lambert, y - religion in modernity as a axial age

7/21/2019 Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age

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S o c i o l o g y of R e l i g i o n l 9 9 9 , 60:3 3 0 3 4 3 3

Religion

in

Modern i ty

a s

a

N ew

Axia l

A g e :

S ecu lariza tion or New F i e l i g i o u s Forms?

Y v e s

L a m b e rt*

G r m t p e d e o c i o l - o g i e i i e s

R e l i g i o n s

ettiela m o r e

C N R S - E P H E _

P a r i s

This article p r o p o s e s o g e ne ra l m o d e l o f analysis o f t h e re lo tior ts l te tween re lig ion and modcni i ty ,

it-liere

modern i ty

is conceived a s o

new

axial

a g e .

M ur l e m i ry

a p p e a r s

to

h a v e

f o u r

princ ipal

types

o f

re lig ious e ffec ts : dec line,

odofrtotion

an d re intertnetotion, c o n s e r - v a o ' v e r ea c tio n , a n d innovation. It

f noc luces

secu l ar i za t i on

a s w e l l a s n e w rcl igfotts f o m z s ,

in p a r t i c u l a r :

worl i l l istess,

deltieftifchitotiofl of

th e

ltu m o n a n d

th e

d i v i n e ,

se lflsp i r i t uo l i t y , por os c ien t if ic i t jr , p lu r o l is r n ,

a n d

rturlzilitj. Two thresltolds

of secular i tot iort

are distinguished:

ll

U

autoaomizat ion

in

r ela tio n t o

o

religious a u t h or it y a n d Ii

obont lonmenr o f any religious symbol. J c on c lu d e th a t t h e f i rst rlireslioltl h a s largely

b e e n c r o s s e d ,

bu t

n ot t h e s e c o n d

one. except in

s o m e domains

lsc ience, eooriomics l or

fo r

o n l g r

o

m inor it y

o f

t h e

populat ion.

Th is is

b e c a u s e

o f t h e adaptation

o f

th e great

religions

to

I l l- O t . ll € I l ll l t j | ,

o_ffundarnemalis t

reactions,

a nd

o f t h e s p r e a d ofnew

religious

fo rms.

I n s t e a d of a p p r o a c h i n g the

question

e lf s e c u l a r i z a t i o n directly, l will b e g i n

with

a g e n e r a l

m o d e l of analys is

of the

relations b e t w e e n religion a n d

modernity.

This m o d e l i s

based

o n a

c o m p a r a t i v e

ana lvs is

of or a l

r e lig io n s , r e lig io n s o f

antiquity,

r e l ig ions

of

s a lv a t io n , a n d

the

t r ans for r na t ions

l in lcecl to

modernity. ln

i tse l f , s e c u l o

r i za r ion

i s

not the

object of

this

work, but if w e p r o c e e d

correctlv,

it

shou ld

al low u s to eva lua te th e scope o f secu lar izat ion w i t h o u t enter ing

in to

th e

debates

a nd e m ot i on s to w h ic h th is th e sis h a s given rise in th e pa st thirty

years.

A l a rge

portion

of the

article will t h u s

h e devoted

to a n a na ly sis

of the

relation

between religion a n d tnodernitv. It c h a r a c t e r i z e s modernity a s a n e w axial

p e r i o d , r e v i e w s the

g l o b a l

an a l y s e s

of

the

r e l ig iou s c o n s e q u e n c e s of modernity,

pr es ent s a

m o d e l

of a na l v s i s a n d

s e v e r a l r e l ig iou s fo rm s typical of m o - de m itv ,

a n d

prov ides e m p iric a l illu s tra tio ns . W e s h a ll t h e n e x a m i n e th e co n c l us i o n s

w h i c h

c a n b e d r a w n from th is

analysis

a s fa r a s secu lar i za t ion

i s

co n ce r n e d a n d

c o m p a r e

t h em

to th e data o bta in e d fro m th e 1 9 8 1 a n d

1 9 9 0

W o r l d V a l u e S u r v e y s

I ’ Direct

c o r r e s p o n t l e n c e t o

‘ fi r e s

L a m b e r t ,

Groups

r le

S o c i o lo g r le t ie s

R e l ig io n s e r

t ie

lo

C N R S J S P H E ,

P a r i s -

Many

t h a n ks to A - T . L a rs o n a n d

5 .

L o - n d q u i s t ,

fo r th e

t r a n s l a t i o n of

th e F r e n c h

orieiml;

t o A . B l a s t ‘ ,

J . R u o n z

a n d

W-

H .

Simnosfor th e

a n d ,

fo r

t h e i r

o o m r n e r v s a n d r n ' t i o ' . o r u , to : F . C h r r r n p i o n ,

M .

C o h e n , K . D o b b d o e r e ,

D . H e r u ' e u » L e g e r , F .

l .ourrrion.J.-M. C ) u e e ' r o o g o . G .

l ' v l i c h e l o r , J . H u o n e , _ l ' . S n o r e r . W.

H -

S a n t o s , L.

T o m a s i .

a n a l

t h e r e f e r e e .

3 0 3

s o

ll‘

| u c u i p a g e o r u

L | \ I

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r_

o

E '-

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3 0 4 S O C I O L O G Y

or

asuoton

(V/ 'VSs), a n d th e 1 9 9 1 In te r na t i o na l

S o c i a l

S u r ve y P ro gra m m e

( I S S P )

s u r v e y

dedica ted to

re l ig ion.

O bv io u s ly , o u r c on c l u s i on depends,

in par t

o n th e

ways

in w h i c h w e def ine

m o d e r n ity ,

r e l i g i o n ,

a n d

s e c u l a r i z a t i on .

Without

w i s h i n g

to

e n t e r into

th e

debate

o n

these

qu e s t i on s ,

I

will

exp l a i n

m y

definitions

with

th e

a im

of

c lar i fy ing m y a ppr o a ch a n d i nd icat ing

th e

l im i ts of m y analysis. F or re l ig ion , l

un d e r s t a n d

it

in th e m o s t

c o m m o n sense

o f a

group , o rg a n i z a tio n , o r institution

c on s i d e r i n g

i tsel f a s

s u c h . T h i s ex c lu des “secu la r

re l ig ions“

bu t

does n o t p r e v e n t

u s

f rom

f i nd ing

a

rel ig ious

d i m e n s i o n

present

in s u c h ideologies. M o r e

precise ly ,

I

will co n s i d e r re l ig ious a n y prac t ice

or bel ie f

w h i c h

refers

to a superernp i r i ca l

reality, i .e. , a

reality radically

e x c e e d i n g the objective limits of n a t u r e

a n d

m a n ,

p r ov i d e d

t h a t

t h ere i s a

s y m bo l i c re la t ionsh ip

between

m an a n d th is real i ty ;

“o b j ec t i ve” is used in

th e sense of th e

scient i f ic process

w h i c h character izes th e

point

of

v i e w of

th e

s oc i a l sc iences. This definition al lows u s to d e a l

with

“pa r a l l e l

bel iefs

w h i c h

are

c u r r e n t l y

i nc rea s ing in

im p o r ta n c e

( t e l e p a t h y ,

ast ro logy, f o r tu n e

te l l ing ,

sp i r it ism ,

c o s m i c

consc iousness, energies,

n e a r

d ea t h

exper iences , a n d

so

o n). T h e y

refer

to a s upe r e m p i r i ca l real i ty , a n d t h ey will be

c o n s i d e r e d a s

r e l ig iou s

if they include

a

symbolic

relationship with

m a n , which

is

th e

case

of

sp i r i t i sm

b u t n o t of ast ro logy , which will

be

c on s i d e r e d

a s

parare l ig ious. F or secular izat ion, Peter Berger ‘s ( 1 9 6 ? ) def in i t ion s e e m s to b e

th e

m o s t

r e l e v a n t

to

o u r

purpose, a n d I will operat ional i ze it by d is t ingu ish ing tw o

th resho lds

o f

sec u la r i z a t io n :

(1 )

an

a u t o n o m iz a t io n

in re la tio n

to ‘ r e lig io u s

a u t h o r i t y w h i l e

re l ig ious

s y m bo l s

r e m a i n

sa l ien t a n d (Z) a n a b a n d o n m e n t o f

rel ig ious symbols.

MODERNITY A S

A

NEW

AXIAL

PERIOD

S e v e r a l historians a n d p h ilo s o ph e rs h a v e

s t ressed the

ke y ro le that

certain

per iods

in his tory h a v e played in

d e v e l op i n g

t e c hn i qu e s , po l i t i c a l st ruc tu res , o r

w o r ld v iew s w h i c h were to d o m i n a t e

th e

f o r e g r ou n d of th e n e x t c e ntu rie s o r

m ille n n i a

before

being,

in

t u rn ,

ques t ioned,

t h e n

rep laced , or

altered

a nd in se r-

te d

in to

n e w s y s t e m s . “ M a n

s e e m s to

h a v e

started

aga in from

scra tch f ou r

t i m e s ,

K a r l

]aspers

wr ote

(1 9 54 : 3 ? -3 8 ):

with th e

Neolithic

age,

with

th e

ear l ies t

civilizations, with

the e m e r g e n c e

of

the

g r e a t

e m p ir e s ,

a n d with modernity. E a c h

of these ax i a l t u rns p r od u c e d a

g e n er al re s h a pin g

of th e “sym boli c f ie ld , to

u s e

Pierre

Bourd ieu ’s t e n n , a n d a grea t

rel ig ious

c om m o tio n w h ic h le d to

disappear-

a n c e s , redef init ions, and

emergences.

E a c h period f inal ly led to new rel igious

c o n f i g u r a t i o n s , respec t i ve ly : o r a l

ag r ar i an

r e lig io n s , r e lig io n s of antiquity,

re l ig ions o f

s a l v a tio n (tm iv e r s a lis t r e lig i on s ) ,

m o d e r n changes. Of

th e

rel ig ions o f

a n t iq u i ty , o n ly

J uda ism a nd

H i n d u i s m

s u r v i v e d

th e

preced ing

a x ia l

age,

a h e i t

great ly c h a n g e d

a n d

keep ing

t yp i ca l l y

pre - un iversa l i s t

tra its (a t

lea s t u p to

m o d e r n i ty ) :

a

large n u m b e r o f

p ro h ib it io n s , im p o rta n t

d o m e s tic

r i tes,

t rans-

m is s i on

by d esc en t. W e

m a y

a s s u m e

that m o d e r n it y

also stands

a s a

m a j o r

s o

ll‘

| u c u i p a p e a t u

u l-

tr-

r_

o

E '-

u

t-

:|

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tn

on

U’

' - - .

U

r.-

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R E L I G I O N IN M O D E R N I T Y a s A N E W

A X I A L

n ot 3 0 5

c ha l l e n g e

to establ ished

re l ig ions a s

well

a s

a p o t e n t i a l source of

re l ig ious

i n n ov a t i on , especia l ly if

it i s

a b o u t to be

rad ica l i red

a n d

general ized, a s

G i d d e n s

argues ( 1 9 9 1 ) . In add i t ion ,

th e

hypothesis of

m o d e r n i ty

a s a ne w a x ia l t u r n leads

u s

to co n s i d e r v e r y l on g - te r m effects; th is enables u s to perform

c o m p a r a t i v e

research ,

a n d

proposes

a n

i n t e rp re t a t ion

a c c o u ntin g n ot o n ly fo r

re l ig ious

d e clin e , b u t

also fo r r ev iv a ls ,

m u t a tio n s , a n d in v e n tio n s .

T h e

c o n c e p t

o f “ ax i a l age has been used to refer to on e h i s to r i ca l per iod:

th e e m e r g e n c e of u n i v e r s a li s m , ph i lo so ph y , grea t re l ig ions, ear ly sc ience

(see,

e .g ., ] a s pe r s 1 9 5 4 ;

Bellah

1976:1050;

E i s e n s t a d t

1 9 3 6 ; Hick 1 9 3 9 :

Z 1 - 3 5 ) . This

is e s p e c i a l l y true of

the sixth

to

fifth

c e n t u r i e s

B C E ,

which w e r e a l tey

stage

in

this p r oce s s (Deutero-Isaiah, the

e ra

of P e r i c l e s , U p a n i s h a d s , ]ain, B u d d h a ,

C o n f u c i u s , L a o - T re) , o f w h i c h Chr is t i an i t y a nd ls lam are offspr ings.

T h i s

a g e i s

cons idered

a s a x i a l

bec au se w e c o n tin u e to

be

it s

heirs ,

par t i cu lar ly t h r o u g h

the

g r e a t religions. However t h e r e i s no r ea s o n that

w e

cannot a lso c o n s i d e r the

N e o l i t h i c age, th e ear l iest c iv i l i za t ions,

th e great

e m p ire s, a n d

m o d e m i t y

a s s u c h

ax i a l

a g e s ,

s ince

t h e y

to o m a r l : a

g e n e r a l

reshaping o f c o lle c t iv e th o u g h t.

T h e re fo re , o u r

definition o f “ax ia l

age (o r a x ia l

p e rio d ) s h all inc lude

these

f o u r

ages. At

it s

beginning,

a n

axial age is a kind of cinematic fa d e ; it is mar l - ted by

critical m o m e n t s

of

c ris is a n d sh i f ts of thought which l ead to a r e s h a p i n g of the

s y m b o lic field which c r ea t es a

n e w

period

of

stability. T h e s e critical p h a s e s v a r y

in d u ra tio n fro m , fo r

e xa m p l e , a t h o us a n d

years fo r

universal ism

( f rom th e

s ix th

c e n t u r y

B C E

to

th e

e m e r g e n c e

o f

I s l a m )

to

severa l

m ille n n i a fo r

th e

Neolithic

a g e

(from its f i rst e m e r g e n c e to its e v e n t u a l global

e x pa n sio n a n d

t riu m p h ) .

]aspers,

w h i l e

in

fa c t c o n s id e rin g

m o d e r n it y

a s being a n e w ax i a l per iod ,

r e g ar d e d the

turn t aken

by modernity

in

the nineteenth century a s the harbinger

of

a

p r obab le s e c o n d axial period“ (]a sp e rs 1 9 54 : 38). H e h e s i t a t e d

b e c a u s e

globalisation w as

not

y e t

a

w i d e s p r e a d

phenomenon

w h e n h e first wrote this in

1 9 4 9 , although

w e

c a n

a s s u m e

that this is the c a s e t o d a y .

] a s per s

identified

modernity with

four

fundamental distinguishing f e a tu re s :

m o d e r n

s c i e n c e

a n d

t e c h n o l o g y , a craving for f r e e d o m , the e m e r g e n c e

of

the m a s s e s o n the historical

stage

(na t io na l ism ,

d e m o c ra c y , s oc ia lis m , s oc ia l m o v e m e n t s ) ,

a nd

global isat ion.

W e fin d it

r e l e v an t

to

a dd

to th is lis t th e p r i m a c y of reason (a

po i n t

t h a t ]aspers

implicitly i n c l u d e s in th e

f ou r

fea tures) ,

th e d ev e lo pm e nt

of c a pita lis m , a n d

functional differentiation (the r ise

of the modern s ta te , a nd

P ar s on s ' s

a n d

Lu h m a n n ’ s

c o n c e p t

o f

di f ferent iat ion

o f

th e

spheres o f act iv i ty

in society) .

This notion of

axial

a g e h as not

b e e n utilized

by s o c io lo g is ts to a n a l y z e

m o d e r n i ty .

H o w e ve r A rp éd S r a k o l cza i a n d

Lasz lo

Fi istos ( 1 9 9 6 ) refer to th e

“ a x i a l a g e , a n d

t h e y

use

th e

c o n c e p t of “ a x i a l m o m e n t ” in

wa y s that

are

r e l e v an t

to

th is

analysis. T h e y

def ine

th is not ion

a s

fo l lows: “An

a x i a l m o m e n t

occu rs

w h e n e v e r

there i s

a global

col lapse of th e establ ished order o f

t h ings ,

including the political

s y s t e m ,

the s o c ia l o rd e r of e v e r y d a y life, a n d the

s y s t e m

of

beliefs

—

a v e r y rare e v e n t — — a nd

a

m a j o r s p i r i t u a l rev i va l .

.

. .

S u c h a per iod

h a ppe n e d

in th e f i rst c ent u r ies (col lapse

of

th e R o m a n republ i c a n d rise

of

s o

ll‘

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3 0 6

soctotosr or R E L I G I O N

Christianity), in the fifth-seventh

c e n t u r i e s

( c o l l a p s e of the R o m a n E m p i r e

a n d

rise of I s l am ) ,

in

th e f i f teen th -s i x teenth centur ies ( the w a n i n g o f th e

M i d d l e

A g e s , Rena issance , a n d P r o te s t an ti s m ) ,

a n d

finally th e tw o majors

stages

o f th e

d i s s o l u t i on of abso lu t is t

pol i t i cs

a n d th e traditional E u r o p e a n s oc i a l

order ,

E n l i g h t e n m e n t

a n d s oc ia lis m .

T h u s ,

th a t w h ic h

t h e y

choose

to

def ine

a s a n

a x i a l m o m e n t cor responds to ke y phases

t h a t

o c c u r within a n a x i a l age. F or

e x a m p l e ,

th e rise o f C h r is t ia n i ty a n d of Islam

are

tw o ke y

phases of

th e

prev ious

a x i a l age

( u n i v e rs a l is m ) , a n d th e f i f teen th -s i x teenth cen tur ies , th e E n l ig h te n -

m e n t , a n d social ism (o r m o r e ac c u r a t e l y th e rise of i n d u s t r i a l soc ie ty) are th e

three ke y phases of

modernity.

N o n e t h e l e s s , l

b e l i e v e

that it is u s e f u l to employ

the term

“axial

moment“ to d e f i n e s u c h phases

within

a n axial p e r i o d .

In a v ery s c he m a tic fa s hio n w e c a n therefore

per iod

ire m o d e r n ity . It begins

with th is a x ia l m o m e n t

o f

th e

f i f teen th -s i x teenth

centur ies , w h i c h i s n ot o nly

th e b eg in n in g

o f

w h a t histor ians

c a l l

“ the m o d e r n a g e , “ bu t also t h a t o f m o d e m

sc ience , a n d of th e birth o f

cap i ta l ism

a n d th e

b ou r ge ois ie . B u t

m o d e r n it y o n l y

b e c o m e s a m a j o r p h e n o m e n o n a t th e en d

o f

this per iod

with

th e

E n l ig h t e n m e n t ,

th e

E n g lis h a nd , especia l ly , th e A m e ric a n a n d

F r e n c h R e v o lu t io n s , th e birth

of

scientific method a n d thought, a n d the birth of industry ( s e c o n d axial

moment).

The third axial moment s h o u l d include the

development

a n d

triumph

of i n d u s -

trial

s oc ie ty a nd

of cap i ta l i sm ( n in e t e e n t h - m id - t w e n t ie t h

c e n t u r i e s ) ,

firs t in

E n g la nd , a n d t h e n

t h r o u g h o u t

Eu rope

a n d North A m e r i c a ,

th e d e v e l o p m e n t

o f

s o c i a lis m ,

th e

building

o f

th e

na t i o tns ta te ,

th e

spread

o f

na t i o na l i sm

a n d

c o l o n i a l i s m to it s breaking

point

with th e two

w o r l d

wars , a n d finally,

d ec o lo n isa t io n ,

global isat ion

and ,

in th e W es t, th e tr iu m p h

o f

d e m o c r a c y , of th e

affluent s o c i e t y ,

a n d

of the w e l f a r e s ta te . Modernity also r e s u l t e d in the Cold

‘ W a r

a n d

the threat of

n u c l e a r

destruction.

The

1 9 6 9 5 a re often c o n s i d e r e d a s a

turning point: the

beginning

of the so-called post-industrial, post-fordian

s o c i e t y , the

information or

kn ow le dg e s oc ie ty , a nd the

beginning of the moral

r evo l u t i o n .

E v e r s i n ce , th e ter t ia ry

sector

has b e c o m e inc reas ing ly d o m in a n t ,

intangible factors of

product ion ( in form at ion, c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,

a n d kn ow le d ge )

a n d

ne w

te c h n o lo g ie s (c o m p u te rs

a n d

e lec t ro n ic s )

h a v e

b e c o m e

m o r e

i m p o r -

t a n t ;

a n d th e

f a m ily is

b e c o m i n g l e s s a n d l e s s

t rad i t iona l .

ln

a dd i t i o n ,

global -

isat ion i s c o m p le te , th e m id d le class i s get t ing m o r e a nd m o r e po w er fu l , n e w

p r o ble m s (unemployment a n d

pollution)

a n d

n ew s oc ia l m o v em e nts

(feminism,

reg iona l ism , ecology, etc. ) are emerg ing , a n d f inal ly ,

C o m m u n i s m

has col lapsed.

A re w e still in

th e era

o f

m o d e r n ity

o r in p o s t m o d e r n it yl I

share

th e o p i n i o n

of

Anthony

G i d d e n s

( 1 9 9 1 ; 3 )

w h o w rite s

that

“ r a t h e r t h a n

ent er ing

a per iod o f

p o s t -m o d e r n i s m , w e a re m o v i n g

in to

on e in which th e

co n s e q ue n ce s

of

m o d e r n it y are b e c o m i n g m o r e radical i red

a nd

un iversa l i red t h a n before.

In fact ,

that w h i c h i s supposed to def ine p o s tm o d e m ity i s fa r f rom f e a tu r i n g these

fundamentally

n e w

traits that c h a r a c t e r i s e a n axial

turn, but

could constitute

a

n e w “a x ia l m o m e n t

(a s Sralcolczai th i nks)

t h a t c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d in

t e r m s

o f

genera l ised,

rad ica l ized, a n d r e fle x iv e m o d e rn ity . T h e h a llm a rk of p o s t m o d e m i t y

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R E L I G I O N

[ N

M O D E R N I T Y as

A

N e w

A X L A L soc 3 0 ?

i s

th e “ d is q u a l if ic a t io n o f ‘great

narratives“:

grea t re l ig ions, grea t ideologies

(nationalism , C o m m u n i s m , fasc ism), and th e ideology o f e n d l e s s p r o g r e s s .

B u t

th is o n l y al lows u s to di f ferent iate ourse lves f rom

th e

pr ior phase (a x ia l m o m e n t)

of

m o d e r n it y,

a n d it is par t ly

re fu ted

by new f o r m s of na t i o na l i sm a n d by

re l ig ious

f u n d a m e n t a l i s m .

T h e re la tiv iz a t io n

o f

sc ience

a n d

t e c h n o l o g y

is

n o t

new, bu t i s inc reasing prec ise ly

b e c a u s e

th e e x c e s s e s and dangers

o f

th e former

are b e c o m i n g

d r am at ica ll y

th r e a te n i n g (n u c le a r th re a t, pollution). O ne c ou ld

c o n t i n u e a n d sh ow t h a t th e o t h e r features at t r ibu ted to p o s tm o d e rn ity

are

th e

logical extension of trends

within

modernity,

a s are the nuclear threat

a n d

pollution:

the

detraditionalization of

the

life-world, the anthauthoritarian

revol t , h e d o n i s m ,

n e w

s oc ia l m o ve m e nts , a nd above

all ,

i nd i v i dua l i z a t i o n . T h e

s a m e e v e n h o ld s t r u e fo r th e selec t ive r e tu r n to c er ta i n t rad i t ions , o n ce

m o d e rn it y

h a s prevai led

over t radi t ion,

or fo r

th e

repeated c la im to

local

ident i t ies, w h i c h is

a react ion

aga ins t

globa l iza t ion.

S o

I agree with

Becltford’s

cr i t ic ism

(1996:

3 0 4 ? )

of

th e c o nc ept

of postmuderni ty.

ln spite of

a ll

of th is , l r e m a i n open to th e

hypothesis

that w e shou ld

be

o n

th e edge of s o m e form of p o s t m o d e r n it y. a t least in a d ee ply n ew m o m e nt in

modernity, b e c a u s e the r isk of i r r ep ar ab le pollution a n d , a b o v e all, of

n u c l e a r

des t r uc t i o n i s

th e

m o s t

d r a m a t ic

a nd th e m o s t ra d i c a l fate w e c a n i m a g i n e

i n s o f a r as the v e r y survival of

the

human spec ies is

a t

s take ; this actually is a

f u n d a m e n t a l l y n ew t ra i t .

Besides,

if w e co n s i d e r

m od e r n i ty

a s a ne w a x ia l per iod,

w e

c a n n o t

kn ow

wh e r e

w e

are

in

th is

process,

s o m u c h th e m o r e

a s

m o d e r n it y

invo lves

p e r m a n e n t c h a n g e , e v en c h an ge a t a n

accelerated

pace, s o t h a t

it

m i g h t

n o t be fo l lowed

by

a

phase

of stabi l i za t ion , a s was f o rm e r ly

th e

case. T h u s ,

it

c o u l d

create

s o m e

kind o f

p e r m a n e n t t u r n . A n y w a y , s ince a n

ax i a l

turn i s a

cinematic f ade in

which

older

f o r m s

c a n c o e x i s t

for

c e n t u r i e s

with

n e w

fo rm s

o r

s u r v i v e by a d o pt ing

ne w form s ,

it

w o u l d

be very

difficult, w h i l e w e are on th e

i n s i d e of this f ade , to distinguish the decline

of

modernity

from

the birth of

p os t m od e r n i ty .

At present , w e d o n o t h a v e

th e

necessary dis tance to resolve

th e

mat te r ,

bu t in a n y

case, w h e t h e r w e

are

in

pos tmo-dern i ty , late m o d e r n it y,

hypermodernity,

or whatever

other term

o n e

might

c h o o s e , it d o es

not

c h a n g e

anything concerning

our method of a na l y s i s .

GLOBAL

ANALYSES

O F THE

DISTINGUISHING

RELIGIOUS

F E A T U R E S O F MODERNITY

T h e intent o f th is sec t io n i s to rev iew

th e

var ious

c l a i m s

t h a t h a v e

been

m a d e c o n c e r n i n g

th e

effects o f m o d e r n it y

o n

re l ig ion a n d

th e tr a n sfo rm a tio n s

t h a t are tak ing place in

re l ig ion.

l will n o t

a t t e m p t

to link these

analyses

in a

sys tem at ic w a y , a s

t h a t

i s

th e

task

of

th e

fo l lowing

sec t ion.

“

I a m re as on ably

s u r e , “ s a id B - e lla h

( 1 9 7 6 : 39),

that “even though w e

m u s t

s p e a k

from the

midst of

it ,

th e m o de rn

s i tua t i o n represents a stage o f rel ig ious

d e v e l o p m e n t

in m a n y

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R E L I G I O N

IN M O D E R N I T Y A S

AN E W A X I A L

A C ‘ - E

329

s ec u la r a nd

t ha t

only one i s predominant ly

religious. Unfortunately,

they

do n ot

give

th e

re lig ious cha racte ris ti cs of these

di f ferent

v a l u e types.

T h e

f ac to r

analyses o f cor respondences

between

r e lig io u s v a r ia b le s a lways

point to th e ex is tence o f th ree d i f f e r en t fo c a l areas

w h i c h w e

c a n

ca l l :

(1 )

confessing

C h r i s t i a n i r y

a cco r d i n g

to

Dietrich

B on hoe f f e f s

def in i t ion

( fo l lowing

Keri-tofs 1 9 8 8 ) , w h i c h is to say th e Christianity

of faith in

G o d ; (2) c u l t u r a l

Christianity

( i .e. , a

quest ion of

ident i ty ) ,

m e a n i n g

little persona l

in v o lv e m e n t ,

r i tes of

p a s s a g e ; a nd

(3 ) secu la r h u m a n i s m

( L a m b e r t

1 9 9 6 ) .

lt i s s ig n ific a n t t h a t

th e n otio ns of “persona l G o d , “spi r i t , l ife fo rc e , “ a n d n o n b e l i e f in G o d are

respectively linked to

the

three focal ar e as

(agnosticism

c o m e s s o m e w h e r e

b e t w e e n

the l as t two). lt i s also worth noting that

th e

less p e op l e

b e l i e v e

in G o d

in a country, the

less

th e God they b el iev e in is a p e r s o n a l God, a n d the less God

i s im p o r ta n t in their l i ves. Confess ing Chr is t i an i t y i s p r e d o m i n a n t in

th e

Uni t ed

States, I re land,

I ta ly, a n d to

a lesser

e x t e n t

in

Por tuga l . Confess ing Chr is t i an i t y

a n d culttual Christianity

are o n

e q u a l

fo otin g in C a n a d a ,

S p a i n ,

G r e e c e ,

L u xe m b ou rg , a n d C i e n n a n y .

T h e m a jo rity

of th e

Fr e n ch ,

Belg ians, Eng l ish , a nd

D u t c h are d i v i d e d between c u l t u r a l Christianity a nd s ec u la r h u m a n i s m . T h e

Scandinavian countries, w h e r e Christianity is m o r e a civil religion, a re l a rge ly

dominated by

cultural Christianity.

A

general

evaluat ion o f secular izat ion

It

appears

t h a t

th e firs t

rhreslwld

o f

secu lar izat ion

w as large ly

crossed

in

th e

W e s t

with

th e c om in g

o f m o d ern i ty ,

a t three di f ferent

levels.

(a )

T he m a cro l e v e l .

States a f fi rm ed

their a u t o n o m y

in re la t ion to

re l ig ious

institutions,

e v e n

while they kept a civil religion (the United S t a t e s ) or a link

with a p a r t i c u l a r

d e n o m in a t io n

(Anglicanism

in

E n g l a n d , L u t h e r a n i s m

in

S w e d e n ) .

Political

pa r t ies did

the

s a m e , e v e n

when

they kept a

religious

l a b e l

( C h r is t ia n » D e m o c r a t ).

O p po s ite a tte m p ts h a v e

fa i led politically (the

M o r a l

Majority).

At

th e g loba l leve l , th e soc ia l

bon d

rests f i rst with d e m o c r a c y a nd

h u m a n r ights,

a n d

n o t

wi t h

re l ig ion.

In

E u r op e ,

th e

c u r r e n t

t e n d e n c y

i s

on e

of

a

we a k e n i n g re la t ionsh ip

between

th e s ta te a nd th e c hu rc h in th e c o unt r ies t h a t

w e r e

m o s t linked

to

a

denomination,

a n d

of a strengthening

relationship

in the

c a s e of laicity a n d , a b o v e

all, in the case

of

the former communist c o u n t r i e s .

F o r

ins tance,

th e C a t h o l i c c h u r c h has

been

disestabl ished

in S p a i n

a n d

P or t u g a l ;

S w e d e n

is ending

the automatic affiliation

of n e w b o r n s

with Lutheranism (when

th e parents d id

n o t express th e

desire

fo r a

d iffe re n t d e n o m in a t io n ). O n

th e

c o n tra ry , in F r a n c e , th e le g itim a c y o f C a t h o l i c schools

i s

n o

l on g e r ques t ioned,

publ ic schools

are m o r e open to

re l ig ious

c u l t u re , representat ives f rom th e m a i n

rel ig ions

a nd

d e n o m in a t io n s

are m e m b e r s

o f

th e

N a t i o n a l

C o n s u l t a t i v e

E t h i cs

C o m m i t e e

(b io e th ic s ), n o t to

m e n t io n Mit ter rand ’s

state f u n e r a l in

Paris's

N o t r e - D a m e

C a t h e d r a l ;

in

th e

fo rm e r c om m u n is t

coun t r ies ,

th e

c h u r c h e s

c a n -

n o t re c ov e r a n author i tar ian

o r

m on op o lis t ic

role,

a s P o l a n d e v i d e n ce d

w h en th e

s u o | i

p a p e o q u i

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3 3 0 socrotoor

or

R E L I G I O N

lef t w on th e

elec t ions.

In a n y case, the r e i s

n o

c l e a r

re la t ionsh ip

b e t we e n th e

d e n o m in a t io n a l sy stems

a n d th e

re l ig ious states,

with

th e

m o s t i n teres t ing

e xa m p le be in g th a t o f

th e S c a n d in a v ia n c o tm trie s , w h i c h

h av e v e ry

lo w

levels o f

C h r i s t i a n re l ig iosi ty

( Lam be r t 1 9 9 6 ) .

lb)

T he

me so

l e v e l .

With

respect

to

schools

a n d e d u c a t i on ,

diverse

s i tuat ions

exist .

S o m e t i m e s

schools fo l low

a

re l ig ious a u th o r i ty whi l e nonethe less al ign ing

their p r og r a m s with n at i on a l n o r m s ,

s o m e t i m e s t h ey

are

a u t o n o m o u s . H o w e v e r ,

m o s t

of ten they dispense a

rel ig ious

e d u c a t i o n ( e x c e p t

in

th e c a s e s of

la ic i ty

o r

laic

p illa rs ). A s

fo r

cu l tu re , in

th e

g e n e r a l

sense o f

th e arts, i n te l l e c tu a l l i fe,

a n d

th e m e d i a , w e kn ow t h a t th es e s ec to rs a re fo r th e m o s t par t a u t o n o m o u s with

relation

to re l ig io us institutions.

(cl T he ind iv idua l

level.

If w e

were

to judge by

th e degree

o f a u to no m y

t h a t

those

w h o be lo ng

to a re l ig ion

give t h e m s e l v e s (accord ing

to

th e

surveys ] , we

c a n s e e th a t in s t itu t io n a l secu lar izat ion i s

st rong

o n a n i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l a s w el l .

This

does n ot , h o we v e r , p r e v e n t

i n d i v i d u a l s f rom tak ing into a c c o u n t ,

in th e ir

o w n

w a y ,

th e posi t ions

o f

th e i r re l ig ious author i t ies .

F u r th e r m o r e ,

w e no t e a

strong de s i re to d e s e c u l a r i z e

s o c i e t y (| lervieu l.eger

1 9 9 3 )

within fundamem

talist, evangelical, P e n t e c o s t a l ,

a n d

charismatic g r o u p s , but a s w e h a v e noted,

their r e a c h

is ,

with the

exception of

P o l a n d ,

rather

limited.

What a b o u t th e s e c r m d t l rresholdi C o n t r a r y to th e

p r e c e d i n g

one , th is

th r e s ho l d has been crossed

on l y in

a

limited m a n n e r

e xce p t , f o rm e r ly , in

th e

c o m m u n i s t

c o unt r ies

and ,

today ,

in

c er ta i n

spheres

a n d

a m o n g

th e

y o u t h

of

s o m e c o u n trie s , a lth o u g h it depends in p ar t o n th e definition o f

th e

re l ig ious.

Besides, th e idea t h a t rel ig ion

w o u l d

t end to d isappear with m o d ern iz a t io n has

declined,

if not d i s a ppea r ed .

(al T he m a c ro level. Only s e v e r a l states h av e re m o v ed all

r e l ig iou s

r e fe r enc es

from their constitutions

( F r a n c e ,

for example). On the contrary, E a s t e r n

E u r o p e a n countries

a n d R u s s i a , which h a d largely c r o s s ed

the threshold

on a

v e r y

host i le

n ot e ,

are

re t u rn ing e i the r t o w a rd th e firs t

on e

a fte r th e col lapse

o f

C o m m u n i s m , o r tow ard th e

m o r e

b e n e v o l e n t

o r

n e u t r a l second on e .

W e

e v e n

c a n

observe

t h a t

re l ig ion

has

played

a n

im p o r ta n t

role

in

rebu i ld ing

th e

civil

society

a n d th e state

in

severa l

coun t r ies ,

e sp ec ia lly P o la n d (C a s a n o va

1 9 9 4 - ) -

(b) T he

mes o

level. A m o n g th e spheres o f activity,

o n l y

s c i e n c e a n d

e c o n o m i c s

h a v e clearly

passed this threshold, but this d o - e s

not

n e c es s a rily m e a n

t h a t

re l ig ion

has

been

rejected in

i tself.

H e a l t h a nd s oc ia l

serv ices

h a v e m o r e

o r

l e s s

crossed th is

th resho ld

ac c or d i n g

to

th e

c o u n t r y and , a s w e

k n o w , on l y

in

th e

case of laicity o r

pillariration,

a s i s th e case with schools. C u l t u r e f u n c t i o n s

large ly

a u t o n o m o u s l y

in

re la t ion to re lig io n , kn o w in g th a t re l ig ious cu l tu r e

has

its proper

p lace within th e sphere of c u l t u re .

(c ) T h e i nd iv idua l level. W e h a v e n o t e d

tw o

o p po s ite te n d en c ie s s ince th e

1970s

t h a t di f ferent iate

th e

oldest

f rom th e

y ou n g e s t

generat ions (L a m b e rt 1 9 9 3 ,

1 9 9 6 ; L a m b e r t

a n d

Voyé

1997) :

o n on e h a n d , a n in cre as e in th e percentage o f

th e

nonre l ig ious ,

a n d a decrease in th e bel ie f

in

G o d ,

l e s s in th e United States,

s o

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R E L I G I O N

I N M O I J E R N I T Y as A n e w

A X I A L

n o t 3 3 1

m o r e so

in E ur o pe

(with a m a j o r ity of no nre l ig io us

y o un g

in

F r a n c e ,

G r e a t

Br i ta i n , a n d

N e t h e r l a n d s ) ;

o n th e o t h e r

h a n d , a

stabi l i ty

in

bel ie f in m i r a c l e s

a n d

in

a n

after l i fe,

a spread o f NR »/ls, a nd a bov e

al l ,

a

growth in para l le l beliefs,

se l f -sp i r i tua l i ty , loosely organised groups, be l iev ing w i t h o u t b e lo ng ing

( D a v i e

1 9 9 5 ) ,

s u c h

that

a p p r o x i m a t e ly

one-third

of

th e

no nre i ig io us

h a v e

in fa c t

re l ig ious o r parare l ig ious

beliefs.

T h e balance

depends

u p on

th e

status w e give to

these

p ar a l l e l

be lie fs a n d n e w re l ig ious

f o r m s . It i s

th e s a m e in th e fo rm e r

c o m m u n i s t

countr ies, where th e return

to

religion

is

more

lim i ted

than it f irst

seemed to be a nd w he re

th e

nonre l ig ious r e m a i n

a

m ajorit y in Russia,

th e

f o r m e r

E a s t Germany, a n d

B u l g a r i a ,

but w h e r e

t h e s e p a r a l l e l h-cl iels

a n d n e w religious

fo rm s a re s p r e a d i n g a s well.

We

c a n

then conclude that, for the first threshold,

t h e r e

a l r e a d y ex is ts a

w i d e s p r e a d s e c u l a r i z a t i o n a n d it is progressing. F o r the s e c o n d threshold, s e c u l a r -

i za t ion i s l im it e d

to

s om e s ta te s, s ph ere s, turd subpopula t ions , n o tin g th a t , o n an

i n d i v i d u a l l eve l ,

it depends

u p o n th e sta tu s a nd im p o r ta n c e o f th e

pa ra l le l

bel iefs, th e

sel f -sp i r i tua l i ty , th e seeker

spi r i tua l i ty ,

th e

loose

networks ,

k n o w i n g

that

th e

spread

o f NRL/ls

r e m a i n s a v e r y m i n o r p h e n o m e n o n , e x c e p t if

w e

include

the New

Age-type n e b u l a .

The

problem i s b es t

illustrated by

the c a s e

of

Dutch

youth ( ] a n s s e n

1 9 9 3 ) , of

whom,

according to

a 1 9 9 1 national s u r v e y ,

only

3 9

p erc e nt be lo ng to a re l ig ion ,

bu t 16

p e r c e n t c a n be

qua l i f i ed

a s being

influenced

by

New

Age

o r

E a s t e r n

r e l i g i o n s , l3 p e r c e n t

a re d o u b t e r s , 1 6

p e r c e n t

are

only

pray ing ,

a n d

a

m e r e

8

pe r ce n t

are

n o n b e li ev e r s . S u r p r is in g l y,

B 2

pe r ce n t

pray at le a s t s om e tim e s a n d , a m o n g

the

nonchurchgoers,

p r a y e r

is

the m o s t

pers is tent

re l ig ious

e l e m e n t bu t o n ly in

a ra t h er

p s y c ho l og i c a l a nd m e d i ta t iv e

wa y : to g iv e s tre n g th , to

a c c e p t

th e inev i tab le

s u c h

a s th e death o f a re la t ive , a s a

re lease or as a time to p on de r, in keeping with a

primarily

im p e r so n a l concept of

the divine. Do t h es e findings

point

to

a

s t ag e of r e l ig iou s decomposition, to

a

minor form of religiosity (a

vague

b ac l - td

top,

comforting beliefs], or to the s e e d s

o f

possible

reconf igura t ions?

A re

a ll of th e p a ra lle l b elie f systems rel ig ious? If

w e

keep

o u r tw o

cr i ter ia to def ine

th e re l ig ious (a

s u p e r e m p ir ic a l

rea l i ty

a n d

a

s ym bo lic

r e l a t i o nsh i p

along

with

it},

w e

will

t h e n

e x c l u d e

a s t ro lo gy

a n d

n u m e r o l o g y for

i ns tance , bu t n o t

th e bel iefs

a n d pract ices o f

th e

D u t c h y o u t h ,

e xce p t a fe w of

t h e m .

W h a t e v e r

th e

c a s e m i g h t be , w e are lef t to

w o n d e r

w h e t h e r

o r

n o t w e m i g h t

be in

the

middle of a n evolution t o w a r d a third threshold

that

w e c o u l d define a s

“pluralistic secularization, in

which religion h a s the

s a m e a s c e n d a n c y u p o n

s o c i e t y

and

life a s a n y other movement or i d e o l o g y ,

but

c a n a l so play a

role

outs ide o f its spec ific

f u n c t i o n

a n d

h a v e

a n

i n f l uenc e outs ide of th e c irc le o f

believers

a s a n e t h i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l resou rce , a s

l a m e s

Beclr fotd

stressed

( 1 9 8 9 )

a s

it i s

i l lustrated

here

in

th e case

o f

“ m a jo r

causes. O n c e aga in ,

th is

seems

possible o n l y if re l ig ion c a n respect

individual a u t o n o m y

a n d d e m o c r a tic

pluralism. We c a n also

mention

a g a i n C a s a n o v a ’s a n a ly s is , which i l l u s t r a t es this

n e w public role of

religion,

but w e

would

b ala n c e h is stress on “deprivatiration”

s o

ll‘

| u o | i p o p e o u

L | \ I

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r_

o

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r_

1-

:|

E

L l l

to

U’

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lfl

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rt-

m

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E

\-I:

I ’ - . ' I

II

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1.

_n.



3 3 2

socro t -my

o r R E L I G I O N

with

h is ow n

observat ions c o n c e r n i n g

th e

con d i t i on s fo r th is role:

th e

a c c e p -

t an c e

o f

plura l ism

a n d

of

f u n c t io n a l d i ff e re n t i a tio n .

T h i s

ne w th resho ld

w o u l d

cor respond

to a

step

beyond th e

c o nf l i c ts that were

lin ke d to th e

long

a n d

di f f icu l t redef init ion

o f rel igion ‘ s

place in moderni ty .

R E F E R E N C E S

Pi c q uav i v a ,

5.

S .

l 9 ? 9 .

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decline of th e

sacred in

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Ox ford :

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Baubérot, J .

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m y s t iq ue -e s o t e r iq ue .

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en religion,

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1 9 9 4 .

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in

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Bri tain

since I945. O x fo r d: B l a c kw e l l.

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S o c i o l o g y

29(2) : l - 2 13 .

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in E ur o p e a n d

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A m e r ic a . In Values

in w e s la r rn s o c i e ti e s ,

edi ted

by

R .

dc M o o r , L 2 9 . T i lb ur g : T i lb u r g U n i v e r s it y

P r e s s .

D o b be la e re , K . ,

and

W . lagodzins l t i .

1 9 9 5 . S ec u lar i z a t ion

a n d

c h u r c h re l ig ios i ty ( c h a p t e r

4 ),

Re l i g io us ¢Qg n i t io n ' s

a n d b elie fs

( c h a p t e r

? },

Rel ig iou s a n d e t h i c a l plura l ism ( c h a p t e r B I. In

T h e i mp a c t o f

values, edi ted

by ] . ‘W . V. D e t h a nd E . Sc a r br o u g h . O xfor d :

O xfor d U n i v e r s i t y

P r e s s

Eisens tadt ,

S . 1 9 36 .

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o r r 1 ' g i n s

and

diversity

of

axia l

a g e

civ i l izat ions

A l b a n y :

S t a t e

Univ ers i t y

of

N ew

York

P r e s s .

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a nd

R . de M o o r .

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society: Value

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c o r u e q u e n c e s

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Polity

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e m o t i o n a l

renewals :

th e

end

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rel ig ion?

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A

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re l ig ion.

Socia l C o m p a s s

J9:l23-

Jl I-

-’

is

u o | i p a p e o 1 u i. or ]

rt-

r_

o

E-

r_

i-

:|

E

L l l

no

U

' - - .

lfl

r.-

rt-

\ . l l

c -

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E

-= -

I ‘ - . ' I

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II

l'_'|

_- .

_s

lambert, y - religion in modernity as a axial age

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