let people's preconceptions hang themselves : in the life of a...
TRANSCRIPT
Title "Let People's Preconceptions Hang Themselves" : in the Life ofa Bilingual Person
Author(s) Miyahira, Katsuyuki
Citation 言語文化研究紀要 : Scripsimus(3): 13-38
Issue Date 1994-08
URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12000/14289
Rights
言語文化研究紀要SCRjPSJMUSNO3,1994
“LetPeople,sPreconceptionsHangThemselves":
RhetoricalStrategiestowardCulturalStereotypesintheLifeofaBilingualPerson1
KatsuyukiMiyahira
Untroductlon
WatsonandWatson-Franke(1985)definelifehistoryas“anyre‐
trospectiveaccountbytheindividualofhislifeinwholeorpart,in
writtenororalfbrm,thathasbc“e"“tedorPlmlotedbyα”0t〃eγPc7smz,,
(p、2).Thestudyofaperson,includinglilehistory,autobiographies,
dreamreports,diarieSandlettershavebeenusedasaresearchmethod
productivelyiJlthefieldofanthropologyandeduCationandcontributed
toourunderstandingofhumanbehavior(SeeWasilewski,1982;Wat‐
Son&WatsonFranke11985).Thefindingsoflifehistorieshavehelped
researchers“generatehypotheses,testhypotheses,andrefineextant
claimsabouthumancommunicativeactivities,,(Philipsen,1982).Turn‐
ingtothefieldofcommunicationStudies,researchershaveusedtheir
versionoflifehistorymethod("communicationmthelivesofpeople。,)to
illustrateadz4gP'jspeakingritual(Katriel,1986)1tothematizeNacirema
communicatio、code(Katriel&Philipsen,1985),andtosubstantiatethe
NaciremacommunicationcodeinthelifeofJOannaKramer(Philipsen,
1992).Thestudiesdiscoveredculturallysituatedwaysofspeakingand
revealedtheintricatewaysinwhichspeakingisinterwovenwithself,
society,andaperson,sstrategicactions・
Thepresentstudyfbllowsthislineofinquiryandattemptstolo‐
cateculturallydistinctivewaysofspeaking・Inparticular,itexplains
theusefunctionsofsuChspeechwithspecificmicro-1evelcasesinthe
lifeofabjJi"gl4Qlperson、Myprimaryinterestforthisprojectisto
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accountfOrthewaysinwhichabilingualpersonexpresseshisidiosyn‐
craticculturalexperienceandawarenessinhisconceptionsofself,Soci‐
ety,andcommunicativeinteractionswithothers・
Theextantresearchontheethnographyofspeakingsystematically
demonstratesthatspeaking,soinextricablyinterwovenwiththelocal
meanings,rules,andpremises,conveysindigenouspeople,ssenseofself,
socialorganization,andendsandmeansofcommunicativeactions(See
Geertz,1973lHymes,1962,1972;PhiIipsen,1992)Abilingualper‐
sonembodiestwoormoresuchdistinctivespeakingpatternsandiscog‐
nitively,affectively,andbehaviorallycompetentinmanagingtwodis‐
tmctiveculturalcodesofspeaking、Bilingualpeoplepresentveryin‐
terestmgcasestudiesoflifehistoriesbecausetheyconstantlymaneuver
betweendifferentcodesofspeaking・Ifspeakingrevealstheintricate
andculture-richworldofaperson,abilingualperson,swaysofspeak‐
ingshouldtellussomethingsignificantaboutinterculturalinteraction
anditsimpactonoriginalspeechcodesandsubsequentculturalchange・
ThislineofresearchisespeciallyimportantinglobalandcuItural‐
lydiversesocietieswhereincreasinginterculturalinteractionisanexi‐
gentissueDescribingthepointsofconflictsandcongruencebetween
twoculturalcodeswillenlightenusandmotivateinterlocutorsfor
furthernegotiationsofcommongroundltwillsimultaneouslyimprove
ourunderstandingofthelocalconceptionofself,society,andrhetorical
actionsineachconstituentculture,
Topursuethisinterestinthewaysofspeakinginthelifeofa
bilingualperson,Iconductedethnographicobservationsandinterviews
withaninformantwhorecentlycamebacktotheUSafterIivingin
JapanforfiveyearsThispaperisapartialaccountofherlifehistory
whichispartlyconstitutedbyherinterculturalexperienceFirst,it
addressesthedetailsoftheresearchmethodandproblematizessome
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methodologicalissueswhichconfrontethnographicfieldwork・Using
Hymes,s(1962,1972)andSaville-Troike,s(1989)analyticalframe‐
worksofspeecheventsDthepaperdescribesthebackgroundofthein‐
fOrmantandoutlinestheethnographicinterviewsasaspeechevent、
Finally,thefindingsoftheresearcharepresentedasanarrativeofthe
informant,slife、
Inbrief,thestudyuncoVeredthattheinfOrmanthadastrongsense
ofselfasneithermorenorlessthanaself-definedindividualwhois
American・Theinformanfsconceptionofsocietyisbestcharacterized
assomethingbeyondherimmediatecontrol;“itoslikeweather,,,sheonce
mentionedintheinterview、FurtherotheinformantosconceptionofSoci・
etyorcultureisanabstractionwhichdefiesany“authentic”representa‐
tionLastly,beingpredisposedinsuchconceptionsofselfandsociety,
theinformantemploysidiosyncraticrhetoricalstrategiestomanagein‐
terpersonalconflictsby“lettingothers,preconceptionshangthem‐
selves.”
Method
DataweregatheredthroughintrospectionoobservationofMary2at
work,inclass,andins〃0do(Japanesecalligraphy)1esson,andfinally
ethnographicinterviews3Theintrospectionandobservationdatawere
recordedmfieldnoteswithspecialattentiongiventoobservational,
theoretical,andmethodologicalnotes・Theinterviewsweretape-re‐
cordedeachtime,andpartsoftheinterviewswerelatertranscribed
accordingtoJefferson,stranscriptionconventions‘(Beach,1989).The
researcheragreeswithMishler,s(1991)contentionthatatranscript
servesrhetoricalfunctionsandpresentsthediscourseinordertomaxi‐
mizethepersuasiveappealofthestudy・Forexample・thetranscripts
recordparalinguisticfeaturesincludingtone,volume,andpitchofvoice,
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andrelativelengthofpauses・asweIlassomeextralinguisticfeatures
suchaslaughsandnonverbaIgestures・Thetranscriptsarepositioned
inordertoshowoverlapsofstatementsbetweeninformantandinter‐
viewer・Thefieldnotesandtranscriptswereexaminedinordertolocate
culturallysalienttermsfortalk,keysymbols,andothermetacommu‐
nicativecommentsthatprovidedanefficaciousdevicetoanalyzethere‐
lationshipbetweencommunicationandinterculturalexperience、Specifi‐
cally,Iattemptedtodescribehowmyinformant1whohadlivedinJapan
forapproximatelyfiveyearsandrecentlyreturnedtoSeattle,conveys
herculturalexperienceinJapaninherA"IC減cα加EPDgJjshcommunica‐
tionlpaidspecialattentiontothecommunicationpatternswhich
appearedtobeaffectedbyinformant,sinterculturalexperienceandto
"theinformant,smentalworldandpersonalbeliefs,.(Skinner,1973)
whichwerematerializedinherspeech
Thestudyviewsanethnographicinterviewasaspeecheventinits
ownright(Briggs,1986)Hymes(1972)definesaspeecheventas“acti‐
vities,oraspectsofactivities,thataredirectlygovernedbvrulesor
normsfortheuseofspeecho,(p56).ThisisconsistentwithBriggs,
(1986)conceptionthattheinterviewisaformofspeecheventgoverned
byindigenousrulesandnormsofspeakingHeremindsusthatinter・
viewsaremostunusualeventsintherealmofcommunicativeroutines,
callingformoresophisticatedunderpinningoftheoreticalandmethodo‐
logicalissuesregardinginterviewsascommunicativeeventsHeargues
thatacquisitionofmetacommunicativecompetencemthefieldismdis、
pensablefOrasophisticatedmethodbecausetheinterview“encapsulates
ourownnativetheoriesofcommunicationandofreality.,,
TosensitizemyselftoMary,smetacommunicativecommentslin‐
itiaUycontactedherasanon-threateningandunobtrusivepersonwith‐
outtakinganoutrightinterviewer,sstanceThemterpersonalrapport
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whichdeveIopedduringtheprocesswascrucialinestablishing“ecolo‐
gicalvalidity/,thedegreetowhichthecircumstancescreatedbythere-
searcher,sproceduresmatchthoseoftheeverydayworldofthesubjects
(Neisser,1976citedinBriggs,1986,p、24)Theimprovedvalidityin
turncreatedasettingwhichisefficacioustoconceptualizeaninterview
asanaturallyoccurringspeechevenLFurther,aHymesianframework,
illustratedbelow,supportsthattheinterviewasaspeecheventisafit・
tingconceptandthushelpedsensitizetheinterviewertomicro-level
metacommunicativemessagesoftheinformanL
lqzI池c秒α秘kTheinformantisaJapaneseAmericanwhowasbornin
Summit,NewJerseyinl964Mary'smotherisoriginallyfromTexas、
Mary,sfatherisofJapanesedescentandwasborninEastEly,Nevada
andspenthischildhoodinNevadaHewenttoColumbiaUniversity
andbecameadentist,whichappearedtobeagreatsourceofMary,s
prideMaryhastwoyoungersistersShekeepsclosecontactwithher
extendedfamily1especiallywithhergrandmothers,auntsanduncles、
MarywenttoanEpiscopalprimaryschoolinNewJersey・Her
motherencouragedhertogotochurchwhenshewassmallnotbecause
ofareligiouspurposebutbecauseofthesocializingfunctionachurch
offersinacommunity・Shedoesn,tsubscribetoanyparticularreligion
now・Shelivedinalargehouseinasuburbduringherchildhood・She
recalledthatherhousewasconstantlyunderrenovation,andshedidn,t
rememberhavingtheluxuryoflivinginalargehouse,Althoughher
motherdidn,tliketocook,shesaidherfamilyalwaysatericeand
otherJapanesefoodShereminiscedaboutherchildhoodmemoryofher
motherpaintingapumpkinlikea幼腔sAjdoll(aJapanesecylindrical
woodendoll)onHalloween・Sheusedtodofigureskatingforcompeti‐
tionwhenshewasinhighschoolandoncewonathirdplacechampion‐
shipinthestateofNewJersey、Knownasabookwormoneofher
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friendsremembersherhavinghereyesgluedtobooksallthetime・Be‐
sidesreadingbooksoshehadmanyextracurricularactivitiessuchas
piano,figureskating,andviolin
MarywenttoJbhnsHopkin,sUniversityandmajoredininterna‐
tionalrelations・ShespentonesummeratJbchiUniversityinTokyo
whenshewasl9yearsold・Inherrecollectionitwassuchashort
staythatshecouldn,tmakemanyJapanesefriends;sheusedtoalways
"hangoutwithAmericanfriends..,Aftershegraduatedfromtheuni‐
versity,sheappliedtobeanAssistantEnglishTeacherathighschools
inJapanwithaprogramadministeredbytheJapaneseMinistryof
EducationSheappliedtotheprogramnotbecauseofherinterestin
thatcareerbutbecauseofhergeneralinterestinJapanShetaughtata
sma1lcoastalvillageinOkayamaPrefecturefortwoyearsThenshe
traveledandfoundajobatafinancialofficeinalocalfirmwhereshe
workedfortwoyears
MarycamebacktotheUnitedStateslastAugusLCurrently,sheis
apart-timestudentlearningJapaneseatalargeNorthwesternuniversity
andworkspart-timeataretailstoredowntown・Sheisthinkingabout
applyingtoapost-baccalaureateprograminJapanesestudiesthisfalL
InthefuturashewantstostudyJapaneselanguagetogetherwithlawor
businesssothatshewillbeabilinguaIprofessional;howeverpshefinds
businessuninteresting・
Maryhasbeenmarriedtoanlrishmanformorethanfiveyears・
TheywenttoJapantogetherandplantospendsomeyearsinIreland
ShejogsoccasionallyforexerciseEveryMondayandThursdaynights
ShepracticesJapanesecalligraphywithtwoolherstudentsunderthein、
structionsofMmYamada・
SCC"Cs(Settj〃gTqPic,E〃。s,Ce加妙Fourinterviewstookplaceat
cafeteriasinvariousplacesontheuniversitycampus・Usually,the
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cafeteriaswerebusywithaheavytrafficofpeopleWesatface-to-face
atatableorinlargechairs、Thecafeteriaswerefamiliarplacesfor
bothMaryandme伸噸'09).Theinterviewslastedfromonehourand
fifteenminutestotwoandahalfhours・The”,仰seoftheinterviews
wastounraveltheparticipant,sculturalworldTheg跡形ofspeech
coincideswithBrigg,s(1986)conceptionofinterviewasaspeechevent
(p、26).
K”Theinterviewswereinformal,person-to-personconversations・
Characteristicallyotheywererelaxedandcongenialmeetings・Such
characteristicsweresignaledbyMary,sexpressivenonverbalgestures;
shewidenedhereyestoshowsurprise,leanedovertometosaysome
thingimportant,movedinfrontofmetoexpresschildhoodexcitemento
andtoldherstoriesveryfastwithexcitemenL
ActSe9解“Ce、Usually,Iinitiatedaquestionaboutherexperience畑
酔gljshandsheresponded跡EiCglishveryextensively・Sheintroduced
manypersonalexperiencesorstoriesinherlifetorespondtomyques‐
tions・Occasionally,Inoddedandrespondedverybrieflywhileshewas
elaboratingonhercommentsBetweenhercommentslqueriedherto
citemoreexamples,toclarifyandrepeatwhatshesaid,toelaborate
further,andtodescribewhathappenedbefOreandaftertheincidents
sheintroduced・MaryusuaIlystartedspeakingonceshegraspedthe
gistofmyquestions・Thuspurconversationsoverlappedmostofthe
time・Maryacknowledgedthatshetendstogoontangentsbutshe
usuallysummarizedherpointsattheendofhertum.
〃stlw沈鄙taljtfes・MarycharacterizedheraccentasthatofEast
Coast("IsoundlikeIamfromtheEastCoast'1).However,nodifference
inaccentwasdiscernibletomyearsbetweenMaryandotherpeoplein
thecity・OnepeculiaraspectofMary'sspeakingisthatshespeaks
fasterthanmostofthepeoplelknow・InterestingIy,sheusedsome
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Japanesetermsinherspeechsuchas腕bej(second-generationJapanese
AmericanwhoreturnedfromJapanaftertheWorldWarll),mqhi認s腕
(rolledsushi),ho彫s姉(Japanesecylindricalwoodendoll)shjs“.
sノl”"teishD(astatementofassets),lFosehfl”ノpoMacopyofherfamilyreg‐
ister),kenkou-shindansho(astatementofmedicalexamination)She
didn,thesitatetousethoseterms,andthetermscameoutverysmooth・
ly‐
ノWmos(」V、)msq/J)o蛇mctimc;jVWmsq/bz蛇?アワゼ、"0?@).WhenMary
spoke,sheusuallymadeeyecontactwithmeWhenlaskedherques‐
tions,sheattendedtomystatementcloselybymaintainingeyecontact・
SheusedmanyJapanesewordsandphraseswhileshespokeabouther
experienceinJapanandaboutherfamily、Theobservationmademein‐
ferthatitwasacceptableforhertouseJapanesetermsinplaceofdiffi‐
cultEnglishtranslationswhenthehearerwasanativespeakerof
JapaneseMarymentionedduringtheinterviewthatshedidn'tfavor
speakinginJapanesewithsomeonewhocanunderstandEnglishbecause
shecouldn,tforceherselftothinkintheJapaneselanguageThus,the
normwastospeaktopeopleinEnglishiftheyunderstandEnglish,and
inJapaneseiftheydon,tunderstandEnglish
Tomakeafamiliarpointexplicit,theroleofeachparticipantinthe
interviews,onebeingaSlenlFFγandtheotherahea花泌hadasignificant
impactonourinteractionsWhilesheelaboratedonhercommentsex‐
tensively,asaresearcher,IprimarilylistenedtohercommentsThus,
shedidmostofthespeaking.
Self,Society,andRhetoricalStrategiesinaBilingualLiね
Theprecedingdescriptivedetailshelpsituate『inthecontmgencyof
interviewevents,theclaimsadvancedintheensuingseCtion・Aswillbe
Seen,伽thcJi/i2q/Mzl[yb(エノ。`ノクi21Wzccsけ晦卯…Smo“。‘洲C卯ノノWmJDz”
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α“↑℃POessQ”j妬wPm”"mblaq〃。t他sα惚れ0t加0?『ノlQ7gT4伽gノbr…”cilm‐
liO秘.(2)BecazcsethemlytL1qy…Ca”bec”eα…”q/α"。”…”e”6,s
、。,”c郡j”、J”cO1cc”tfmsisbym(Jhj秘gc郡Jt秘γqJm“paqMtz1pyqd〃tsme‐
tmCqJstmt‘gゾごs⑫ハイc〃打、陸pe”JemJmieq/thcj7c郷"zJmJjg〃。7,2Ce・Iwill
firstdescribeMary,sconceptionsofself,society,andcultureinorderto
foregroundtherhetoricalstrategieswhichreflectMary,sintercultural
experienceandawareness
Self-DefinedIndividual
“Whodefinesone'sidentity?,,Maryaskedspontaneously,“Isit
theindividualorpeoplesurroundingtheindividua1?。,Mary,sanswersto
thesequestionsrevealedherconceptionofselfvividly、Sheexplained
hernotionofselfbyintroducinghersister,sexperienceenteringlaw
school、AsapartoftheLSATexamhersisterreceivedaphonecall
fromalawschoolaskingherwhyshemarked“AsianAmerican,,inher
applicationfOrm,whileshedidn,tmentionanythingaboutherethnic
backgroundinheressay・Shefoundthemcidentveryinteresting;that
is,“callingupsomebodyandaskingwhytheythinktheyareAsian
American”isvery“strange.,,Forher,peopleconstantly“peg”other
people,tryingtofindoutaboutothers,familybackgroundThenonce
theyfindsomethingverypeculiaraboutsomeone,“peoplewanttomake
youbther.',’
ShesharedanexperienceintheUnitedStatesshoppingwithher
Japanesefriendswhovisitedher、Whileshewasexplainingtoher
friendsaboutsomemerchandiseinJapanese,asalesclerksaidtoher
(becauseMarylookslikeherJapanesefriends);“GeeyourEnglishis
just,really,almostunaccented,ALMOST.,,Sheconcludedfromtheepi‐
sodethat“peoplewanttomakeyouOTHER.,,‘UBecausetherearen,t
manyAmericanswhospeakJapanese,youareother.',Shefounditin‐
terestingthatpeopleperceiveheras“lessAmerican01justbecauseshe
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speaksJapanese、Maryclearlyunderstandsthatpeoplearecompelledto
defmeothers,identityandspeculatedthattheothers,perceptionofone
selfmayoccupyaconsiderablepartofaperson,sself
However,againstsuchodds,Maryclearlypointedoutthat,forher,
selfiswhatanindividualdefinesittobe.“1t,snotyourproblem;.,she
said,“it'stheirproblem.”“Youhavetoleamhowtodealwithpeople、
YoujusthavetoseeyourseIfandletothersknowhowyouseeyour・
self,,
Mary,sconceptofindividuaIlydefinedselfissuperimposedonher
storyofhermother、OnegreatsourceofconflictinMary,sfamilyhas
beenthathermotherblamedherhusbandforherlackofstrongself
esteemTheself-esteemandself-worthofMary,smothersufferedbe‐
causehehabituallyhumiliatedherinpublic.“ButaImost30yearsla‐
ter,”Maryrecounted,“nowldon,tthinkitwasallmyfather'sfault・
Mymotherdidn'tdisagreeordivorcehim”(eventhoughshecouldhave
doneso).People,sself-esteemandself-worthareincumbentupontheir
ownchoices・Thusitistheindividualthatdefinestheself
Furthermore,Mary,sexpressedneedfor“justbeingbyherself
lendssupporttoherconceptionofselfEvenwhensheistraveling
withherhusbandshesometimesneedstododifferentthingssothat
shecanbebyherselfHerpersonaltheoryaboutthisphenomenonwas
basedonherchildhoodHermothersignedherupformanylessons
likepiano,figureskating,andviolin,andshefelt“sheneededtoenter‐
tampeoplewhensheiswithsomebodyelse、0,Whenshewasnotin‐
clinedtoentertainothers,shechosetobe“justbyherself,,Whatisde‐
pictedinthissynopsisofherstoryisasacredplacegwentoaself-de‐
finedidentityinMary,slifeSelfismoreimportantthanherrelation‐
shipwithhersignificantother,“people,,,andthussocietyingeneral.
-ワワー
Untenable“Authenticlty,,ofAmericanandJapaneseSoc1eties
MaryrecountedherentrytoJapanandreentrytotheUnitedStates
withdisappointment:
Ithinkyouknowitdoesn,treallymatterwhereyougo・People
aren,tinterestedinwhat,shappeningsomewhereelse・SolfOund
whenlwaslivinginJapan.Whenlwentbackhomeandtalkedto
friendsinhighschoolDtheywerealittlebitinterestedinwhatlife
islikeinJapan,butpeople,sinterestiswheretheyare、Sowe
endeduptalkingaboutthingshappeningmNewYorkandabout
peoplewhoarenewandthingslikethqk
ThestoryembodiesakeytoMarysnotionofsociety・People,con-
ceivedasabasicconstituentofasociety,aTeinterestedinonlythings
happeningnowandwheretheyare,Peoplearetiedtoeachotherand
boundbytheirowncommunalinterestsandculturalawareness・Sweep‐
ingall(speech)communitiesbythenameofAmericanorJapanesecul‐
turethereforepresentsaseriousillusionforMary・Peoplewhoare
onlyinterestedinWheretheyareoughtnotrepresenttheoverallAmer‐
icanorJapaneseculture、
SocialorganizationinMary,slifeisbeyondherimmediatecontrol
aswell、Sheexplainedhowshelearnedtobedetachedfromthe“sexist
view,,prevalentamongolderJapanesemenTheyperceivewomentobe
solelyresponsibleforhousekeepmgandchild、raising・Despiteher
strongaversiontowardtheattitudes,gettingcaughtinadebateover
sexismwasnotasmartthingtodoforMary.“Itislikeweather;”she
said,“youcanneverchangetheirdeep-rootedprejudice.,,Sheexplained
onanotheroccasionthat“onecaneithercomplainaboutthewholething
allthetimeorfindawaytogetwhatonewants.,,
SuchattitudestowardsocialorganizationledMarytoquestionthe
authenticityofJapaneseculture、Thefollowinginterviewsegmentde‐
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monstratesclearlyherattitudeaboutthe“authenticity":
M:ImeaneveninJapan(yougetthisthingforanotherthing).People
whoaremarriedtoAmericansorEuropeansornon-Japanesepeo‐
pleinJapanspendalltimeandsay,OH,this(isarealJapan),,it,s
like《(.)THIS1butlmean・thedifferencebetweenHokkaidoandoki‐
nawaisHUGE1Youmighthave,youknow,thedifferentthmglike
somedishes(.)
K:ya,yaYA
M Butthethmgisfornon-JapaneseinJapanyou
assumethatwhatyoulearnedisJAPANESE
K: Isee
M Notnecessarilyfrom
OkinawaorHokkaidQYouseewhatlmean?((pause))
Thisisq”heDz"cノヒ迩加eseviewof上”"esewaytodothis,you
know、1t'smytheoryona(.)cmsDmWio'1q/c叫触花,youknowhow
youtravel:Well,whatitturnstoAmericansand
K: okay.
M: Europeans
tobeexoticplacelikeyouknow()WhilelwaslivinginJapan,
itwasasmallresorttown、Thetallestbuildinginthetownlthink
wasthree-story,four-story,youknow,there,sONE1hahaAndum
,Ithinkthey'rebuildinganewone〈Butthewholepointisいpeople
wouldComeandvisitandtheycanstayonteachinginOsaka,SaD
porqorsomebigcities、Theycomeandgo、HEYlookatallthese
littleoldhousesinthetown1VERYVERYprettylittletownand
villageThisissortofREALJAPAN1Andlwaslisteningandit'S
im、""gbecause(.)youknow~TokyoisnotlessREALthanYana‐
gawalt,sjust::1t'sdifIerent1It'sthishugeurbanmetropolisand
Yanagawaisalittlevillage、ButtheconcepLyouknow,quainttra.
-2.1-
ditionalli企isbeingmoreREAL,youknow,Ithinkisaveryreally:
Imperialswouldhavethisnotion(Underlinedemphasesmine)
ForMary,theauthenticityofJapanesecultureisanuntenable
abstraction,andanyonewhoimposesanimageof“realJapan,,isim‐
perialistic、Again,becausepeopleareboundbysmall-scalecommunal
webs,alittlevillagelikeYanagawaisnolessrealthanthemetropolis
Tokyointheeyesoflocalpeople、However,outsiders“consumeforeign
cultures”accordingtotheirpTeconceivedideasandimagesThisap‐
pliestotheconsumptionofAmericancultureaswell・Duringaninter‐
view,MaryreflectedonheTThanksgivingDayexperienceinJapan,She
hadanopportumtytocookalargeturkeyforherfriendsandhostfami‐
ly,andoneofherAmericanfriendstoldherthatthewayshecooked
theturkeyandgravywerenotAmericanstyleMaryexplained:
M:WelLmyfriend(.)lookedatthegravyandsaid,youknowothisis
notAmericangravyMymotherneverputvegetablesinhergravy・
Andlsaidyouknow,what,sthematterwithyou?haahahasAs
farasrmconcernedthafsthewaywediditinmyfamilyandl
don,treallycarebutshe(usedtosay)thatosnotAmerican2THIS
wouldhavebeenAmerican1>rmlikethat,sOhio‘youknow,you
canpt:::1t,sveryfunnypeoplehavethisverydifferentideaabout
whatthetypicalAmericanmeans.(Underlinedemphasesmine)
Thesesymbols,“Japanese,,and“American。。,areabstractionswhich
peopleconstructedforthepurposeofefficient“consumptionofcul‐
tures.”GivenMary,schildhoodstorieswithculturallydiverseparents
andherlivingexperienceinJapan,sherejectsamonolithicviewofcul‐
tureSuchamonolithicviewleadstoastereotypicalviewofpeopleand
societiesWhileitwasneveraquestionforherwhethershewasAmer‐
icanornotopeopleperceivedherandhersisterveryinaccurately.
"People,especiallymen,”shesaid,“projecttheirimagesandperceiveus
-25-
as・shyandquiet,AsiangirIswhenwewereuninterestedandunin‐
volvedataparty.”Sheemphasizedthattheperceptionwasinaccurate
fOrherandforherfamily・Onanotheroccasionshespeculatedona
lackof“emotionalattachment”whichcompeIspeopIetostereotypes.
"Forexample,alotofJapanesepeopIesaythatAmericaisadangerous
placeWelLIwasbornandgrewupinNewJerseybutldidn'tthinkit
wasthatdangerousTheydo、,tknowexactlywhatit,slikebutthey
makeoverlygeneralizedremarksabouttheUnitedStates・Also,Iused
tohateitwhenAmericanpeoplesaythatallJapanesepeoplelookalike
orJapanesewomenareoppressedandsoforthThatosnotreallythe
case・AllJapaneselookverydifferent・Forsomewomenitosokayto
serveteaforothers、so,it,saIackofemotionalattachmenttoothercul.
turesthatmakespeopIesaystereotypedthingsaboutotherculturesOp
Peopleprojecttheirpreconceptionsintowhattheysee・Theydon,thave
much“emotionalinvestment,,inacommunityoraculturetheyarenota
memberof,andthereforecanbecontentwithstereotypedconversation
(underlinedemphasismine)
Theseconceptionsofpeople,society1andculturepredisposeMary
totakesomeuniqueactionsinherlife・Inthenextsection,Iwillelabo‐
rateonherrhetoricalstrategiestonavigatebetweenthetwodistinctive
culturalcodesladvancetwointerrelatedclaimsaboutMary,slifehis‐
toryandsupportthembyusingaformofreasoningcalledanalyticin‐
duction(Blumer,1979;Jackson,1986)
Jacksonexplainsthereasoningprocessofanalyticinduction:
Theprocessofanalyticinductionisamethodofbothdiscovery
andtesting.[It1beginswithcollectionofasetofcm”lesofthe
phenomenonbeingstudied・Theexamplesareusedtobuild,induc‐
tively,qlqyPot"esis,Thehypothesismaybeaboutthepropertiesof
aclass,therulesthatgenerateapatternofinteraction,thesequen‐
-26-
tialcharacteristicsofakindofinteraction,orsomeotherempirical
issue.…ThemethodofanalyticinductionrequiresthatempiricaI
claimsbetestedthroughactive,proceduraIIydiversesearchfor
counterexamples(emphasismine;Jackson,1986,p、129).
InthefO11owmglwillpresentexamples,generatetwohypotheses
(claims),andtestthemagainstcounterexamples、Theanalysesdescribe
andconsequentlyexplainMarysrhetoricalstrategiestoward
stereotyped(intercultural)interactions
RhetoricalStrategiesintheLifeofMary
Aftertheepisodeof“American'1gravy,Marycontinued:’0Whatare
yougonnado?You,regonnaargue?1t'spointless.”ForMaryitis
"pointless,,toargueaboutwhatthereal“American”stylegravyisbe‐
cause“American,,isanabstractionwhichdefiesanymonolithicrepre‐
sentationOnanotheroccasion,Maryexplainedtomeaboutherfriend
whorecentlyreturnedfromJapan・Herfriendinsistedthataparticular
jokeonTVwasnotfunny・Maryfeltthatshedoesn1thaveanypatience
andcommented
MButyouknow:thereisathingyoucan1t::youcan'tsaytoAmer‐
icanswholivedinJapanandthencamebacktoAmerica,that〈you
don,tunderstandAmericaanymore
K: U::m
M Peoplegetreallyupse「so ̄
K: so:
soinsteadhahwhat:whatdoyousaW
Mgljustletitgo〈hehhehl
startedandthenlwaslikeNA::that,snotworththetime.(under‐
linedemphasismine)
Mary“justletsitgd,whenthepomtofargumentisrootedin
whethermterlocutorshaveaccesstomformationofpopularcultureor
-27-
not・Further,astereotypedviewofAmericancultureisdistastefuLand
itis“pointless,’totalkaboutasingleunitaryformof“American”
Thanksgivingdinner・Inbothcasesitisthereforenotworthwhileto
discussthematterforfuturereconciliation・
IfMaryrespondstoahypotheticalscenariothatdepictstheconflict
rootedinculturalunawarenessinthesamewayshedidabove,mycon‐
tentionthattryingtocometoanagreementontheauthentic“American”
culturaIpracticeispointlesswillbepartiallyconfirmedForatest,I
madeahypotheticalscenarioandaskedMaryhowshewouldrespondto
aforeignfriendwhostoodherupBesidessayingthatshealways
makessurethateverythingisunderstood,sheelaboratedbeyondthe
scenario・WhatshedidtodealwithaSouthAmericanfriendwhois
habituallylateisto“learnnottoexpectheruntilsheisactuallythere.,,
Shelearnedto“justletitgo,叩鋤Youcanalwayscomplainaboutitortry
tofindawaytodealwithit・Ilieltellthem7o,clockwhenlwantto
seethemat8o'clock、Ialsotrytoletthmgsgoandgetonlyinteresting
parts.,,
TheseexamplesenabledmetogeneratethefoUowinghypothesisor
claim
〃仇eノi/bcWMbmf加蛇?窪rsoPzalcOナリフに妬、O陀。“c郷I軸、J脚”α⑫α”‐
”essQ”0打s…"“"、bに,α〃d仇邪sqγe”0t〃ort〃Q7gwi"g””coDocfljα‐
〃叩.
ThehypothesisisconsistentwithMary,sconceptionsofselfandsocie
ty・Individualscandetermmewhetherornottheyshouldmanageorre‐
solvetensionsbetweenthemandothersSocietydoesn,treadilyallow
reconciliationbecausethesocialorganizationthatisrenectedonsuch
interpersonalrelationshipsisoutofherimmediatecontroL
Thenextstepinanalyticinductionistotestthehypothesisbypit‐
tingitagainstalternativeexamples.Toconductthetestoffalsification
-28-
Isearchedcounterexamplesintherecordeddataandgeneratedalterna‐
tiverivalhypothesestoelicitcounterexamplesfromMary、Onesortof
claimtheexampIesmightsupportcanbeformulatedwithinthethemeof
culturaItoleranceInthelifeofMary,interpersonalconflictsrootedin
culturalunawarenessshouldbetoノemjuu;thus,reconciliationofacon‐
flictisaccomplishedbybothparties,toleranceforculturalunaware‐
ness・Thiscanbeempiricallytestedifonecancollectmultiplecasesof
interpersonalconflictsfromdifferentsamplesandexaminethevariabil‐
ityofconflictresolutionstrategies・However1withinthelifestudy
method,theparameteroftheclaimisstrictlydefinedwithinthelifeofa
person.Theethnographicfieldobservationandinterviewslendsupport
totheoriginalhypothesis・InanexampleofafriendwhofOundaTV
joke“notfunny,”shedescribedheras“veryimpatient.”Further,itis
"irritating'1forMarytolistentopeoplewhojumptoaconclusionand
say;“Oh,thisissortofrealJapan.”Likewise,Mary“usedtohateit
whenAmericanssaythatallJapanesearealikeo,Theseclearlyshow
Mary,sdisinclinationtowardstoleranceIftolerancereferstospecific
acts,noneoftheseexamplesarevalidrefutationHowever,thesecases
areconsistentwiththeclaimlproposed;thatis,theclaimisessentially
avalueclaim,notabehavioraloneTherefore,thecasesareusefulex‐
amplestotesttheclaim
Anothersortofclaimtheexamplesmightsupportistheideaofre‐
spect(EricAoki,personalcommunication).Theinterestinrespect
wouldreformulatethecIaimfollowingly・InthelifeofMary,interper‐
sonalconflictsrootedinculturalunawarenessareinsurmountablaand
thusinterlocutorsmustrespectothers,opmionsinordertoresolveor
avoidconflictsThispresentsnocontradictiohstomyargumentsbutit
doesraiseadefinitionalproblem・Ifconlormityisconceivedpartially
asaformofrespecLMary,sresponsesrepresenttheideaofrespect.
-29-
Shelearnedtodissociateherselfwiththesexistattitudesprevalent
amongJapaneseoldmenbecauseshecouldfindnoprospectinchanging
suchadeep-rootedprejudiceagainstwomen.“Itislikeweather;,,she
said,“youcan,tchangeit.”GiventhefactthatMaryrespondedthis
waytomydirectquestionaboutherconceptionofrespect,itisargued
thatherconfOrmityismotivatedbyherrespecttoolderJapanesemen
Theissueinthisalternativeclaimisaquestionofdefinition,andthusit
doesnItpresentaseriouschallengetotheoriginalclaim
BasedonthefirstclaimoIhavediscoveredMary,sidiosyncratic
principleofcopingstrategiestowardculturalstereotypes,whichisfun‐
damentallyrhetoricaLThepTinciplemakesupmysecondclaim:
MEびゆpmqcAesc脚J帥mls陀花Otypcsb迦伽chq”as血沈eq/j"te稗沌oOmJ
cOPVJjcts,metO流caZlybhyheJpi打gpeqpJese秘sj"zet0仇ejγc"Jt”CMイg7zG
γ、〃Ce・
ThisprinciplederivesnaturallyfromMary,sattitudestoward
culturalu、awareness・Thispointiswellsupportedbymultipleexam、
plesfromthefieldnotesaswelLItisaclaimsubstantiatedbyherown
reportsofherrhetoricalactions・ThefoUowingexamplesdemonstrate
、ypointwelL
WhenamanassumedthatshewasaJapanesebecauseofherlast
nameandtalkedtoherin“pidginEnglish,,((aforeignertaIk)),she
“punished”himbyansweringonly‘yes,or‘no,tohisquestions・
ShedidnDtwanthimtolearnmorethanwhatheaskedfor・Shede・
scribedthisattitudeasfollows:“Letpeople'spreconceptionshang
themselves.”
Theman,spreconceptionsaboutMary'sJapanesenameandhissub
sequentculturalignorancewereeffectivelyshunnedbyMary0spassiv、
ity、Herintentwasforhimtofigureoutthereasonfortheawkward
nessbetweenthetwoShecontinuedthestoryandcharacterizedher
-30-
rhetorjcalstrategiesas“hanginghimwithhisownrope,,or“hoistmg
withone,sownpetard.',
M:Ithoughtitwasastupidattitudeforhimtotake、so,Ipunished
him.((pause))YouⅢveneverdoneanythinglikethat?Letpeople,s
preconceptionshangthemseIves・Wesayhanghimwithhisown
roPe
K: HaaHaa()That'sinterestingHANG:hanghimwithwhat.
M: Hang
himwithhisownROPEHoistingwithone1sownPcmm
K: hoistwith
one,spetard
M Ikindofrememberit,ssomethingtodowithship
BuLanyway,youhangyourselfwithyourownrope((gestured
hangingherself))IdonⅡtdoanything,Ijustwatchyoudoityourself
Uponmyrequestformoreexamples,shesharedmoreilluminating
examplesofherrhetoricalstrategies:
M:Iwasinastore・Averyniceolderwomancamein,veryshorLand
shewaslookingfOracertainthingSowelookedatthewhole
thingandfoundalitLlepurseshewantedAndthenshewanteda
littlewalletThenshegoesthisisn,t:thisisPLASTIQisn,tit?NC,
it,swaterbuffaloIt,sverystiffwhenit,snewbutthisiswhatit
wouldlooklikelateronAndthenshesaidOHthepoorwaterbuf
faloAndlsaidno蘂,Idon'tthinksoTheyareactuallyprettyBIG
animalsahandthenshegoesrealI丁Wheredidyousee?Isaid,
OhlwenttoChinathissummer,ShesaidOHyouwenthome?I
saidno:$TherearenowalerbuffaloinNewJersey$haahaa
Thisidiosyncraticprincipleisnicelyconfrastedwithherreportof
ablackwomanwhoisMaryosfriendandco-worker:
MButwhatwasveryfunnyaboutthisisthatablackwomanwho
-31-
workedwithmewasveryangryaboutthisHbl4)。α”sheHbljda池
she
K: Shewasangry:fOryou?
M Ya:Iwaslikeno ̄ndShewasn'trude
oranything,youknow,NqlwasfromNewJerseyandthereareno
waterbuffaloinNewJersey・Shewasthewomanwhofeltalittle
sillybecauseherprejudiceswereshowinghahhaaBuLtheblack
womanwhoworkedwithmewasVERYVERYupsetaboutthe
wholethingHowdaresheHOWdaresheAndlthoughtitwas
veryfunnybutshewassoupset1
MaryIaterexplainedthatoneshouldletthepersonthinkabout
suchculturalfauxpasltisnotherproblem;it,stheirproblemShe
furtherexplainedthatwehavetomakepeopleawarebythemselves;
that0showpeoplelearn.,`Peoplelearnfromtheirmistakes・伽Mary,s
basicprinciplethusenduressuchaculturalblunder,unlikeherfriend's
expressedanger・ForMary,oneshouIdletothersbecomeawareoftheir
culturalignoranceby“hangingthemwiththeirownropes.,,
Conclusion
Thisstudyonabilmgualperson,swaysofspeakinghasseveral
importantimplicationstomterculturalinteractionslnthelifeofMary,
interculturalexperienceequippedherwithstrategicrhetoricalactions
whichdistilledthepassivityofculturalstereotypes("Interpersonalcon‐
flictrootedinculturalunawarenessareinsurmountable,andthusare
notwortharguinglorreconciIiationO,)intoaself-inducedlearningoppor、
tunity("Maryapproachesculturalstereotypesrhetoricallybyhelping
peoplesensitizetotheirculturalignorance,,).Insteadofbeingsuc‐
cumbedbyinsurmountable,deep-rootedculturalstereotypes,Mary
turnedthemaroundandstrategicallyre-directedthestereotypestothe
-32-
speakersthemselves、HerintercuIturalexperienceenabledherto“see,,
theculturalstereotypesofamemberofherculturewhichmaynot
otherwisebenoticedFurthermore,withwittyactions,sheturnsthe
arrowofculturalignorancebacktothespeaker,Therefore,oneofthe
importantaspectsof“interculturarwaysofspeakingistomakeothers
cognizantoftheirownculturalignorance
Thisstudyalsosuggeststhatmterculturalwaysofspeakmgnatu‐
rallyencourageonetobecomecognizantofculturalignorancef””ごs
oujP9temzs、Mary'srhetoricalactionstellusthatawareness-raising
oughttostartinternally・Inotherwords,thelearningisaself-motivated
processwithoutexternalenforcementbytheauthority・Inordertoin‐
formothersofculturalknowledgebilingualpersonsmaytactfullyfacili‐
tatetheotheT,sself-reflectionbyusingjokes,sarcasm,euphemisms,and
otherrhetoricalactions・Inconsequence,suchrhetoricalactionsmay
helpalleviatetherisksinvolvedininterpersonalface-workininter‐
culturalsettings・Thus,inpotentiallyconflict-riddeninterculturalen‐
counters,inteTculturalwaysofspeakingsensitizeinterlocutorstomini‐
mizetheriskoflosingone,sfaceandthreateningotherIsface・
MoreresearchonlifehistoriesofbilingualpersonsisessentialfOr
solidifyingthefindingsaboutinterculturalwaysofspeaking・Other
casesoflifehistoriesofbilingualpersonswillenableustodiscover
macro-leveIrhetoricalactions,properties,principles,patterns,and
structuresofinterculturaldiscourseComparativeanalysesofacorpus
ofsuchresearchresults,whichisfundamentaltotheHymesian
framework,willilluminatetheculturalvoicesenactedandrepressedin
interculturalinteractions・Itwillalsofurtherlmproveourunderstand・
ingofself,society,andrhetoricalactionswhichareinterwovenwith
speechcodes.
-33-
Notes
1Iwishtothanktheinformantforherunsparingcontributionof
timeandenergy・MysincerethanksgotoDr・GerryPhilipsen,Dm
ValerieManusov,andDr,PeterPetrucciwhosevaluablecommentsand
critiquessignificantlyimprovedearlierversionsofthispaper、This
paperwasalsoimprovedbythought-provokingdiscussionswithSandy
Hunt,MelissaKane,andJulenePommerLAnearlierversionofthispa‐
perwaspresentedattheannualconventionoftheWesternSpeechCom‐
municationAssociation,SanJOse,California,February24-27,1994.
2FortheconfidentialityofinfOrmantandotherparticipants,all
personalnamesthatappearinthispaperarepseudonyms、
3Saville-Troike(1989)makesanmsightfulpointpertinenttothis
specificprojecLShearguesthat“ethnographerswhoarethemselves
bilingualneedtodifferentiatebetweenbeliefs,values,andbehaviors
whichwerepartoftheirenculturation(firstculturelearning)andaccul‐
turation(secondculturelearningoradaptation),andthisexerciseinit‐
selfwillprovidevaluableinformationandinsightsonthegroupandon
individuals,,(p、118).Therefore,giventhesharedculturalexposurebe‐
tweenLheinformantandtheinterviewer,Ibelievethatmyownintro‐
spectionuponmyenculturationinJapanprovidesausefulperspective,
whichotherwiseisnotavailable,insituatingtheparticipant,scomments
aboutselfsociety,andrhetoricalactions.
』Beach(1989)laysoutthetranscriptionsystemadaptedfromGail
Jefferson'sworkinhisintroductiontothespecialissueofWesternJOur・
nalofSpeechCommunication(Spring,1989)whichfeaturestheinterac‐
tionalorganizationofconversationalactivities・Henotesthat“the
orthographyisdesignedtocapturehowwordssoundbutnotattheex-
penseofmakingthetranscriptunreadable.,(p、89).Sometranscription
symbolsadaptedfromBeach(1989)andtheirfunctionsarelistedbe‐
-34-
low.
Symbol
l.(.)
2.:::
NzumP
Micropause
Colon(s)
FunCtion
BriefpauseoflessthanO2second
PriorsoundsyUable,orwordisprolonged
orstretched
Morecolonsindicatelongerprolongation・
FaI1ingvocalpitchorintonation、Punctua‐
tionmarkersdonotrefIectgrammaticalsta‐
tus(e9.,endofsentenceorquestion)
Risingvocalpitchorintonatio、.
3.. Period
Question
Mark
Comma
4.?
Acontinuingintonation,withslightupward
ordownwardcontour、
MarkedrisingandfaUingshiftsinintona‐
tion
Animatedspeechtone
Vocalicstressoremphasis
Extremeloudnesscomparedwithsurround
ingtalk
Portionsofanutterancedeliveredatano‐
ticeablyquicker(江)orslower(〈>)pace
5.,
6.- Arrows
Exclamation
ltalics
CAPS
7.1
8.cold
9.0KAY
10.,〈〈> Greaterthan
Lessthan
Signs
H,s Audibleoutbreaths『possiblylaughter、The
moreh,s,thelongertheaspirationAspira‐
tionswithsuperscriptedperiodindicateau‐
dibIeinbreathsH'swithinparentheses
markwithin-speechaspirations,possibly
laughter.
lLhhh
・hhh
ye(hms
-35-
12.((noise)) Scenic
details
Parentheses
Transcriber0scomments(eg,gestures,non‐
speechsounds・
Transcriberisindoubtastoword,syL
1able,orsoundEmptyparenthesesindicate
indecipherablepassage
Relativeclosedoropenpositionoflaughter.
13.()
14.hahheh
hoh
l5.$
Laugh
syllable
Smilevoice Laughingtalkbetweenmarkers.
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瞼文要旨
生活史(lifehistory)を用いた記述研究によって、言語共同体の話しことばの
文化的特色がこれまでに多く解明された。従来の研究では、特定の言語共同体
のメンバーが分析の対象であるため、最近の国際社会を反映するようなバイリ
ンガルによる言語行動の生活史研究はまれである。そこで、本稿では日本文化
を異文化として体験したひとりの日系アメリカ人の生活史を記述し、バイリン
ガルによる話しことばの諸相を分析する。
生活史に「ことばのエスノグラフィ_」(ethnographyofcommunication)を
加えた複合方法論に基づく分析の結果、顕著にあらわれたのが被験者の抱く
「自己」と「社会」の概念である。「自己」とは「他」との関係によって決ま
るのではなく、自発的な定義づけにより確立されるものである。さらに、「社会」
というのは常に画一化きれ、実像のない抽象化の産物にすぎないこともわかっ
た。日本社会やアメリカ社会ということばによって表象されるものは、極度に
一般化されたステレオタイプの世界にすぎないことになる。
バイリンガルの被験者はこうした「自己」と「社会」の概念に基づき、異文
化に関する無知から生じる誤解や個人間の不和に直面した場合には、独特なレ
トリックで事態を収拾する。つまり、異文化に関する無知に起因する個人間の
不和は克服不可能であり、和解に向けた協議も実を結ぶことがない。翻って、
被験者は「相手の先入観によって文化的無知を自己認識させる」レトリックの
手法をとる。本論では、こうした被験者のレトリックが、結果として他文化学
習の機会となることを論証する。
-38-