lenls2006 tokyo sumiyo nishiguchi: covert emotive modality is a monster 1 covert emotive modality is...

LENLS2006 TokyoLENLS2006 Tokyo Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is a MSumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is a Monsteronster

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Covert Emotive Modality Is Covert Emotive Modality Is aa

MonsterMonsterSumiyo NishiguchiSumiyo NishiguchiStony Brook UniversityStony Brook University

Osaka UniversityOsaka [email protected]@ic.sunysb.edu

Logic and Engineering of Natural Language Semantics 2006

Tower Hall Funabori, Tokyo, June 5-6, 2006

LENLS2006 Tokyo Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is a Monster

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Abstract

It has been argued that attitude reports shift reference of indexicals in the embedded clauses in some languages (Schlenker 1999, 2003; Anand and Nevins 2004).

I argue that implicit speaker attitudes on factive propositions are a context shifting operator which changes context parameters.


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I base my argument on the following three mono-clausal constructions:

i) fake past

ii) fake present

iii) out-of-the-blue wide-scope taking also/too

N.B. I adapt the term `fake' from Iatridou (2000).


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1. Fake past:

Surprise licenses non-past interpretations of the past tense (Teramura 1984) with negative presuppositions.

(1) Oh, it was here (all along).

(2) A, koko-ni {at-ta/#a-ru} (Japanese)Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-PRES

`Oh, it was/is here'


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2. Fake present: Tense in narratives alternates between past and presen

t (Klein 1994; Teramura 1984, among others). Alternation between past and present directs reade

rs to re-experience narratives (Soga 1983).

(3) Picchaa nage-ta. Ut-ta. Ichiro hashi-ru. Pitcher throw-PAST hit-PAST 　 Ichiro run-PRES

Oshii. Auto. sorry out

`The pitcher threw a ball. (Ichiro) hit it. Ichiro runs. Oh,　 no. He is out.‘ 　 (Japanese)


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3. Wide-scope taking discourse initial too/mo

Speaker's sentiments license wide-scope focus particle mo ‘also/even’and too without explicit antecedents.

(4) It's nice here, too.

(5) Yo-mo huke-ta. (Japanese)

night-also pass-PAST

`It’s become late'


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What is a Monster?

Monster =Def an operator on character which is a function from context to content/intension

Kaplan (1977): there is no monster

The indexicals, e.g., I, you, it; that, this; here, now, tomorrow, do not change the references

Schlenker (1999,2003) All attitude predicates are monsters


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Monster supporters:

Schlenker (1999,2003): Attitude verbs quantify over contexts of thought or of speech. Attitude predicates are monsters that shift the references of indexicals.As evidence,

-Amharic first person pronoun shifts its reference into third person under attitude verbs (Schlenker 1999, 2003).

Anand and Nevins (2004)-In Zazaki, the verb vano (say) shifts indexicalsI, you, here and yesterday in its scope.


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Limited evidence for a monster

All supporting arguments for monsters have been based on the indexical shift in embedded context under attitude predicates.


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Mono-clausal factive sentences

The three constructions discussed in this paper are factive simple sentences, not embedded under attitude predicates, but temporal and world parameters shift.

I argue that speaker's emotive/bouletic (in view of what I want) and epistemic speculative modality (in view of what I know, Kratzer 1991) is a context shiftable operator.


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Surprise, empathy and sentimentality affect temporal interpretations and satisfy presuppositions.

(6) MODAL(||φ||<<tc, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>)

=|| (||φ||<<ti, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>

(t: time, w: world, a: speaker, c: context, i: index)


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Generalized quantifier

Covert modal functions as a determiner taking negative presupposition in the restrictor and overt predicate in the nuclear scope (Kratzer 1991; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994; Ippolito 2003).


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Organization of the paper

Sections 3 and 4 examine mono-clausal fake past and fake present sentences and show that modality distorts temporal interpretation.


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Section 5 shows that emotive modality accommodates the presupposition of too, wide-scope taking mo/to/ye `also/too’ used out of the blue in Japanese, Korean and Chinese.

I argue that speaker‘s sentiments shift contexts so that presuppositions are satisfied.


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1. Fake Past


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The past tense marker can receive non-past interpretation when associated with discovery, fulfillment of expectation, recalling of a plan (Teramura 1984, among others) often as exclamatives.


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Fake Past and Aktionsarten:Fake Past of Discovery

English:

Stative predicates

(7) Oh, it was here (all along).

* Eventive predicates

(8) Oh, the bus {#came/is coming}.

(NB: The terminology `fake' is taken from Iatridou (2000).)


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Japanese/Korean:Stative predicates(9) A, koko-ni at-ta/#a-ru. (Japanese) Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-PRES

`Oh, it was here‘(10)Chek-i yogi iss-ot-ne. (Korean)

book-NOM here be-PAST-EXC

`Oh, the was here'


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Eventive predicates:

(11) Basu-ga ki-ta. (Japanese)

bus-NOM come-PAST

`The bus is coming‘

(12) Ya ush-la. (Russian)

I go-PAST

`I am leaving‘


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The past tense refers to present, not simple past

(13)# Oh, the book was here. But it is not here anymore.

(14) # A, shinbun-ga koko-ni at-ta. Oh newspaper-Nom here-Loc be-Past

Demo ima-wa mo nai.but now-Top already Neg

`Oh, the newspaper was here. But it's not here anymore'


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Fake past of remembrance

(15) What was your name? (Teramura 1982)

(16) Where did you live?

(17) Onamae-wa nan-deshi-ta-ka. Name-TOP what-HON-PAST-Q

`What was your name ?’

(18) Osumai-wa dochira-deshi-ta-ka-ne. residence-TOP where-HON-PAST-Q-PAR

`Where did you live?’


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Mismatched temporal adverbials

Japanese:(19) Asu-wa Maria-no tanjobi-dat-ta.

tomorrow-Top Maria-GEN birthday-be-PAST`Tomorrow is Maria's birthday‘

Mandarin:

(20) Mintian you-le wanyan. tomorrow have-PERF party`I had a party tomorrow'

English:(21) There was a party tomorrow.

Antecedent of counterfactuals can (Ippolito 2003)(22) If it rained tomorrow, I would go shopping.


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Then,

Tense is a shiftable indexical. What shifts tense?


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Implicit attitude is a monsterous function that changes a context parameter

(23) fake(|| past φ||<tc, wc, ac, hc>, <ti,wi>)

=||past φ||<ti, wc, sc, hc>,<ti,wi>

(t=time, w=world, a=speaker, h=hearer, c=context, i=index, ti < tc, c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>)


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In the framework of the double index system (Lewis 1980), the ordinary past tense morphology shifts the temporal index into the prior time:

||present φ|| ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <tc,wc>

||past φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti,wi>

||past φ||=1 iff there is time ti prior to the utterance time tc


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Fake tense operator:

(24) Where c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>,

ti is prior to tc, c: Dc=Ds×De, s: Ds=Dw×Dt

Fake: ((c×s)→t) →((c×s)→t)

Fake (||φ||<c, i>)=1 iff ||φ||<c[ti/tc], i>=1


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Necessary condition for fake past interpretation: surprise

Speaker's surprise due to negative presupposition causes fake past interpretation in simple sentences.

(25) (Nai-to omotte-i-ta-ra,) at-ta.NEG-COMP think-be-PAST-then be-PAST

`It was here (surprisingly).'


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Without surprise, the fake past interpretation cannot be obtained.

(1)-(22) would only refer to the past state or events.

(26) Hon-ga at-ta.

book-NOM be-PAST

`The book was (=used to be) here’


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Or, the speaker’s expectation is realized

(27) (Kuru-to omotte-i-ta basu-ga yappari) ki-ta. come-COMP think be-PAST bus-NOM as I expected come-PAST

`The bus is coming (as expected)’ The speaker doubted or has not been sure if p. The common ground contains both p worlds and

non-p worlds Fake past assertions disambiguates the actual w

orld (cf. Stalnaker 2004)


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The data set is incomplete before the utterance (Veltman 1981)

The speaker does not know enough data but expects that ``the book is not here’’ ``the bus is coming’’ ``tomorrow is not Mary’s birthday’’

The data set becomes complete by seeing the facts or remembering the facts


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Exp: Expectation function based on the available data

(28) Expa(wi)(ti)||φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

ΛKnowa (wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

(29) Expa(wi)(ti)||~φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc ΛKnowa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

(ti<tc, tc: utterance time, wc: actual world)


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Unaccusativity: Verb Classes of Fake Past

Fake past predicates are mostly limited to unaccusative verbs such as be, exist, and come (cf. Kusumoto 2001; Ogihara 2004 for relative clauses).


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Unaccusativity test

VP internal numerals associate with the surface subject (Miyagawa 2004):

(30)Honi-ga [VPtsukue-no ue-ni ti ni-satsu at]-ta.

book-NOM desk-GEN up-LOC 2-CL be-PAST

`There were two books on the desk’

(31)Basu-ga [VP ekimae-ni ti ni-dai ki]-ta.

bus-NOM station-front-LOC 2-CL come-PAST

`Two buses came in front of the station’


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(32) A, warat-ta.

oh smile-Past

`Oh, (the baby) is smiling’

(32)’ A, [gakuseii-ga butai-de ti san-nin warat]-ta. oh student-NOM stage-LOC 3-CL smile-PAST

`Oh, the three students laughed on the stage’


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(33) Shimat-t-a.

close-PAST-be

`Oh, no‘

(33)’ *Gakuseii-ga mae-de ti san-nin shimat-ta. st

udent-NOM front-LOC 3-CL close-PAST

`The three students made a mistake in front’


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Adjectives (Individual-Level)

(34) Yo-kat-ta.

good-be-PAST

`Thanks goodness' (when a lost wallet was returned with money)

(35) (While I expected it to be blue) Kiiro-kat-ta.

yellow-be-PAST

`It is yellow'


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Conversational Backgrounds:

1. Speculative epistemic necessity/possibility:

must/probably/might ¬φ

2. Stereotypical conversational background (in view of the normal course of events)

For all w, w’ W, for any A⊆P(W): w≤∊ Aw’iff {p:p A ∊ and w’ p} ⊆{p:p A and w p} ∊ ∊ ∊ (Kratzer1991)

3. Bouletic modality (in view of what I want):

φworlds are ranked higher than ¬ φ worlds


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Modal base f: in view of the what I know:

(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t) Ordering source g: in view of normal course of event

s

(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t) Ordering source h: in view of what I want:

(c×s)→((c×s)→t )→t)

Where Ds=Dw×Dt, Dc=Ds×De


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(36) φ

h: ordering source-bouletic

g: ordering source - stereotypical

MODAL f: modal base – speculative modal

(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)


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(37) ||fake (past)|| (wc)(f)(g)(h)(||φ||)

1 if wcmaxg(wi)(f (wi) ) Λwcmaxh(wi)(f (wi) ) : ||φ||(wc)=1,

||past||(wc)(f)(g)(||φ||), otherwise.

Where for a given strict partial order <p on worlds, define the selection function maxp that selects the set of <p -best worlds from any set X of worlds:

X W: maxp(X)={wX: ¬ w'X: w'<p w}


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Restrictive quantification

Modal scopes over due to its quantificational force (Lewis 1968, 1973; Kripke 1972). Modal takes the presupposition as its restrictor, and the assertion in its nuclear scope (Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994; Heim 1982; Diesing 1992).

(38) MODAL [λi. [|¬φ|]i] [λi.[|φ|]i] determiner restrictor nuclear scope

[surprisingly] [while expecting ¬φ ] [φ is true]


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Negative presupposition as cataphora

(39)

MODAL P 1

MODAL not it2 MODAL P1 VP2

<MODAL> <not it2> bus come


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2. Fake Present


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Narrative Present Narratives would freely alternate tense betw

een past and present when storytelling as in (40) (Klein 1994; Mikami 1953; Nara 2001, among others).


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(40) Kocho-wa usuhige-no aru iro-no kuroi me-no okina principal-TOP mustache-GEN be color-GEN black eye-GEN big tanuki-no-yona otoko-de a-ru. Yani mottaibet-te-i-ta.badger-GEN-like man-be-PRES Terribly pompous-be-PAST`The principal was a dark complexioned man, with a whistery mustache and large eyes like a badger. He was pompous.'

(Soseki Natsume, Bocchan, quoted from Nara (2001), glossed by the author)


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Fake present tense invites readers into a depicted world so that thereader experiences the story as if present (Soga 1983).


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NARRATOR SAYSfunction and empathy The proposition is embedded under NARRATOR SA

YS function which shifts the context.

It is the empathy of both writer and reader which shifts the context parameter:

(41) NARRATOR SAYS(([|φ|]<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi, si, hi>)=[|φ|] <ti, wi, si, hi> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>


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3. Discourse Initial too/mo


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Discourse Initial Too with Surprise

(42) He is nice. He is a linguist, too.

(43) It’s nice here, too.


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Wide-scope Mo `also/even’ in Japanese Mo `also/too’, a focus marker or a quantifier-li

ke element (Kuroda 1969) in Japanese, can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 1986, 2000).

This mo takes wide scope over unaccusative predicates out of the blue without explicit antecedent that satisfies the presupposition. For example, (44) is usable without particular antecedent.


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(44) Yo-mo huke-ta.night-also pass-Past

`It grew late‘

Semantically, mo takes wide scope.

LF: mo [ yo-<mo> huke-ta]also night pass-Past

`It grew late'


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About mo

A particle attached to noun phrases in Japanese.

NP+mo1 `also’

(45) Ken-mo ki-ta. Ken-also come-Past

`Ken came, too'} }


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Mo2 obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused (Watanabe 2004).

(46) [Ken]F-mo ki-taKen-also come-Past`Ken came, too'

The `even' mo2 forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda 1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):

(47) Dare-mo ko-nai.who-mo & come-Neg`Nobody comes'} }


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Mo3

(48)Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta. spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST `T

he spring has reached its peak'

(Numata 2000: 172)

(49) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.This-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’


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Mo evokes sentiments that a nominative case marker ga would not.

In (48), the speaker feels pleasant to find that spring has reached its peak.

In (49), the speaker feels touched to see her worn bag, remembering the past. Covert emotive, e.g., I’m glad that, happily, be touched with or I regret, is a monsterous function which satisfies the presupposition.


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Korean to àlso/even’

Korean to àlso/even' has similar usage.

(50) Pom-to wat-ta.

spring-also come-PAST

`Spring came' (That's why I'm so sad)

To àlso/even' demonstrates speaker's attitudes.


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Sentence focus ye `also' in Mandarin(51) Qiutian ye lai-le.

fall also come-PERF

(In view of the foregoing events) `Fall came'


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Numata (2000) claims that such mo (also/too) attenuates the strength of assertion by giving rise to fictitious presupposed events.


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Speaker sentimental modality shifts the context Speaker’s sentimental modality

licenses too/mo3/to/ye shifts the context into a world in which the

presupposed events exist so that the presuppositions of too/mo3/to/ye are accommodated.


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(50) MODALemotive(|| mo-φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi, si, hi>)

=|| mo-φ|| <ti, wi, sc, hc> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>


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Unaccusativity

The predicates of this type of mo are either unaccusative verbs with ta `PAST’, or adjectives. E.g., huke-ta `have grown late’, owari-ni chikazu-i-ta `have neared the end’, takenawa-ni-naru `have reached the peak’, iro-ase-ta `have faded the color.’


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Restrictive Quantification by Emotive Modality

Modality functions as a determiner which takes negative presupposition as the restrictor and the overt unaccusative VP in the nuclear scope (cf. Heim 1982; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994).

The negative counterpart is a copy of the overt proposition, which is a sentential cataphora subordinated under negative modality (cf. Roberts 1996).


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(51) TP

MODAL P VP

MODALbouletic presupposition


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Modal also resembles psych-verbs such as surprise or affect in the argument structure. Emotive modal takes speaker as an experiencer and the event as the theme.


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Speaker is an experiencer argument of psych-verbs (cf. Belletti and Rizzi 1988) (52) FocP

mo TP

DP T’

yo <mo> vP T

speaker v’ ta

v

VP e

NP V

huke Mo adjoins to TP via internal merge and reprojects into t

he head of FocP (cf. Hornstein and Uriagereka 2002).


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Conclusion

The three constructions,fake pastnarrative presentdiscourse initial mo/too

discussed in this paper show that covert emotive modality interacting with bouletic, epistemic and circumstantial modality shifts context parameters in simple sentence.Surprise, empathy and sentimentality affect temporal interpretations and satisfy presuppositions.


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Conclusion

Implicit speaker attitudes shift context parameters. Modality shifts temporal interpretations, and contexts in order to satisfy presuppositions of a focus particle.

lenls2006 tokyo sumiyo nishiguchi: covert emotive modality is a monster 1 covert emotive modality is...

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