others use -ibt?/-ta.? 'body (out­

side)' (and extended to mean 'robe'), but men's names also have this suffix-­

and more frequently; I can detect nothing ,..rithin this group of names to indi­

cate lmy some are given to uomen, others to men (e.g., ki?kaym1ta?, qWa!q8J\1~a?,

and qWayi~a? are women's names, but penqstita?, yonah.?sita? t and qWiyl~a? are

men's names). 1\'10 suffixes occur once each on a man's name and a ,..ranan's name:

-Ups/-ps 'tail, rump' (m. snaCjwitps, f. k~~wJS:~eniips) and -ilmt (unidentified)

(m. laxwiimt, f. nha?nUmt). The most common suffixes on men's names are -qln/ -qat} 'head', -xan 'foot, leg', -ll.:an/-kan 'back', -uiaxw /-aiaxw 'soil, earth t ,

, /' ," 1 < , -~an -,an upper ann , -asqt/-S"{t 'sky, day', -an/-can 'mouth, edge', -us/-s

'eye, face', -lix (unidentified), and -lla? (unidentified).

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10

APPENDIX A: en·rouND LEXICAL SUFFIXES

Listed in alphabetical order of the final suffix, and then the penultimate suf­

fix, since the meaning of foms is based more on the final suffix than others.

-am-81<SaIl stkeikeixmh8ks~ pine limbs , , ,;I " ' -can-8ksan klkenKaIlpcenSksan cuffs

-alqs-Skst -alqW-81<St

-ank-Skst

-can-8kst

-e1qs-8kst

-qm-Skst

-s-Skst

-qan-Us-kst

-qat-at

, -s-alps

W ' -atk -alqs

, ' -m'lS-alt ,

-qan-alt

klkwancanBksan grab by the l'!rist

t~amaiqsSkst l~'ler arm tkemaiq Wikst 1~'1er arm

ni ?l<emm\k8kst palm of the hand

{s)ni?xeftpaAkSIcst callus em the hand

cklyarkwcan8kst bracelet , , klkancanSkst

kbtahahcanSkst

klmal-kwcanSkst

lanpcan8kst

sklkanpcan81~t , , nkamelqsSkst

ntemtarnxWqanSkst

sm\aJUlQ;81~t

s~m\pqeftUskst st~qcmUskst kala~WqanSltn katkwaAqana,ltn

katqa?qana,ltn

katxa/iqan8.l tn

sn~apapqsa,lps

npiyatkwalqs

npiYatkw8.lqsan

sqaitarnxwa.lqW miymiyu?sa,1qw

npal}ps8.lq wp

sqa?m~Slt

klqe4ctaAait

l'1rist

sprain one's l'1riSt

dislocate/sprain one's wrist

broken ,mst

bracelet

elbow

l'lOm -out e1bOl'1S

elb~'l

ring

little finger

bottlecap

opener

cork for a bottle

a cover, lid

nape of nedc

"lash clothes

1l1ashtub, w¥hing-machine

l'lood around the core of a tree

middle of a pole or tree

sore throat

middle dlild

setting bird

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11

-u?t-alt sta?u?t81t youngest child .. -s-alus n~epqs8J.us put together lengtht'lise

· .... v ... , ~ , 'q ,. sn apap salus joints " ? -s-aluya wakwtV'akwsaluya? play peek-a-boo

-qan-aixw " .. W cOOlqanalx brains ...

-q'i\-alp qWiyqWiyqah8.1p 'vild lupine ? ' W -a st-Ux sl1~Wa?st81xW Indian house of mats

'" W -can-alx skemcaniliw doon'lay , W

-qan-alx nkatqan81xWtn ridge-pole

nkOOlqan81xw ceiling , W

-s-alx nxarsalxWtn curtain -ap-ana? nmaqWapana? bulge on the side of the face

-can-ana? nkalcaIlana? part hair on the side , .. nkomcenana? temple

, W ' ntoq canana?an slap on the cheek or side of the head

ntaqWcanana?an holler into one's ear , ...

ntascanana?an slap on 't.1.e cheek or side of the head W ' -atk -ap nla~WatkWapan boil an egg , ...

-ay-ap Lea" Iqa yapam pull a rope against something pulling on the other end until you almost sit dam

-u?s-ap kWusu?sap old-fashioned dress 'nth a gathered skirt -qan-a?san ' '? Iacqana s~n salmon-club -ap-a.?st qWa:rapa?st Camp Gilbert

-qan-a.?st sxa~tqena?st pipestone

-akst-atkW n1cw~aksta.tkWan I dropped it into \'later deliberately

-kst-atkW naxwirkstatkWOOl reach into \'later , W

-can-atk kIa? acanatkW reach the shore

la?canatkW rir)lt next to the shore lqaloxcanatk W sit on the edge of a river

, .. W scalcanatk trees alonf, the shoreline

xahpcanatkW ice alone the shore ... W -qan-atk snqo!pqena.tkW a vAlley off Antoine Creek Valley

-s-atkW'up ,'W w" kalk satk uptn a poker

tlcabatk WUp put a pole or log on a fire

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"t -s-al'ls

.. -Oll-axan • .. , -s-ay

-t -amx-cm

-kan-amxw-c1n

-Olxw-d.n

-u?s-c1n

-ap-alqs

.. W -amx-OlX -atkW",ooc:W

-~-OlXW

-Cml-OlXW

-ikan-ooc:w

_kw_axw

-uiaxw-axw

-xan-axW

-8p-~a?

-can-i~a?

-a?st-ikO}ll

, " '" ncapqsaws,

ru<a~ps~s, ~wa~wa!psm~s ~wa!s~san nla~wpsm~s nla~wsm~s nqa?sm!'s

ntaxws3l'ls W ", ntax Sal'lS Ix , ... ,

ntalsal'ls , .. tkamalaxan . , i .. , , ca sayan

nxa?amxcm

nsakWtkanamxwcln

nyapanaxwc1n JhaqWu?scill

nka~atu?scin nqa?u?scln

ny()J11J1Ul? sdn •. nyarkwu?scln

nkifttapalqs

nxailapoiqsan

sxa?amx.axw

snqlJatkwaxw , w"" w npasq al'lSQX

sk\.(axcanaxw

sallWtlkanaxw

skatltaltkwaxw

spa!anUiaxwaxw

stq wayxanaxw , ... , ? tsapca

.(, ? Sl'lapCaIllCa

~sa?stlkan

splice, couple, extend

up to the Imees in depth

come 1.D1coupled

12

1.D1couple, come apart, out of place

joint

couple pipes \d ~~ a sleeve coupling

sanch1idl

fasten a piece on the side to hold rigid

brother and sister

to glue

shoulder-blade

eye-guards of antlers

Colunbian language

language of coast people

English

knob at Carltm

pole crosSldse in a creelc

wedged in a crotch

pole cros$Wise in a creek

ardl (Ner a canyon

trail

tailgate

local

Okanagon Valley resident

l'Jenatchi

t.loses Columbia

persm from the coast

Big Bend country people

MethOl'l Valley resident

Blackfeet

hard leather poorly tamed

Hudson Bay blanlcet

Arbucl,le I fountain

Page 13: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

-u?s-lkan

, -ap-qan

" - al'/as -q an

" -ap-aws-qan

-aya?-qan

-iya?-qan

-u?s-qUt

-ya?-qan

-ana?-qUt

-ya?-qUt

-aiu?xW-Uiaxw

-kan-uiaxw

-xan-Ulaxw

-kan-lips , ' -at1S-US

, -awt-us

, -can-us

nciyu?slkan

nlenpu?s11c;an

snmiytu?s1k;an

sqWi?tu?slkoA

ni?ldapqan

ni ?yemapqan

nleqWm~asqan

nAemm~asq anc " " ~.l nttqat'lasqan:

'- , snmp. tawasq en

k We~pa?pm~sqan kWe~Wa~~aya?qan

ru.cwa~Waya?qan 2.. ", ? scamaya qen

wi sxanaya?qen '''-'1'- ? SPl.t \:l.ya qun

nlqWu?sqin

?ackWUsya?qen

kWhliya?qen

n?at·l?m.,rya?qen

palya?qan

salya?qan xWlipiya?qan

?u?kena?qlfi

selya?qlfi

texWeiu?xWuiexw

pokenuiaxw

so~WtkeilUioxw stq ~/iyxenuiexw , " tkamkenups

? ,'" ""-XOmalvSUS q at·!l.sq on ".

pstawtus , ".

cekcenus

hearth

tree breaks in the middle

middle of a lake or river

44 repeater rifle

part hair in the middle

hair ornament

bald-headed

pass overhead

California quail

rooster I s comb

let go from the mouth

13

head bobbing up and dO\-m at land

a canyat southeast of Beebe

skull

lone-head

pileated \'loodpecker

pack-rope

curly hair

long-head

stand at head flat-head

round-head

hai r is messed up

Douglas

a Imob southeast of 1'1aterville

sand Zena (or Olds?); a place near !IcFarland

the coast area

Montana

hip

double-bit axe

across Ule river

shore, tOHard the ri ve,r

Creek

Page 14: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

-u?s-us

-akst-utiya?

-alqwp-Utiya?

-atkWp-m-utiya?

-qen-utiya?

-xan-utiya?

-e1qs-Nl1

-ana?-xan

-can-ana?-xGIl

'" -ap-XeIl

,? , cxtxtu?sus

kec<)JIlu?sus

ni?kiu?sUs

ni ?komu?sUs

ni?iqWu?susen

xetxtu?sUs

ksel~Wtakstiitiya? nktalq Wputiya?

niqwalqWputiya?

nciyatkWpfuUtiya?

npa?xenqenUtiya?tn

(s)qa?xeftutiya?

s? cn·lt1qst,vl1 1, .(

s.wme1qSl'l11 . -:

sXltlqsWl1

tI<emita ?\'1i 1

telhta?wll

lea? iaqem'l11 ;.

musaqenwl1 ;.

neqsqemn1

qal'lsqemll1 , .(1 tqallsqoolll

sxweiru\a?x~m

sme~L W a\a.?fta ?xen ? "?'? S tepcna na xen . '" clyapxen

ceitoiapx~)ll

nl}capxen . . '" nlmlmapxen

'" nienpapx0n , , .. nponponapxen

ternxwapxGIl ? '" (s) k0mapxen

, '" lwmapela?x0n

go in a circle

extend aromd

part hair in the middle

forehead

14

band across the front of a horse's head

extend aromd

using one hand

straight bar (bit)

snaffle bit

fire-place

shovel

moccasin

stern of a canoe

front of a c~,oe

ba'l of a canoe

side of a c~,oe

pole a boat

three cars

four cars

a load, '-lagon-load

tHO loads

'bYO cars

hoof

ankle-joint

ankle-joint

build a fire at the butt of a tree

spurs

knot on the end of a rope

doubletree

broken off at the gromd

doub1etree

Hom-out heel

heel

heel

Page 15: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

't - al'las -XOll

" -aVls-xon " -S - allS -xon

? ~ -u S-Cln-XJ:il

-Glr:st-xon

'- ., -11\:0Jl-X\)ll

-< -ql.n-xen

, -us-xvn

i ", , k akm'JasX011

, , " ? nkcayxal'la SXOll

1 · , , .~hylyallSX;)n

" " llmClJ.lal lS m :SX <:in

, w " mnart Sro:SXvll

, " , snc:.al111CSal!SX0n .. , , , ? l~cvncam·;aya xvn

kl~~omc1nxJn I 1._ ' , ~ ::r.l!l8.ilrulclllxvn

" '-.i:~lCUSCIllxvn • • k' 'J W '--lmorJ'c Cll1X011

Ihni yri yu? S c1n.. ... wl1

1~<)m:': W a1cistxan

skll}'Y vlqstx~)Il

S:'110P\!~.Jp0lqstX,j11

" tkomolqstxon , J..w'- , ,

kala'\ l .. CJl1Xdl

1- i lw'-].. , ha a .... 1. , ... )l1X,Alvm

kat? ax1l.;:oIlXonom • .., .,' '., .. ~at .. (JmL.;:()nXvn

" _~_r '-1 ill~\)IUll (0JL"(0n

1'W , '-, , l1l';: J~Pl..~vIlXvll

nla)wlo~wlk0nxon '-.. , nqfL:, nx ... ;n

.• w'- , nt<ElX lkJnXJ11

llxwa )11:01lXvll • snkQm1I~vfuc011 k' t '­-o"pqlnxUll

, ~,

m8.ilahqlI1.XUll , ? '- L , qa qlllX,-il

mahahUsxvn " , n .. :·JIi!USx.Jn

llla?usxvn ,

nl;:mpusxv11

garter

ladder

~et a nail in a tire

l'lwe comes out of joint

dislocate/sprain a knee

l:nee

cri-;>l">let1 foot

an.~le

sprain an anl~le

15

deer-.loof rattle L'om on tie an:;:le

ilislocate/snrain an an1:le

:lalf-uay up to t"le ~~ees in depth

sli ver in t:ie lOFer part of t~le le.rr

lO":er le~

uutton-hook

button sllOes

lace boots

instep

feel a roc:: in one's s:loe ~:;lile \la1:~inE

horse loses a s:loe

horseshoe

horseshoe nails, shoe tac::s

1:om-out sale

hole in t:ie sale of a shoe

sale of t:.e foot

auov\;! t.le knees in depth

knee-cap slips to one side

:'l1ee ( cap)

!"lull hip out of joint

thigh

u:;> to t:le crotdl in depth

uro:~en hip

Page 16: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

, -q<.Jll-us-xon

, -ap-us-~'-1n

, -s-ap-us-~an

f. w' nHJrK usxvn

snliyyUsx:.:m

snq Wa?:)t1SX()Il

XOlUSXOll • ntolilXw(l dllUsX<Jn

ll.·ta ~qonUs:(8n , 1 ' " , s .. ~ soqqunusx~m

, " , sta"ltC:0nusxon 1 " , ol~apus~\jn

motkwapUs~on " ,

n.i~vmapus~;'))l

" , nl:;)nk;Alpapus~on

, W ' n,,: anapus~on

n1~ W o~parUsFJ}l nia? a1)UsxJl1

! •

nl;)npe.pus~on

nl>iy'apUs~on , " sncana)usxon

~ ~ , , ' snq "mncsapus~::>l1

dislocate/sprain a hip

sliver in the thigh

hip POcl-:0t

fishin;-'::Jlatfolil

c'rom -out toe of a shoe

hole in the toe o'P a shoe

s~)lit hoof

little toe

l>rea::~ an an'.

upper an'1

hold l;y tl10 a:rr;

an.: slips out of joint

up to the arnnits in depth

l>roken (uPI'er) an:1

pinch on t~ 1e ann

shoulder-joint

shoulder-joint

16

Page 17: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

, - Glllt - a1q S

, -xon-a1qs

'" .. t -u"s-asqt

-alt-atl:"

-<}mt-atl~"

-u?s-cln

'., '" -0r:rt:-lca r

, -t,? -KOl1-l.Ca

-u?s-H:a? ~1 ' -a.a.X-K811

'1' ,.

-t 1 -l.nt- :GIl

-aya? -(l0n

, " , cos8mtalqs

ioi.'0nrtaiqs

ma10Bltaiqs '. ,

slnomtalqs , ., ..

s.layuJ'Ylta1qs

s l0i.'<Jmt aiqs ,'u 'i S~("upx;:;.na qs

sq "'i t..'C\:;.naiqs ,

yat.'Coua1qs

'ix?" CJ m sasqt . ' '" ", i, olusasqt

l~ "'una1ta.t:~ '" . ' " '" sl.yomtat .. :

s 1uCi. "'tnntat:;: '"

kkillOhtk'" qaqc#!<'"

sm0mtl;:'"

six'1.mtk'"

SlDx1Mt:~'" • nx"'ostu?sdn

y;:)rl~"'u?sc1n

1~a?x"'8mtH:a? ~

,,,,. '.'? q l.Y;:'li1tlca

nxi?b)nH:a? . , ? '., ? y",nomu slca

l~<Jsla?x"'i1x1:;)n l;:))"'lv)"'alx::;;n

ne: "'x"'alx::,l}l paqlpalX::vn

xixitabc~0n s0ipi::1tk;Jn , '" ? kanaya q'->!l .. puIJ'laya?qQl1

f. f. f. f. £.

f. f. f. .t: J...

r:1 •

m. f.

f. f. f. f. f. f .

T:1.

m.

m. m . TIt.

n.

~n .....

n. D.

1:1 •

D.

17

Page 18: LEXICAL SUFFIXES IN COLU·8IAN SALISHlingpapers.sites.olt.ubc.ca/files/2018/04/1973_Kinkade.pdf · 4 Examples are infrequent, but it appears that in combinations of variable lexical

13

, ,. w , -ay-(pn too aYGon m. , i

,. , w -xGn-uh)x " , w pa?p a? xonul ox m. -ken-ups k~oxwxwkcllUPS f. . .

~ l' ~ -c~n-xel1 .colpscuL,<un m. , '-

l~hnuca?c1nxJn m. 'w '-<1 oIsc1JlXon m.

<1 -l...~0n-XOn

'''? , , npa 1kJl1X,,:>n m. '- l' '--~mt-x0n \:lolxlmtxon m . .