language policy

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In Malaysia, a sudden change in language policy, from Bahasa Melayu to English, has been instituted for the disciplines of science and technology at varying levels of the educational system. For this paper, it will be the domain of higher education that will be focused on. In 2005, the students who had their pre-university courses in English would be first year students in university. These are undergraduates who would expect to have their first year university courses conducted in English. Unfortunately, this has not been the case as reflected by the letters written by a number of parents to the mainstream print media. Therefore this paper aims to unravel the reality of implementation of change in MOI in public universities. This will be done by examining the nature of transmission of directives from the higher levels of the Ministry to the academic management of public universities. What is the underlying ideology of the nature of directives issued to public universities? In turn, what are the attitudes of academic management and lecturers to this change in policy and how are they approaching the implementation of the policy in their institutions of higher learning? This will enable us to unravel the varying expectations and realities of implementation from the perspective of the government authorities, the public universities and society. Unravelling reasons for change, conflict and compromise in mother- tongue education Saran Kaur Gill , Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Malaysia experienced a major shift in language policy in 2003 for the subjects of science and maths. This meant a change in the language of education for both national and national-type schools. For national schools, this resulted in a shift from Bahasa Malaysia, the national language to English. Parallel with this, to ensure homogeneity of impact of change, the State persuaded the national-type schools, which have been utilizing the language of community, Mandarin and Tamil respectively, as medium of instruction since independence in 1957, to shift to English for the teaching of science and maths.

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Page 1: Language Policy

In Malaysia, a sudden change in language policy, from Bahasa Melayu to English, has been instituted for the disciplines of science and technology at varying levels of the educational system. For this paper, it will be the domain of higher education that will be focused on. In 2005, the students who had their pre-university courses in English would be first year students in university. These are undergraduates who would expect to have their first year university courses conducted in English. Unfortunately, this has not been the case as reflected by the letters written by a number of parents to the mainstream print media. Therefore this paper aims to unravel the reality of implementation of change in MOI in public universities. This will be done by examining the nature of transmission of directives from the higher levels of the Ministry to the academic management of public universities. What is the underlying ideology of the nature of directives issued to public universities? In turn, what are the attitudes of academic management and lecturers to this change in policy and how are they approaching the implementation of the policy in their institutions of higher learning? This will enable us to unravel the varying expectations and realities of implementation from the perspective of the government authorities, the public universities and society.

Unravelling reasons for change, conflict and compromise in mother-tongue educationSaran Kaur Gill, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia

Malaysia experienced a major shift in language policy in 2003 for the subjects of science and maths. This meant a change in the language of education for both national and national-type schools. For national schools, this resulted in a shift from Bahasa Malaysia, the national language to English. Parallel with this, to ensure homogeneity of impact of change, the State persuaded the national-type schools, which have been utilizing the language of community, Mandarin and Tamil respectively, as medium of instruction since independence in 1957, to shift to English for the teaching of science and maths.This paper aims to unravel the socio-political reasons underlying the shift with a focus on the Chinese community’s responses to the change. This will be carried out by examining the discourses of the debate contested by members of the Chinese community, juxtaposed against the reasons for the change, set forth by the State, as articulated by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohamad. This multi-pronged approach will be used to unravel the underlying ideologies for the change and the reluctant compromise that was reached by the Chinese community.

DOI: 10.1075/aila.20.09gil

Page 2: Language Policy

Abstract

The history of Malaysia's linguistic politics and policies reflect so much of what has been at the heart of Malaysia's creation of its own identity, and in more recent times, what it sees as its special roles in. the wider world. In another perspective, it could be argued that this linguistic history reflects a shift from a reactive language policy seeking to solve pressing internal tensions, largely ethnic in nature, in the period from 1957 to the early 1990s, to a clearly more proactive policy which is heavily involved in forging a newer Malaysia with external priorities and often asserted aspirations of playing a larger role on the global stage. It is probably also true to say that much of this latter shift to a proactive stance is closely associated with Dr Mahathir's administration, and with the present Defence Minister, Najib Tun Razak, who as Minister for Education in the early 1990s made much of the public running for the shift allowing - indeed, encouraging - a competence in English to be a critical feature for the new Malaysia of the 21st Century. This discussion therefore will focus on this shift in Malaysia's language policies from a reactive to a proactive stance, and will also examine some of the critical scenarios that have impacted on Malaysia's language policies for the 21st Century. Much of this analysis will consequently focus on English language policies and issues as these constitute the linguistic engine behind much of Malaysia's extension to its self image - an engine that simultaneously is emerging in many polities, but an engine that is often causing concern over its apparent 'killer' nature in terms of the fate of other languages on the world scene. It will be very apparent that language

Page 3: Language Policy

policy never arises in a vacuum and consequently there needs to be some recognition of the evolving Malaysian political tapestry pre- and post 1999 elections and an appreciation of the impact of September II, 2001 on Malaysia in the early 21st Century.

TESOL QUARTERLY Vol. 37, No. 4, Winter 2003 589

The Impact of English as a Global

Language on Educational Policies and

Practices in the Asia-Paci �c Region*

DAVID NUNAN

The University of Hong Kong

Hong Kong, Special Administrative Region, China

This article presents the results of an investigation into the place of

English in the curriculum in several countries in the Asia-Paci � c region.

The study indicates that the emergence of English as a global language

is having considerable impact on policies and practices in all countries

surveyed. However, it also reveals signi � cant problems, including confusion and inconsistency, at the level of policy, particularly regarding the

issue of age of initial instruction, inequity regarding access to effective

language instruction, inadequately trained and skilled teachers, and a

disjunction between curriculum rhetoric and pedagogical reality.

D

espite the apparent widespread perception that English is a global

language, relatively little systematic information has been gathered

on its impact on educational policies and practices in educational

systems around the world. The purpose of this study is to explore the

Page 4: Language Policy

impact of English on educational policies and practices in countries in

the Asia-Paci � c region, particularly Mainland China, Hong Kong, Japan,

Korea, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Vietnam. These countries were chosen

because they represent a range of contrasting characteristics and features, from developed to developing, ex-colonial to independent, large

to small, and culturally diverse to culturally cohesive. The case study

methodology revealed a variety of details about each county, which offer

a glimpse at the educational policy realities of the pervasive role of

English internationally.

*This study is based on a Spotlight Presentation given at the 36th Annual TESOL

Convention, April 2002, in Salt Lake City, Utah, in the United States. It was stimulated by an

invitational conference on research priorities in TESOL, sponsored by the TESOL International Research Foundation in February 2002. During the conference, the need for research

into the impact of English as a global language emerged as a major theme. (For a detailed

review of this and other issues covered at this conference, see Duff & Bailey, 2001.)590 TESOL QUARTERLY

WHAT IS ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE?

In his book English as a Global Language, Crystal (1997) asserts, “A

language achieves a genuinely global status when it develops a special

role that is recognized in every country” (p. 2). The de �nition hinges on

the special role, which Crystal describes as serving as the native language

of the majority (such as English does in the United States or Australia),

serving as the of � cial language, or achieving the status of the priority

foreign language (i.e., the foreign language of choice for children in

schools). Crystal’s analysis offers some criteria by which TESOL professionals can begin to interpret the global status of the English language

and English language education, observed through its use as the

Page 5: Language Policy

language of business, technology, science, the Internet, popular entertainment, and even sports.

Beyond the criteria of native language, of � cial language, and priority

foreign language, it is dif � cult to quantify the proportional use of

English versus other languages in everyday life. Nevertheless, applied

linguists have provided some data. In academic contexts, Swales (1987)

estimated that more than 50% of the millions of academic papers

published each year are written in English, and the percentage was

growing year by year. English is currently the undisputed language of

science and technology, and scienti � c journals in many countries are

now switching from the vernacular to English. In speci � c disciplines,

English appears to be the universal language of communication. For

example, 98% of German physicists now claim English as their de facto

working language. They are closely followed by chemists (83%), biologists (81%), and psychologists (81%) (Graddol, 1997; see also, Block &

Cameron, 2002; Crystal, 1997).

The pervasive view of the globalization of English is tempered by a few

observations. In a study commissioned by the British Council, Graddol

(1997) speaks about the apparently “unstoppable” (p. 2) trend toward

global English usage, but also points out that this could change suddenly

and unexpectedly due to some relatively minor change in world events.

Examining actual language use, Wallraff (2000) argues that, for example, the spread of Spanish in the United States indicates that English

is not sweeping away all before it. These voices, however, are rare and

faint in relation to the widespread perceptions and concerns about the

unabated spread of English, and, as a consequence, TESOL professionals need a clearer understanding of educational policy implications of

Page 6: Language Policy

global English.THE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 591

EDUCATIONAL POLICY RESPONSE

Few TESOL professionals can deny seeing the day-to-day results of the

sociopolitical phenomenon of global English in the policies they encounter. Anecdotal evidence suggests that governments around the

world are introducing English as a compulsory subject at younger and

younger ages, often without adequate funding, teacher education for

elementary school teachers, or the development of curricula and materials for younger learners. In business, industry, and government, workers

are increasingly expected to develop pro � ciency in English. These

demands for English offer opportunities to the TESOL profession, but at

the same time they have created many challenges for TESOL educators

internationally.

An initial challenge is simply to document the nature of the educational policy responses to the growing need for English in countries

where English is not a native language for the majority. Such descriptive

data are needed as a starting point to eventually address questions being

raised by governments, bureaucracies, and industry about language

policy and language education. Because TESOL professionals hold a

central place in English language policy, they need to understand the

impact of English as a global language on the educational practices and

medium of instruction in educational systems around the world. Currently, governments and ministries of education are framing policies and

implementing practices in the language area without adequately considering the implications of such policies and practices on the lives of the

teachers and students they affect (Szulc-Kurpaska, 1996). It would

therefore be imprudent for TESOL professionals to remain unaware of

such policies.

Page 7: Language Policy

This study begins to shed light on policy decisions about English by

seeking descriptive and interpretive accounts of the place of English

within the educational systems of the following countries in the AsiaPaci � c region: Mainland China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Malaysia,

Taiwan, and Vietnam. Each country is treated as a case within this

multiple-case study of these key Asian countries. Although similar

questions could be raised concerning other sectors, such as university,

workplace education, and adult vocational programs, the guiding questions for the study focused on the impact of English as a global language

on policies and practices within school education.

1. Has the emergence of English as a global language in � uenced

language planning and policy making? If so, in what ways has this

in � uence manifested itself?

2. What are the principles underpinning the English language curriculum, and how are they manifested in practice?592 TESOL QUARTERLY

3. What is the impact of English as a global language on educational

practices and medium of instruction?

4. What are the costs and bene � ts, in terms of time, money, and effort,

of teaching EFL?

5. Has the introduction of English had an impact, or is it likely to have

an impact in the future, on L1 or indigenous language development?

METHOD

I investigated these questions through a case study in which I analyzed

published governmental and quasi-governmental documentation and

interviewed informants representing different stakeholders within the

educational systems of the countries that took part in the study. I

attempted to obtain perspectives from similar sources in the seven

Page 8: Language Policy

countries but was limited by those who chose to participate in the study.

In some countries, for instance, I was able to gain access to relatively

highly placed of � cials in ministries of education. In other countries,

however, I was not able to do so.

Data Collection

I � rst collected and analyzed published policy statements, documents,

and programs drawn from a number of sources, including recent books,

articles, government reports, syllabuses, and curriculum documents. I

obtained these materials in several different ways. Some were publicly

available; others were provided by informants. These documents provided a backdrop for more detailed data collection through guided

interviews with informants.

The second source of data was guided interviews with 68 informants,

the majority of whom I had met in the course of teaching and

researching in the region over many years. In other instances, regional

of � cials from the British Council and the United States Information

Service provided me with contacts. The informants represented different

positions, interests, and perspectives within the educational sectors of

their respective countries, including academics/teacher trainers, ministry of � cials, publishers, and teachers (see Table 1).

Prior to their interviews, informants received background information

on the study along with the general questions set out above. In addition,

I sought responses to the following more speci � c questions:

1. At what age and grade level is English introduced as a compulsory

subject?THE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 593

2. How many hours per week and weeks per year is English taught at

each grade level?

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3. What plans, if any, are there to lower the age at which English is

introduced as a compulsory subject?

4. To what extent is English used as a medium of instruction for other

subjects?

I conducted the interviews through a range of media: face-to-face,

telephone, e-mail, and, in one instance, an Internet chat line. Choice of

medium was left to the informants and did not appear to affect the

nature of the information provided.

Data Analysis

Once I had obtained all the data for each country, I analyzed it by

identifying responses to the guiding questions and the more speci � c

information I sought, looking particularly for points of agreement. I

wrote a � rst draft of the present article and circulated it to the

informants so they could verify the data and the interpretations derived

from them.

FINDINGS

Despite some generalizations that can be made about English language teaching (ELT) policies across the countries, each country has a

distinct pro � le and is therefore presented individually. In this section, I

present the data yielded by documentary analysis and informant interviews (see Table 2 for a summary).

TABLE 1

Informants by Position and Country (N = 68)

Country

Hong

Position China Kong Japan Korea Malaysia Taiwan Vietnam

Academic/ 4 4 2 3 2 2 2

Page 10: Language Policy

teacher trainer

Ministry of � cial 2 6 0 0 0 0 1

Publisher 2 3 1 1 0 2 0

Teacher 5 6 5 3 4 7 1594 TESOL QUARTERLY

TABLE 2

Summary of Findings

Grade level and

age at which

English is

introduced as a Frequency of Impact of English

Country compulsory subject instruction as a global language

China Grade 3, Age 9 Primary school: 2–3 � age for compulsory English

40-minute lessons/week; lowered from 11 to 9 in

secondary school: 5–6 September 2001

45-minute lessons/week � English teaching emerging as

private business

� English becoming

increasingly signi � cant as

university entry requirement

� English enhancing

promotional prospects in the

workplace

Hong Year 1, Age 6 Primary school: 4–6 � overwhelming concern in

Kong hours/week; secondary government and business

school: 7–9 hours/week sectors that Hong Kong will

lose economic advantage if

Page 11: Language Policy

English language skills are

not enhanced

Japan First year, Age 12 Junior high school: 3 � from 2002, primary

50-minute lessons/week students increasingly exposed

to English, especially

listening and speaking

Korea Grade 3, Age 9 Grades 3–6: 1–2 hours/week; � compulsory English lowered

Grades 7–9: 2–4 hours/week; from age 13 to 9

Grades 10–12: 4 hours/week � huge �nancial investment in

teaching English

� concern with negative effects

on national identity due to

early introduction of English

Malaysia Age 7 Primary school: 90 minutes/ � concern with decline in

week; secondary school: educational standards and

4 hours/week competitive economic

advantage

� fear of impact on national

language

Taiwan Grade 1, Ages 6–7 1–2 hours/week � compulsory English lowered

from Grade 5 to Grade 1

Vietnam Grade 6, Grades 6–9: 4 45-minute � English compulsory from

Ages 11–12 lessons/week; Grades 10–12: junior high school (ages

3 45-minute lessons/week 11–12)

� English plays central role in

education and employment

Page 12: Language Policy

� English pro � ciency now

required for most

professional employmentTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 595

China

I collected data for China through face-to-face interviews and documentary analysis. Informants included a managing director for China of

a multinational publishing company; the director of the Foreign Languages Department of the People’s Education Press (a company controlling approximately 70% of the school textbook market in China); the

dean of the Institute of Education at Beijing Foreign Studies University;

the general-secretary of the National Foreign Language Teaching Association, Education Society of China. I consulted documents, including

the syllabuses for the middle school and high school system.

Despite China’s centralized approach to education, it is dif � cult to get

an accurate picture of what is happening there because of the sheer size

and diversity of the country. There seems to be a general divide between

the wealthier coastal regions and the interior. Another divide is that

between urban and nonurban areas. (For current reviews of education

reform in China, see Cortazzi & Jin, 1996; Lam & Chow, 2001; Liu, 1996;

see also Bolton & Tong, 2002, which is devoted to an examination of

English in China.)

In September 2001, English was introduced as a compulsory subject in

Grade 3 in all elementary schools that have suitably quali � ed teachers.

(“Suitably quali � ed” was not de �ned by the informant who provided this

information.) This represents a lowering of the age of compulsory

instruction from 11 to 9. In primary school, there are generally two or

three 40-minute lessons a week. In secondary school, there are either � ve

Page 13: Language Policy

or six 45-minute lessons.

According to the informants, the impact of English as a global

language has been considerable. Entry requirements to university, promotional prospects in the workplace, curricula, and published materials

have all been affected. Teaching English is emerging as a private business

outside regular schools and universities, particularly in big cities, such as

Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Beijing. (One publishing industry informant

told me her company estimated that there were 600,000 new enrolments

in private-conversation schools every 4 to 6 months.)

Two major in � uences that informants frequently mentioned included

China’s joining of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the

awarding of the 2008 Olympic Games to Beijing. The Degree Committee

of the State Council has approved 45 Sino-foreign joint programs, which

can grant degrees from foreign universities in China. All programs are

taught bilingually (English and Chinese).

Also in September 2001, all colleges and universities under the

control of the Ministry of Education were instructed to use English as the

main teaching language in the following courses: information technology, biotechnology, new-material technology, �nance, foreign trade,596 TESOL QUARTERLY

economics, and law. Other courses would be added as resources became

available. Criteria for selecting courses were that they facilitate entry to

the WTO, and that they not be “politically sensitive.” (Politically sensitive

courses have to be taught using textbooks written in China. Courses that

are not politically sensitive can use foreign textbooks.) The main

obstacle to implementing this policy was obtaining suitably quali � ed

teachers (Chan, 2001).

The latest syllabi across the board are based on a functional/notional

Page 14: Language Policy

view of English and refer frequently to concepts such as communicative

language teaching (CLT) and learner-centeredness. The latest university

syllabi also refer to interdisciplinary support between English and other

areas, such as law and commerce.

Because of factors mentioned above, such as size, it is dif � cult to

determine the extent to which classroom realities re � ect of � cial rhetoric.

Coastal areas and big cities have an advantage over inland and rural areas

in terms of resources, with inevitable implications for what happens at

the level of the classroom.

English appears to have little impact on Chinese language itself,

despite the eagerness of young people to practice their English. According to recent studies, there is little code mixing between English and

Chinese (Bolton & Tong, 2002).

In general, content-based instruction is not a feature of the Chinese

educational system. However, some of the top schools in large cities, such

as Beijing and Shanghai, have started teaching math and science in

English. More universities are starting to teach courses in English, and

this is becoming a requirement in certain subject areas. This move to

content-based instruction at the tertiary level will increasingly affect

English language instruction at the secondary level.

Hong Kong

I collected data for the Hong Kong survey from face-to-face interviews

and government documents. Interviewees included the chief executive

of the Curriculum Development Institute and the president of the North

Asia subsidiary of an international publishing company that controls

most of the ELT publishing market in the Special Administrative Region

Page 15: Language Policy

(SAR). I also carried out two focus group interviews with a group of six

primary and secondary school teachers. I consulted a range of government documents, including the latest government reviews and consultation documents as well as the English language syllabi for primary and

secondary schools.

As a former colony of Great Britain where English remains an of � cial

language alongside Cantonese and, increasingly, Putonghua, HongTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 597

Kong has a special place in this survey. Schools are classi � ed into � ve

(soon to be reduced to three) bands, which are meant to re � ect students’

ability, but which, not surprisingly, also re � ect the socioeconomic status

of the students and their parents. Schools are classi � ed as either Chinese

medium of instruction (CMI) or English medium of instruction (EMI)

schools, the latter embracing a range of immersion-type curriculum

models (Marsh, Hau, & Kong, 2000). Until the late 1990s, the EMI

schools outnumbered the CMI schools by a ratio of 9:1, even though

many students and some teachers were not pro � cient in the English

language. (A government report in 1990 stated that 70% of schoolchildren were unable to cope with English as a medium of instruction.)

Although the textbooks, written work, and examinations were in English

in many EMI schools, oral and aural communication was conducted in

Cantonese, and students only encountered English in its written form.

This resulted in students who were functionally illiterate in Chinese on

the one hand and unable to communicate effectively in spoken English

on the other.

In all schools, English is introduced at the primary level in Year 1,

when children are 6 years old. In EMI schools, it is also used as the

Page 16: Language Policy

teaching medium across the curriculum. In primary school, English is

taught 4–6 hours a week. In secondary school, it is taught 7–9 hours a

week. (The school year is 35–37 weeks long.)

There is no of � cial plan to lower the age at which English is offered as

a compulsory subject, which would entail it being offered in kindergarten. However, some English is introduced in almost all kindergartens in

the form of the alphabet and key words.

English symbolizes wealth and power in Hong Kong, and this has not

changed since 1997, when the new government of the Hong Kong SAR

took power from Great Britain. For more than a century, English has

been the prevalent language in the government, legislature, and judiciary. Hong Kong is a major international trading, business, banking,

and communications center, and English is seen as a key to maintaining

its position in these areas (Forey & Nunan, 2002).

The prevailing rhetoric is that as a global language, English is a

crucial tool for economic, social, and technological advancement. This is

made explicit in government policy documents. For example, the

syllabus for English language at the secondary (1–5) level (Curriculum

Development Council, 1999), states that:

As a result of the number, size and in � uence of the English-speaking

countries in the world and their scienti � c, technological, economic, commercial and cultural in � uences, English has become a truly international language. English is the language of international communication, commerce,

education and entertainment. The mastery of English therefore opens up598 TESOL QUARTERLY

new possibilities for our students in career advancement, educational attainment and personal ful � llment. (p. 1)

The in � uence of English as a global language on policy and practice

Page 17: Language Policy

is also evident in another key government document (Curriculum

Development Council, 2000), which states that

English Language Education seeks to provide a curriculum framework that

contributes to enhancing the language pro � ciency of young people for the

following reasons:

� To enhance the competitiveness of Hong Kong so that it will be able to

maintain its position as an international business centre and a knowledgebased economy, capable of rising to the challenges of global competition;

� To help our young people to develop a worldwide outlook through

broadening their knowledge and experience;

� To enable our young people to use English pro � ciently for study, work,

leisure and effective interaction in different cultural environments; and

� To help our young people succeed in life and � nd greater personal

ful � llment. (p. 2)

From the rhetoric of recently published government documents as

well as government-funded initiatives, such as the Target-Oriented

Curriculum, CLT is the current philosophical orthodoxy in Hong Kong

(Education Commission, 1990). At the classroom level, this philosophy is

re � ected in task-based language teaching (TBLT) and a learner-centered

approach to instruction. Learner-centeredness is re � ected in the strong

links that are drawn between language instruction and a focus on the

development of thinking and learning-how-to-learn skills. The development of information technology skills, another key aspect of government

policy, is also re � ected in curriculum documents on language teaching.

The rhetoric has been reinforced through teacher training courses,

workshops, and seminars. However, the extent to which these are

implemented depends very much on individual schools and teachers.

Page 18: Language Policy

English still plays a more prominent role as a medium of instruction in

Hong Kong than in most other countries surveyed in this study. At the

primary level, English is taught as a subject in most schools, except for a

very small number of elite schools, which introduce English as a medium

of instruction in Year 3 or 4 in certain subjects. At the secondary level,

English is used as a medium of instruction for all subjects except

Chinese-related subjects in all EMI schools from Forms 1–3. In CMI

schools, English is taught only as a subject, with extra resources to

support the teaching and learning of English as a second or foreign

language. However, from Form 4 onwards, schools are free to decide

their own medium of instruction. Many CMI schools switch back to usingTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 599

English as a medium of instruction to help students prepare for the

public examinations in Forms 5 and 7 and to prepare them for tertiary

studies. (English is mandated as the language of tertiary education in

Hong Kong.)

Despite the obsession with English and the huge amounts of money

poured into English language education at every level, government and

business remain (and have become increasingly) dissatis � ed with the

English language pro � ciency of students graduating from secondary

school and university. The skills and pro � ciency of teachers have been

called into question recently, and the government has introduced an

extremely controversial measure—a system of benchmarking English

teachers’ pro � ciency in the language. Another, somewhat less controversial measure has been the introduction of a Native English Teacher

(NET) scheme under which native-speaking teachers of English are

recruited to provide appropriate models of English that the Education

Page 19: Language Policy

Department seems to think Cantonese-speaking teachers of English lack.

A major problem throughout the region is a lack of trained teachers.

Despite its relative wealth, Hong Kong is no exception. When it took

power from Great Britain in 1997, the new government of the Hong

Kong SAR announced that all teachers would be required to have a

degree and a professional teaching quali � cation. At that time, 70.6% of

secondary school teachers and 37.2% of primary school teachers had

such quali � cations. By 2002, the � gures had dropped to 57% for

secondary school teachers and 27.8% for primary school teachers. The

Hong Kong Education and Manpower Bureau attributes the decline to a

shortage of resources: “There is a mismatch between the supply and

demand for teachers, with a long term shortage of teachers in certain

subjects, especially English language” (Chan, 2001, p. 4).

Japan

Japan requires 9 years of compulsory education, 6 at the primary and

3 at the junior high level. English is introduced as a compulsory subject

in the � rst year of junior high, when learners are 12. Students receive

three 50-minute lessons a week in each of the 3 years of junior high.

Although there are no plans to lower the age at which English is

taught as a compulsory subject, as of 2002, all public primary schools

offered a course called General Studies. This course is taught three times

a week to all third through sixth graders and is supposed to cover foreign

languages, including English, global education, welfare, and the environment. According to one informant, many primary schools are planning

to introduce English, focusing on listening and speaking, within the

General Studies program. Because the Ministry of Education has stipulated600 TESOL QUARTERLY

Page 20: Language Policy

that the purpose is not to “teach” English in primary school, but to

provide “fun” time in English, there will be no textbooks. The amount of

English taught and the actual content will vary from school to school.

Of � cial government rhetoric is evident in the Course of Study for Lower

Secondary Schools (Ministry of Education, 1999), which sets out the

following objectives.

� To deepen students’ understanding of language and culture through

learning a foreign language and to foster a positive attitude toward

communicating in it by developing their basic ability for practical

communication such as listening or speaking skills.

� To implement real communicative activities for students to communicate their feelings or thoughts.

� To help students �nd proper expressions for each concrete case or

situations in such communicative activities. (p. 2)

According to another informant, although the government rhetoric

stresses the development of practical communication skills, this is rarely

re � ected at the classroom level, where the emphasis is on the development of reading and writing skills for the purposes of passing entrance

examinations into senior high school and college.

Japan has operated the Japan Exchange and Teaching ( JET)

Programme (similar to the NET scheme in Hong Kong) for about 15

years. Under this scheme, approximately 5,000 native speakers of English

provide support instruction in the schools. The salary for each JET

teacher is roughly 300,000 yen a month, making the scheme a costly one.

As in Hong Kong, the scheme is controversial and has been criticized by

Japanese and JET teachers alike, although some aspects of the scheme

have met with quali � ed success (Sturman, 1992).

Page 21: Language Policy

Korea

In Korea, English is introduced in the third grade, when children are

9. The school year consists of 30 weeks per year. Students receive 1–2

hours of instruction a week in Grades 3–6, 2–4 hours a week in Grades 7–

9, and 4 hours a week in Grades 10–12. The age for compulsory English

was lowered from 13 to 9 in 1997. There are no plans to lower it further

(Kwon, 2000; Park, 2000).

English is a major concern in all areas of government, business, and

education. All colleges and universities require 3–12 credit hours of

English, and many universities and employers require minimum Test of

English for International Communication and Test of English as a

Foreign Language scores from those seeking either education or

employment.THE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 601

In 1995, the Sixth National Curriculum adopted a communicative,

grammatical-functional syllabus. In 2001, the Ministry of Education

adopted a policy of teaching English through English, which encourages

the use of English in English classes. However, as with other countries in

the region, a major problem is that many English teachers simply do not

have the pro � ciency, and therefore the con �dence, to teach in English.

Park (2000) asserts that this is a major problem that can only be

addressed through teacher education.

Although the policy and textbooks changed to a communicative

orientation in 1995, most teachers do not have the English language

pro� ciency or methodological skills to implement the policy, and there

has not been a great deal of change from the grammar-translation

approach. Some universities offer pay incentives to encourage teachers

Page 22: Language Policy

to teach in English.

A tremendous amount of money has been spent on teaching and

learning English. On average, Korean families spend one third of their

income on private lessons for their children in English, art, and music.

Increasing numbers of English-medium schools are also beginning to

appear, and the largest of these have student enrolments running into

the hundreds of thousands.

Some concern has been expressed about the negative effects that early

introduction of English is having on national identity (see, e.g., Crystal,

2000). However, this concern seems to be somewhat muted and does not

seem to have had much impact on the explosive demand for English

language. Several informants were more concerned that introducing

English language literacy to students before they had attained literacy in

Korean would have a negative impact on their L1 literacy.

According to informants, other subjects are not generally taught in

English at the elementary and secondary school levels. However, there is

some content-based instruction at the university level.

Malaysia

As a former colony of Great Britain, Malaysia also represents a special

case within this survey. In national (Malay) schools, English is introduced

at the age of 7. Vernacular (Mandarin and Tamil) schools introduce it

2 years later. In general, students receive 90 minutes of instruction a

week in primary school, and 4 hours a week in secondary school. There

are no plans to introduce English as a compulsory subject any earlier.

The emergence of English as a global language and a perception that

English language skills are in decline have caused concern at the

Page 23: Language Policy

national government level. The government has commissioned the

University of Malaya to investigate and identify causes of deterioration in

English among university students.602 TESOL QUARTERLY

The rhetoric in Malaysia is that of the communicative movement. It

was one of the � rst countries in the world to embrace a task-based

approach to instruction. According to one informant, “Implementation

(of task-based learning) is constrained by formal top-down traditional

methods. It is dif � cult to assess whether the tasks meet any of the

students’ own purposes.” Another informant stated:

Anecdotal evidence supported by reactions from the Ministry of Education

suggests that practice is far removed from the curriculum “rhetoric.” At a

more fundamental level, a signi � cant proportion of teachers, especially in the

rural areas, do not have suf � cient command of the English language to

conduct their classes with con � dence.

There is considerable consternation in Malaysia at the emergence of

English as a global language because of its potential impact on the

national language, which is heavily promoted for political reasons. In the

1960s and 1970s, English was abandoned as a medium of instruction,

and it was only during the 1990s that the government realized that the

loss of English would adversely affect economic development. Deterioration in the standards of English is seen as a major obstacle to the

aspiration that Malaysia be declared a developed nation by 2020. (As one

informant said, “Global English has caught them [the government]

cold.”)

The �nancial commitment to teaching English is considerable. Prior

to independence, standards of English were high. However, success of

Page 24: Language Policy

the national language policy has had an adverse impact on English.

English is now considered a foreign rather than an additional language.

This is especially so in rural areas. Parents who can afford the tuition are

arranging for private English classes for their children.

In national schools, the language is exclusively Malay. In the vernacular schools, the languages are Mandarin and Tamil. The Ministry of

Education is working on the reintroduction of English as a medium of

instruction in science and technical subjects at school and university.

(The use of English for teaching math and science was implemented in

January 2003.) All university lecturers in public universities who speak

Tamil are obliged to use English. In practice, code switching is common,

particularly in specialist subject areas such as medicine, architecture, and

engineering.

Taiwan

In Taiwan, face-to-face interviews were conducted with the managing

director of an international publishing company (currently developingTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 603

core English texts for the Taiwanese public school system), the president

of the English Teachers Association of Taiwan, and English teachers from

a number of schools and colleges, including Fu Jen High School,

National Tainan First Junior High School, the Chinese Culture University, Providence University, and National Kaohsiung University of Applied Sciences. Ministry of Education position papers and syllabuses were

also consulted.

The emergence of English as a global language has had a major

in � uence on the government’s thinking. Taiwan aims to be a major

economic global player and sees the economic imperative as a major

Page 25: Language Policy

impetus for promoting the learning of English. Thus, in September

2001, English was introduced in Grade 5 (in which learners are 10–11

years of age), but this was then lowered to Grade 1 in 2002. Classes are

taught 1–2 hours per week during the two 20-week semesters in each

school year.

A recently published document on the English curriculum sets out the

of � cial government line on principles underpinning the curriculum

(Ministry of Education, Taiwan, 2000).

The objective of the elementary/junior high school curriculum should be to

instill a basic communicative ability, to prepare students to take a global

perspective, and to give individuals con �dence in communicating in the

global area (“thus improving the nation’s competitiveness”). Elementary and

middle schools should provide a natural and enjoyable language learning

environment. (p. 2)

All informants agree that Ministry expectations are far above what

most schools and teachers can deliver. A major issue is the training of

teachers, and teacher training programs are very limited. Even teachers

who have completed training programs have dif � culty with their English

skills as well as their teaching pedagogy, particularly with regard to

teaching younger learners. This is because most teacher educators have

no experience themselves in teaching younger learners.

The entire public school system in Taiwan is undergoing tremendous

change with the introduction of a new initiative entitled “the Nine Year

Program,” which aims to integrate Chinese, English, information technology and computing skills, math, science, and social studies in elementary and junior high school curricula.

Governmental investment is large, but the hope is that this initiative

Page 26: Language Policy

will have a bene � cial effect later on, resulting in higher levels of

pro� ciency in English at the university level. (Informants generally

agreed that the level of English pro � ciency among university students is

still quite low when it comes to communicative use.)

According to the informants, content-based instruction is a foreign604 TESOL QUARTERLY

concept in Taiwan. Whether this changes in the future, as appears to be

the case in some contexts in Mainland China, is dif � cult to say, and

informants were unable to offer a perspective on this point.

Vietnam

Economically, Vietnam was the poorest of the countries surveyed, with

extremely limited resources available for all forms of education. Policy

and practice issues relating to English were of particular interest.

The school year in Vietnam runs for 30 weeks, from September

through May. Children begin elementary school at the age of 6 and

spend 5 years at that level before graduating to junior high school at the

age of 11 or 12. It is here that they begin studying English as a

compulsory subject for four 45-minute periods a week. In senior high

school (Years 10, 11, and 12), English is also compulsory, although the

number of periods per week drops from four to three.

The above data represent the number of lessons prescribed by the

Ministry of Education and Training. In practice, however, considerable

variation exists. For example, in Ho Chi Minh City, schools may teach up

to 6 periods a week of English. In addition, there are schools that

specialize in English, where students may study the subject for as many as

14 periods a week.

Page 27: Language Policy

Some thought has been given to lowering the age at which English is

introduced as a compulsory subject. A limited number of elementary

schools in Ho Chi Minh City have begun experimenting with classes in

English. In addition to government-run schools, some private language

schools throughout the country offer English to children as young as 5

or 6.

The prevailing rhetoric in Vietnam appears to be “communicative,”

with an integrated four-skills focus in the early years. In high school,

however, the focus is exclusively on reading. Thus, the Year 7 textbook

covers the four skills of listening, speaking, reading, and writing as the

basis for developing students’ reading skills in subsequent years. In the

Year 12 textbook, students review the materials they have studied in

previous years and continue to practice their four language skills, but the

emphasis is mostly on developing their reading skills.

Despite the lip service paid to CLT, there appears to be a large gap

between the rhetoric and the reality. When re � ecting on her own

experience as an English teacher in Vietnam, one informant stated:

All the books present a lot of exercises on grammar and reading comprehension. I used to teach high school and left after eighteen years. From my

experience, the students cannot use the language in communicating. ThereTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 605

used to be no tapes for listening, and there are no listening exercises. They

have made the tapes for listening now, but the books are just the same.

The globalization of English has had a considerable impact on policy

and practice in Vietnam. In the words of one informant:

It can be said that the English has become a must for success in both studying

and working. One of the most common requirements in job advertisements is

Page 28: Language Policy

pro� ciency in English (another is computer skills). Since 1986, the year the

government began to apply its open door policy, language centers have

mushroomed all over Ho Chi Minh City and other big cities and towns.

English is also compulsory at university level and it helps both students and

workers to gain scholarships to go abroad.

GENERALIZATIONS

The case study data led to generalizations across the countries in the

Asian Paci � c in the areas of impact on policy, differential access to

English within each country, teacher education, principles of language

education, and effects on the home language.

Policy Impact of English as a Global Language

This investigation has shown that English has had a signi � cant impact

on policy. For example, despite considerable country-by-country variation (see Table 2), the age at which English is a compulsory subject in

most of the countries has shifted down in recent years, a shift that is

predicated on the importance of English as a global language. Underlying the shift is an assumption on the part of the governments and

ministries of education that when it comes to learning a foreign

language, younger is better. This view seems to be � rmly entrenched in

popular opinion, which in � uences policy decisions, despite its controversial nature in the professional literature (see, e.g., Hyltenstam &

Abrahamsson, 2001; Marinova-Todd, Marshall, & Snow, 2000, 2001).

Access to English

In most of the Asian Paci � c countries surveyed, considerable inequity

exists in terms of access to effective English language instruction. In

China, for instance, the haves versus the have-nots and city versus rural

Page 29: Language Policy

divides and the inequities � owing from these divides have been exacerbated by the growing importance of English and the inequitable access606 TESOL QUARTERLY

to quality instruction in English. In a number of the countries, informants spoke frankly of the fact that the quality of English language

education in the public sector was so poor that “no one learns English in

school.” These informants reported that the only children who stood a

chance of learning English were those whose parents could afford to

send them to private, after-school language classes. The data from this

study strongly support the following assertion by Bruthiaux (2002):

In most markets, the consumers of English language education are the

relatively well-off, already far beyond the stage of mere survival. To the extent

that the severely poor are aware of it at all, the global spread of English is a

sideshow compared with the issue of basic economic development and

poverty reduction. (p. 290)

Teacher Education

Teacher education and the English language skills of teachers in

public-sector institutions are inadequate, according to the informants in

all the countries included in this study. Although this may not be

surprising in developing countries, such as China and Vietnam, it must

be of major concern in more developed countries, such as Malaysia and

Hong Kong, where millions of dollars have been poured into teacher

education in recent years. Of even greater concern has to be the

widespread use of nonquali � ed teachers throughout the region and a

decline in the percentage of quali � ed English teachers in public schools

in places such as Hong Kong.

Principles of Language Education

All of the countries surveyed subscribe to principles of CLT, and in a

Page 30: Language Policy

number of them, TBLT (the latest methodological realization of CLT) is

the central pillar of government rhetoric. However, in all the countries

surveyed, it would seem that rhetoric rather than reality is the order of

the day. Poor English skills on the part of teachers as well as inadequate

teacher preparation make it very dif � cult, if not impossible, for many

teachers to implement CLT in their classrooms. In places such as Hong

Kong and Taiwan, where principles of TBLT are beginning to appear in

commercial textbooks aimed at the public school sector, most teachers

have a poor understanding of the ideas, and it remains to be seen

whether they will be able to use these materials effectively.THE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 607

Effect on Learners’ Home Language

There is growing concern in the literature about the impact of English

on � rst and vernacular languages (Crystal, 2000; Phillipson, 1992;

Shorris, 2000; Philippine Commission on Educational Reform [PCER],

2000). I asked informants their views on this issue, but none expressed a

major concern, perhaps because the impact on smaller vernacular

languages is not considered to be too serious in the countries I surveyed.

I thought it might be a potential concern in the Philippines, where it is

referred to in the PCER report; however, even the Minister of Education

did not mention it.

DISCUSSION

The results of this study point to a number of concerns about current

ELT practices that require at least some comment, even though solutions

may not be immediately apparent.

Language Pro � ciency of Teachers

Page 31: Language Policy

In the countries surveyed, the English language pro � ciency of many

teachers is not suf � cient to provide learners with the rich input needed

for successful foreign language acquisition. This �nding is alarming in

view of the popular and some professional views about the conditions

required for successful foreign language instruction in the early years.

According to Marinova-Todd, Marshall, and Snow (2000),

Investment in elementary foreign language education may well be worth it,

but only if the teachers are native or native-like speakers and well trained in

the needs of younger learners; if the early learning opportunities are built

upon with consistent, well-planned, ongoing instruction in the higher grades;

and if the learners are given some opportunities for authentic communicative

experiences in the target language. Decisions to introduce foreign language

instruction in the elementary grades should be weighed against the costs to

other components of the school curriculum; as far as we know, there are no

good studies showing that foreign language instruction is worth more than

additional time invested in math, science, music, art, or even basic L1 literacy

instruction. (pp. 28–29)

If this strong position were justi � ed, the �ndings of this research,

which suggest that teachers in the public schools are anything but native

or native-like in English language pro � ciency, would be cause for608 TESOL QUARTERLY

concern. Although I would argue that a high level of pro � ciency in the

language is desirable, I believe the authors go too far in asserting that

elementary education will only be effective if teachers are native or

native-like speakers. Technology and rich, input-based programs can do

a great deal to support teachers who do not have high levels of � uency in

the target language (Anderson & Nunan, 2003) if they have access to

Page 32: Language Policy

appropriate materials and education about how to use them.

Access to rich input, either from native speakers, highly competent

speakers of the language, or appropriate technology, is fundamental to

the development of high-level skills in the target language (Ellis, 1994).

Recognizing that such input does not need to come from the local

teacher, the solution on the part of Hong Kong and Japan is to recruit

large numbers of native-English-speaking teachers through the NET and

JET Programmes. These schemes have been extremely expensive and

have had mixed success, although, in the case of Hong Kong, at least, it

is too early to provide a detailed evaluation of the effectiveness of the

NET scheme. My own view is that, in the long term, this investment

would be better spent on programs to enhance the pro � ciency and

professional skills of local teachers.

Extended Exposure to and Interaction in English

To achieve consistent and measurable improvements in the target

language, learners need adequate exposure to it. In actuality, in most of

the countries surveyed, the luckier students, particularly those in the

early years, will receive only an average of 50–60 hours of English

language instruction a year, which is probably less than what is needed

for signi � cant progress in a foreign language.

The fortunate students whose parents can afford it will receive

supplementary instruction in private, after-school classes. If they are

lucky enough to �nd themselves in schools run by quali � ed teachers,

they may reach the critical mass of hours required to register genuine

and long-lasting progress toward high levels of pro � ciency. If they do,

indications are that they will reap signi � cant economic rewards and,

Page 33: Language Policy

thus, perpetuate or exacerbate the economic divide that exists in most

countries, certainly in most of the countries that were surveyed. It must

be a major concern to all those involved in English language education

that the efforts currently underway do not appear to be re � ected in

signi � cantly enhanced English language skills. Even in Hong Kong,

where, on paper at least, there is considerably more English than in most

other countries in the region, many students leave high school with only

the most limited ability to communicate in the language.

Another important, and related, feature of successful foreign lan-THE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 609

guage education is the opportunity for learners to take part in authentic

communicative interaction. It is true that lip service is paid to CLT, and

that the principles of CLT are enshrined in all of the documents

examined for this research. However, all informants, in all the countries

surveyed, reported a huge gap between ministerial rhetoric and classroom reality.

Teacher Education

With the introduction of English at the primary school level, teachers

need special training in the needs of younger learners. Curricula,

teaching methods, and materials should meet the needs of the learners

of different ages and at different stages. In reality, adequate and

appropriate training is a major problem in all countries surveyed. In

Hong Kong, the government has made serious efforts to enhance the

professional skills of English teachers and has mandated the benchmarking of English teachers. However, all of the countries (as is the case

in most other parts of the world) lack a pedagogy that is appropriate for

young learners. In addition, there is little evidence that differentiated

curricula to meet the needs of learners at different chronological ages

Page 34: Language Policy

and stages have been developed or are being developed, although this is

changing in some of the countries (the change being driven as much by

forward-looking commercial publishers as by ministries of education).

Policy Questions of Age and Intensity

Apart from questions about the optimal age at which English should

be introduced as a foreign language and with what intensity is a more

fundamental question: Is English, in fact, a necessity in the countries in

question? The single most pervasive outcome of this study is that English

language policies and practices have been implemented, often at signi � -

cant cost to other aspects of the curriculum, without a clearly articulated

rationale and without a detailed consideration of the costs and bene � ts

of such policies and practices on the countries in question. Furthermore,

there is a widely articulated belief that, in public schools at least, these

policies and practices are failing.

In countries where a considered response to the question posed in the

preceding paragraph is “yes,” the following actions are recommended:

1. a review of the starting age and intensity of foreign language

instruction, along with the articulation of a rationale for both

2. an audit of the human and material resources allocated to English

language instruction and an assessment of the adequacy of these in610 TESOL QUARTERLY

relation to the needs of the learners, along with a cost-bene � t

analysis of English language education within the educational system

as a whole

3. an investigation into the extent to which principles enshrined in

of � cial curriculum documentation are effectively realized at the level

of classroom practice

Page 35: Language Policy

4. an analysis of pre- and postexperience teacher education provisions

and an assessment of the appropriateness of these

5. a critical review of the principles underlying the curriculum, and an

assessment of the appropriateness of the principles to the context in

which the curriculum is used

6. in cases where English is introduced before L1 literacy is fully

established, an investigation into the effect of the introduction of an

L2 on L1 literacy and oracy development

CONCLUSION

The results of this investigation have identi � ed some of the effects of

English as a global language on policies and practices in a number of

countries in the Asia-Paci � c region. These countries are investing

considerable resources in providing English, often at the expense of

other aspects of the curriculum, but the evidence suggests that these

resources are not achieving the instructional goals desired. It would

seem advisable, then, for governments and educational bureaucracies to

review their policies on ELT. If English is a necessity, steps should be

taken to ensure that teachers are adequately trained in language

teaching methodology appropriate to a range of learner ages and stages,

that teachers’ own language skills are signi � cantly enhanced, that

classroom realities meet curricular rhetoric, and that students have

suf � cient exposure to English in instructional contexts.

In view of the central role that ELT is playing in educational decision

making in these, and presumably other, countries, the TESOL profession

also needs to increase knowledge about the actual uses of English and its

effects. Research is needed on the English language requirements of

Page 36: Language Policy

workers in workplaces and occupations, from multinational corporations

to government and quasi-government institutions, such as hospitals and

other public institutions. Although industry-speci � c needs analyses are

common, there are few empirical investigations into the speci � c nature

of the demand for English in the everyday working lives of individuals

outside of � elds such as tourism. One of the few empirical studies in the

literature (Forey & Nunan, 2002) established that there was an urgentTHE IMPACT OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE 611

need for professional English of a particular kind. However, the study

only looked at a single profession (accountancy) within a single geographical region (Hong Kong).

Assuming the need for English is reality rather than myth, data are

needed on the most effective and cost-effective means of meeting this

need and on the curriculum modes that are most effective (e.g.,

traditional classroom-based, self-access, independent learning, distance

learning, technology, Web-based). Related to these imperatives is the

need for data on the implications of the changing workplace and

economy globally for the teaching, learning, and use of English, often

with speakers of other nonstandard varieties of English. The pressure

being imposed by globalization is illustrated by a multinational corporation in Latin America that recently made English the of � cial language of

the corporation. Middle managers within the corporation are required

to reach salary-dependent English language benchmarks by the end of

2003.

Finally, at a sociocultural level, the effect of the emergence of English

as a global language on � rst and indigenous language development

needs to be studied, and, in developing countries, a key question is the

Page 37: Language Policy

extent to which access to English is a mechanism for determining who

has access to economic advancement and who does not. (For a discussion on this issue, see Bruthiaux, 2002; Kachru, 1992; and Phillipson,

1992.) The Philippine government has become so concerned about the

effect of English as a medium of instruction on school children that it is

proposing that schools switch from using English and Filipino to using

the vernacular from Grade 1 (Philippine Commission on Educational

Reform, 2000), based on the assumption that “this change will make

students stay in, rather than drop out of, school, learn better, quicker

and more permanently” (p. xviii). However, in other areas, the spread of

English may threaten the right of children to be educated in their own

language (Crystal, 2000; Nunan, 2001).

In short, the educational policy decisions that were the focus of this

research are interconnected in complex ways with a matrix of other

issues about which TESOL professionals need to develop an understanding. This research was intended to offer a � rst step in what needs to be a

continued effort for the profession to document, conceptualize, and

respond to the fact that English is a global language.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank Professor Ronald Carter from the University of Nottingham as

well as three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of

this article.612 TESOL QUARTERLY

THE AUTHOR

David Nunan is chair professor of applied linguistics and director of the English

Centre at the University of Hong Kong.

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Harper’s Magazine, 35–43.

Sturman, P. (1992). Team teaching: A case study from Japan. In D. Nunan (Ed.),

Collaborative language learning and teaching (pp. 141–161). Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Swales, J. (1987). Utilizing the literatures in teaching the research paper. TESOL

Quarterly, 21, 41–68.

Szulc-Kurpaska, M. (1996). A survey of early foreign and second language programmes.

Orbis Linguarum, 5, 167–188.

Wallraff, B. (2000, November). What global language? The Atlantic Monthly, 286(5),

52–66. Retrieved October 23, 2003, from http://www.theatlantic.com/issues

/2000/11/wallraff.htm

Malaysia

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As a former colony of Great Britain, Malaysia also represents a special

case within this survey. In national (Malay) schools, English is introduced

at the age of 7. Vernacular (Mandarin and Tamil) schools introduce it

2 years later. In general, students receive 90 minutes of instruction a

week in primary school, and 4 hours a week in secondary school. There

are no plans to introduce English as a compulsory subject any earlier.

The emergence of English as a global language and a perception that

English language skills are in decline have caused concern at the

national government level. The government has commissioned the

University of Malaya to investigate and identify causes of deterioration in

English among university students.602 TESOL QUARTERLY

The rhetoric in Malaysia is that of the communicative movement. It

was one of the � rst countries in the world to embrace a task-based

approach to instruction. According to one informant, “Implementation

(of task-based learning) is constrained by formal top-down traditional

methods. It is dif � cult to assess whether the tasks meet any of the

students’ own purposes.” Another informant stated:

Anecdotal evidence supported by reactions from the Ministry of Education

suggests that practice is far removed from the curriculum “rhetoric.” At a

more fundamental level, a signi � cant proportion of teachers, especially in the

rural areas, do not have suf � cient command of the English language to

conduct their classes with con � dence.

There is considerable consternation in Malaysia at the emergence of

English as a global language because of its potential impact on the

national language, which is heavily promoted for political reasons. In the

1960s and 1970s, English was abandoned as a medium of instruction,

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and it was only during the 1990s that the government realized that the

loss of English would adversely affect economic development. Deterioration in the standards of English is seen as a major obstacle to the

aspiration that Malaysia be declared a developed nation by 2020. (As one

informant said, “Global English has caught them [the government]

cold.”)

The �nancial commitment to teaching English is considerable. Prior

to independence, standards of English were high. However, success of

the national language policy has had an adverse impact on English.

English is now considered a foreign rather than an additional language.

This is especially so in rural areas. Parents who can afford the tuition are

arranging for private English classes for their children.

In national schools, the language is exclusively Malay. In the vernacular schools, the languages are Mandarin and Tamil. The Ministry of

Education is working on the reintroduction of English as a medium of

instruction in science and technical subjects at school and university.

(The use of English for teaching math and science was implemented in

January 2003.) All university lecturers in public universities who speak

Tamil are obliged to use English. In practice, code switching is common,

particularly in specialist subject areas such as medicine, architecture, and

engineering

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Challenges in teaching English in Malaysia

The challenge facing the teaching of English literacy in Malaysia lies in making our

classroom relevant to the current literacy needs. Literacy in the 21

st

century necessitates

an inclusive pedagogy that looks at learners as co-authors and co-producers in knowledge

acquisition (Koo, 2008). Learning is seen as participating and taking part in communities

of practice (Wenger, 1998), making literacy learning as meaningful and emergent.

Implicit in the concepts of literacy as meaningful and emergent is that literacy is about

new learning, about promoting new knowledge and offering opportunities of continuity

and discontinuity. As learners participate in a meaningful learning, they acquire new

literacy.

Current formulations of academic literacies in our educational environment that reflect a

heavy emphasis on the commodity value of literacy is disadvantageous to our learners

(Naginder, 2006). Students are evaluated based on their performance and ability to

obtain good grades in the examination or display good writing skills. The practice of

evaluating students based on their skills and competencies silences learners’ voices,

making them feel alienated and separated from meaningful language use.

In the same vein, Koo (2008, p. 31) cautions that “as long as literacy continues to be

viewed in terms of narrow utilitarian, decontextualized skills-based discourses...,

Malaysian learners will find themselves seriously disadvantaged” in today’s global space.

She further affirms that “a serious discontinuity exists between literacy practices in

schools and universities and the expectations, norms values of the new workspaces in

present 21

st

century”. The new literacies for 21

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st

century command for the capacity to

negotiate diversity, produce new ideas and think out of the box. The new language GEMA Online™ Journal of Language Studies 45

Volume 12(1), Special Section, January 2012

ISSN: 1675-8021

classroom should encompass learning environments which encourage critical thinking,

foster innovative culture, and acknowledge diversity in global spaces. Baker (2009, p. 78)

describes literacy in the 21

st

century as follows:

literacy is variously said to cultivate values, norms of behaviour and

codes of conduct, to create benign citizens, develop powers of

thinking and reasoning, enculturate, emancipate and empower,

provide enjoyment and emotional development, develop critical

awareness, foster religious devotion, community development and not

the least to be central to academic success across the curriculum.

Based on the reviews presented earlier in this paper, it remains unclear how, and how

well schools are preparing our students to live and participate in the 21

st

century ‘literate

ways’ of behaving and doing things. When young people around the globe are already

connecting and enthusiastically using English in an ICT-saturated world, how are the

language teachers preparing our young learners to meet the needs of the present and

future worlds? Also remains unclear is the nature of the practices that the learners

currently engaged in with regards to learning English both in-school and out-of-school

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contexts. Some research have suggested that lack of connectivity between home, school

and local communities may have significant implications for student learning.

Gaps in the literature and suggestions for further research

Studies conducted to look for ways to improve English language learning in Malaysia

have largely focused on the teaching and learning of English in the language classrooms.

It is important now to look beyond the language classrooms in order to understand the

position of English literacy to the learners. More studies are needed to examine learners’

ways of using different linguistics repertoire when they are outside of the classrooms.

Studies are also needed to find ways to situate English language among the available

linguistics codes our learners have.

Most of the studies reviewed in this paper are situated within the structure of autonomous

model (Street, 1984). Within this perspective, learning is viewed as concrete, cognitive

skills that are transferable to any context. The review here however points towards the

need to look at language learning as joining or ‘membership into a discourse community’.

The studies also mainly use questionnaire or survey methods to examine the problem in

hand and the methods used underplay the intricacy and the psychological nature of

English language learning in Malaysia. The use of quantitative methods such as survey

questions could limit the critical areas that can be examined by qualitative case study

researches. This paper therefore suggests that in order to look at English literacy learning

as inclusive and relevant to the present needs, more studies that employ qualitative

research design are needed to provide empirical evidence of localized, contextualized use

of the language. GEMA Online™ Journal of Language Studies 46

Volume 12(1), Special Section, January 2012

ISSN: 1675-8021

This paper argues that literacy learning in Malaysia should be positioned within the

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theory of literacy as social practice. Viewing literacy in this perspective, language is seen

as a tool for navigating the social world, constructing meaning, displaying identities and

accomplishing social goals. The focus of teaching and learning is on processes and

practices as they are situated in meaningful activity, not on cognitive capacities that are

required for those practices.

To situate English literacy learning in a non-native context such as Malaysia, it is

necessary to have an ethnographic understanding of how English language is viewed by

the local communities (Hazita Azman, 2009). Teachers and curriculum developers need

to investigate the extent to which English is positioned in the learners’ repertoire (ibid) so

that they can design a literacy curriculum that will better suit the learners’ needs. By

connecting and situating English literacy learning in the learners’ social lives, learning

English to our learners would no longer perceived as irrelevant and devoid of context. As

suggested by Razianna Abdul Rahman (2005, p. 22), ‘unless teachers understand the

social and cultural nature of learning, it is not possible for teachers to provide the kind of

English learning experiences that can help learners to develop their overall language

proficiency’.

Following the preceding discussion, this paper proposes changes in the theorizing of

English literacy learning in Malaysian classrooms. As illustrated in Figure 1, literacy as a

social practice should be the overarching paradigm that includes in it the practice of

literacy as autonomous skills. Together they would pedagogically position the learning of

reading and writing skills as embedded into the learning as participating in meaningful

interactions. This way, with literacy viewed in a social practice paradigm, language

learning should incorporate elements of ‘doing, experiencing, becoming and belonging to

communities of practice’ as suggested by Wenger (1998).

Figure 1: Proposed framework for English language curriculum

Literacy as social practice

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Language learning as participating

in meaningful interactions

Language learning as learning a set

of language skills

Literacy as

autonomous skills GEMA Online™ Journal of Language Studies 47

Volume 12(1), Special Section, January 2012

ISSN: 1675-8021

Conclusion

This paper highlights a number of points that put forward important pedagogical

implications in the teaching of English in Malaysia.

1. There is a strong influence of the national language or Bahasa Malaysia over the

learning of English among Malaysian learners.

2. The teaching of English in our classrooms that emphasizes rote-learning and the

mastery of specific language skills that are then tested via examinations should be

revised.

3. A language curriculum that advances on inclusive, learning-by-doing experiences

would encourage a more meaningful learning. An improved English language

curriculum that operates on reflective learning pedagogy would encourage

learners to become independent and critical language learners, in line with the

current trends in language learning.

4. Future research needs to continue to investigate the pedagogical practices of

teaching English in this country and at the same time, to evaluate and check the

development of teachers’ knowledge in the domain as they are significant agents

that translate policy into action.

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Literacy and language learning remain central to education domain. Language is used as

a medium for learning and to commu

European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

627

Linguistics and Environment in English Language

Learning: Towards the Development of Quality

Human Capital

Nor Hashimah Jalaluddin

School of Language Studies and Linguistics

Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia

Norsimah Mat Awal

School of Language Studies and Linguistics

Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia

E-mail: [email protected]

Kesumawati Abu Bakar

School of Language Studies and Linguistics

Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia

Abstract

One of the aims in the decision to change the language of instruction in teaching

Mathematics and Science is to improve the English proficiency of the students because the

inability or limited ability to communicate in English has been identified as one of the

reasons of the high unemployment rate among Malay university graduates. In the recent

2006 UPSR results, it was reported that 70% students are weak in English (Utusan

Page 49: Language Policy

Malaysia, 16th November 2006 - however, no reasons and elaborations on students’ profile

were given). The same findings were also recorded in a research entitled “English as a

Second Language: Problems and Solutions” where 70% of the respondents were found to

be weak in English. Among the reasons that have been identified are linguistics and

environment factors. Structural differences between English and Malay have also been

identified as another problem faced by the students in learning English. In addition,

weaknesses in morphology and syntax, which are part of the main thrusts in language

learning, further exacerbate the problem. Environment that is not conducive to language

learning further add to the problem. Hence, efforts to improve the pedagogy, linguistic

knowledge of teachers and learning strategies should be stepped up in line with the nation’s

aim to build and accelerate the development of quality human capital.

Keywords: Linguistics knowledge, Environment factors, English proficiency, Quality

human development

1. Introduction

Fifty years after independence, the problems educators faced in the domain of teaching and learning of

English have continued to be a frequently debated topic. Language policy which is intended to satisfy

the needs of the nation continues to be questioned. Failures among college graduates to secure jobs European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

628

after graduating are often linked to their inability to communicate effectively in English. We are often

reminded that to successfully compete in today’s globalized world, mastery of the English language is

a necessity. Globalization appears to promote homogeneity when in fact heterogeneity in acquiring

knowledge should be encouraged. In this context, English is often assumed as part of this homogeniety.

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In our compelling efforts to introduce the notion of language homogeneity as global language,

we have to take stock of the situation and examine our readiness to face the challenges. A statement by

the Director-General of the Education Ministry of Malaysia that the overall students’ performance in

English in the recent 2006 UPSR

1

is below average (70% is considered weak in their achievement)

should be given due attention. Logically, a weak performance or achievement in English would also

influence two other subjects, namely, mathematics and science as these two subjects are taught in

English. This paper seeks to examine the link between the reason behind the decline in performance in

English with language policy and the ultimate aim of the country to achieve quality human capital.

This paper will attempt to provide a glimpse of the present scenario and efforts that could be taken by

relevant authorities.

2. English in Malaysia Today

A lot of researches have been conducted on the performance of students in English in Malaysia. Most

of the research tried to explore the reasons behind students’ poor command of the English language by

looking at factors such as attitude, perception and environment. Noreiny Maarof (2003) found that

Malaysian students are embarrassed to use English. The fact that their environment did not promote the

use of English fueled their hesitation to use the language. This problem persists when the medium of

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communication among students continue to be their mother tongue and not English. However, they do

watch English movies and listen to English songs. A few researches that specifically focused on the

teaching of Science and Mathematics in English have been carried out. Nor Hashimah (2004) showed

that teachers and students are more confident in using Malay language as a medium of instruction for

Science and Mathematics. More than 75% students and 90% teachers believed that they can

comprehend the two subjects if they are taught in Malay. A research with bigger samples was

conducted by Juriah Long et.al (2005) which focused on the issue of teaching and learning

Mathematics and Science in English. 8000 samples were taken as respondents proved that the policy is

not benefitting the students in general. The urbanites, who are generally rich and non Malays are the

ones who gain most from this policy. On the other hand, those who come from rural and mostly poor

and Malays are the ones who lose out most in this new policy. The latest research under the leadership

of Nor Hashimah Jalaluddin (research code SK01/2006) on Form Two students in urban, semi- urban

and rural areas shows that they too, face the same problems. The students agree that English is

important; however, their environment does not promote the use of English. In addition, they too, feel

that learning English is difficult and structural differences between English and Malay have further

added to the constraints in mastering the language. This paper will explore further the link between

language policy, environment, perception and language acquisition in developing quality human

Page 52: Language Policy

capital.

3. Language Policy and Education in Malaysia

As an independent country, Malaysia has a well coordinated education system that is frequently

debated in the Parliment. There are a few reports that served as the basis for national language policy

and in implementing reforms to ensure that students receive the best education possible. This chapter

1

UPSR (Ujian Pencapaian Sekolah Rendah; translation: Primary School Evaluation Test) is a national examination taken by all

Standard Six (12 year old) studentds in Malaysia. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

629

will divide further discussion into two, namely, Language Policy during Razak’s

2

era and Post-Razak

era.

3.1. Education during Razak’s Era

Education system in the Razak’s era is an education system that was based on the Razak Report

3

.

Razak Report was endorsed and passed in 1965 and implemented until 1995

4

. The report states that

language is an important vehicle to unite the nation, more so in a multi-racial country like Malaysia.

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The effort to unite the country through a national language has its own complicated history. The

authority felt that unity will be achieved through the implementation of a common policy. The Razak

Education Committee was made up of representatives from every race in Malaya (including a few

senior officers from the British government who were posted to Malaya then). The committee received

164 memorandoms, suggestions and letters from various associations (including 13 from foreign

governments) and individuals. Two important formulas were formed:

i. school system in Malaya is to have a common content syllabus

ii. education system post-independence must have a common language, that is a national language

as the main medium of instruction in the education system

The Razak Report continues to emphasize:

‘[Education in Malaya should aim] to bring together the children of all races under a national education

system in which the national language is the main medium of instruction though we realize that

progress towards this goal cannot be rushed and must be gradual’

It continues:

“it is hoped that this concerted use of the National Language … will inculcate in

all citizens the habit of using it regularly. It is only in this way that they will feel

they belong to this country, and that the National Language is a real living force

that binds them together”

(YM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, 2007).

The above quotation from the Razak Report shows that the national language policy has a

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single aim, which is to unite the various races in Malaya under one language banner which is the

Malay language. It also aims for a common content syllabus – a national syllabus – that will lead to a

common goal in education; which ultimately and hopefully produce human capital with national image

and identity, united and able to live in harmony regardless of ethnic background. The Razak Report

(1956) is the brainchild and vision of Tun Abdul Razak (the Education Minister then) that surpassed

ethnic boundaries for the sake of national unity.

The issues surrounding the notion of nationhood that Tun Razak tried to overcome in a way is

quite similar to the United States. America is often labelled as a melting pot nation that has alway

attracted people from various parts of the world. With various races living together, America realized

the importance of a single language to unite them. In this case, America has chosen English as the

language to foster loyalty, identity and national security in nation building as stated by Dennis Baron

(1990) in their attempt to formulate a legislature on language policy:

“Americanism, they argue, loses something in the translation, while English offers the

only key to the nation’s democracy, history and culture. Language thus becomes a

literal shibboleth of nationality, a badge of true Americanism, and anything less than

fluency in English - a foreign accent, let alone the maintainence of a minority tongue –

is perceived to threaten national security and subvert the national ideal”

(Dennis Baron; 1990).

2

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Tun Abdul Razak was the second Prime Minister of Malaysia who served from 1970 to 1976.

3

There are a few reports that serve as the basis for the education system in Malaya, for example the Barnes Report. However, this paper

will only focus on the Razak Report.

4

1995 was the year the education Ministry granted permission to institutions of higher learning to use English as medium of instruction. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

630

It is therefore, obvious that language is the vehicle to unite various races. If America has chosen

English, Malaysia then has chosen Bahasa Melayu. Bahasa Melayu is the native language and as such

should be the national language and by the same token, should be the medium of instruction in school,

as has been the practice for the past 37 years.

3.2. Education in Post-Razak Era

1995 is the beginning of a new practice in Malaysian education system – private institutions of higher

learning in Malaysia were given the permission to use English as the medium of instruction. Its aim or

purpose is to turn Malaysia into an education hub in Southeast Asia. This act, seen as relaxing the rule,

has in turn affected the national education system.

In 2003, another radical policy was introduced. This time it involved the medium of instruction

for two subjects in primary and secondary schools. Science and mathematics that are beginning to

capture the interest of the Malay students are now being taught in English. 2006 SPM

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5

exam takers are

the last cohort of students to use Malay as the medium of instruction for science and mathematics. As

recent as April 2007 while officiating the International Conference on Smart Schools, Deputy Prime

Minister wants efforts to improve the standard of English in Malaysia to continue while not forgetting

the national language (New Straits Times, 2007). The government also wants students to be well

versed in the field of science and technology. The year 2007 is also the year where the idea of cluster

schools is introduced by the Minister of Education. However, only a few schools have been selected

for the implementation of cluster schools. These schools have the authority to decide on their

specialization whether to be a sports school, music school and etc. The purpose is to produce students

who are capable in the area chosen. The school principles are authorized to appoint teachers they have

selected.

What is obvious in the post-Razak era is various continuous measures `have been taken to

improve the national education system. Among these are the implementation of smart schools, vision

schools, cluster schools and the move to change the medium of instruction for science and mathematics

to English being the highlight – a move that was also opposed by Chinese educationist (Dong Jiao

Zong

6

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).

The most evident difference in the policies between Razak era and post-Razak era is the vision

to unite the people through the education system and through language is missing. Vision school is a

concept where two or three schools (in areas that have been identified) with different medium of

instruction are to share facilities with the aim of fostering integration. These schools could be sharing

playing field, laboratories and basic facilities. On the other hand, smart schools are selected schools

that are given computer facilities and more advanced teaching facilities. The same can be said of

cluster schools. The new education policy not only bypassed the Parliment for approval but also lack

the vision and mission to unite all the various races as was done in Razak era. Smart schools, vision

and cluster schools only comprise a few select schools in Malaysia. Where is the fairness in these

policies? The change in the medium of instruction is only beneficial for those in urban schools and

indirectly denying those from rural areas of quality education. All these are against the spirit instilled

in the Razak Report.

4. Nation Building Through Language

Rahman Embong (2003) says that nationhood is about the society, not institution of power even though

both are inter-related. He says, “It is about bringing the diverse peoples together with a commitment to

a common or shared destiny, and an identification to that cause, normally within a shared geo-political

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5

The Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM), or the Malaysian Certificate of Education, is a national examination taken by all fifth form

students in Malaysia. Generally, the SPM is taken at the age of 17, though students who attended pre-secondary school class would

take it at the age of 18.

6

Dong Jiao Zong is the association that governs Chinese Independent Schools in Malaysia. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

631

space” (Rahman Embong 2003: 13). However, there are competing notions on nationhood and he has

identified the five competing notions. They are:

i. Developmentalist doctrine – Bumiputras

7

who give prominence to English as they consider it as

the gateway to development, prosperity dan future progress. They are the elites and enjoy the

support of non-Bumuputra too.

ii. Bumiputras who are convinced that the Malay language as the defining identity. They are the

Malay cultural and literary elites. They maintain that Malay serves the link to history

iii. This group advocates the promotion of bilingualism and even multilingualism. They want

Malay as the national language but at the same time other languages are also allowed to

flourish.

iv. The fourth group propagates racial equality in the name of democracy and universal human

rights and advocates education in mother tongue but are rather vague on their stand on the

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Malay language.

v. This group is of the opinion that language serves as a vehicle, but Islam is the real real identity

of a person.

The most appropriate notion is notion 3 and it is obvious because it runs parallel with the notion

put forward in Razak Report. Everybody should be encouraged to learn more than one language,

however, that pursuit should not be at the expense of the Malay language. Malay should or must

remain as the national language; a language that has been able to unite the people. There two important

elements – language policy and the notion of nationhood - in developing quality human capital.

Admittedly, Tun Razak did not specifically mention or use the term “human capital” explicitly as is the

practice now. Nevertheless, the language policies introduced have the same purpose – to maintain

national harmony in a multi-racial country.

5. Human Capital and the Standard of English Language

On March 31, 2006, when the Prime Minister presented the 9th Malaysian Plan to the Dewan Rakyat

he outlined five main thrust of the National Missions. One of the missions is enhancing knowledge and

innovation to instil a “first class mind”. The Prime Minister states that it can only be achieved with

quality human capital. Quality human capital is not only about intellectual capacity but also individual

character. Therefore the government will implement efforts to improve the overall national system,

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from pre-school to the the highest level and vocational. At the same time, emphasis will also be given

to efforts to nurture a cultured society with strong moral values.

The Prime Minister also stresses that the development of human capital should be conducted

holistically with the emphasis on knowledge, competence, intellectual knowledge which includes

science and technology dan interpreneurship and at the same time possesing a high moral and ethical

values – human capital with first-class mindset.

Three strategies have been identified to nurture a first-class human capital and they are:

i. improve the ability and capibility to gain knowledge

ii. strengthen the cability in science, R & D and innovation

iii. nurture a cultured society with strong moral values

One of the steps to be taken is to promote national school as the choice school. Schools are seen

as the most appropriate place to sow the spirit of national integration. The racial composition between

teacher and students needs to be balanced. The quality of teaching needs to be improved – the

curriculum and co-curriculum activities need to be re-assessed to ensure a strong foundation for basic

competence and in accordance with current needs. Languages such as Mandarin and Tamil will be

offered as elective.

7

Bumiputera or Bumiputra is a Malay term widely used in Malaysia, embracing ethnic Malays, Javanese, Bugis, Minag and other

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indigenous ethnic groups, such as the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia, and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

632

The concept of human capital proposed is about quality human capital. What is clear is that

education policy has become the focus, however, efforts taken to improve the national education

system to nurture quality human capital is still somewhat hazy. The focus is on science and technology

and to inculcate noble values. These are noble aspirations indeed. Great emphasis is given to English

but not Malay as was the practice during Razak’s era. It begs the question – will we be able to nurture

quality human capital through English when 70% of the population are weak in English. Results of

2006 UPSR indicate that students are weak in English when 70% of them scored “C”, “D” or “E” for

English (New Straits Tmes 16 Nov.2006). The real scenario can be seen from the MUET (Malaysian

University English Test) results. In 2007, 96% of MUET candidates scored band 1-3 that is, moderate

and weak (NST. 17 July 2007). This is not a good indicator for the effort to nurture or train quality

human capital. Globalization has always been the reason for the need to give priority to English over

Malay. Nevertheless much effort have been given to address the weakness of English language not

only among students but also among teachers.

The first step taken is to make the teaching of Mathematics and Science compulsory in English.

Teachers must try their best to use the language. Secondly, the ministry has created a ‘buddy’ system

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among teachers. The English language teachers will become tutors to Mathematics and Science (MS)

teachers. Besides that MS teachers are exposed to many courses that can help them to improve their

teaching in English. In addition, incentives are given to teachers who are willing to teach MS in

English. The school infrastructures have been upgraded to assist the teachers in teaching MS.

Computers and softwares are provided to make the teaching of MA more interesting and interactive.

Will all these efforts able to improve the students’ English proficiency?

It must be mentioned that efforts to improve the standard of English should not be through

complex subjects such as science and mathematics. Efforts to improve the students’ competence in

English must be geared in the environment and the pedagogy in teaching the language itself.

6. Environment Factor

There are a few factors that can be viewed as the cause for the decline in the students’ competence in

English. They are language contiguity between English and Malay, environment and students’

perception of English and students’ competence in English as their second language.

6.1. Language Contiguity - English and Malay

Asmah Hj Omar (1985) states that if we are to know the geneology of the Malay language, we have to

look at the origin of its speakers. There are a few opinions on the origin of the Malays.

According to Asmah, the Malay language is categorized under Austronesian languages.

Austronesian languages are divided into four groups namely, Indonesian, Malanesian, Micronesian and

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Polynesian languages. The biggest language group is Indonesian and its area consists of Farmosa in the

north to the Philipines islands and Maluku in the east, Timor Timor in the south and Magdagascar in

the west. This language group has the highest number of speakers and the Malay language is in this

language group. The Malay language is the most developed language in this group and is the national

language in Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and Brunei. In Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, Malay is

the medium of instruction in education up to tertiary level and this itself served as the catalyst for the

development of the language.

English, on the other hand, is classified as Germanic language from the Indo-European group.

The early history of Germanic languages is based on the reconstruction of Proto-Germanic which has

evolved into Jerman, English, Dutch, Afrikaan, Yiddish and Scandinavian languages. English was

influenced by two waves, first by Germanic language of the Scandinavian descent which occupied

various parts of Britain in the 8

th

and 9

th

centuries. This was later followed by the Normans in the 11

th

century. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

633

The Jermanic people occupied native speakers of Celt in Scotland, Wales, Cornwall and

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Ireland. The language of the invaders helped form what is later known as Old English. English was

also heavily influenced by Norse, language of the Vikings in the east.

Based on the brief geneology description of English and Malay above, it is evident that these

two languages are not related and do not come from the same cognate. Therefore, there are a lot of

structural differences especially in terms of morphology and syntax. These structural differences in

turn, become the constraints in acquiring English among students in Malaysia. This paper will justify

the claim based on the findings of a research that has been conducted.

6.2. Environment (Social Surrounding) and Students’ Perception

A research on problems in acquiring English language has been conducted in the southern part of

Malaysia. A total of 313 students from urban, sub-urban and rural schools were selected as the

respondents. The three schools are:

i. Sekolah Tunku Abdul rahman Putra (STARP) – urban school

ii. Sekolah Menengah Senai (Senai) – sub-urban school

iii. Sekolah Sultan Alauddin – rural school

The classification of urban, sub-urban and rural schools is based on the location of the schools.

All the respondents are Form Two students which means that they have gone through seven years of

formal English education. The breakdown of students’ gender and racial composition is presented in

Table 1 and Chart 1 below:

Chart 1: Gender (%)

Gender of Respondents

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0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Senai STARP SSA

Gender

Boys

Girls

Table 1: Gender Composition (%)

Senai STARP SSA

Boys 53.5 39.1 51.9

Girls 46.5 60.9 48.1

The number of male respondents is larger than female respondents in Senai and SSA, while in

STARP the number of girls exceeded the boys. Ethnic composition reveals an interesting pattern. In

Senai the numbers of Malay and Chinese students are almost equal ie 41.4% and 43.4% respectively

while Indian makes up only 14.1% of the total. In STARP however, 60.9% of the respondents are European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

634

Malays and 39.1% are non-Malays. In SSA, Malays make up 100% of total respondents. This is

because SSA is a FELDA

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8

-based school whose community comprises Malay FELDA pioneers. Table

2 displays the composition of ethnic groups.

Table 2: Composition of Ethnic Groups (%)

Senai STARP SSA

Malay 41.4 60.9 100.0

Chinese 43.4 30.0 0

Indian 14.1 9.1 0

Others 1.0 0 0

The majority of respondents come from families who are earning below RM1000.00 per month.

83% of SSA students belong to low-income families. This is followed by Senai with 63.3% and

STARP with 52.8%. If the level of income is a factor that can influence and contribute to a conducive

learning environment, then their UPSR result is a manifestation of this correlation. Their achievements

may have been affected by this socio-economic factor. 2004 UPSR results show that 66% of Senai,

50% of STARP and 70% of SSA respondents are weak in English. This is further backed by a low

number of students attending tuition ie 25%. A combination of factors ranging from poverty, lack of

tuition facility, social surrounding, interest and attitude may have contributed to low-level English

proficiency among these students.

Apart from background and social surrounding, students’ perceptions need to be examined.

More than 80% of students think that English is important but unfortunately almost 50% see it as a

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difficult subject to master. According to the theory of Relevans (1995), information that is difficult to

be understood cognitively will result in higher degree of miscomprehension. This will lead to

misinterpretation, boredom and ultimately total isolation from the subject. This is what is happening to

the majority of respondents. From the questionnaire, 70%-90% students revealed that they do not

understand English literature. English literature is a compulsory component in the English syllabus and

this apparently is not helping the existing problem. At the same time, 50% of students like their

teachers’ methods of teaching and current English language activities in classes. However, these two

factors are not enough to remedy the situation or to improve their proficiency level. Unfortunately, the

push factors are stronger than the pull factors. Chart 2 displays students’ perception towards the target

language.

8

Federal Land Development Authority, better known as FELDA is the foremost land development agency in Malaysia. FELDA was

established on 1st July 1956 under the Land Development Act 1956 as a result of recommendation of Government Working

Committee. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

635

Chart 2: Students’ Perception of English

To relate the history of language, social surrounding and perception, a linguistic test was

administered to the students. Linguistic, as a scientific subject, is able to measure the level of strength

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or weakness of English through a validated test. A cloze test was administered to 315 respondents as a

way of gauging their level of English competence. Our contention is that structural differences between

English and BM could have contributed to the failure in mastering the target language and therefore

must be given serious consideration.

6.3. Linguistic Factor

Apart from the above factors, the crux of the problem lies in the failure to acquire the target language.

When we talk about language acquisition, the topic of grammar will naturally be a part of the

discussion. In this research 20 questions related to morphology and syntax were tested on the students.

Some of the areas tested include affixes, adverbs, plural form, and superlative. It became clear through

the analysis that questions relating to plural inflection posed a problem for the respondents. Nearly

70% of students in all three schools experienced the same difficulty. 68%-74% of respondents failed to

correctly answer the question on superlative. It is interesting to note that the majority of students in all

three schools, regardless of location, experience the same problem. Table 3 summarises the findings.

Table 3 below displays the overall percentages of errors committed in the 4 areas of

morphology tested. Students appear to have the greatest difficulty in identifying the correct plural

marker for a given word, despite the fact that plural inflection is one of the basic and earliest elements

to be taught in school. Superlative adjectives rank second with percentages of errors commited ranging

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from 68%-74%. Different structural systems between English and Malay may have contributed to the

high frequency of incorrect answers. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

636

Table 3: Percentage of Morphological Errors

SCHOOL

Grammatical Category

SENAI STARP SSA

ADVERB 62% 46% 61%

AFFIXES 62% 61.5% 70.6%

PLURAL FORM 74% 73% 75%

SUPERLATIVE 65% 66% 85%

In general, percentages of errors in the four tested categories (except for the adverb word class

in STARP) exceeded 60%. The numbers demonstrate students’ failure to understand and correctly use

these grammatical items. What follows is a question taken from cloze test 2:

Adam, however, was a very ___________________boy.

A. disobedient

B. obedient

C. unobedient

D. inobedient

Morphology questions highlighted the respondents’ failure to understand the target language.

Findings are shown in the following chart:

Chart 3: Respondents’ Morphological Errors

Chart 3 above displays the differences in percentages of incorrect answers given by the

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respondents in 4 different morphological areas. The height of each bar indicates the level of mastery

the subjects possess. The high percentages for plural inflection and superlative point to their limited

abilities and level of knowledge in the understanding and application of items mentioned above. Note

that the differences among the three schools in 3 aspects of morphology i.e. affixes, plurality and

superlative are very minimal but become more pronounced with adverb. The fact that majority of

students have failed to understand and correctly use these grammatical items that form the foundation

for other complex structures is most worrying. This is significant considering the fact that these

fundamental areas form the basis for intermediate and advanced level of grammar. Examples of

copious errors committed include changing the singular form of noun into plural form such as ostrich

to ostriches, adverb suffix swift to swiftly, comparative and superlative suffixes such as slow to slower

and slowest. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

637

Plural suffixes –s, -es, and –ies are also found to pose problems among the learners. These

suffixes are influenced by the phonological environment of a word. Phonology is a system of sounds

that recognizes the influence of preceeding and following sounds on a particular sound. For example,

ostrich ends with a /h/, therefore the suffix that follows is –es, forming ostriches. While the plural

inflection rule for words ending with plosive consonants /t, d, k, g/ require the addition of the suffix–s

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to the stem, words ending with /y/ require the addition of -ies. Therefore, the plural form of accident is

accidents, and baby is babies.

We now move on to superlative. Superlative in the Malay system comes in the form of an

intensifier. In English, superlative is indicated within the adjective itself by the addition of –est suffix.

For example slow will become slowest. The second form of superlative involved the adding of ‘most’

to uninflected adjectives, for example expensive, more expensive and most expensive. The third form

involves the irregular comparative and superlative forms e.g. good, better, best. In Malay, the concept

of superlative is indicated through intensifiers such as ‘amat, sangat dan paling’ (translation: very).

There is no inflection to the base word. The same can be said of adverbs. The addition of –ly to an

adjective will normally convert the word into an adverb. For example slow becomes slowly, careful

becomes carefully. The following sentences demonstrate the use of these adverbs:

i. She walks slowly on the slippery floor.

ii. We must drive carefully when it rains heavily.

Prefix, more specifically derivational bound morphemes such as im- and dis-, also pose

problems among learners. The difference in forms and functions of prefixes between Malay and

English is significant. English prefixes can derive a new word with opposite meaning such as embark

into disembark and patient into impatient. For example:

i. We can embark from this airport to Jakarta.

ii. Please do not switch on your cellular phone until you have disembarked from this plane.

iii. She is so patient in facing all the problems lately.

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iv. She has become impatient with her naughty son.

The above prefixes do not exist in the Malay system. This disparity is what is causing students

from successfully understanding and using English language. If this is not given due attention, students

will contually fail to master the target language.

We now move on to the area of syntax. Syntax concerns sentence structure. The areas tested

include ‘subject-verb agreement’, ‘be copula’, ‘article’, ‘determiner’ and ‘possesive pronoun’. The

questions that received the highest incorrect answers are questions which test ‘subject verb agreement’

and ‘relative pronouns’. Both structures are not present in BM. Therefore, it can be assumed that the

errors committed are largely due to structural differences and absence from the first language. Again,

the questions tested the students on basic areas of syntax. The following is a question taken from Cloze

Test 1.

C1 5. Different species ______________ (5) different habits and eat different kinds of food.

A. adopt

B. adopted

C. adopts

D. is adopting

Cloze, Qs No Correct (C)/Incorrect (I) Senai % STARP % SSA %

1,5 (SVA) S 72.0 75.2 79.6

B 28.0 24.8 20.4

The above question tested the students on the area of subject-verb agreement and the

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percentages for incorrect answers exceeded 70%. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

638

Table 4: Incorrect Answers - Syntax

SCHOOL

Grammatical Categories

SENAI STARP SSA

Copula 65 56.9 80

SVA 72 75.2 79.6

Article 69 60 62

Relative Clause 79 83 85

Table 4 present the percentages of incorrect answers in the areas of syntax. The overall picture

of committed errors is very distinct. Again the problem lies in structural differences between Malay

and English.

Percentage of Syntax Errors

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

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Copula SVA Article Relative Clause

P’tage

Senai

STARP

SSA

From the above chart, relative clause, subject verb agreement and copula ‘be’ are 3 problematic

areas with high numbers of incorrect answers. Relative clause recorded the highest number or errors

i.e. 80%. Sample of questions testing the areas of copula, SVA, article and relative clause have

revealed an apparent weakness among the respondents in mastering the target language. They have

failed to recognize the four forms of copula be i.e is, are, was and were. Those who answered correctly

were assisted by a clue in the sentence that points to the past. Subject-verb-agreement is always

mistaken as plural inflection. SVA emphasizes on the relation between the subject and the verb that

follows. Singular subject will be followed by a singular verb marked by the suffix –s. Although the

form is similar to that of the plural inflection, the function and meaning are entirely different.

Linguistic explanation by the teacher may help to resolve this confusion. For example:

i. She eats with her hand.

ii. There are three books on the table.

In the above examples, sentence (i) focuses on SVA. She is a singular subject that dictates the

singular present suffix –s. In the second sentence (ii), three indicates plural, the head noun therefore

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must take the plural inflection –s. The similarity in form is the cause of confusion among learners.

Although article posed the least problem in the cloze test, nearly half of total subjects failed to

answer accurately. Articles such as a, an, and the are not explicitly present in Malay. In the test, the

omission of article shows that respondents have failed to understand the importance and function of

article within a noun phrase. Articles are compulsory in most noun phrases and mistakes in its usage European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

639

are common among learners. The severity increased when it comes to complex items such as relative

clause. Pronouns such as who, whose, whom and which, which are not present in the system of Malay,

can be an indicator of problem and high percentages of error committed among respondents.

The above discussion has clearly demonstrated how structural differences between the first

language ie Malay and the target language ie English can be the cause of misunderstanding and failure

to master the language. This problem is further aggravated by negative perception and less than

favourable social surroundings. The question is, in light of the facts and findings tabulated from the

data, can our government achieve its vision of creating first class human capital who are highly

proficient in English?

7. Language Policy, English Competency & Quality Human Capital

7.1. Aspiration and Reality

The information gathered from the above analysis needs to be managed wisely. Starting with our

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education policy, to social surrounding, proficiency level of students and finally human capital, the

solution can be achieved but realistically it is not without its setbacks. It firstly helps to briefly examine

the Razak and post Razak Policies. The aim was to establish a common policy that goes across the

boundaries of ethinicity, status and location. Malaysians are bound to the same education system.

National schools were created and all these were perfected by a committee that represented all ethnic

groups including the colonizers. It has to be reminded that the Razak Report was a result of the 13

th

May tragedy; a tragedy that was the consequent of economic instability and disparity between the

Malays and the non-Malays.

After the implementation, there had not been any racial conflict until 2003. In fact, non-Malays

are able to be high achievers at the levels of PMR, SPM, STPM and tertiary using the national

language. At this point in time, everybody has equal job opportunities (YM Tengku Razaleigh: 2007).

And this has given rise to many Bumiputera engineers, doctors, accountants and architects rivalling

those of the non-Bumis.

We now move on the the aspect of English acquisition. The findings show that many we are

still a long way away from the ideal scenario. The solution at the moment is to review and improve on

pedagogical weaknesses. Pedagogy is highly focused on the teaching of English grammar which, as we

have seen, is structurally different than Bahasa Melayu.

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Social surroundings ought to create a conducive and exciting platform for the learning and

teaching of English. English teachers need to have linguistic knowledge in order for them to be able to

effectively explain to students about the rights and wrongs of their answers. However, the possibility of

this happening remains slim as we are lack well-trained linguistic teachers, especially in rural schools.

This is the reason why language problems persist. The introduction of the new education policy in

2003 saw the implementation of English as the medium of instruction for certain subjects in schools

and tertiary institutions. This has definitely intensified the problem faced by those who are already

weak in the target language (English).

The backlash effect of teaching of Science and Mathematics in English will be felt in the long

run. Table 8 shows that out of a total 100%, only 29% of subjects are still taught in Malay. This is

because the science stream is dominated by subjects such as physics, chemistry, biology, modern

maths and additional maths. This effect will continue when they enrol in higher education such as

secondary 6 and matriculation.

The percentage for subjects taught in Malay will continue to decrease to 20%. At this stage,

subjects are specialized to suit the programs. Malay which is considered as a language of unity, is

assuming a lesser role in our education system. The question to be asked is would students who are

weak in English be able to successfully follow and understand the content of the subjects. The chart

below displays the percentage of language which will be used at secondary six and matriculation level.

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As the list of science subjects increases, the role of Malay declines. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

640

.As we can observe, the usage of Malay as the medium of instruction in higher education

decreases to 9 %. This scenario has diverted far from the original aim of the Razak Report in which

Malay is meant to be the main medium of instruction in public universities including schools and

matriculation centres. Is this a wise step to be taken when the level of proficiency is still low despite

early exposure to English via Science and Mathematics.

Table 8: Subjects taught in BM and English

Subjects Taught In Malay and

English

0

20

40

60

80

100

SPM

Pre-Uni

University

Pecentage

BM

Engl

Source: Kamal Shukri: 2002

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After examining the education policy and the proficiency level of students in English, we shall

now look at our government aspiration for creating a new generation of citizens who are well-versed in

the areas of science and mathematics and highly proficient in English. This is only possible if students

are from economically secure and stable families, blessed with a conducive learning environment and

tuition facilities. But realistically, for 70% of rural Malaysians where the majority is Malays, those

ideal conditions are beyond their reach. Prof. Diraja Ungku Abdul Aziz (Mingguan Malaysia Interview

2006) mentioned that rural folks are marginalized and disadvantaged in many aspects. Language is one

of the contributing factors. Failure to master English could also mean failure in the subjects of Science

and Mathematics. Logically, the aim of creating a competent first class human capital may not be

achievable.

8. Conclusion

It can be concluded that the short and long term effects of the implementation of English in schools and

tertiary education will not only create problems for the students, but also educators. Consequently, the

result will be far from what is expected.

We have to review some of the policy changes. Adjustments considerations from people from

all walks of life have to be made. Although it is aiming towards the establishment of SMART and

cluster schools, unfortunately the changes will only benefit a small number of schools in Malaysia. It is

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therefore suggested that there be a re-examination of the teaching of English in schools. If

memorisation and rote learning are ineffective, then an innovative way of integrating structure and

communication must be developed and implemented. It is certainly disappointing when there is a

mismatch between what is taught and what is achieved by the students. Due to the exam-oriented

nature of our education system, schools and teachers are pressured into focusing on the grammatical

aspects of the target language, leaving very little time for interaction in English. Ironically, this is the

language students are expected to use upon entering the workforce. European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 9, Number 4 (2009)

641

Secondly, teachers need to be equipped with linguistic knowledge for teaching in order to be

more effective and explanations are articulated clearly. A combination of linguistic knowledge and

effective pedagogy may be able to make learning English more exciting. If efforts are taken to expose

students to a fun learning environment, then maybe English will be a good medium of instruction for

the learning of science and mathematics. The combination of three factors i.e. a fair and nondiscriminatory education policy, linguistically adept teachers and conducive learning environment will

definitely ensure a generation of competent first class human capital.

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