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LearningDemocracybyDoing:
AlternativePracticesinCitizenshipEducationandParticipatoryDemocracy
TransformativeLearningCentre,OntaroInstituteforStudiesinEducation,UniversityofToronto
July2009
TransformativeLearningCentre,OISE/UT252BloorStreetWest,
Toronto,OntarioM5S1V6Tel:(416)923‐6641est.2595
Fax:(416)926‐4749Email:[email protected]:http://tlc.oise.utoronto.ca
ThisprojectwasmadepossiblebyacontributionfromtheSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncil(SSHRC).
TableofContents
Introduction.....................................................................................................................iSection1:CitizenshipLearningandParticipatoryDemocracy:Debates,ConceptsandIssues ......................................................................................................................................1‘ActiveLearningforActiveCitizenship’,CommunityBasedLearningandDemocraticCitizenship ...................................................................................................................................................................1JohnAnnetteLearningforDemocracy:ResuscitatingtheArgument .........................................................................11JimCrowther,IanMartin&MaeShawParticipatoryDemocracyandtheRenewalofRadicalPolitics ..........................................................22StephenD'ArcyParticipación,PrácticasenSaludyProcesosdeAprendizajes:InvestigacionesenPsicologíayDemocracia ...........................................................................................................................................................30LeticiaGrippo,CarolinaScavino&CristinaChardonLearningDirectDemocracybyParticipatingandVoting:TheRelationshipbetweenPoliticalCultureandDirectDemocracy.........................................................................................................................39RolfRauschenbachCitizenshipParticipationandParticipatoryDemocracy:LimitsandPossibilities....................50DanielSchugurenskyDiscoursesofCommunityandParadoxesofParticipation:ChallengesforCitizenshipEducation...................................................................................................................................................................64GrietVerschelden,GreetDeBrauwere,LucDeDroogh&SvenDeVisscherAdvancingDemocracyandHappiness:TheLeadershipDevelopmentFrameworksofDifferentTypesofCharismaticPoliticalLeadership..............................................................................73JohnnyWelch
Section2:LearningDemocracyinSchools ...........................................................................85AHistoricalReviewofCitizenshipEducationinBC’sSocialStudiesGuides ...............................85CatherineBroomTeachingCitizenshipEducationinOntario:AHandbookforTeachersofElementarySchoolAgedChildren..........................................................................................................................................................98ElhamFarahDeliberativeMethodologyanditsRoleinDemocraticLearningintheProjectCitizenInitiative.................................................................................................................................................................. 104GabrielMurilloCastaño&NathaliaCastañedaAponteOnBecominganActiveandParticipatoryCitizen:AStudyonEducationandPoliticalSocializationinHongKong............................................................................................................................. 118ShunWingNgEducationalPolicyandChildren’sParticipation:AVoicetoConsider ........................................ 130CarolaArrúe,NoraE.Elichiry&CarolinaSavinoFromAuthoritarianSchoolstoDemocraticSchools:TheRedLatinoamericanadeConvivenciaEscolar........................................................................................................................................... 139PatriciaCarbajalPadillaStudents,Bricks,andMortar:ExaminingtheInter‐relationships................................................. 148MeganConwayTheQualityofEducationinPublicSchoolsandtheJeopardizingofCitizenship:ImplicationsforBrazilianDemocracy .................................................................................................................................. 157RanliceGuimaraesIosifStudentCouncilsatElementarySchoolsinIran:OneSteptowardsCitizenshipEducation................................................................................................................................................................ 166SamadIzadi&ZahraGooyaBuildingDemocracy:ImplementingRestorativeCirclesinBrazilianSchoolsasaNon‐violentConflictResolutionStrategy ........................................................................................................... 173PatríciaKriegerGrossi,BeatrizGerhensonAguinsky&MárioLimaGrossi
TheTransferofHistorical‐CriticalSkillsfromSocialStudiesClasstoPoliticalandCommunityPractice .......................................................................................................................................... 185DavidLefrançois&MarcAndréÉthierLaTecnologíaSocialdeMediacióncomoEstrategiaparaPromoverlaParticipaciónCiudadanaDesdelaComunidadylaEscuela.......................................................................................... 200MarcelaMagro,MaríaIsabelRamírez&MaríaE.FernándezdeC.ConstruirCiudadaníadesdeelNivelInicial ............................................................................................ 216AdrianaB.MurrielloLearningandPracticingDemocracy:AnalysisofClassroomPracticesandDiscourseinPakistaniSecondarySchools ......................................................................................................................... 225KarimPanahLearningtoParticipate:ConsiderationsforPromotingCollectiveActionduringSchoolActivity .................................................................................................................................................................... 241CarolinaScavino,NoraE.Elichiry,CristinaChardon&CarolaArrúeTheRoleofUNICEFinFosteringDemocraticValuesandIdeasthroughEducation:ACase‐StudyofSokotoStateinNigeriaVaffiF.Sheriff………………………………………………………………………………………………………..........249Education,DemocracyandSocialJustice:TheAustralianExperience–DoingThickDemocracyintheClassroom ......................................................................................................................... 259DavidZyngier
Section3:LearningDemocracyinHigherEducation............................................... 275LearningDemocracythroughDialogue:Re‐imaginingthePotentialofHigherEducationInstitutionstoSupportProcessesofPositiveSocialChange ........................................................... 275FelixBivens&PeterTaylorTheCriticalPedagogyofUnderstandinghowFutureEducatorsRelatetoDemocracy....... 285PaulR.Carr&GinaThéséeNowWhat?GettingPoliticallyActiveWithinandBeyondtheClassroom................................. 296LisaChild,AlysonDaly,MichelleHerbert,KristaHunt&GeneieeRitchie
EducaciónCiudadanaUniversitariaDemocrática:AmbitoparalaReflexión‐Acción‐TransformacióndesdelaCulturadePaz.................................................................................................. 304OlgaCarolinaMolanoLucenaDemocracyandCampusLife:AUniversityoftheWestIndiesExperimenttoIncludeCommutingStudents......................................................................................................................................... 314JosephPereiraLaDemocratizaciónPedagógica:UnaExperienciaenEducaciónSuperior .............................. 323SilviaRibotdeFlores,CarmenVarguillas&ErnestinaBáezMeaningfulRelationshipsinPost‐SecondaryEducationalPractices:IndigenousStandpointPedagogy ................................................................................................................................................................ 331SuzanneL.Stewart
Section4:LearningDemocracyinNonFormalEducaiton ................................. 341PoliticalLearningthroughWomen’sExperiencesinLocalGovernments:TheCaseofCentralAmericanPathtoLearning............................................................................................................................. 341MarthaBarriga“ICanSeetheChange”:TheCommunityTrainingPlanatTorontoCommunityHousing .. 352CarmenDownes,MarciaWilson,MarionThomson,TraceySeaward&KatherineJefferyNon‐FormalCitizenshipEducationinCapeTown:StrugglingtoLearnorLearningtoStruggle? ................................................................................................................................................................. 363KristinEndresenGivingSpacetoParticipateandReflect:AdultLiteracyWorkersDoingResearch‐in‐Practice ......................................................................................................................................... 373GuyEwing&SheilaStewartEnablingActiveCitizenshipthroughanAdultLeadershipDevelopmentProgram............... 382SharonZivkovicFormaciónDemocráticaparalaViabilidaddelosConsejosComunales:UnaExperienciaVenezolana............................................................................................................................................................. 394CarmentVarguillas,SilviaRibotdeFlores&ErnestinaBáez
IfIWerePresident:UsingPopularEducationasaToolforBuildingaDemocraticSociety............................................................................................................................................. 402RebeccaJanzenFormacióndeCompetenciasparalaConsolidacióndeCooperativascomoVíaparaelAprendizajeDemocráticoenelLugardeTrabajo:ElCasodeVenezuela .................................. 409ErnestinaBáez,CarmentVarguillas&SilviaRibotdeFlores
Section5:LearningDemocracyinSocialMovementsandPoliticalParties .................................................................................................................................................................. 420LasPolíticasParticipativasdesdeelPuntodeVistadelasOrganizacionesSociales............ 420MartínCarné,AlbertoFord,CintiaPinillos,ValeriaSassaroli&ValeriaVenticinqueLearningCivicEnvironmentalismbyDoing:ReflectionsfromActivists’ExperiencesinRuralOntario..................................................................................................................................................................... 427SuzanneL.CookTheRootsofEngagedCitizenshipLearning:ConfrontationswithMurderousInjustice,withReferencetoArgentinaandColombia....................................................................................................... 439DieterMisgeldParticipatoryDemocracyandEcojustice:FramingaViewofHealthyLearningOrganizationsthroughComplexityScience ............................................................................................ 451DarrenStanley&KellyYoungProgramadeCapacitaciónyFormaciónenCulturaEscolarparalaPaz .................................... 460BelkisMendozadeGómez&DanielaDonadiTheStruggleofNGOsinPakistanforPro‐PeopleLegislation......................................................... 470MirzaAbdulShakoorHowandWhydoWomen’s/FeministMovementsinEcuadorUsetheInternet? .................. 475MariaSvenningDemocracyinSocialMovements:LearningthroughProtest .......................................................... 483L.DeborahSword
PoliticalPartiesasVoluntarySocialServiceOrganisations:AlternativeProcessesofRecruitmentforQualityParticipationinPoliticalPartiesinIndia ............................................... 492VinaySahasrabuddhe
Section6:LearningDemocracyinLocalCommunities .......................................... 503PraxisandPlaceinFedUp:Windsor'sLocalFoodActivism ............................................................ 503JameyEssex&MayaRugglesWorksplaceDemocracyandSolidarityDevelopment:AnEmpiricalStudyofVenezuelanCooperatives ......................................................................................................................................................... 510CamilaPiñeroHarneckerLearningDemocraticCitizenship:NeighbourhoodsasKeyPlacesforPracticingParticipatoryDemocracy................................................................................................................................. 525LakeSagarisLearningInterculturalUnderstandinginPublicPlaces..................................................................... 543LindaDaleBloomberg,ChristinaCataldo,MariaCseh,BridgetO'onnor,VictoriaMarsick,PeterNeaman,RuudvanderVeen,MarieVolpe,JanetW.YoungbloodMobilizingforDemocracythroughNurturingDemocraticIntelligence..................................... 551KathleenKevanyGrupoArteNuevodeParaguay:ReservadePrácticasDemocráticasenunContextoAutoritario ............................................................................................................................................................. 561ÁngelMarianoJaraOviedoCitizenEngagementandElectionsinNigeria:LearningDemocracythroughTransformativeTheatreandSoccer............................................................................................................................................. 567TorIorapuuOpeningSpacesforAlternativeCitizenship:BringingInvisibleBodiestothePublicthroughArt.............................................................................................................................................................................. 580MabelLlevat
AprendiendoaTransgredirNormasDemocráticas:UnEstudiosobrelaSocializaciónPrimariaenArgentina ...................................................................................................................................... 589AnaVernengoVillaElisaDemocraticPracticesandTransitionalSpacesinaPublicArtProject........................................ 597AstridvonKotze
Section7:LearningDemocracythroughGovernance ............................................. 607FromObjectstoSubjectstoParticipants:WomenandGenderedGovernanceinKerala’sParticipatoryDemocracy................................................................................................................................. 607ManjulaBharathiTheVariableGeometryofParticipatoryBudgeting:WhichLessonsfromthenewPortugueseExplosion?......................................................................................................................................623NelsonDias&GiovanniAllegretti
VariationsandEffectsofExperimentalDemocracy:NeighbourhoodAssembliesandParticipatoryBudgetinginRosario ............................................................................................................ 638AlbertoFordParticipatoryDemocracyandPoliticalLearning:LessonsfromtheBrazilianExperience ........................................................................................................................................................... 650LígiaHelenaHahnLüchmannCivicLearninginState‐SponsoredInstitutions:AccountingforVariationintheBritishColumbiaandOntarioCitizens’AssembliesonElectoralReform................................................. 663AmyLangDemocracy,ParticipationandLearning:TheCaseofVenezuela................................................... 677ManuelLarrabureLearningDemocracythroughParticipatoryBudgeting:WhoLearnsWhat,andSoWhat? ....................................................................................................................................................... 686JoshLernerConstruccióndeCiudadaníaDemocráticayProyectosEducativosUrbanos:LaExperienciadelasCiudadesEducadoras…………………………………………………………………………………….......694PabloMonteroSouto
CivicLearningandPoliticalEngagementthroughParticipatoryBudgeting:TheCaseofGuelph,Canada .................................................................................................................................................... 706ElizabethPinnington&DanielSchugurenskySchoolsofDemocracy:HowOrdinaryCitizensbecomeCompetentinParticipatoryBudgetingInstitutionsinEurope................................................................................................................. 721JulienTalpinParticipativeDemocracyinMunicipalGovernance............................................................................. 735DonaldW.deGuerre&AndrewS.Trull
Section8:LearningDemocracyinGlobalContext ...................................................... 746Citizenship,GlobalizationandMigration:ImplicationsforGlobalCitizenshipEducation. 746KatherineDalyNorth‐SouthCity‐to‐CityCooperationinthefieldofSustainableDevelopmentandLocalAgenda21:TransformativeCitizenshipLearningthroughInternationalPartnerships ..... 757UlrikeDeversKanogluTheGlobalisationofCitizenship:ExploringtheRelevanceof‘Citizenship’forYoungPeople ........................................................................................................................................................ 767SamanthaRatnamBetweenCitizenParalysisandPraxis:TowardaCriticalPedagogyforConfrontingGlobalViolence................................................................................................................................................................... 777AdamDavidsonHardenDemocraticAccountabilityinEducationforDevelopmentCanadianINGOsandClaimsofParticipatoryLegitimacy ................................................................................................................................. 795GaryW.J.Pluim
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TheVariableGeometryofParticipatoryBudgeting:WhichLessonsfromthenewPortugueseExplosion?i
NelsonDiasiiandGiovanniAllegrettiiii
Introduction
Asseenelsewhereinthisbook,ParticipatoryBudgeting(PB)experienceshaveacquiredanimportantsignificanceinlessthantwodecades.Manygroups,includingpoliticalclassesinnumerouscountries,internationalorganizations,suchastheWorldBankandtheUnitedNations,differentacademicsectors,aswellascountlessorganizationsfromsocietyatlarge,haveshownagreatinterestinthisnewdemocraticexperiment.PBhasthusundergoneanastonishingworldwidedissemination.
WhentravellingacrosstheAmericanContinent,wecanfindexperiencesinpracticallyallcountriesfromCanadatoArgentina.Africahaskindledastronginterestinthistheme.ManyofitsStatesaretryingtoencourageeconomicdevelopment,tocreatemoreconsolidateddemocracies,tocarryoutdecentralizationpoliciesinhomeaffairstowhichtheynowwanttoassociateparticipatoryprocessessuchasPB.InEuropethethemehascometotakeonincreasingrelevancewiththeemergenceofcountlessinitiativesandwiththegrowthofplacesfortraininganddebate.ThefirstPBexperienceshavebeguntoappearinAsiaandAustralasiaaswell,includingregionswithdistinctpoliticaldemocratictraditions,suchasChina,Korea,Indonesia.
Insomecases,ashashappenedinPeruandtheDominicanRepublic,“PBasanexperience”hasgivenwayto“PBasapublicinstitutionalisedpolicy”,becominganintegralpartofthelegislativemarksofthesetwocountries.Togetherwiththeinternationaldynamicsthatwehaveseen,theseexamplesleadustobelievethatPBisbeingtransformedinto“AThemeonaLargerScale”(Dias,2008),capableofinfluencingtheagendaofdifferentpoliticalclasses,offeringalternativestocounteracttheliberaldemocraticcrisisandfavouringagreaterproximitybetweencitizensandpublicmatters.
LocalgovernmentinPortugalhasnotremainedimmunetothisinternationaldynamic,beingoneofthecountriesinEuropethathasshownthegreatestinterestinthetheme.Inthepresentarticle,weaimtoreflectontheadministrativeandsocio‐politicalcontextsinwhichtheseexperienceshaveemerged,theirmaincharacteristicsandtendencies,aswellasthechallengestheyface.Datashownistheresultofresearchcarriedoutbytheauthorsaspartoftheproject“ParticipatoryBudgeting:themoretheparticipation,thebetterthedemocracy”,financedbytheEuropeanUnionCommunityInitiativeEQUAL.
TheAdministrativeContext
Accordingtothe1976ConstitutionofthePortugueseRepublic(whoseseventhrevisiondatesfrom2005),thedemocraticorganizationofthecountry’spoliticalpoweratalocallevelisnowadaysplacedintheexistenceoftheso‐called“LocalAuthorities”(or
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“autarquias”,Art.235).TheseLocalAuthoritieshavetheirownpropertyandfinances(Art.238),theirownpermanentstaff(Art.243)andtheycanholdreferendumsfortheirrespectivevotersonsubjectsincludingthecompetenceoftheirownbodies(Art.240).
Theadministrativestructureismadeupof308municipalitiesasitsbase.Thesearesubdividedinto4259parishes(“freguesias”),whicharedecentralizedpoliticaladministrativebodiesthatderivefromtheformerterritorialdivisionsofchurchparishes.
Theelectedbodies,representativesoftheParishesandtheMunicipalities,aretheCabinet(thedecisionmakingbodyelectedbyuniversalsuffrageinadirectballotbythevoters,whosenumericalcompositiondependsonthenumberofvotersregisteredintherespectiveterritory)andtheParishCouncilortheMunicipalCouncil(thecollegiatelegislativebody).Bothalsoincludememberselectedbytheoppositionparties,alegacythatmakesthepoliticallifeoftheexecutivedifficult.Thissituationbecomesunderstandableinthelightofthepostrevolutionarysituationwhentherulewasconceived.Itsobjectivewastogivevaluetoallthedynamicforcesofsociety.
AMayor(or“Presidente”),thatistosaythecitizenwhoheadsthelistofthemostvotedforparty,coordinatestheexecutivebodyinMunicipalitiesaswellasinParishes.
Theelectionsoftheexecutivebodiesandthedecisionmakingbodiesareseparatebutsimultaneous,exceptinthecaseofby‐elections,thatistosaywhenoneofthetwobodies(aswasthecaseofLisbon’sExecutiveCabinetin2006)hastoterminateitsmandateforpoliticalorjudiciaryreasons.
IntheMunicipalAssemblyonlypartofthemembersaredirectlyelected.ThishastobeahighernumberthanthenumberofParishCouncilChairmen,whoarealsoanintegralpartas“membersbyright”.
ThefunctioningoftheParishesisguaranteedbyapercentageoftheNationalBudgetthatistransferreddirectlytothem.Itscapacitiesareboundtothecarryingoutofsomedecentralizingadministrativetasksandthoseofthemanagementofelectoralprocesses.However,otherresponsibilitiesforservicesandpublicspacescanbeaddedonthebasisofspecificagreementsbetweeneachParishanditsrespectiveMunicipalCouncil.Asthesizeandorganizational/functionalstructureoftheParishesisverydifferent(rangingfromafewhundredto65,000inhabitants)thedistributionofitscapacitiesandresponsibilitieshastobe“avariablegeometry”asaresult.
ThemandateforthebodiesoftheLocalAuthoritiesisafour‐yeartermofoffice.Portuguesepoliticalculture,upuntilthepresentday,isbasedonthetraditionofhavingastrongcontinuityofpeopleand“politicalfamilies”.TheMayorselectedas“independents”,awayfromthespreadoftraditionalparties,arefewandfarbetween.Since2005,themandateofthechairmenoftheexecutivebodiesoftheLocalAuthoritiescannotberenewedformorethanthreeconsecutiveterms.
Theadministrativedivisions,onahigherlevelthantheMunicipalities,includethe18districtsofContinentalPortugalandthecreationofcontinuousterritorialunitsmadeupof
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LocalAuthorities:theUrbancommunities(ComUrb),theGreaterMetropolitanAreas(GAM)andtheInter‐municipalityCommunities(Cominter).
AstothecreationofAdministrativeRegions(asforeseenintheConstitution),‐afterconsultingtheMunicipalities–thebrakeswereappliedbythereferendumofNovember1998inwhichthemapofeightregions,madeofficialintheLawbydecree18/98,wasnotpassed.Atpresent,theislands(MadeiraandtheAzores),madeupofvariousParishesandMunicipalities,areseenastwotrueAutonomousAdministrativeRegions.ThisisincontrasttoContinentalPortugal,wherethe“MapoftheRegionplans”(North,Centre,LisbonandtheTejoValley,theAlentejoandtheAlgarve)onlycorrespondstofiveregionalcommissionsforcoordinationanddevelopment(CCDR),withnoelectedbodies.
Withoutanydoubt,thiscomplexarchitectureneedsarevisiononashortormediumtermbasis.Proposalsforreformthatarepresentedneverarriveatthepointofbeingtrulysharedandagreedupon,norresultfromcarefulstudiesontherealfunctioningofLocalAuthorityinstitutions.Theynormallycorrespondto“ideological”positionsorpoliticalpartymaps.Theseproposalsare,ontheonehand,moreinterestedinreducinginstitutionalmanagementcostsandontheotherhand,securingterritorialdivisionsthatcorrespondtopotentialpoliticaladvantagesofthedifferentpartiesinfutureelectoralacts.Proposalsthatguaranteeanunmistakablerespectfortheprincipleofsubsidiarityhavenotbeendealtwith.
Atpresent,areformoftheLocalAuthoritiesElectoralLawisintheprocessofanalysis(ithasalreadybeenpassedbytheParliamentonJanuary18th,2008).Thisreformpointstoamore“presidential”modelforlocalGovernmentandforeseestheelectionoftheMayorandtheChairmanoftheMunicipalCouncilasajointrole.InthiswaytheroleoftheMayorisreinforcedandthelatterisfreetochoosehis/hercabinetmembers.Thisreducesthe“collective”characteroftheexecutivethatwasdrawnupafterthe1974revolutioninordertoguaranteethegreaterinvolvementofalltheactivepoliticalforcesinthevariousLocalAuthoritybodies(evenincludingitsownoppositionintheexecutive).ThenewlawequallyreformstheParishes,proposingtheirreduction.
SociopoliticalContext
NewformsofcitizenparticipationinlocalpoliticallifeinPortugalhavebecomeimportantforasetofreasonsthatareworthbeinganalysed,evenifsuccinctly.
Inthefirstplace,thesedevelopmentsmustbeunderstoodwithrespecttoacentralisttraditionofpower,withconsequencesinthepoliticalanddemocraticcultureofthoseelectedandthoseelecting.ThefirstfreeelectionsfortheLocalAuthoritybodiesdatefrom1976,thusmarkingthetransitionoftheMunicipalitiesasauxiliaryextensionsofthecentralGovernmenttoamodelofLocalAdministrationwithagreaterautonomyandcapacityforintervention.ThistransitionclearlymadeLocalGovernmentmuchmoredemocraticandledtoaprogressivereinforcementoftheState’scapacitytointervenein
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areas,suchasthecreationofinfrastructuresandpublicamenities,aswellasitsabilitytoprovideservicestothepopulation.
However,arealprocessofparticipationbycitizensinpublicmattersdidnotaccompanythischangeinthePortuguesepoliticalandadministrativeorganization.Citizensweretoalargeextentconsideredasbystandersinlocalgovernmentsthatprogressivelyhadassumedkeyrolesinthefieldofterritorialdevelopment
TheimplementationofparticipatoryprocesseslikePB,thatimplytheadoptionofnew,moredemocraticandtransparentformsofgovernment,representsaclearparadigmaticchangeinthisrespect–thepassingoftheparadigmofpublicaidtotheparadigmofco‐responsibilityforthemanagementof“publicmatters”.
Thistransformationmaybeidentifiedastheoutcomeoftheadoptionofanewpoliticalculturebyelectedrepresentativesandcitizens,ontheonehand,and,asalreadyindicated,therethinkingofthepoliticalinstitutionaldesignthathassustainedthedecentralizationprocessinPortugal,ontheotherhand.
Indemocraticculturethepoliticalclasstendstobeconsideredlegitimatebecauseofitselectoralstatus,andthereforeoftendoesnotrecognisetheneedtoinitiateparticipatoryprocessesorrenderaccounts.However,thecitizensthemselveshavestoppedbeinginterestedinpoliticallife,reducingtheirinvolvementbothincommunityactivitiesandinelections(thelast2006by‐electionsandthenationalreferendumonabortionregisteredanalarmingriseinabstentionrates,especiallyintheGreaterLisbonarea).
Oneofthelessonsthatwecandrawfromcountrieswithconsolidateddemocraciesisthatitisnotenoughtosetupgeneralprinciplesoflibertyandcivilrightstoestablishdemocraticorder(Fedozzi,2001).“Thecarryingoutoftruedemocraticelectionsisnotsufficientinordertoguaranteegoverningformsappropriateforamoderndemocracy,formsbasedonthetransparencyofadministrationandthecredibilityofitspublicservices.Itisnotenoughtoassuretheexistenceofdemocraticinstitutionalisationinordertodevelopapoliticalanddemocraticcultureforitscitizens“(Dias,2006:84).
Portugalfacesabarelyconsolidatedcultureofparticipationonthepartofitsassociativemovements,morespecifically,andofthepopulationingeneral.Participationisnormallytheresultofratherspontaneousand“reactive”processes,asisthecaseofindividualpeoplewhoemergewhenconfrontedwithunpopulardecisionsfrompoliticalbodies,awayofreplyingtosituationsonaone‐offbasis.Fortheirpartassociativemovementsareverysectorbasedandlittleornotatallorganized,makingproactiveactionsindefenceofglobalinterestsdifficult.Thesemovementsareoftencoupledtothedynamicsofpoliticalpartiesthattakefromthemthecapacitytointervene,theircredibilityandtheirlocalembeddedness.
ThefeebledevelopmentofPortuguesecitizenship,withdirectimplicationsofthepopulations’attitudeinrelationtopolitics,isvisiblenotonlyonanationallevelbutalsoonalocallevel.ThedecentralizationoftheState,viathecreationofmunicipalities,wouldnormallybringwithittheexpectationofawiderdemocratisationofpoliticallife,but,infact,someexpectationswerefrustrated,aboveallfortworeasons:1)ontheonehand,
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becausetheinstitutionaldesigninwhichtheprocessofdecentralizationisplaced,hasnotcreatedasufficientlyexpressiverupturewiththecentralisttraditionofGovernmentand,ontheotherhand,2)becausethearchitectureoflocalgovernmentinPortugalwasdrawnuphavingasitsbaseinstitutionalmodelswithstronghierarchies.Thissignifiesthattheprocessesofdecentralizationandtheinstitutionalbasisoflocalauthoritieswerenotconceivedwithaconcernforcitizen’spoliticalinvolvement.
CasesofcorruptioninLocalAuthoritiesareotherelementsthatmarksocio‐politicalcontextswherenewprocessesofcitizens’participationareemerging.Thesehavebeenamplyreportedinthemedia,oftenwithoutverysolidproof,generatingtheideaofLocalGovernmentshavinganimmoralnature.SituationsofcorruptioninLocalAuthoritiesnormallyemergeassociatedwithillegalitiesintheurbansector,suchasconstructionlicencesandlicencesforland‐usealteration,towhichareaddedcasesofillicitfinancingforthepoliticalpartymachineandalsothegainingofwealthandpersonalfavours.
ThesesituationsreinforcethepresentcrisisoftherepresentativenatureofthepoliticalbodiesthatAlainTouraine(1994)talkedabout,andthatBoaventuradeSousaSantosdeepenedinhislecturesonthecontemporaryworld,whenthedoublepathologyoftheliberaldemocraciesisreferredto.Thelatterinvolvesapathologyofrepresentationinwhichcitizensareincreasinglydistantfrompoliticallifeandtheelected,whomtheyoftendonotevenknow.Meanwhile,thepathologyofparticipationisassociatedwiththecommonideathatthereisnopointinparticipating,ascitizensfeelfartoosmalltoconfrontlargeinterestgroupsandthepoliticalandeconomicagentsthatdominatesociety(2008).
Anotherelementtokeepinmindinthisanalysis,isagrowing“asymmetry”thatisbeingconsolidatedinthetransferoftheGovernment’sinstitutionalcapacitiestoMunicipalitiesandParishes.Thedelegationofthesecapacitieshasbeenmadewithoutthecorrespondingfinancialmeans,causingobviousdifficultiestoLocalGovernmentinthecreationofadequateresponsestothepopulation’sdemands.LocalAuthorities,especiallytheMunicipalCouncils,havebeencalledtointerveneinareasthattheywerepreviouslynotinvolvedin.Thiswasduetothedecentralizingofcapacities,butalso,todemandsmadebythepopulationitself.Theareasofeducation,socialaction,culture,sportandeconomicactivitiesareexamplesofthis.Unabletodisregarddemandsregardingaccesstobasicsanitationandtopublicamenities,LocalAuthoritiestodayfacethesenewandrenewedchallenges.Theyareobligedtothinkofmoreintegratedandintegratinginterventions,sometimesmoreimmaterialthanmaterial.
Thelackof“certainties”or“guarantees”astotheresultsofparticipatoryprocessescarriestheriskoffrustratingthepopulation,especiallyinthedynamicsthatimplymedium–longtermobjectivessuchasAgendaXXIanddiscussionsonurbandevelopmentplans.Thisissuebecomesmoreacuteatinstitutionallevelswithfewcapacitiesandresources,suchasParishes–especiallythesmallerones.
AllofthisishappeningwithinthecontextofaforeseeableandprogressivelossofLocalAuthorities’financialcapacity.Copingwiththissituationwillrequirenewpermanentallianceswithprivateprofitornon‐profitmakingentities,whichallowforanenlargementofthecapacityofactionandtheharnessingofresources.
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ApredictablerenovationoftheLocalAuthorities’politicalframework,duetothenewelectorallawthatimposesalimitonthemandatesofthoseingovernment,isstillnotaveryvisiblephenomenonwhenlookingat“thoseatthetopofthelists”ofthedifferentparties.Butinanycase,itwillbecomemoreorlessobviousthatintheautumnelectionsof2009partieswillbeobligedtoadvanceprocessesofinternalrenovationoftheirpermanentstaff,possiblysupportedbytherespectiveyouthbranchesofpoliticalparties.Willthisbringtheemergenceofnewpoliticalgenerations,possiblymoreinclinedtowardsdemocraticinnovationandtheconsequentimplementationofparticipatoryprocesses,suchasparticipatorybudgeting?Itisanopenendedissue,althoughthereareincreasingsignsofthispossibility,asdemonstratedbythefactthattheaverageageoflocalMayorsorDistrictPresidentswhohaveexperimentedwithPBislowerthanthenationalaverageage.AnotherinterestingindicatoristhefactthattheimpulsesbehindthemajorityofPBexperienceshavebeenMayorswhoareintheirfirstterminoffice,demonstratingadesiretoconstructa“personalstyle”appropriateinthemanagementofpublicmatters.
ParticipatoryBudgetinginPortugal
Twenty‐fivePBexperiencesareknowninPortugaldatingfrom2002tothepresentday.Twenty‐oneofthesearepromotedbyMunicipalitiesand4byParishes,asillustratedinthefollowingmap.
AquickglanceoverthismapallowsonetoeasilyunderstandthesoutherntendencyofthemajorityofexperiencesinPortugal.Thisrealityreflectsthetraditionalpolitical
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divisionofthecountry,accordingtowhich,theCentre–RightisthemostdominantpresenceintheNorth,whilsttheSouthislargelypositionedCentre‐Left.However,amoredetailed,chronologicalanalysisofPBdevelopmentinPortugalallowsonetoaffirmthatpartiesacrossthepoliticalspectrum,includingtheindependentmovementsthatgovernsomeLocalAuthorities,areopeningtothesenewformsofdemocraticexperimentalism.
If,intheinitialphase,PBemergedasa“leftwingidea”,withespecialprominenceforLocalGovernmentsledbytheDemocraticUnitarianCoalition(ColigaçãoDemocráticaUnitária)(CDU)iv,todaythetendencyisincreasinglyrelatedtotheemergenceofPBinareasledbytheSocialistParty(PS)vorbytheSocialDemocraticParty(PSD)vi.ThefirstsignsofawilltoimplementPBinmunicipalitiesgovernedbyPSDandthePopularParty(CDS‐PP)viiarealsoperceptible.Accordingtotheknowledgethattheauthorsholdatthemoment,anenlargementofPBexperiencesinterritoriesgovernedlocallybythePSandthePSDistobeexpectedsoon.Asamatteroffactitisthesetwopartiesthatcontestthemajorityoflocalgovernmentsinthecountry.
Atpresent,ofthe25LocalAuthoritiesindicatedonthepreviousmap,44%aregovernedbyCDU,24%byPS,thesamepercentageforPSD,whilst8%aregovernedbyIndependentMovements.
AnotherelementthatallowsustothinkthatPBwillnotberestrictedtoaspecificpoliticaltendency,hastodowiththefactthatnoevidenceexistsatthemoment,thatallowsustodistinguishformsoforganizationandtheimplementationofPBthatdependspecificallyonthepoliticalpartythatpromotesit.Furthermore,thecharacteristicsofPBinPortugalseemtorelymuchmoreonthechangeablestructuresrelatedtotheinstitutionalandsocio‐politicallegacy,dealtwithintheprevioustwopointsofthistext.Thefollowingparagraphstrytosyntheticallysumupthesecharacteristics.
ModelsofparticipationThemajorityofPBexperiencesinPortugalareofaconsultativecharacter.This
meansthattheyarenormallycentredonthediscussionofproblems,needsandproposalspresentedbythecitizens,withoutthisimplyingarealdebateonbudgeting.Insomecases,ashashappenedinPalmelaandSãoBrásdeAlportel,theprocessbeginswithaninitialproposalofprojectselaboratedbytherespectiveExecutiveBodies.Alterationsmaythenbeintroducedduetocontributionsgivenbythecitizensinthe“deliberationarenas”orinthedifferentareasfordiscussionandthehandinginofsuggestionsthatareopentotheinhabitants(thismaybeinfacetofacemeetings,enquiriesontheInternetoronpaper).
Despitethisbeingthetendencyinthemajorityofcases,wearebeginningtoseetheemergenceofasecondgenerationofPBinPortugalatthemoment.Thisislayingitsbetsontheimplementationofadecision‐makingprocesswithapreviouslydefinedcomponentinthebudget.ThissecondgenerationisatpresentplayedoutbyexperiencessuchastheMunicipalitiesofLisbon(thecapitalofthecountry)andSesimbra,aswellasbytheParishofSantaLeocádiadoGerazdoLima(VianadoCasteloLocalAuthority)inthenorthofthecountry.
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Apartfromthelearningdimensionthatthistypeofprocesscouldhaveforthecitizens,aswellasgainsintermsofdemocratictransparency,PBpromotedbytheParishCouncilsis,aboveall,putintoperspectiveasatoolofparticipationthathelpsreinforcetheroleofthisadministrativelevelinthepoliticalmediationprocesswiththeirrespectiveMunicipalCouncils.TheParishCouncilsinPortugalhaveverylimitedinvestmentcapacities,,unlessspecificannualagreementsaremadewiththeMunicipalitiestowhomtheybelong,attributingnewrolesinthemanagementoflocalservicesandinfra‐structures.ThismayleadParishestoseePBasatooltowardsreinforcingitsnegotiationargumentswiththerespectiveMunicipalCouncils,urgingthelattertocontemplatetransferringinvestmentswithintheirbudgetstotheParishinquestion.
AllthePortugueseexperiencesfavourtheparticipationofpeopleactingindividually,althoughsome(suchasBraga,oneofthelargestcitieswithaSocialistLocalGovernmentintheNorthofthecountry)alsoallowsystemsofrepresentationvialocalcollectivesandassociations.Thisisanimportantaspect,giventhatlocalassociationsareexcessivelydependantonfinancialhelpandlogisticsprovidedbytheLocalAuthorities,andareoftensubjecttointerferenceandinfluencefrompoliticalpartystructures.Fromthispointofview,PBpartiallysymbolizesthereturnoftheindividualactor,verymuchabandonedbythelogicofrepresentativedemocraticsystems,whonormallyaccordsocialandpoliticalrelevancetopre‐organisedstakeholders.Theperspectiveofthissmall“revolution”startsmainlywiththeindividualusingspecificneedsordesiresasits“drivingforce”inordertoguaranteepresenceinthepublicspacewheremorecollectivevisionsmaybenegotiatedand“commongoods”identified.
ThefocustakenbyPBinPortugalhasaterritorialtendency.Thismeansthatthedynamicsofdecentralisedparticipation(onthebaseofneighbourhoodsandvillageswithineveryparish),thatallowdifferentdimensionsoflocallifetobeincorporatedindebatesarefavoured.Wereferspecificallytothepossibilityofdiscussingdifferentareasofinterestinpeople’sliveswithintheseprocesses.Areas,amongstmanyothers,suchasforexampleeducation,health,transport,theenvironment,culture,sport,urbanproblemsandtheeconomy.Thisfocushasthetendencytorevealdifferencesamongterritoriesandasymmetriesbetweenmunicipalities,asforexample,theneedtounderstandthespecificproblemsofurbanorruralareas,ofthemorerundownhousingestatesorthecentralareaswiththeirmorevaluedheritageetc.TheadoptionofthisfocusrelatestothefactthatMunicipalitiesinPortugalhaveprogressivelycometotakeoncapacitiesinnearlyallthematicareas,fromthecreationofbasicinfrastructuretothedevelopmentofthelocaleconomy.Thefactthatthisfocussometimeshasalimitedperspectivethatdoesnotallowadiscussionon“strategicchoices”fortheinterestedterritory,partiallyjustifiestheinsertionofPortuguesePBinthecategoryof“proximitydemocracy”(Allegretti/Sintomer,2009)withrespecttocomparisonsamongdifferentfamiliesofEuropeanOP.
Paralleltothistendency,wealsobegintoseetheemergenceoffirstinitiativeswhosefocusis,abovealldirectedtowardscertainactorsorsocialgroups,ashashappenedwithchildrenandyoungpeople.ThisisthecaseofSãoBrásdeAlportelthatimplementedthefirstexperienceofChildren’sandYoungPeople’sParticipatoryBudgeting(OPCJ)in2007.ThisinvolvedthestudentsofthetwomainschoolsoftheMunicipalityinaterritorial
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partnershipthatinvolvedtheMunicipality,theInLocoAssociationandtheschoolsthemselves(Dias,2008).TheexperiencesoftheParishofCarnideinLisbonalsobegansoonafterwards,involvingprimaryschoolchildrenagedbetween6and10yearsold,aswellasthatofBragaintheNorthernregionofthecountry.Theseexperiencestakeonanimportantrole,beingamomentofsocializationandtrainingonthethemeofdemocracyandcitizenship,aboveallinasettingofalmosttotalabsenceofinstitutionsthatclearlytakeonthisfunction.Theyalsohelptogivesubstancetoapanoramaoffragmented,pseudoparticipatoryinitiatives.InPortugal,theseinitiativeshavehadtheambitiontoworkonsometopicsofinterestwithintheschoolcommunityinaconsensualway.Theyaretobefoundin“Charters”and“EducationCouncils”:adevelopmenttool–oftenaweakone–ofsocialdialoguewithstudents(rarely),teachersandotheractorsinvolvedintheeducationfield.
TheInstitutionalDrawingThestrikingmajorityofPBprocessescorrespondstoasetofmeetingsheldbetween
ExecutiveBodiesandcitizensthatnormallytakesplaceinthelastquarterofeachyear.Thistimescaleismainlyduetofourreasons:
• The consultative character of the processes that does not imply very complexinstitutionaldesignandarchitecture,northeanticipationofpublicdebateswiththeaimofagreementandvotingonthepartofthecitizens;
• ThisisthetimeoftheyearinwhichExecutiveBodiesfeelmoreconfidentfacingthelocal taxpayers. This is due to the fact that they are able to have amore realisticbudgetforecastforthefollowingyear.Moreover,withrespecttotheyearinprogressmorepublicworkshavebeencompletedfromthecurrentbudget;
• ThemarginalrolethatPBtakeswithintheLocalAuthoritiesprioritiesandwithinthefunctioningoftheadministrationitself;
• OP’s low impact within the decision of the Local Authorities’ Executive Bodies inrelationtothelargescaleinvestmentsthatabsorbthebulkoftheLocalAuthorities’financialresources.
Thislastcharacteristicclearlyemergesintheinquirycarriedoutaspartoftheproject“PBPortugal”(2008),asrepresentedinimagesnumber2,3and4thatshowthemaininvestmenttypologiesdiscussedinPortugueseOPandhow“careful”theincidenceofPBresultsarecalculatedandpresentedtocitizens.
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Main investment typologies discussed in Portuguese OP
Expenditures for upkeeping and maintenance
12%
Expenditures for personnel
3%
Mainly expenditures for
small investments
48%
current expenditures
6%
Expenditures for structural
investments31%
Does it exist a fixed amount of resources specifically allocated for PB to decide?
88,2%
5,9%
5,9%
No
Yes
It just exists a fixed number of prioritieswhich could be accepted, but not their
amount
In 2007 which was the percentage of investment budget decided by PB?
66,7%
33,3%
It was not specifically calculated
Impossible to say
Apartfrompublicmeetings,manyexperienceshavealsocometoadopttheuseofquestionnairesonparticipation,eitherusingpaperortheInternet.OnthislevelwehighlighttheexperiencesfromOdivelasthatinitsfirstyearcombinedthedigitalmethod
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withreallifedebates,aswellasthatofLisbonthat,in2008,developedatypeofOPexclusivelydevelopedviatheInternet.Nevertheless,inthemajorityofcasestheuseofinformationtechnologyisstilllimited(Allegretti/Matias/Cunha,2007).
SomeinterestinginnovationshavebeendevelopedbytheexperienceofSantaLeocádiadoGerazdoLima,namelythecreationofaParticipatoryBudgetingCouncil(ConselhodoOrçamentoParticipativo‐COP)andaprioritiescaravan.TheCOPismadeupofdelegateselectedinalltheParish’scommunitieswiththerighttovoteandtomakedecisionsoninvestmentstobeincludedintheLocalAuthority’sbudget.Thecaravancorrespondstothephaseoftheparticipationcyclethatprecedesthevotingofpriorities.Inaccordancewiththis,thecitizens’delegates(whoarethespokesmenelectedbytheparticipants)visitallthespotswherelocalproposalshavebeenpresentedbyinhabitantsaspartofthePBsessions.Theydothisinordertobeabletocomparetheneedsofeachcommunityandreducethelevelofignorancethatmanyinhabitantshaveregardingtheterritoryasawholeinwhichtheylive.
Organizationaloutlines:PBasamarginalsectorialpolicy?InPortugal,thegreatmajorityofthePBisbasedintheMayors’SupportOffices
showingthepoliticalwagerthatthisprocessrepresents.ThissignifiesthattheseinitiativesareconductedtechnicallyandpoliticallybypeoplewhomtheMayorstrust.Thisoptionalsogivesevidencethattheprocesseshavestillnotreachedhighlevelsofdemandwithintheadministration,areasonforwhichitbecomespossibletoimplementusingthefrugalhumanresourcesoftheMayors’SupportOffices.Inaccordancewithdatacollectedfromthealreadymentionedenquiryquestionnaires,morethan70%oftheexperiencesfunctionwithoutPBbeingtakenonbyabranchoftheMunicipalorotherservice.Simultaneously,morethan50%ofthePBalsodonotpossessanypoliticalcoordinationthatguaranteesthemanagementandassessmentoftheseprocesses.
Onthecontrary,PBswithagreaterlevelofstructureandcomplexitythatrepresentafirmerpoliticalwilltendtogeneratetheinternalnecessityforthecreationofworkteamsbytheadministration.ThecityofPalmelahasgonealongthispathaftervariousyearsofexperience.IthasoptedtocreateastructurelegallyrecognisedinthegeneralsetupoftheLocalAuthority,responsibleforthecoordinationandthedynamicsofthedifferentparticipatoryprocesses.Atthemoment,LisbonisgoinginthedirectionofthecreationofaprojectteamthatwillbringtogethertechniciansfromdifferentMunicipalityservices.Odivelasisalsoinsertedinthisdynamic,althoughapeculiarityistobehighlighted:PBhasemergedwithintheLocalAuthority’sfinancialdepartment.FromthispointofviewcomestheperceptionthatPBwillalsobeatooltoimprovetheMunicipality’sfinancesandbudget’seffectivenessandefficiency.OtherLocalAuthoritieshavecometocreateworkteams,essentiallyformedbytechniciansfromthefinancedepartment,organizingafirstinternalproposalofthePBmodeltosubmittothepoliticaldecisionoftheelected.Itispossibletounderstandfromtheconsultingandtrainingworkthattheauthorshavedevelopedwiththeseteams,thattheyhaveeasilyconcludedthatPBwillnotbeabletoworkifthedepartment,towhichtheybelong,doesnotknowhowtomobilizeandimplicateotherimportantdepartmentswithintheLocalAuthority,suchas,publicworks,orsocial,youthandassociationalaffairsamongstothers.
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AnotheroftheaspectsthatcallsforattentionisrelatedtotrainingteamsonPB’sconceptualandmethodologicalissues.LocalAuthoritiesinwhichPBisamarginalactivityoflittlesignificancetendnottoinvestinthetrainingofitspermanenttechniciansandpoliticians.Onthecontrary,LocalAuthoritiesthataremoreconcernedwithdrawingupprocesseswithagreaterorganisationalrigour,usuallyseekouttrainingoffersonthesubjectandorganizevisitstootherPBexperiences.Datafromquestionnairessuggeststhatabout60%ofLocalAuthoritieshaveneverpromotedorlookedfortrainingfortechniciansdirectlyinvolvedintheprocessandthatabout90%haveneversoughttoguaranteethissametrainingforstaffthatdonotdirectlyworkwithOP.
TheProject“PBPortugal”viiihasbeenadecisivefactoronthislevelinpromotingtrainingcourses,workshopsandfreeconsultingworkforLocalAuthoritiesforthefirsttimeinthewholecountry.ItrepresentsaninterestingperspectivefromwhichOPsareinterpretednotonlyas“objects”(organisationalmechanisms)butratherasconstituentpartsofatransformationinprogressinterritorialgovernanceconcerningtheinternalfunctioningoftheadministrativemachineanditsdesiretorelatecreativelytonewformsof“collectiveaction”.
LittlehaschangedoverthelastfewyearsinPortugalwithrespecttothelegalornormativeframeworkofOP:Thesecontinuetodependexclusivelyonthepoliticalwilloftheelected.Thecreationofregulationsorrulesforprocesseshasaccompaniedthedynamicthatisemergingfromthistypeofexperience.Thismeansthat,effectiveformsofPBhavenecessarilyinvolvedthecreationofregulationsornormsfortheirfunctionalframework.Itissomethingthatresultsnaturallyfromthedemandsoftheprocessesthemselves,themanagementoftheunexpectedandfromteamlearning.However,inPortugal(differentlyfromwhathashappenedinthemajorityofSpanishOP)noneofthePBexperienceshashadself‐regulationorratherregulationcreatedordefinedwiththeparticipationofthecitizens.Inmorethan50%ofexperiences,however,PBisstillanon‐formalizedprocess.
Intimatelyrelatedtotheseissuesistheabsenceofpreviouslydefinedobjectives,aswellastheprocessesofregistering,monitoringandrigorousassessment,capableofprovidingelementsthatallowforlearningwithparticipatorydynamics,understandingwhatrunswellandwhatneedstobeimproved.Insomeexperiences(asisthecaseofOdivelas,Lisbon,SesimbraandSãoBrásdeAlportel),theresultsoftheprocess,namelythepublicwidespreaddiffusionofinformationaboutpublicworksandprojectsagreeduponaspartofOP,isguaranteedviatheInternetorinPublicsessions.InthecaseofSesimbra,wepointoutaninterestingpeculiarityrelatedtothefacttheworkagreeduponbythecitizensisreportedontheLocalAuthority’sInternetpage,illustratedwithphotosandwiththeidentificationofitsstateofdevelopment(launching,carryingoutorcompletion).
InouropinionthistypeofdetailontherenderingofaccountsallowsonetothinkofPBprocessesasdynamicswithtwocyclesofparticipation:thefirstdedicatedtodebatingthebudgetplanandthesecondtothecarryingoutofpriorities.Inbothmoments,citizenshaveanimportantroleintermsofparticipationanddemocraticvigilance.ThistypeofdynamicspromoteslearningonMunicipalmanagementandtheterritorialreality,supplyingimportantelementsforthecarryingoutofaninformedcitizenshipanddemocracy.
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Somefinalremarks
WhilePortuguesePBshadanessentially“stable”characterinthefirstexperiments(2002‐2005),reproducingorganisationalcharacteristicsthatbarelyevolvedfromoneyeartoanother,theprocesseshavebecomemore“evolved”inthelastthreeyearsviaanincreasingtransformation.Thisispartiallyduetothenumericaldiffusion,thediversificationandtheincreasingcontactsmaintainedwithexperiencesinothercountriesviaconventionsandinternationalnetworkssuchasFAL,UCLGixandtheInternationalObservatoryforParticipatoryDemocracy,basedinBarcelona.
WithrespecttotheanalysisdevelopedbytheInternationalteamcoordinatedbyYvesSintomerx,alreadymentioned,PBsinPortugalhavebeenlargelyworkedwithintheperspectiveofcreating“proximitydemocracy”(geographicallyandcommunicatively),withoutgreatconcernforthepromotionofjusticeorsocio‐territorialcohesion,butasimportantelementsinthere‐establishingofadialoguebetweentheelectedandthoseelectingandinthecreationofanewsourceofpoliticallegitimacy.However,agradualshiftofparadigmsmaybeobservedwhichinthefuturecouldleadPortugalPBstoemulatesomefeaturesofnon‐MediterraneanPBmodels,suchastheGermanoneswhichwerefirstlyinspiredbythenewZealand’sexperienceofChristchurchratherthanbyPortoAlegre.
TheparticipationoftechniciansfromthefinancialdepartmentsofvariousmunicipalitiesinspecifictrainingcoursesonPBhasbeenaninterestingindicatorofthistransformation.WhileinSpainandItalythemajorityoftechnicianstrainedinPBbelongtomunicipalbranchesanddepartmentsconnectedtosocialaffairs,thepromotionofactivecitizenshiporpublicworks,therecentPortuguesewayoflookingatPBpointstoanewhypothesisforinterpretation:participatorybudgetinghasbeguntotakeontheperspectiveofexperimentsthatcanfavouranewwayofdealingwithexpenditureandpublicrevenue,startingfromreformsconcerningwaysofworkingwiththeLocalAuthorities’internalcommunicationandcoordinationwithinbudgetandfinancedepartments.
ThePortuguese“hyper‐realist”frameworkhastraditionallyworkedwithbudgetforecaststhatwereverymuchoutoftouchwiththerealityofrealpublicfinances.TheresultingexcessofunfulfilledpromisesmayhavecontributedtothedistancingoftaxpayersandtheirlossoftrustintheLocalAuthorities’administrationsandinpoliticsingeneral.Withinacountrythathascometoseethegrowthofelectoralabsenteeismtheneedtoregaincredibilityandauthorityintheeyesofthecitizensisbecomingurgentandvisible.Improvingrelationshipsoftrustand“performance”inadministrativeactivitiesstandstoguaranteegreaterefficiencyinthebattleagainstcitizens’alienationwith“publicmatters”.
FurtherconfirmationforthehypothesisofatransformationofPBcouldbefoundininterestingnewdevelopments,whicharestrengthenedbythefirstexperimentsintheScandinavianworld.PortugalhasbeenchosenasaprivilegedinterlocutorforthefirstpilotschemeinSwedeninanunprecedentedrelationshipbetweentheNorthandtheSouthofEurope.Althoughmorecommon,itistobeequallynotedthatCapeVerdehasalsoturnedtoPortugalforsupportwithintheprocessofimplementationofthefirstPBexperiencesinthecountry.ThishasbeenviatrainingandconsultancyforMunicipalteamsandthecentralgovernment.ThisallowstheideatobeadvancedthatPortugalnowadaysholdsaprivileged
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positionascontributortoanextremelyenrichingdialogueinNorth‐SouthandSouth‐Northrelationships.
ThecaseofCarnide,aParishinLisbon,maybeasymbolforthefuture,duetoitsextensiverangeoftoolsforsocialdialogue(nowadaysentitled“ParticipatoryManagement”).HereinthisLisbonParish,dataforelectoralabsenteeismissignificantlylowerthantheaverageforthecityandthecountry.Thisshowshowacoherentdialogicalapproachmayreconstructtiesofmutualtrustbetweencitizensandtheworldofpolitics.ItmaybethattodayparticipationinpublicpolicieshasanewoptionforholisticdevelopmentwhenindifferentcitiesOPisbeginningtoberelatedtoothermanagementdialoguetools(urbandevelopmentplans,AgendaXXI,thematicadvisorycouncils).InterestshownbydifferentpartiesininsertingPBas“engineofinnovation”intheelectoralprogrammesforthe2009localandnationalelections,maybeanotherindicatorofatransformationtoconsider.
Somechallenges,thathavestillnotbeenfaced,remainforthenearfuture.ThemainonebeingthepossibilitytolookatPBasa“energiser”foracivilsocietywhichisstillweakandlowinaction,andtheopportunitytoconceivemethodsofdiscussionandco‐decisionforparticipatorybudgetingtobethe“enginefortheconstructionofnegotiatedsolidarity”betweencitizensanddifferentpartsoftheterritory.Withthischallenge,itwouldbeexcellenttoestablishadialoguewiththemanyBrazilianexperiences,althoughwecanputforwardtheideathatsomeaspectsofpost‐colonialculture(thatstillhavenotmanagedtoleavebehindtheairofsuperiorityregardingtheexcolonies)makesuchanevolutiondifficultintheimminentfuture.Infact,intheselastthreeyearsmanyPortuguesepoliticiansprefertolookatEuropeanexamplesofOP,culturallycloser,andhavehadtheneedtobesupportedby“culturaltranslations”oftheLatin‐Americanmodels.Mistakenly,theyhavenotmanagedtoconsiderthelatterascrediblesourcesofinstitutionaltransformation.
ItistobehopedthatitwillbeequallypossibleinPortugal,whilewaitingforthistypeofopennesstotheteachingsoftheSouth(Allegretti/Herzberg2004),tostrengthentieswiththeSpanishandItalianPBexperiences.Theyarebeginningtoworknotonlywiththe“proximity”perspectivebutarebettingonmorestructuraladministrativeandculturaltransformationsthatPBmaybring,markingoutanimportantspaceofinnovationinpoliticsasawholeandnotonlypoliticsinthelocalsphere.
Theattentionaccordedinthelastthreeyearsto“learningbydoing”onthepartofPBsinPortugal,theEuropeancountrywiththehighestpercentageofPBswithrespecttothetotalnumberofmunicipalinstitutions,giveshopethatitisontherighttracktowardsleavinginitialreservationsbehindandcontributingtoacreativequantity‐qualitytransformationofPBbothinEuropeandbeyond.Withwhichrangeofgoals,itisstilltobediscovered…
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