landscape and diseases. the middle holocene sahara:...

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LANDSCAPE AND DISEASES. THE MIDDLE HOLOCENE SAHARA: A DEVELOPMENT OF

CULTURAL LANDSCAPE AS RESULT OF A RISK-ORIENTED BEHAVIOUR

E. SCHULZ

SUMMARY. - Landscape and Diseases. The Middle Holocene Sahara: A Development of Cultural Landscape as Result of a Risk-Oriented Behaviour.Interrelationships and interdependencies within the traingle: man-landscape- disease may be explained by a risk oriented behaviour of man. A special case of such a risk management is given by the evolution of cultural landscape during the Holocene in the present day South Sahara. Southward moving cattle keepers were confronted in the former contact Sahara-Sudan to a landscape, which presented deadly risks. These were diseases like trypanosomiasis or onchochercosis, which formerly were part of regional zoonosises. They could not be counteracted by an auto-imummunisation or by traditional medical treatment. Finally it was a boundary, which only allowed retreat or radical and definite transformation of the landscape system itself. The evolution of the former sudanian savannas into an open landscape with only few breeding places for tse-tse-flies represented a development of a cultural landscape. It evolved parallel to a climatic deterioration. Interference with use of fire, pasture and later on agriculture as well as metal production remained severe and hardly allowed any recovering of the plant cover.

1. Introduction The experience with the demographic and subsequently epidemiological transition Omran 1971 after Schaerstöm 1996, Hauser 1981) obscured the interactions between landscape and disease for long time. However, the „reappearance“ of infectious diseases made it necessary to have questions of the interdependencies of geographical and economical factors and health development back on the agenda (Fleischer, Schulz 2001). Hinz (1984) and Diesfeld (1989) treated those questions in their geomedical work in West and East-Africa. They took diseases as tools to characterise and to evaluate a given space. Beauvillain (1989) evidenced an interesting interdependence between disease and cultural landscape for the North of Cameroon. He underlined, that the cultivation of terrace fields in the Mandara Mountains- which were often taken as examples for a long lasting and sustainable economy (Heinrich 1996) – could only survive because people practically were eliminated for a great deal each 30 years by epidemics (cholera, variola, yellow fever) or hostile invasions. In all, risk perception could convince people to accept limits – voluntarily or not – or to try to pull them back.

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These reflections were taken up by Gifford-Gonzalez (2000) in searching for the causes of the retardation of the formerly continuous South and East-extension of cattle keeping during the Middle Holocene in the southern Sahara. She presented a scenario on the handling of the threads by new diseases, which also explained a new type of landscape development in the Sahara. Paganotti and Coluzzi (2004) explained the origin of malaria tropica as a coevolution with landscape opening during the first stages of westafrican agriculture.

2. Sahara-Sahel-Sudan and the dimension of cultural landscape The problem of cultural landscape between the Sahara and the savannas of Sahel and Sudan is discussed not only for the present time (see Le Houerou 1989, Monod 1986), but also for the past. There is no doubt, that from the Middle Holocene on the whole area was subjected to definite landscape changes (Salzmann 2000, 2001, Schulz et al 2000). However the causes are strongly debated in two different camps. The one proposes a mainly climatic driven process before the time of agriculture (Anhuf et al 1999, Claussen et al 1998, Salzmann 2001) relying on the zonal basic structure of the landscape system. The other side accepts more and more mans role in shaping the landscape (Ballouche, 2004, Cremasci, Di Lernia 1999 a, b) rediscussing also the old question of cultivation without domestication (Haaland 1992) Human dominance in landscape development is elucidated from two sides. For the one from the very late appearance of agriculture the northern and southern Sahara and northern Sahel from about 3000 BP on - with the exception of the new information from northern Ghana (D´Andrea, Casey 2002, Neumann et al 2001, Van Der Veen 1995, 1999) and for the other by the above mentioned retardation of the cattle extension from about 5000 BP on (Gifford-Gonzalez 2000). This complex will be explained with help of maps and block diagrams (fig. 1-4) in order to re-discuss the general problem of cultural landscapes origin. May archaeological findings from West- and North- Africa already point to the beginning of a strong human and which is the parallel information coming from natural sciences? Direct evidence of clearly domesticated animals or plants as well as for metal production is still scarce. However, in the last years there were some important findings provoking some new interpretations.

3. Agriculture and pasture in the Holocene of Sahara and Sahel Only a few authors stick to the model of an Early Holocene agriculture based on findings of ceramics and grinding tools (Aumasssip 2000, Roset 2000). Apart of these ideas the picture became clearer in the last years. There are reports about prints and macro remains of domesticated millet (Pennisetum) for the period of 2900 to 3000 BP from south-eastern Mauretania, northern Burkina Faso and north eastern Nigeria, whereas in the times before only wild grasses could be found (Hol1 1985, Kahlheber 1999, Neumann et al. 2001). Consequently one has to think

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on a change from a predominant gathering economy to the cultivation of millet. The earliest indices for a planned use of sudanian fruit trees and a „park-economy“ come from northern Burkina Faso for the time of about 1200BP (Kahlheber et al. 1999, Neumann et al. 1998). Van Der Veen (1995 1999) describes for the same period a cultivation of Near East type domesticated plants in the Fezzan (Triticum, Hordeum, Lens) together with a cultivation of fruit trees like Olea and Ziziphus.Consequently this economy followed the example of the Near East In all, agriculture in the Sahara is only documented from the period 2900-3000 BP on. There also was a clear separation between the tradition of wheat cultivation of the Near East in the North Sahara and the millet cultivation in the southern part. In both regions one has to count with a strong importance of gathering grasses, herbs shrubs ands trees. However, this picture is relativated by Wasylikowa et al (2000) pointing to a possible Sorghum cultivation based on a large number of grains in Nabta Playa /Southern Egypt, which could not be arranged to wild races. The authors refer to the hypothesis of cultivation without and before a clear domestication (Haaland 1992, Harlan 1989). The evolution of animal keeping is complicated too. The map (fig 1) shows the findings of clearly domesticated animals (cattle, goats, sheep) pointing to a maximum in Egypt and Sudan. Here one discusses a model of cattle domestication, which started with an invasion of wild cattle to the Nile valley. An exodus followed a subsequent domestication to the plateau and afterwards by an emigration to the West and to the South (Wendorf et al 1990) and it is interpreted as an answer to an climatic deterioration between about 7000 BP and 6000 BP. Early discoveries of cattle keeping come from the Djebel Acacus (Fezzan / Libya) (Cremaschi 1999, Di Lernia 1999). Domesticated cattle were reported from the northern Niger for the period of about 5000 BP (Desmond Clark 1984). More to the West and to the South however findings are much more younger. The general scheme of an exodus of cattle keepers from the Eastern Sahara is also supported by investigation on the genetic differentiation of present cattle population (Hanotte et al 2002). Di Lernia (2004) added an interesting approach to this exodus and spreading of cattle keepers. He proposes a strong relation to a cattle cult reporting several cattle burials from time and region concerned. With the exception of the Nile delta only sheep and goats are reported from the surroundings of the Mediterranean.

4. Fire and metal production Gabriel (1984), Lubell et al 1975 and Roubet (1979) point to the important and landscape defining use of fire by the Caspian culture in the eastern Maghreb, Metal production was of comparable importance from about 3000 BP. There is a general estimation of about 100kg of high caloric wood to produce 5 kg of iron (Hahn 19 94). The Middle and Late Holocene has only a few finding places but for the younger periods the metal production in West Africa was of importance for the transformation of the woody vegetation (Grebenard 1988).

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Fig. 1. Animal keeping, agriculture and metal production in North and West Africa during the Middle Holocene after: Amblard , Pewerness 1989, Aumassip 1981, Barich 1987, Breunig et al. 1999, Caneva et al 1989, Carter, Flight 1972, Corridi 1999, Cremaschi, Di Lernia 1999, Desmond Clanrk 1984, Gauthier 1984 a-d, Haaland 1989, Holl 1985, Kahlheber 1999, Klee und Zach 1999, Krzyzaniak 1984, Lavacherie 2001, Magid, 1989, Neumann et al 2001, Quechon 1996, Roubet und Carter 1984, Thompson, Young 1999, Van Der Veen 1999, Van Zeist, De Roller 1993, Wasylikowa 1993, Wasylikowa et al. 2001, Wasylikowa, Dahlberg 1999, Wendorf et al. 1990

5. A model for the sudano-sahelian development of cultural landscape Archaeological finding should be interpreted on the background of the past landscape mosaic in the region concerned. In the Middle Holocene there was a direct contact of Saharan savannas to a Sudanian vegetation at about 19oNorth (Neumann 1988, Schulz et al 1990, 2000). This is a mosaic completely different from the present zonation of Sahara-Sahel-Sudan. We also have to presume that the vegetation of the former Sudan was strongly different for the present model.

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Different association of various tree and shrub species of the present Sahel to a former sudanian development (Trochain 1940) indicate to these conclusions. The block diagram (fig.2) shows such a hypothetical reconstruction of a Sudanian landscape mosaic between about 15oN and 19oN, also incorporating the results of vegetation history (see Schulz et al. 2000). There were a variety of dry or open forests and savannas, which to the North were rich in leguminosae. Tongues of Sudanian vegetation interfingered with the Saharan savannas along mountain chains and cuestas of the present southern and eastern Sahara. This was the landscape the arriving cattle keepers found. They were not only confronted with rich pastures and water supply but also to existential dangers hitherto unknown to them. These were parasites, which were propagated by mosquitoes, tsetse flies or simulidae to large mammalians and which lived in zoonosises or which could survive as spores. Among them were the viruses of the foot and mouth disease having the wild buffalo (Syncerus caffer) as their host, or the trypanosome protozoa, causing sleeping disease. They had wild antelopes as their hosts and tsetse flies as vectors. There also was river blindness (onchocercosis) caused by filariae, being propagated by simuliae. The latter were bound to strongly running water or rapids. All these parasites found new hosts in the arriving cattle and their keepers. It is open, whether one may accept the “acceptation model” proposed by Lacoste (1987) He thought that people would accept the risk of blindness for attractive economic areas. However if one thinks, that the first cattle keepers were living in small groups, the contact with these diseases could easily lead to a destruction of herds and herdsmen too. Even today the sleeping disease is a mayor thread to nomadic cattle keeping and divides the African continent (Boutrais 1983, Fricke 1993, Gentilini 1993). Moreover tryponosomiasis belongs to those diseases, for which people had no traditional immunisation or medical treatment to reduce fever, as it is known for malaria. There only were two ways for man: to retreat or to fight the vector and its environment. It is well known that tsetse flies could be impeded in changing their habitat (Stich 2001) They settle in the neighbourhood of running water or pools and they need shadow from trees of bushes. Since they only have a small radius for their excursions, there is traditionally an appropriate strategy to fight them: to clear, to burn and to hold the terrain open. Also the tools are well known: fire and axes. There are reports of the colonial authorities in Kenya (Kjekhus 1977), Lamprey, Waller 1990 cited by Gifford- Gonzalez 2000) for a third tool: a systematic and intensive pasture. Fricke (1976, 1993) describes the measurements of the British in northern Nigeria during the 30ies of the last century. A savanna belt 100 km´s long and 16km large was cleared to destroy the breeding places of the glossinae. The settlement of about 70000 peasants was thought to hold the region permanently open. But in the 50ies some invasions of cattle keepers brought a new infection. A part of the population emigrated towards the new constructed roads. This however led to a recovering of the savannas and to new breeding places

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for tsetse flies. Experience from Angola (Stich 2001) points in the same direction. After a destruction of governmental and economic structures the glossinae recovered strongly when the riverine vegetation became thicker and when the newly introduced tsetse traps were no longer exposed.

Fig. 2. The Sudanian zone before strong human impact.

In all that leads to a reflection on the development of cultural landscape different from the traditional discussion. Normally it is bound to the production of food- traditionally by agriculture and in the Near East a character of Neolithisation. In northern and western Africa the situation presents differently (s. a). Causes for the retarded beginning of agriculture – with domesticated plants- were connected to two different hypotheses. The first – called “no evidence” (Neumann 2002)- simply refers to the lack of information, whereas the second is based on the huge amount of gathering plants – se also the maps presented for the Middle Holocene by Schulz and Adamou (1994). So it is called “ Garden of Eden” (Neumann 2002). However, there are some doubts on a “Garden of Eden” with plenty of tsetse flies. Instead there is a third model.

The “ ras-de-bol / basta “ model of cultural landscapes origin With help of a series of block diagrams this shall be explained for the ancient Sudano-Saharan transition region during Middle Holocene. The starting point is defined as a mosaic of savannas and open forest on a slope facing a small river (1). Along the river there were galleries and thickets providing an excellent base for the zoonosises between glossinae and large mammalians presenting a mayor thread to the arriving cattle keepers. So one has to imagine a radical procedure by the herdsmen. In a first step they cleared and burned the tree- and shrub- vegetation (2). However there certainly was a positive selection of valuable trees and shrubs useful for pasture and alimentation. It will have resulted into an

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open savanna with a park-like structure (3). Annual grasses like the present “bourgou” (Echinochloa)- pastures gave a good pasture during summer and the Savannas were rich in useful and fruit trees. Development of riverine thickets was actively impeded by intensive pasture. Further on the evolution lead to an open savanna mosaic, in which soil erosion took place (4). The runnels closed rapidly giving place for trees and shrubs with a higher demand of humidity. During summer extensive “bourgou” pastures could develop. Also an open alluvial wood evolved. If following the reflections of Haaland (1992) this would represent another area for a long time cultivation of grasses, which would only afterwards be domesticated. Perhaps it also was the protection against the grazing cattle comparable with the fences of the present “decrue” cultivation (Harlan 1989). In all the protection measurement of the cattle keepers resulted in a radical transformation of landscape leading to a park-like structures and providing excellent living conditions for the cattle keepers. Even the archaeological literature avoids the terminus; it clearly fulfils the conditions of a cultural landscape’s formation. However, it should be mentioned that Gifford-Gonzalez (2000) prefers another explanation for the retardation of the migration of the cattle keepers. The author refers to a surviving strategy by an intensive interaction with the local hunter-gatherer groups. It also could have lead to the abandonment of animal keeping in case of a strong decimation of the herds.

Fig. 3. Hypothetical model of the development of cultural landscape in the former contact-zone South Sahara-North Sudan

Conclusions Results from archaeozoology and vegetation history of the Middle Holocene of Sahara and present Sahel point to important landscape’s transformations by a strong human impact. This could be interpreted as a strong human impact resulting into an evolution of cultural landscape. This scheme is divided into four different types (fig.4): - The Mediterranean coastal regions and the Atlas Mts. were transformed by an

intensive burning of the people of Capsian culture

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- The Nil valley and afterwards the northern Sahara saw the extension of the Near East type of agriculture

- The central Sahara was characterised by a locally intensive exploitation together with an extensive nomadic economy

- The former transition Sahara-Sudan did face to a radical transformation of the former savannas or open forests.

Fig. 4. The four types of cultural landscapes during the Middle Holocene of Northern and Western Africa Mediterrano-sharan cultural landscape 1. old transformation by fire use (Sapsien culture) 2. transformation by animal keeping and agriculture in various intensities 3. monotonisation by animal keeping and local cultivation

Sahelo-sudanian cultural landscape 4. transformation by fire and pasture, selection and late cultivation

The deadly threads for arriving people and their animals neither adapted nor immune to the various infectious diseases typical for the former transition area Sahara - Sudan, triggered the radical transformation of landscape. This transformation started by protection measurements of people against these diseases. The continuous exploitation history of these regions in combination with a climatic degradation preserved the character of cultural landscapes down to extreme degradations. However the history of this cultural landscape development underlines the importance and intensity of the interrelations between man-landscape and diseases.

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