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Edited by Henry G. Cisneros with John Rosales



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Cisneros, Henry G.Latinos and the Nation’s Future / edited by Henry G. Cisneros with John

Rosales.

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Includes bibliographical references.

ISBN: 978-1-55885-542-7 (pbk. : alk. paper)

1. Hispanic Americans—Social conditions. 2. Hispanic Americans—

Cultural assimilation. 3. Hispanic Americans—Ethnic identity. 4. United

States—Ethnic relations. I. Cisneros, Henry. II. Rosales, John, 1956-E184.S75L3678 2008

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v

To Mary Alice Cisneros, Celina Treviño Rosales,and our families, without their support this book project would not have happened.

DEDICATION



vii

FOREWORD Janet Murguía xi

BY WAY OF INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENT Henry G. Cisnerosand John Rosales xiii

Part ONE LATINO VISIONS: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE

ONE Henry G. CisnerosAn Overview: Latinos and the Nation’s Future 3

TWO Nicolás Kanellos

The Latino Presence: Some Historical Background 15

THREE Raúl YzaguirreLiberty and Justice for All: Civil Rights in the Years Ahead 27

FOUR Tamar Jacoby Becoming American—The Latino Way 41

Part TWO LATINOS AND THE LARGER SOCIETY

FIVE Harry P. PachonIncreasing Hispanic Mobility into the Middle Class: An Overview 57

CONTENTS



SIX Aída M. ÁlvarezLatino Small Business: A Big Present, A Bigger Future 71

SEVEN Sarita E. BrownMaking the Next Generation Our Greatest Resource 83

EIGHT Joe García La Gran Oportunidad / Up for Grabs / The Hispanic

Opportunity 101

NINE Lionel SosaPolitics and the Latino Future: A Republican Dream 115

TEN Sergio Muñoz BataLatino Progress and U.S. Foreign Policy 125

Part THREE RAW NUMBERS AND THEIR IMPACT

ELEVEN Leobardo F. EstradaThe Raw Numbers: Population Projections and the Power

of Hispanic Demographic Change 149

TWELVE Roberto SuroLatino Numbers and Social Trends: Implications for

the Future 155

THIRTEEN Elena V. RiosA First-Order Need: Improving the Health of the

Nation’s Latinos 167

FOURTEEN Saúl N. Ramírez, Jr.Housing the Nation’s Latinos: An Overview 181

Part FOUR FINAL THOUGHTS

FIFTEEN Ernesto Cortés

On the Power of Education and Community Action 195

SIXTEEN Nicolás KanellosToward a New American Dream 207



APPENDICES

I. Tables, Charts, and Maps 213II. Chapter Notes and Bibliography 231



xi

One of the most cherished institutions in any place large or small is the pub-lic library. Beyond lending books, libraries are often where children acquire a

love of reading and help with their schoolwork, and where many people have

their only Internet access; they serve as the meeting spaces for numerous com-

munity activities and organizations.

Libraries are so central to the life of a community that it is easy to forget

that the idea of a public library is barely a century old. With the goal of ensur-

ing that anyone who wanted to learn could have the means to educate them-

selves, the steel magnate and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie built nearly two

thousand libraries at the turn of the last century. Thousands of communities fol-

lowed suit.

But this massive public-private venture also had another purpose, explicit-

ly stated by Carnegie: to establish the means for immigrant self-education,

enlightenment, and the study of democracy and English. Public libraries, along

with the public school system and the Progressive Movement’s Settlement

Houses, were among a series of initiatives undertaken in the late nineteenth andearly twentieth centuries to integrate millions of recently arrived immigrants

into American society. By every measure, they were an astonishing success.

Yet our country hasn’t undertaken anything even remotely comparable

since then. Henry Cisneros’ Latinos and the Nation’s Future makes a com-

FOREWORD

Janet Murguía



xii Janet Murguía

pelling case that such initiatives are needed today and that they are in the best

interest of all Americans, not just Hispanic immigrants themselves.

Despite the lack of deliberate integration initiatives, today’s immigrants areassimilating remarkably well. Immigrants and their children are learning Eng-

lish faster than ever, and the number of people applying for citizenship is break-

ing records throughout the country. Challenges remain, however, that affect not

just immigrants but all Hispanics. Latinos continue to be the most undereducat-

ed group at all levels. They are overrepresented in low-wage, dead-end jobs

without benefits and underrepresented in high-wage occupations.

Given the exponential growth of the Hispanic community, these challenges

put our entire country’s future at risk. It doesn’t need to be. A century ago,naysayers wrongly predicted that immigrants would never become loyal Amer-

icans or succeed economically. But immigrants went on to defend our country

through two world wars and to fuel massive economic prosperity as they vault-

ed into the middle class. Latinos have all the raw materials of our immigrant

ancestors—a strong work ethic; a set of values deeply rooted in faith, family,

and country; and an unbreakable optimism.

Cisneros and his coauthors make the point that the fate of the country and

that of Hispanics are inextricably linked. In other words, one essential way to

maintain our status as the greatest nation on the face of the earth lies in opening

the door to the American Dream to the current generation of immigrants. It fol-

lows that an investment in immigrants today is an investment in America’s

future.

I could not agree more. Just like the public library, the fruits of whatever we

do today will be enjoyed by all Americans in the years to come.



xiii

BY WAY OF INTRODUCTION ANDACKNOWLEDGMENT

Henry G. Cisneros and John Rosales

In February 2007, a group of Latino scholars, writers, and leaders in a vari-ety of fields came together at our invitation to engage in a series of discussions

about the Latino present and future in the United States. The motivating factor

in our invitation was the need to explore the meaning of an extraordinary devel-

opment in our nation’s history, that is the dynamic and, in recent years, explo-

sive growth of the Latino presence in all aspects of American life.

Today, American Latinos are the fastest growing and youngest population

segment, generating fast-growing levels of economic attainment, moving into

positions of leadership in all sectors of society, and making rich contributions to

the cultural life of the nation. This phenomenon has been called the “His-

panization” of the United States. It is a mistaken concept assumed to mean that

the United States will become a Hispanic nation. Instead, we believe that the

Latino presence in the nation’s future will be so pervasive that it will be one of

the defining differences between the nation as we know it today and as it will

change over the next twenty-five years.

Latinos and the Nation’s Future is organized to help Americans of all eth-nic groups in all parts of the nation understand the Hispanization of the United

States. It makes the point that the scale of population change is large and reach-

es every part of the country, to states and regions far beyond traditional Latino

settlement patterns. It asserts that the youthful character of the Latino popula-



tion, with its propensity for work and its ambitions to succeed, is a powerful

engine of potential strength for the United States and an advantage when com-

pared to the demographic trajectories of population decline in Japan, France,Italy, Germany, and other northern industrial nations.

The central message of this book is that this phenomenon of Latino poten-

tial is of such scale that it is no longer a side-bar interest; it is now a basic shap-

ing force of the American future. Therefore, we advise that it is in the nation’s

interest to undertake the full integration of this population, to harness its market

growth, to develop its educational potential, to engage its community-building

energies, and to transform it into the backbone of the next American middle

class. These are things Latinos are working hard to accomplish on their own, but

as in the case of every other rising group in the American saga, the United States

must be open to that prospect in its policies and attitudes and must do so in mod-

ern ways that reflect the particular realities of our time.

The contributors establish the scale of Latino growth, anticipate what it will

mean over a timeframe of twenty-five years, and offer concrete suggestions for

how Latinos themselves and American institutions must work together for

progress.Whether it be as the “swing” vote in an election in a particular state, or as

the dormant ethnic contingent in baseball—America’s National Pastime—or as

progenitors of the country’s most popular food condiment (salsa), it is abun-

dantly clear that Latino influence is pervasive and growing more so with each

passing year. All this despite the harsh impact of the recent so-called “immigra-

tion debate” (more on this subject in Chapter Four). Although the writers here-

in were given a common mission, concluding wherever possible with a look to

the future, it is important to note that each one speaks with his or her own voice

with no editorial attempt to homogenize the text. There are a variety of tones

and styles here, but a singular passion throughout to convey a Latino point of

view on issues of both Latino and universal consequence.

We arranged the chapters rather loosely in categories. Part One consists of

material with a broad historical perspective. Part Two places a variety of Latino

experiences in the context of the larger society. Part Three deals with hard facts,

“raw numbers” and their impact on areas including housing and health care,which are largely driven by numbers. A final Part Four offers provocative med-

itations of the most crucial of all our considerations—the nature of education in

a society in transition and the potential of an entirely new structure of the Amer-

ican polity in the twenty-first century and beyond.

A few more introductory points are warranted. Throughout this book the

words “Hispanic” and “Latino” are used interchangeably, just as they are often

xiv Henry G. Cisneros and John Rosales



used in that manner in daily discourse in the nation. To be sure, each name has

its history, its own nuances, and each is preferred in specific parts of the nation

by persons of particular age groups or of various political leanings. But for thepurposes of this book they are used interchangeably according to the preference

of each chapter author.

It is also important to clarify that even though the rapid pace of Latino

growth seems to define the Latino emergence as a recent event, in fact Latinos

have been a force in North American life since Spaniards first explored the New

World. The Spanish city of St. Augustine in Florida for example, is the oldest

European settlement in North America. Spanish commercial, military, and mis-

sion outposts defined the early maps of the nation and grew into the modern

cities of Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Diego, Las Vegas, Albuquerque, El

Paso, San Antonio, and many others. And Hispanic heroes, such as David Far-

ragut, were major contributors to the cause of independence in the American

Revolution.

Over the centuries, Mexican Americans have helped build the American

Southwest, Puerto Ricans have contributed to the vitality of New York, Cuban

Americans have helped propel Florida into an engine of world trade, and Cen-tral and South Americans have added to the nation’s workforce and profession-

al reservoir. The point is that this is not a book about newcomers to the Ameri-

can scene. These are people whose ancestors helped build America and who

today have the capacity to do much more. All Americans should know that.

It is also important to note that Latino educational, political, and economic

gains in recent decades are the result of prodigious efforts by foresighted and

courageous leaders and organizations that often fought through crucial discrim-

ination and backbreaking poverty. The gains did not come automatically as the

population grew or with the passage of time. They were not easily tendered or

assured. The prospects Latinos enjoy today were hard-earned by pioneering

individuals and the civil rights organizations they created.

Individual leaders have inspired the national Latino community by their

personal courage. Others have risen to positions of national leadership; and still

others have created organizations to unify the community for action. César

Chávez, organizer of the United Farm Workers Union, and Dr. Antonia Pantoja,a Puerto Rican icon and founder of ASPIRA, stand out as voices of conscience

and inspiration. Breakthrough elected leaders such as Sen. Dennis Chavez of

New Mexico in the 1940s, Congressmen Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas, and

Edward Roybal of California in the 1960s proved the electoral power of Latino

communities to send leaders to positions of national importance. Organizations

were breathed into life by Willie Velásquez, the Southwest Voter Registration

By Way of Introduction and Acknowledgment xv



and Education Project; Juan Andrade, the National Hispanic Leadership Insti-

tute; Raúl Yzaguirre, the National Council of La Raza; Dolores Huerta, Com-

munity Services Organization and United Farm Workers Union; Jorge Mas, theCuban National Forum; and Dr. Hector P. García, the American G.I. Forum.

Within their spheres of action, the organizations such leaders created and

others have changed the conditions in which Latinos live today and have creat-

ed prospects of immense promise. For example, the legal arguments and litiga-

tion successes of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund

(MALDEF) and of the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund have

altered prejudicial laws and generated court judgments against unfair election

practices. Over the years they have helped create single-member electoral dis-

tricts to increase Latino representation, forced states to construct equitable

school finance systems, and successfully attacked discrimination in employ-

ment and housing. As a result Latinos across the nation can live, work, and seek

education on a more level field, with many of the vestiges of overtly unfair and

purposely devised barriers having been dismantled.

The League of United Latino American Citizens (LULAC) is the oldest of

the Latino civil rights organizations and continues to be one of the largest andmost active. It first organized opposition to discrimination against Latinos in the

school systems of Texas after World War II and today mobilizes its national base

of community leaders in support of small business expansion, fairness in

employment, and educational programs. Voter registration and participation by

Latinos in elections have undergone massive and consistent increases over the

last three decades, in great measure attributable to the intensive, street-level out-

reach campaigns of the Southwest Voter Registration and Education Project in

the Southwest and the National Hispanic Leadership Institute in the Northeast

and Midwest.

Latinos today represent the fastest growing segment of the workforce, the

most rapidly increasing segment of the middle class, and a growing entrepre-

neurial group of small business owners. Pushing this momentum along are the

U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, the Hispanic Association of Corporate

Responsibility (HACR), and the New America Alliance. They recognize that the

economic advances of emerging populations have been essential to political andsocial progress in the nation’s history and they have undertaken effective initia-

tives to enhance business ownership and to expand participation in corporate

governance and in the financial system.

The on-going efforts of individual leaders and organizations such as these

have established a new base for Latino progress going forward. Advocacy, unity,

legal intervention, electoral strategies, education, mobilization of civic energies,

xvi Henry G. Cisneros and John Rosales



By Way of Introduction and Acknowledgment xvii

entrepreneurial development—these are the tried and true instruments of inte-

gration into American society. They are an implicit recognition that progress for

an emerging population does not arrive on its own, as if inevitable; it requirespeople to express their hopes and work to make them real. Such progress also

requires a larger society that understands the nation’s interests and is willing to

act on them. We believe, the American national interest is best served by tapping

the human energies and unleashing the diverse capabilities of America’s Lati-

nos. Thus the message of this book is that the stakes for America are immense,

the opportunities are historic, and the time to act is now.

Latinos and the Nation’s Future would not have been possible without the

help and support of many hands. First, we would like to thank the Freddie MacCorporation for having enough faith in this project to fund the symposium that

initiated the birth of this book. The W.K. Kellogg Foundation also understood

our mission and what we were trying to accomplish. The staff at Freddie Mac

and Kellogg gave selflessly of their time and shared the same passion so that this

work would be as accurate and stimulating as possible. Next, we thank the fif-

teen contributors who gave so much time, thought, and talent to the mission. For

practical support, we must thank Marc Jaffe for his fresh insight and deft edit-

ing during the early, critical stages of the project. He helped us to focus on the

human aspects as well as narrative and grammatical proprieties in each chapter.

Sergio Bendixen, Cathleen Farrell, Stephenie Overman, Simon Rosenberg, and

Steve Taylor were also part of the editing team who brought considerable expe-

rience and talent to this endeavor. Their meticulous research lifted the manuscript

to new heights. Great thanks to Nora Clark, Sylvia Arce-Garcia, Choco Meza,

Jessica Muñoz, Gloria Paniagua-Rodriguez, and Yvette Solitaire, for their

administrative support and organizational skills. They stuck with this two-year project through thick and thin.



Latino Visions:Past, Present, and Future

Part ONE



I have borrowed the title of this volume to set the theme for the following chap-

ter, which enlarges upon and develops the concept that the “Law of Large

Numbers,” as it applies to the Latino population of the United States, must and

will result in extraordinary changes in our society as a whole. At the same time

there must and will be extraordinary changes in the Latino community as well.

I come to these conclusions after half a lifetime in public service and pri-

vate business, largely in the public interest. I have been a big-city major (San

Antonio, Texas, in the 1980s) and held a cabinet office under Bill Clinton. After

leaving Washington in 1997, I became president and COO of Univision Com-

munications, currently the fifth most-watched TV network in the nation. I now

serve as Executive Chairman of a group of companies dedicated to working

with leading homebuilders in the construction of homes priced within the

range of average families. Further, I retain more than a rooting interest in the

nation’s political process.

In order for the United States as a country to continue its advance in this cen-

tury, it will be necessary for the American Latino community within it to

advance far beyond its present condition. Such a statement may seem over-

ly dramatic and even false. Those who doubt its validity could counter that the

forward progress of the United States is not dependent on any single segment of

its population and certainly not on a minority group that has been one of the

3

ONE

AN OVERVIEWLATINOS AND THE NATION’S FUTURE

Henry G. Cisneros



nation’s poorest and most undereducated at the very time of the nation’s great-

est prosperity and overall strength. But while that counterargument might have

historically been true, it is true no longer. The central thesis of this book is thatthe Latino population is now so large, its trajectory of growth so rapid, its con-

trast in relative age to that of the general population so stark, that it will not be

possible for the United States to advance without substantial, and so far unimag-

ined, gains in the economic, educational, and productive attributes of the

nation’s Latino community.

This thesis requires Americans to achieve an unprecedented awareness, that

is to see the relationship between the general population and Latinos in new

ways, revealing an interwoven future demanding action as well as understanding.

What do we mean by America’s advance? I use the term “advance” to mean

the continuance of the nation’s historic path of growth, progress, and greatness.

These are generalizations, but are broadly understood to be the large-scale

descriptions of nations, identifying eras, defining periods of excellence. Over

the last two hundred years and certainly over the last century, the United States

has led the world in growth, has embodied the ethic of progress, and has mea-

sured up to a millennial standard of greatness that compares favorably with thelegendary nation-states of world history. National greatness might be seen as a

convergence of economic dominance, scientific prowess, cultural influence,

educational opportunity, broad political consensus, demographic vigor, military

strength, and leadership projection. Certainly since the early 1900s, the United

States has evolved as the nation in the world in which such forces have come

together to produce achievements in every field of human endeavor and to

demonstrate a path toward similar achievements for other nations.

A relevant question is how long such greatness can be sustained. It was

common at the end of the 1990s to reflect on “the American Century.” Does that

phrase suggest a period of leadership as brief as a century? Do complex geopo-

litical forces and the speed of global power shifts conspire to limit the period in

which the United States can harness its strength to make life better for its peo-

ple and for the world? Will the United States share the experience of decline of

Old Europe, for example, or of Great Britain over the last century? Do global

forces push China or India forward so rapidly as to eclipse the American Era?The answers to these questions bear greatly on the quality of life for all Ameri-

cans and will also be determined in part by whether the most rapidly growing

population group in the nation, the American Latino community, contributes to

the economic energy, technological creativity, and social cohesion of the country

—or whether Latinos continue as an undereducated, underproductive, and alien-

ated mass in the American polity. Conversely, the answers to these questions

4 Henry G. Cisneros



determine whether the American nation feels strong enough and confident enough

to keep open the doors to opportunity, to keep in place the ladders of upward

mobility, to publicly invest in the individual ambitions for self-improvement bywhich Latinos can do their part for America in the current and future global com-

petition.

The interwoven character of these questions drives the overarching argu-

ment of this book and can be subdivided as follows:

• American Latinos are now such a large percentage of the nation’s popu-

lation that the scale of their presence will inevitably shape the American

future in important ways.

• The relative youthfulness of Latino families represents a distinct asset for

the United States as other populations within this country and in other

nations grow older and decline as workforce participants.

• American Latinos increasingly see themselves as responsible for a sig-

nificant part of the future of the United States, thus adding purpose to a

Latino agenda of self-improvement that will help build the national future

in which Latinos themselves have such a massive stake.

• All Americans can welcome the prospect of a nation that continues its tra-

jectory of growth, progress, and greatness in part by sustaining its ideals

of an inclusive society that invests in preparing the next generation of

Americans, including American Latinos, to meet all challenges.

Each of these assertions bears more careful consideration.

THE SCALE OF THE L ATINO PRESENCE

First, Latinos are such a rapidly growing part of the population that they

will increasingly influence every measure of national performance. The Census

Bureau’s mid-range estimates for 2050 assert that the nation’s Latino population

will grow by 63 million people or a stunning 48 percent of total U.S. growth,

and that Latinos will constitute 25 percent of the U.S. population in 2050. Thatdramatic increase is principally a result of two demographic realities. Latinos

are younger as a population than any other major group in the nation and Lati-

no families are larger. That relative youthfulness in combination with the sec-

ond attribute, larger families whose children will in the period between now and

2050 form their own families, drives the rate of Latino growth. The crucial fact

is that these numbers are not reversible by such measures as closing the border

An Overview: Latinos and the Nation’s Future 5



to immigrants. These projections are the simple demographic trajectory of peo-

ple already living in the United States. These numbers are already inevitable.

As explored in more detail in following chapters, statistics for the last sev-eral years demonstrate that the projections for 2050 are not exaggerated. But the

key point is that the Hispanic population is becoming so large that the future of

the country will in many important areas be significantly determined by how

Latinos progress. The laws of large numbers dramatically assure that Latinos

will move the national averages in almost every measurable category of Amer-

ican life: economics, social indicators, and educational attainment. In a regret-

tably negative example, for instance, in California the underperformance of

Latino students registers on that state’s education statistics, helping to push the

state down to forty-fifth among fifty in attainment levels. The same pattern of

scale and effect will be more and more evident across the nation.

L ATINO YOUTHFULNESS AS AN AMERICAN ASSET

Second, the youthfulness and rapid growth of Latinos can be major assets

to the United States, fueling the growth of markets, staffing the workforce, sup-porting financial systems such as Social Security, and revitalizing communities.

These positive dynamics stand in dramatic contrast to the alarming demograph-

ic problems of other industrial nations, such as Japan, Italy, France, and Ger-

many. Japanese population analysts announced in October 2006 that Japan has

begun declining in population. The implications for every sector of Japanese

society are profound, including its free enterprise markets, which have histori-

cally required the growth of a nation’s domestic population in order to function

profitably.

Europe is the most rapidly aging region in the world. Several northern

European nations have measured the lowest birth rates ever recorded. Cultural

mores have resulted in birth rates that are only two-thirds the rates needed for

population replacement. Many European nations lack experience with the inte-

gration of immigrants. The challenges for these nations will be immense and

their population problems are almost certain to pose serious dilemmas for the

United States as well. The scenario in which America’s staunchest traditionalallies are weakened by failing internal systems, staffing problems for their

armed forces, divisive political strife, and uncertain international politics as they

respond to large internal populations of alienated foreign workers, should be

worrisome to U.S. national security planners.

Some parts of the United States may confront variations on this theme, as

the non-Hispanic white population declines or ages in place. The Census Bureau

6 Henry G. Cisneros



reports that between 2000 and 2007, the white non-Hispanic population

declined in sixteen states and the white non-Hispanic population under age 15

declined in forty-two states.By contrast, many of the states and cities that grew did so principally

because of the influx and internal growth of Latino populations. The point is that

whatever other challenges the United States faces, and there are many, the stag-

nation of population decline, the contracting effects of shrinking markets, and

the constraints of unavailable workers need not be the national pattern. Latinos

represent youthful energy, the hunger of ambition, willingness to work, and

family and community striving for a better life.

L ATINO ACCEPTANCE OF RESPONSIBILITY FOR A DECISIVE

P ART IN THE AMERICAN FUTURE

Third, these traits can be converted into a much more powerful and con-

tributory force if they result in Latino acceptance of self-determined responsi-

bility, not only for the Latino community’s destiny, but for a decisive part in the

future of America itself.

It is in every American’s interest that the United States remain a first-class

country for centuries to come. That is a demanding task in a time when other

nations, such as the Pacific Rim powerhouses, are surging to the forefront. The

currency of competition is robust trade, creative services, quality products to

sell, rigorous education at all levels, excellence in scientific research, efficient

infrastructure, and skilled leadership. Can these instruments of sophisticated

global competition credibly be mentioned in the same paragraph as the ambi-tions of one of America’s poorest populations, with the most underperforming

students, with the highest dropout rates? The answer is that they are linked

because the Latino population already accounts for half of America’s growth,

with larger numbers to come. It is hard to imagine an American future of robust

competitiveness if a population that is growing to one-quarter of its people

remains in its present state of underperformance.

A first step is Latino acceptance of a major role in building the nationalfuture. The Latino motive for activism and advocacy must shift from asking

America’s help for Latinos out of fairness, justice, or humanitarian instincts, to

an agenda of reinforcing our capacity to help build the nation in which we have

such a stake. That requires an unabashed commitment to the quality of public

education, to higher education, to entrepreneurship, to income and wealth

strategies, to political advocacy, and leadership development. From reinforced




capacities comes the reality of Latinos as the youthful backbone of an America

that remains energetic, ambitious, vigorous, productive, and cohesive.

An important element of this strategy must encompass Latino immi-grants—including the ten million or more who are undocumented. They must

contribute to the American future on the level that an advanced economy

requires. That means integration into American society. For those who are doc-

umented it means learning English; assisting in their children’s education,

establishing the paths by which the next generation does better financially; mov-

ing to build wealth, including home ownership; becoming involved in commu-

nity life; preparing for citizenship; and learning the cultural underpinnings of

the American way of life. For those who are undocumented and working pro-

ductively, as soon as a workable guest worker program is enacted, integration

should proceed in measured steps: proving adherence to the nation’s legal

framework, learning English, becoming financially responsible, and, over time,

earning a path to citizenship.

Latinos are now ready to accept responsibility for helping build the American

future. They have already proven this in military service. Significantly, they work

hard in jobs that others will not do. Their strong family ethic involves seeking abetter life for their children and encouraging ambition and achievement. They

understand sacrificing today for a chance at a better future. Many have con-

sciously chosen to come here because they know it is a better life for their fami-

lies than in any other country. They have made courageous decisions and risked

dangers, which most Americans never have to think about, much less act upon, in

order to be here. America’s Latinos, with understanding from American society,

can and will do their part to sustain America’s growth, progress, and greatness.

A N ATIONAL COMMITMENT TO INVEST IN THE

NEXT GENERATION OF AMERICANS

Finally, American society can choose this outcome for the nation by accept-

ing a straightforward proposition: Americans must be open to the prospect that

the nation’s best days are yet ahead and remain open to the prospect that a truly

inclusive society, with talent unleashed, with faith in education, can reach newheights. During the 1950s, even as American industry was the colossus of the

world, it was the nation’s progressive instincts that spurred the expansion of the

middle class, which in turn supported breakthrough accomplishments in sci-

ence, medicine, and community-building. That middle class was expanded after

World War II by the G.I. Bill for higher education, by the commitment to home

ownership, and by the floor under incomes represented by the minimum wage.

8 Henry G. Cisneros



Those same instincts supported the drive for a more just society, which emanat-

ed from the Civil Rights movement, the women’s movement, and the environ-

mental movement. Now Latinos must ask American society to reinvigorate itsprogressive instincts, to tirelessly keep open the path to the middle class, to

invest in public schools, to improve access to higher education, to invest in the

infrastructure of commerce and trade, and to sustain the American belief in a

future even greater than its past.

THE AMERICAN IDEA AND L ATINO INTEGRATION

If our nation is to commit to invest in a future in which Latinos are a major

force, there is a challenge to be faced, one that involves the pace and degree of

assimilation by Latinos into American society. The degree to which Latinos can

actually participate fully in the American future—as workers, as citizens, as

leaders—will depend upon their mastery of the nuances of the American way of

life—as well as upon acceptance of Latinos by non-Hispanic Americans at all

levels—as a population intent on integration into American society. In recent

years bitter controversies have arisen over what integration actually means.Some have criticized the traditional model of assimilation as insufficiently

respectful of Latino culture and requiring too many concessions of heritage,

identity, and subordination to the dominant American culture. People who hold

that view have tended to support a concept they label acculturation, which

describes a process of relating to American culture as needed to function, but

doing so on an equal plane with Latino culture. In this formulation, assimilation

is an outmoded idea and acculturation is a concept more in keeping with respect

for pan-national ideas that celebrate the rights of individuals, as against the

rigidities wrought by the sovereignty concerns of nations.

Among the adherents of assimilation are persons who fear that anything

less than full assimilation by Latinos will result in an unmanageable American

society, with enclaves of Latinos who never learn English, who transform areas

of the United States into mini-versions of their home countries, and who feel lit-

tle attachment, respect, or obligation to the United States, its laws and cultural

norms. Some who hold this view, including respected scholars such as Profes-sor Samuel Huntington, fear that the eventual result will be Quebec-style sepa-

ratist scenarios in sections of the American Southwest. They cite the writings of

radical Latino poets and polemicists who yearn for the Latino homeland of

Aztlán as evidence of such separatist ambitions on the part of Latinos.

In fact, no serious Latino leader harbors any such ambitions. No matter the

levels of frustration bred by the slow pace of progress on matters of education




or economics, credible Latino leaders recognize that the best chance of gener-

ating opportunity for the national Latino community is within the American

social, political, and enterprise systems.There remains, however, the dilemma of the degree of integration. My own

sense is that the debate as it is framed today presents a false choice. Clearly to

get ahead in American society, Latinos must master English, understand and

observe the American legal framework, develop financial literacy, prepare for

workplace success, and master the nuances of societal customs and practices,

such as guiding children through education. But we are fortunate that God gave

human beings brains that do not require that one sphere of knowledge must be

displaced in order to accommodate another. Therefore it is possible to learn

English without having to forget Spanish, to adopt American societal practices

in the workplace without having to denigrate sacred traditions, and to commit to

American legal and financial regulations without rejecting heartfelt obligations

to family and community. Human beings are pushed by circumstances to be

adaptable, to be resilient sponges, to acquire the street smarts it takes to get

ahead in an environment of opportunity, and Latinos have proven they can do it

over the years. Add to that the immensity of the pull, the attraction of the uniquepackage that is the American environment of opportunity—the magnetic

prospect of incomes, ownership, self-improvement, ambition, rewards for sacri-

fice, security, legal due process, respected rights—and the forces for integration

into American society are strong. Ironically, the flaw in the arguments of Pro-

fessor Huntington and others who fear Latino separatism is that they are insuf-

ficiently respectful of the strength of American culture to create an irresistible

magnet for full integration.

I believe the interests of the American Latino community and the nation

itself are best served by the process of integration followed by immigrant groups

throughout American history. In deference to Professor Huntington, there are

some aspects of the Latino story that make it different from other immigrant his-

tories. One major difference is that many Latinos were well established in

places before those locales were part of the United States. In that sense, because

the nation came to them, not the other way around, they are not immigrants at

all. The tens of millions of people involved over a three-hundred-year history,the fact of a two-thousand-mile border with Mexico and the nations to the South

beyond, and the concentration of Latinos in cities and states where they domi-

nate politically and economically—those factors are often cited as the reason

that the traditional process of integration will not work. I do not agree. The push

of Latino ambitions combined with the pull of American culture together create

a powerful opportunity to integrate forty million Latinos in the United States—

10 Henry G. Cisneros



including native born, immigrant, and undocumented; including heritages from

Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Caribbean, Central and South America; living

in every state of the United States—and to generate one of the most contributo-ry, productive, and fortuitous developments for America in the new century.

The process of integration cannot be left to chance or to gradual and uneven

absorption over a long span of time. It requires English proficiency in order to

enhance the ability to function in the workplace and in society. Beyond the

mechanics of legalization, naturalization, and citizenship, integration means a

working knowledge of American institutions, history, and values. It involves the

quest for self-improvement, including personal education and investing in chil-

dren. Integration into the American economic system requires being able to use

financial services for banking, savings, insurance, home ownership, and prepar-

ing for retirement. Integration should also inform decisions about job opportu-

nities, health care options, and entrepreneurial possibilities. And integration into

the life of civic participation should include paying taxes, voting and volunteer-

ing in school and community activities.

Integration into American life requires the intense personal commitments of

motivated people. A group of Latino leaders has offered a framework to achievelevels of integration beyond the legal thresholds of legalization and citizenship.

That framework includes a fifteen-year life plan for Latinos and other immigrants:

Within 15 years:

• I will be English proficient but will feel free to retain my native language.

• I will be self-sufficient, not dependent on government.

• I will work to have a family health plan, a savings account, and a retire-

ment plan.• I will save to own my own home.

• My children will be on the road to college.

• I will have created an environment where my children will have the abil-

ity to achieve their highest potential.

• I will participate in civic, community, or religious activities.

• I will be an American citizen or well on my way to becoming one.

• I will carry my home country in my heart but my life’s work will be in

the United States.

• I will own a piece of the American Dream.

Even as discrimination against individuals begins to recede as a result of efforts

such as those just described, the cultural stereotyping of Latinos as a group may

make belief in a decisive role for Latinos in shaping the future of the nation dif-

ficult for many Americans to accept. For many Americans, the indigenous ori-




gins, national histories, economic failures, and tortured religious past of Latin

America belie the concept that American Latinos can be trusted with major

responsibilities for the future of the United States. To those who harbor suchmisgivings, I would argue once again that the point is moot, because sheer num-

bers and demographics assure that Latinos will have a decisive role. The ques-

tion now before us is whether that Latino population will be large and undere-

ducated, underproductive, under-compensated, alienated, and a divisive force on

the American scene. Or will it be large and educated, creative, prosperous, and

an energetic part of the American story? The answer lies in the extent and rapid-

ity of investment in education and in the Latino progression to the middle class:

It is not hyperbole to say that the United States can shape its own destiny by the

middle years of this century by the extent to which it addresses these choices.

It is not hyperbole, but it is also not an easy message to absorb or to accept

as a basis for action. It is in some ways a very hard message. But hard realities

decide the fate of nations. This message is about the ebb and flow of massive

forces in our own backyard not unlike those that confront other nations around

the world—the movement of people, of goods, of capital, the demographics of

age, and the various phases in the stages of economic life.The forces that confront the United States with respect to Latinos are far more

manageable and much more latent with positive potential than those confronting

other nations. In that respect we are blessed. A friend of mine visited Germany

some months ago and in a late dinner conversation about Europe’s cultural tensions

concerning immigration, his German host observed: “You Americans are fortunate,

your newcomers are so much like you.” That might come as a surprise to heartland

Americans who are unnerved by the sudden presence of Spanish in the workplace,

in the increasing numbers of dark-skinned children in their local schools, or in the

Spanish-language masses offered at the nearby parish church. But in the important

ways, Americans’ most numerous newcomers, the Latinos, are truly much like the

Americans who built the nation.

I have always been most inspired, indeed moved to tears, by the people who

strive, who work hard for something they care deeply about. The strivers are the

people who work, who apply themselves, who sacrifice, who discipline them-

selves, and who play by the rules. Sometimes they strive because they wantsomething for themselves such as an economic advancement, a promotion, a

material good, or an honor. Sometimes it is because they love others—such as

their children—and want something better for those they love: a home, an edu-

cation, or a career success. America’s Latinos are on the whole a community of

strivers. They understand that striving is at the core of American culture. It is not

that people do not strive in their home countries or that many do not achieve, but

12 Henry G. Cisneros



Latinos in America believe that the difference here is that it is possible for every

person to advance. The cultures of many other nations are more class-bound,

fatalistic, blocked, rigid, prejudiced, or unfair. The American Dream is the rightto strive with the best chance in the world of being rewarded for it. That Amer-

ican Dream is not foolproof, but Latinos understand that here, if you strive you

have a fair chance of success, if not for you, then for someone you love who

comes behind you. That Latino striving, encouraged by a nation that has always

understood the power of striving, is the basis for a hopeful America whose best

days are still ahead.




115

Lionel Sosa has been called by Time Magazine (2005) “one of the 25 most influ-

ential Hispanics in America.” He is a highly successful advertising executive, a

media consultant to three U.S. presidents, and in 2008 was active in his seventh

national presidential race. He has served as a board member of institutions in

the field of education and communications and chaired both the United Way of

San Antonio and the San Antonio Symphony. In 2001, Sosa was a Fellow at the

Institute of Politics at Harvard University.

In this lively essay, at various times speculative, autobiographical, and

interpretive, Sosa elaborates on the theme of core Latino values as core Repub-

lican values—a theme of huge significance in American political life.

As we consider the Latino-American future, let us go there.

It is November 7, 2028. Election Day. The votes have been counted and the

president-elect steps to the podium to declare her victory. She is cheered as few

before have ever been.

Katherine Cabral’s margin of victory was very narrow, but wide enough to

make history. Not only will she be America’s first Latina president but the first

Republican president of that heritage. But not the first Latin-American presi-

NINE

POLITICS AND THE LATINO FUTUREA REPUBLICAN DREAM

Lionel Sosa



116 Lionel Sosa

dent. Twelve years earlier, in 2016, Democrat Enrique (Bill) Richardson-López

earned that distinction when he was elected on his second try. His victory and

his capable, successful leadership changed many things. For Latino youth hebecame the ultimate role model, proving that anything is possible. His presi-

dency gave tremendous pride to older Latinos, who felt that they shared his

accomplishment and that he honored theirs. And the Richardson administration

had changed the minds of many other Americans about a people who, not many

years before, they had underestimated, even scorned.

How did two Latino presidents get elected back-to-back? How could such

a turn of events occur when only two decades earlier, in 2006, the U.S. Congress

was debating an immigration bill that would have severely limited Latino accul-

turation into the American mainstream? The answer was Latino leadership.

Let us now move away from a fantasy future to the real past or, more accu-

rately, the present.

First in 2007, to a small meeting of Latino leaders in Texas. Sarita E. Brown,

former education advisor to President Bill Clinton and president of Excelencia

in Education, suggests that Latinos could become “the next new wave of Amer-

ican talent.” Sarita presents her ideas elsewhere in this book, but I recall her say-ing that while the Latino achievement gap is real, if we focus on positive accom-

plishments, on providing an atmosphere in which our young people can thrive,

“Can you imagine the kind of talent that will be available, in science, mathe-

matics, the arts?”

Some of those in the meeting warmed to the notion but others questioned

its viability, suggesting that Latinos needed more time to catch up on the edu-

cational front. Still, it was an intriguing thought and certainly a notion Latinos

could rally around.

In 2007, the times were changing for Latinos. Although this huge “minori-

ty” group was at the center of an enormous, destructive debate over immigra-

tion, individual Latinos had become hip. The Oscars in Hollywood had nomi-

nated many for awards. Mario Lopez wowed American TV viewers on the

top-rated “Dancing with the Stars.” The “George Lopez Show” had been a top-

rated sitcom for five years. The new series “Ugly Betty” also found a huge audi-

ence. Salma Hayek, Penélope Cruz, Jessica Alba, America Ferrera, Thalía,Christina Aguilera, Eva Mendez, Jennifer Lopez, Cameron Diaz, Eva Longoria,

and Gloria Estefan were some of the country’s hottest female stars. Marc Antho-

ny, Juanes, Maná, Jimmy Smits, Andy García, Enrique Iglesias, and Freddy

Rodríguez were big male heartthrobs. Pioneers like Rita Moreno, Edward James

Olmos, Paul Rodriguez, Sonia Braga, and Cheech Marin were holding strong.

In sports, Lorena Ochoa was the number one woman golfer on the LPGA tour,



Politics and the Latino Future: A Republican Dream 117

and Latinos dominated baseball more than ever. Politics were changing too.

Democrats had taken the Latino vote for granted ever since Mexican-Americans

helped elect John F. Kennedy in 1960. A television commercial by a Spanish-speaking Jacqueline Kennedy had actually asked for their votes, promising that

her husband would “watch out for the interests of all the sectors of our society that

need the protection of a humanitarian government.” The spot concluded, “Para el

futuro de nuestros niños . . . votan ustedes para el partido demócrata . . .”

For decades during the twentieth century, Latinos did vote for Democrats.

Party leaders came to believe that the Hispanic vote was a given. The strategy was

simple. First, throw a beer and tamale party. Second, vilify the Republicans as

“rich gringos who don’t care about you.” Third, bus Latinos to the polls on Elec-

tion Day. This 1-2-3 approach kept working year after year. So why do more?

Why spend money to hire Latino consultants and staff, to advertise to the Latino

voters in any big way, especially when Republicans were doing even less?

That had begun to change in 1978, in Texas, and I found myself in the mid-

dle of it. My San Antonio ad agency got a call from U.S. Senator John Tower’s

office. “We’re looking for a good, creative agency to handle the senator’s re-

election campaign. We like your work and noticed that two of the four partnersare Hispanic. We’ll need lots of help on the Hispanic end so your agency may

be the right one for the job.” Then came the kicker. “Our budget is $13 million.

Would you like to make a presentation?” Was he kidding? Asking an ad agency

if they would pitch a multimillion dollar account is like asking an alcoholic if

he would like a shot of tequila. “Of course we would,” we answered, adding,

“Our agency is uniquely qualified for the job.” Never mind that we had done no

political work at all. I didn’t know a state senator from a U.S. senator, but I knew

thirteen million dollars from thirteen dollars. Besides, I’m an ad guy and ad

guys think they can do anything.

Everyone at the agency took on the opportunity with gusto, working eighteen-

hour days for three weeks to prepare. I read everything I could find on Texas

politics and Latino marketing. There were few exit polls in those days, but I

studied news reports asking voters why they made the choices they did. I asked

my friends. I concluded that most political support was not based on deep

issues. It was based on whether the voters liked the candidate or not andbelieved he was a strong enough leader to solve whatever problem might come

along. As it happened, that was how I had seen my parents making their politi-

cal decisions.

History nearly passed us by, thanks to now-defunct Braniff Airlines. When

my partners Beverly Coiner, Warren Stewart, Lupe Garcia, and I flew to Wash-

ington, D.C. to make our presentation, Braniff lost our carefully crafted presen-



118 Lionel Sosa

tation materials. We arrived with nothing to show: no TV storyboards, no bill-

board or magazine designs, no radio tapes. Nada.

Tower and his people said, “We’re sorry, but you have to make your pre-sentation today.” With little to lose and everything to gain, we were surprising-

ly calm. We’d been rehearsing so hard that we’d memorized our parts without

knowing it. In fact, I think we presented better with no props than we would

have while using them as a crutch.

I believe we got the approval of those twenty people (including the Sena-

tor’s mother) because we had no political experience. Since we weren’t used to

the conventional approaches, we weren’t constrained by what was expected. As

a result, the ads we produced later had a really wonderful look of their own, a

crispness that the political advertising world had not seen. Rather than an Amer-

ican flag for a logo, we used Tower’s signature, white on blue. There was a John

Hancock feel to it, like he was affirming what the ads said, that he stood for

Texas and always would.

We were ultimately awarded the account, though the decision was vetoed at

first by the Senator’s wife, Lilla. We got the job after the staffers learned that she

hated the competing presentations even more.Senator Tower said, “Lionel, the Latino vote is getting bigger every year.

One of these days it will be the deciding vote, and I’m going to get started early.

I don’t see why we have to accept 8 percent,” which was the most any Republi-

can had ever won. The Senator told me he wanted 35 percent of the Latino vote.

How were we supposed to manage that? Actually, I had an idea. We didn’t

have to make John Tower likable to Latinos. He already was. We only had to

show the man to voters. Tower loved Texas politics and he loved his Lone Star

beer. He visited South Texas Mexican beer joints often, and when he stepped

inside, the men knew him and greeted him with big abrazos. He asked about

their families and their worries. They wanted the latest Washington gossip and

the Senator’s tall Texas tales. This guy was the real thing. He “spoke cantina.”

As ad people, we wanted to capture this feeling, so we filmed the Senator

around the men he respected. We also filmed visits to women and children in the

barrio centers. Our commercials reminded Latino voters that Tower had been

there when they needed him, supporting bilingual education, small businessownership for Latino entrepreneurs and family assistance through the organiza-

tion SER-Jobs for Progress. We wrote a Mexican ballad, a corrido for the

soundtrack and created a series of commercials called “ El Corrido de John

Tower.”

It was the biggest Texas political ad budget up to that point, as well as the

first to target Hispanic voters with advertising so far in advance of the general




election. We spent half a million dollars on Spanish-language radio and TV

(about a million and a half in 2007 dollars). “ El Corrido de John Tower” became

a hit, and the Senator won reelection with 37 percent of the Latino vote, twopoints higher than the goal he had set. His overall margin of victory was one-

half of one percent. The Latino vote made the difference.

That election changed my life. From then on, all I wanted to do was create

Hispanic and political advertising. I opened up my own agency, Sosa and Asso-

ciates. Within ten years, it became the largest Hispanic ad agency in the United

States. One reason for that was a call I got from a grateful John Tower. “I want

to help you build your business,” he said, “and I’m going to introduce you to the

governor of California. He’s running for president and I told him you’d help him

win. His name is Ronald Reagan.”

Let me say something about friends in high places. It is easy to resent the

patrones, but if they are bringing you something you need because you have

something they need, there is no charity. It is a business that brings money to both

sides, and with the money comes respect. You may or may not become friends,

but you get access like you never had before, especially if you’re dealing with

people who already see a connection between you and them. Like John Tower.Like Ronald Reagan. When Tower introduced us, the governor smiled, put

his hand on my shoulder and said, “Lionel, your job’s going to be easy. His-

panics are Republicans. They just don’t know it yet.”

“What do you mean?” I asked.

“Hispanic values are conservative values. Republican values. What you

need to do is communicate this truth to them. At our core, we think alike. The

same things that matter to Latinos matter to me. Family. A strong work ethic.

Personal responsibility. Good moral values. Patriotism. Isn’t that what your

mother and father taught you?” Of course that was what my parents taught me.

Never mind that they also taught me to be a Democrat. That lesson never took.

Reagan’s words hit me like a ton of ladrillos. He understood something

about my own people that I had never realized. In less than one minute, this

friendly, rosy-cheeked man had figured it all out for me. No wonder they called

him the Great Communicator.

I never forgot what Ronald Reagan taught me that day. I have said that toget a candidate to the voter, you must use advertising to form a deep, personal

bond. You do this by stressing shared, core values. The strategy worked for Rea-

gan. He took 37 percent of the Hispanic vote in 1980 and 44 percent in 1984,

according to exit polls cited by Reagan biographer Lou Cannon.

Reagan’s success brought George H.W. Bush to me, when he began his

campaign for 1988. Papa Bush did not attain Reagan’s numbers with Latinos,



120 Lionel Sosa

especially against Bill Clinton. Neither did Bob Dole, who made little attempt

to reach Latino voters in 1996 (and who didn’t hire me).

In 2000, however, the Reagan strategy did work for the Republicans. Notonly had the raw numbers of Latino Americans been rising, their voting patterns

had been changing. In state and local elections, Republicans had been making

inroads into Democratic Latino vote totals for more than two decades, especial-

ly in Texas and (sometimes) California. Florida’s Cuban-American community

remained strongly Republican, especially after the Elián González affair. In

New York, Republicans George Pataki and Rudy Giuliani had won almost half

the traditionally Democratic Puerto Rican vote in the late 1990s by running

inclusive campaigns. In 2000, George W. Bush told me, “We are going to do this

right.” He gave me three goals. “I want more Hispanic votes than any Republi-

can running for president has ever gotten. I want ads that portray Latinos as

Americans, equally deserving of the American Dream. And I want to leave a

model for other Republicans to follow.” (If you want to see some of the com-

mercials we made, log on to www.LionelSosa.com.)

George W. Bush got an estimated 35 percent of the Latino vote in 2000.

More important, Cubans and Puerto Ricans tipped the scales when Bush got6,000 more Latino votes in Florida then did Al Gore. Florida, of course, decid-

ed the election by going for Bush by 534 votes, although my Democratic friends

still argue about that. In 2004, again pursuing the same three goals, Bush won

44 percent of the Hispanic vote nationwide, according to his campaign manag-

er, Ken Mehlman.

I have told these stories because I think they show there’s no magic

involved in advancement of a politician, an ad man or a people. Good luck

comes to those who prepare, who are willing to set a smart strategy and then

take chances on it, those who let no one convince them that a goal is impossi-

ble to reach.

And now is the time for me to say that nobody does good stuff all by them-

selves. Dozens of great people more talented than I am have contributed to our

success in very big ways. They include my original partners, Bev, Lupe, and

Warren; also Bob Estrada, Alex Armendariz, Sig Rogich, Frank Guerra, Cesar

Martinez, Karl Rove, Mark McKinnon, and the best of them all, my wife andpartner, Kathy Sosa.

Back again to 2006. Republicans were seeing their party’s gains among

Latinos threatened by the debate over misguided “reforms” in immigration law.

Some Republicans in the House passed a bill that would make it a felony to be

in the United States illegally. There would be new penalties on employers who

hire such immigrant workers. Churches would have to check the legal status of




parishioners needing help. And the government would build fences along much

of the U.S.-Mexican border. Latino Americans responded with enormous

protest demonstrations. Tens of thousands of them took to the streets in Mil-waukee, Phoenix, Denver, and other cities. An estimated half a million marched

in Los Angeles. The hard-line Republicans sneered at the Mexican flags carried

by some demonstrators, ignoring the fact that their attempt at repressive legis-

lation would cost the party the votes of many of those marchers. Some super

conservatives want nothing to do with “illegal aliens.” A few call for the depor-

tation of twelve million immigrant workers, a ridiculously impractical idea.

They accuse those workers of committing crimes, when all they did was accept

jobs offered by business owners who, as U.S. citizens, are rarely regarded as

criminals themselves. Latinos, of course, take this ill-conceived approach as

unfriendly and voted their minds. In the ugly debate over immigration, control

of Congress had passed to the Democrats. The Latino support that Republicans

had developed in recent decades was almost obliterated.

In spring 2007, John McCain and George W. Bush were among the brave

ones insisting on a more moderate approach to reforming the immigration sys-

tem, making provisions for those already working in the United States and for their families, among other positive proposals. But the hard-liners in Congress

and the rest of the men then running for the Republican presidential nomination

call the Bush-McCain approach “amnesty” and rejected it, either in principle or

because they believed they could not win by seeming to be pro-immigration. At

mid-year, the immigration reform effort collapsed in Congress. No bill passed.

The issue was unresolved. Hard feelings remained.

Democrats pounced on the opportunity. The 2008 presidential candidates,

especially Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, and Bill Richardson, began courting

Latinos strategically, spending money and resources to bring them “back home,”

even in some primary and caucus states with small Hispanic populations. “Iowa,

por Dios,” exclaimed the political journalist Luis Clemens, quoted in The Wash-

ington Post , “Who would have thought there would be competing [Latino] voter

outreach efforts in Iowa? There’s a sea change.”

Miami publisher Arturo Villar launched La Política, which he declared as

the first Web site covering “the business of political marketing to Hispanics.”Clemens, the editor of La Política, said, “Hispanic voters have distinct political

interests and value systems . . . We will report on the attempts by the campaigns

to navigate these complex waters . . . ”

In those waters, it seems, the “next new wave of American talent” may be

about to crest. Latinos, energized by the immigration debate and realizing they

aren’t a powerless minority anymore, prepared to help elect a president and



122 Lionel Sosa

members of Congress who are for them, not against them. This same energy was

directed toward education and business. At that 2007 meeting in Texas, Sarita E.

Brown and others talked about how Latinos’ growing numbers demanded thatthey take up the mantle of leadership, how the time had come to start training

the next generation of governmental, academic, and economic talent.

What do I see, looking to the future? A multimedia, multiyear communica-

tions campaign directed by an alliance of Latino leadership organizations. I see

corporate America, recognizing the enormous profit potential in Latin-American

prosperity, pitching in. I see both political parties involving themselves for the

same reason. I see a fair resolution of the immigration debate, influenced by the

economic, political, and social power of the nation’s biggest minority. The

activism seen in the streets of Los Angeles and other cities in 2006 will become

the norm. Latinos will become more confident of what they can do, especially

as they see themselves taking on greater roles in civic, political, and business

life. As a population understands its own influence, it becomes more ready to be

part of the mainstream. With the assistance of public and private universities,

there will be an intense emphasis on education. As a result, I see Latino gradu-

ation rates tripling in ten years. I see even more Hispanic-owned businesses thanthere are today. The small business tradition will continue but there will be

many more midsized and larger Latino companies, reflecting our experience

and success competing in the United States. There will be more Latinos in large

American corporations, influencing their direction in terms of giving to the

community, hiring, and marketing. More celebrities? Absolutely. In the future I

see a fourth to a third of the pop stars will be Latino, bringing more influence

in language, music, and art.However, sheer numbers and gross economic power will not make us true

leaders. We also must nurture our traditional Latino core values and mix them

with mainstream American values. If we can take the best from one and the best

from the other, we will be helping ourselves and helping our country.

Here are examples of old interpretations of Latino values and some new

interpretations, the ones most Latino leaders are embracing:

Family Values:

1. Family comes first.

2. Work to help the family.

3. Old way: Drop out of school, get a job.

4. New way: Finish college, earn more, and contribute more to the family.




Education:

1. Education is important, but . . .

2. Old way: “We’ll never be able to afford college, so why invite disap-pointment by getting ready for it?”

3. New way: “Work smart and prepare. The money will be there if you

believe it will.”

4. Be creative and resourceful.

Work:

1. Hard work is good.

2. Hard work is honorable.3. Old way: Any steady job is honorable.

4. New way: Set high goals for your career. You are capable of achieving

anything.

5. Go for it. Believe you will be successful.

Wealth:

1. Money is not important

2. God loves the poor

3. Old way: Stay poor, go straight to heaven.

4. New way: It’s okay to have money. God loves the rich, too.

We should also set high expectations for our children. We must teach them:

• To have big, clear, and concise goals.

• That any goal they set is achievable.

• To get the best education they can and that you’ll be there to help.

• That they are in charge of their own future.• To expect success, because they will have it.

It’s true. If we all believe we are the next wave of American talent, then we will

be. Belief becomes reality. We attract what we expect of ourselves.

As I have said, I see Latinos winning the White House. Twice, in twenty

years. That is my dream. It is also my prediction. And if I’m off, it won’t be by

much. It will happen, if we, as Latinos, want it to happen. I also predicted that

one of those presidents, my so-far fictional Katherine Cabral, would be a Repub-lican. My own parents would find that prediction the one least likely to come

true. As with most Latinos of their generation, they were Democrats even though

they believed in conservative principles. I realized that as a boy when, one day, I

saw President Eisenhower on TV, talking about taking personal responsibility,

about looking for opportunities and not relying on others to take care of us. That

was exactly what my parents had taught me, but when I told them that made me



124 Lionel Sosa

a Republican, they said, “My God, Lionel, those are the rich Anglos. You can’t

be a Republican, they’re the party of the rich?” I told them, “But I want to be

rich!” I thought of that the day I met Ronald Reagan, realizing that my parentswere two of the many Latinos who were Republicans and didn’t know it.

I believe that as Latinos become more prosperous, they will be more likely

to vote Republican. It won’t be because Republicans are the party of the rich. It

will be because Republican candidates at all levels will do a better job of point-

ing out the shared conservative values, as Reagan did. They will say, truthfully,

“We both believe in individual opportunity based on our own initiative. We

believe in the work ethic, in family values, and in our faith.”

Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush did leave a model for other Republi-cans to follow.

I do not predict that most Latinos will become Republicans, but there will be

many more than there are today. As we grow, we will find more room for—and

more need for—differences in our politics. Joe García writes his thoughts else-

where in this book. He is a Cuban-American Democrat from Miami. I am a Mex-

ican-American Republican from San Antonio. If that doesn’t make the case for an

expanding Latino-American diversity of leadership, I don’t know what might.

More and more in the future, both parties will come to understand that they

cannot win without us, and so more and more they will target the Latino vote. I

believe that we will be the primary, secondary, or tertiary focus in every cam-

paign, especially in the biggest states. Those are where the electoral votes are,

and that is where the Latino voters reside.

Competition for Latino support will benefit all of us. Never again will the

parties take us for granted or ignore us. Instead, they will urge us to become

their candidates, to run in local, state, and national races. I would make a crazyguess that in twenty years there will be six Latino governors. There will be fif-

teen to twenty Senators and forty Congressmen, maybe fifty. I want half of them

to be Republicans and half Democrats. That way, our community will be the

winner. And because of what we can contribute to the life and culture of this

country, America will be better for it.

In 1980, the first Latino ran for president. He was businessman and econo-

mist Benjamin Fernandez. He didn’t get very far because he was ahead of his

time. But now, the time is right. I believe Bill Richardson will ultimately be awinner in a presidential campaign. And following him should come a “Kather-

ine Cabral.” Today, she might be the owner of a growing business somewhere,

a leader of her community being courted by local Republicans to run for the

latinos and the nation's future edited by henry g. cisneros and john rosales

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