KnowledgeinMovement:Counter-HegemonyinTimesofCrisisDonatelladellaPorta-ScuolaNormaleSuperiore,Florence(Italy)

Timesofcrisisare,asGramscinotedlongago,interregnumsinwhichtheoldisdyingandthenewcannotbeborn.Inthesetimes,thedevelopmentofcounterhegemonicpowerisall the most important as, understructured and in flux, times of crisis are open totransformation in different directions. Knowledge production is, I will argue, a centralconcernforprogressivemovements.Ifknowledgeisimportantformovementsandvice-versa, there is however a consistent gap in the analysis of their relations. The talkaddressesthisgap,referringtoknowledgepracticesinsocialmovements,withparticularattentiontotheirroleintheiridentitywork.Empiricalillustrationscomesfromresearchonthedebate that followedtheCharlieHebdoattacksaswellassolidarityactionswithrefugeesduringthe‘longSummerofmigration’.

*** DonatellaDellaPortaisprofessorofpoliticalscience,deanoftheInstituteforHumanitiesandtheSocialSciencesandDirectorofthePDprograminPoliticalScienceandSociologyat theScuolaNormaleSuperiore inFlorence,where shealso leads theCenteronSocialMovementStudies(Cosmos).BorninCatania(1956),shegraduatedinPoliticalScienceatthe University of the same city in 1978. In 1980, she received the Diplome d’EtudesApprofondiesattheEcoledesHautesEtudesenSciencesSocialesinParisandin1987herPhD inSocialandPoliticalSciencesat theEuropeanUniversity Institute.Between1988and1993,sheworkedattheWissenschaftszentrumfuerSozialforschunginBerlin.BasedattheUniversityofFlorencesince1994asassociateprofessor,shebecamefullprofessorin1998.Between2003and2015shehasbeenProfessorofSociologyattheDepartmentof Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute. Among the maintopics of her research: social movements, political violence, terrorism, corruption, thepolice and protest policing. She has directed a major ERC project Mobilizing forDemocracy, on civil society participation in democratization processes in Europe, theMiddle East, Asia and Latin America. Between 2008 and 2013 she has co-edited theEuropean Political Science Review (ECPR-Cambridge University Press). Since 2015 sheco-edits theEuropean Journal of Sociology (CambridgeUniversityPress) aswell as theContentiousPoliticsseriesatCambridgeUniversityPress.In2011,shewastherecipientoftheMatteiDoganPrizefordistinguishedachievementsinthefieldofpoliticalsociology.She isHonoraryDoctorof theuniversitiesofLausanne,BucharestandGoteborg.She isthe author of 85 books, 132 journal articles and 132 contributions in edited volumes.Amongherveryrecentpublicationsare:LateNeoliberalismanditsDiscontents(Palgrave,2017);MovementPartiesinTimesofAusterity(Polity2017),WheredidtheRevolutiongo?(CambridgeUniversityPress,2016);SocialMovementsinTimesofAusterity(Polity2015),Methodological practices in socialmovement research (OxfordUniversity Press,2014); Spreading Protest (ECPR Press 2014, with Alice Mattoni), ParticipatoryDemocracyinSouthernEurope(RowmanandLittlefield,2014,withJoanFontandYvesSintomer);MobilizingforDemocracy(OxfordUniversityPress,2014);CanDemocracybeSaved?, Polity Press, 2013; Clandestine Political Violence, Cambridge University Press,2013 (withD. Snow,B.KlandermansandD.McAdam(eds.).BlackwellEncyclopediaonSocialandPoliticalMovements,Blackwell.2013;Mobilizingon theExtremeRight(withM. Caiani and C. Wagemann), Oxford University Press, 2012; Meeting Democracy (ed.WithD.Rucht),CambridgeUniversityPress,2012;TheHiddenOrderofCorruption(withA.Vannucci),Ashgate2012.Shehassupervised80PhDstudentsandmentoredabout30post-doctoralfellows.

WhoisthatProtester?SocialPsychologicalPortraitsBertKlandermans&JacquelienvanStekelenburg-VrijeUniversiteit,Amsterdam

(TheNetherlands)

Iwillpresenttheoryanddataaboutparticipantsinstreetdemonstrations.Iwillintroducea theoretical distinction between two types of protest-issues (universalistic versusparticularistic)andtwotypesoforganizationalfieldstheorganizersandparticipantsareembedded in (low versus high organizational density). In combination the twodimensions define four types of mobilizing contexts at the supply side of protest: (1)universalistic issues x lowdensity organizational fields; (2) universalistic issues x highdensityorganizationalfields;(3)particularisticissuesxlowdensityorganizationalfields;(4) particularistic issues x high density organizational fields. Next to these supply-sidefactors, a social psychological model of protest participation containing motivation,identificationandemotions ispresentedwhichaccount for thedemandsideofprotest.Theempiricalcoreof thepaperconsistsofasampleof14.455participants in71streetdemonstrations in eight European countries. The 71 demonstrations are classified andassignedtooneofthefourmobilizingcontexts.Ihypothesizehowmobilizationchannels,motivation, identification and emotions differ depending on the mobilizing context.Logistics regression analysis is employed to compare participants in diverse types ofdemonstrations.

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BertKlandermansisprofessorinAppliedSocialPsychology.Theemphasisinhisworkisonthesocialpsychologicalconsequencesofsocial,economicandpoliticalchange.Hehaspublishedextensivelyonthesocialpsychologyofparticipationinpoliticalprotest,socialmovementsandlabourunions.HeeditedSocialMovements,Protest,andContention,theprestigious book series of the University of Minnesota Press. His now classical SocialPsychology of Protest appearedwith Blackwell in 1997.He is the editor and co-author(with Suzanne Staggenborg) of Methods of Social Movement Research (University ofMinnesota Press, 2002) and (with NonnaMayer) of Extreme Right Activists in Europe(Routledge,2006).WithConnyRoggebandheeditedtheHandbookofSocialmovementsacross disciplines (Springer, 2007). He is the editor of Sociopedia and co-editor ofBlackwell/Wiley’sEncyclopediaofSocialMovements.HewaspresidentoftheCollectiveBehaviour and SocialMovement Section of theAmerican SociologicalAssociation; vice-president of the International Sociological Association; he was vice-president (2008-2010) and president of the International Society of Political Psychology (2013 -14). In2009hereceivedaroyaldecorationfortheeffortstolinkscienceandsociety.In2013hereceived the Harold Lasswell Award for his distinguished contribution to the field ofPolitical Psychology; in 2014 he received the John D. McCarthy award for lifetimeachievementinthescholarshipofSocialMovementsandCollectiveBehaviour.In2014hereceivedaprestigiousERCAdvancedInvestigatorGrant.

FromtheArabSpringtoTrump.Havewefailed?ACriticalBalanceofSocialMovementStudies

GeoffreyPleyers-CatholicUniversityofLouvain(Belgium)

In2001,thousandsofactivistsfromallcontinentsmetatthefirstWorldSocialForumtoopposeneoliberalglobalizationandsharetheiralternativeproposals.WhenIwalked inthestreetsofPortoAlegreandGenoa in2001,asacitizenandasayoungresearcher, Iwasconvincedthattheserisingactorswouldmaketheworldamuchbetterplace:fairer,moredemocraticandmoresustainable.Tenyearslater,thesehopeswererevivedbytheglobalwaveofmovementsstartedintheArabworld.FifteenyearsafterthefirstWSFandfive after the Indignados and theOccupymovements, has theworld actually become abetterplace?2016willberemainedastheyearoftheBrexitandtheelectionofTrump.Dosocialmovementsmatter?Aretheyfundamentalactorsofsocialchange?Thistalkwilldraw on these fundamental questions for social movement scholars. It proposes apersonal and provocative balance of a “Millennium Euphoria” that led to excess ofoptimismandtounder-estimatedsometrendsandactorsinsocialmovementstudies.

***

GeoffreyPleyersisaProfessorofsociologyatUniversitéCatholiquedeLouvain,Belgium.HeholdsaPhD(Sociology)fromtheEcoledesHautesEtudesenSciencesSociales,Paris(2006). In July2014,hewaselectedaspresidentof theResearchCommittee47 ´Socialclasses and socialmovements´ of the International Sociological Association, for a four-yearterm.Hisresearchinterestsincludesocialmovements,youth,foodmovements,andsocial movements in Mexico. The underlying argument of his main book Alter-Globalization.BecomingActorsintheGlobalAge(Cambridge,Polity,2010)isthatcurrentsocial movements develop two parallel cultures of activism in their quest for socialchange.One focusesonabottom-upapproach, implementing changes at the local scaleandgiving aprominentplace to experience, subjectivity, experimentation and the localscale.Thesecondone,the´wayofreason´isbasedonacitizenexpertiseandinstitutionalregulation.Since2015,GeoffreyPleyersandBrenoBringelaretheeditorof theweb journal“OpenMovements:foraglobalandpublicsociologyofsocialmovements”.Thisjointprojectbythe Research Committee 47 from the ISA and the website Open Democracy aims atproviding critical and empirically-based outlooks on social movements and newexpressions of social and cultural transformations: the ones which make the mediaheadlines and thosewhichdiscreetly transformdaily life andpolitics alike, at the localandglobalscales.GeoffreyPleyersregularlyteachesinLatinAmericanuniversitiesandisamemberofscientificcommitteesofnumbersofjournalsincludingtheRevistaMexicanadeSociología,Sociológica,RevistaColombianadeSociología,EstudiosSociales,RevistadeCienciasSociales(CostaRica),RecherchesSociologiquesetAnthropologiques.

BuildingAlternativeRealitieswithinCollectiveActionfields

MarioDiani,UniversityofTrento(Italy)

InmytalkIwillexploresomeconceptionsof“alternative”asreflectedinthepracticeofsocial movements and discuss some methodological approaches to the exploration ofthese realities. I will particularly emphasize the need to develop a relational, field-orientedperspective inordertocapturetheembeddednessofactorspromotingand/oradoptingalternativestrategiesinbroadersocialsettings.

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Mario Diani is professor of sociology at the University of Trento. He has workedextensively on the development of a network perspective to the study of socialmovements and collective action. Books include among others The Cement of CivilSociety.StudingNetworks inLocalities (CambridgeUniversityPress,2015),TheOxfordHandbookofSocialMovements(co-editedwithDonatelladellaPorta,OxfordUniversityPress,2015),Socialmovements(withDonatelladellaPorta,Blackwell,20062),andSocialmovementsandnetworks(co-editedwithDougMcAdam,OxfordUniversityPress,2003).Articleshaveappeared inAmericanSociologicalReview,American JournalofSociology,Environmental Politics, Theory and Society, Social Networks, Sociological Review, andMobilizationamongothers.

FromasenseofInjusticetoprotestinglostDignity:EmotionsandSocialMovements

TovaBenski–DepartmentofHumanServices,YzraelValleyCollege

AboutfiveyearshavepassedsincetheTunisianuprising,thesparkthatignitedaseriesof“mobilizationsof the indignant” thatspread likewildfirearoundtheglobe.Themassivedisplays of discontent with the political mismanagement of the economic crisis, theerosionoftheWelfareStateinSouthernEurope,theUSandmanyothersocietiesacrosstheglobe,andthecorruptionofthepoliticalelitesandrulers/dictatorsintheMENAhaveled to the proliferation of counter hegemonic, democratic mobilizations in which vastnumbersofpeoplehavetakentothestreets.Theuniquefeaturesofthis,mostrecentglobalcycleofprotestshasinvigoratedthefieldof socialmovements’ scholarship and has led to reexamination of theories in the field.Among others, it has increased the interest in the return of ‘emotions’ to the study ofsocial movements. In this presentation I would like to shortly reiterate the history of‘emotions’inthestudyofsocialmovementsandtofocusattentionon‘Dignity’asoneofthemostprominentemotionalstatesthatweclaimiscentraltomanyofthemorerecentmobilizations.Thispresentation ispartofa largerproject thatProf.Langmanand Iareinvolvedwithinthelast3years.

***

PhD. In Sociology received from theUniversityofGlasgow, Scotland.CurrentlyEmeritasenior lecture at the College of Management Academic Studies (COLMAN). During herlong career sheactedas thedean for Student affairs andas theChairof theSchool forBehavioralScienesatCOLMAN.SheactedonvariousGovermenteducationalboardsandcommitteesandchairedthecommitteeofteachingSociologyinHighSchoolsinIsrael.ShealsoservedontheBoardoftheIsraeliSociologicalSocietyandactedonvariouscomittees.ShehasbeenactiveintheISAsince1990,andservedasmemberofboardofRC48since1994, first as secretay treasurer and later as president of RC 48 (2002-2006). Shecurrentlyholds thepositionofpresidentofRC48 for the secondtime.Hermainprojectthroughout the years was focused on Women’s Peace Activism in Israel from variousangles:Genderedpoliticalactivity;emotions;thebody;controlofprotest,etc.Since2011she has been working in collaboration with RC 48 members on the protests of 2011onwards.

Dignity,RessentimentandtheMobilizationsofToday

LaurenLangman-UniversityofChicago(USA)

The social movement of our times can be seen as responses to the consequences andcontradictions of neo liberal capitalism, its inequality, its economic stagnation if notdeclines for many, de regulation, privatization, and growing precarity, especially foryoungerworkersandolderretirees.Atthesametime,demographicandculturalchangeadversely challenge the identities and values ofmany,more conservative actors. Theseconditions engender a series of intertwined crises of legitimacy thatmigrate from thesystem to the life worlds of emotion and identity. Given social locations and typicalcharacterstructures, forsomeactorstheseconditionsfosterhopeforprogressivesocialchange thoughmobilizing fordignity ashasbeen seen inArabSpring,Syriza,Podemos.GeziPark,Occupy,andmorerecently, theBerniecampaign,BLMandStanding Rock intheUSA.Butformanyothers,thereactionsincludeanger,aggression,projectionofblameand thedesire forpunitiverevenge-aswehaveseen inNewDawn, theNational Front,UKIP-Brexit and its “unique” American form, Trump as POTUS. But NB!, the legacy ofCritical Theory, as an emancipatory theory,which has long seen emotions as fosteringsocialmobilization,suggestadialecticofdignityvsressentiment,movementsofhopeandvision,vs thoseof anger, revenge,hatredandaggression.But inmanyplaces todayweseeamillennialgenerationthathasbecomethespearheadofprogressivemobilizationswithvisionofdemocracy,inclusion,tolerationofdifference,andperhapsmostimportant,overcomingcapitalismtoenablemobilizingforhumandignityforall.

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Lauren Langman is a professor of sociology at Loyola University of Chicago, boardmember of RC 48 and 36. His Phd in Human Development, from the University ofChicago, has enabled an interdisciplinary perspective, tied in part the Frankfurt Schoolwhose pioneering studies of the rise of Fascism yet inform our current conditions. Hiswork on social movements began with anti Viet Nam war mobilizations, continuingthroughtheTeaParty,ArabSpring,Occupyandnowtherightwingmovements.

HowtheEmotionsaffectSocialMovements’ParticipationandDiscourses?The‘Empathy’seenfromaPsyhco-PathologicalPerspective

ConcettaDePasquale-DepartmentofEducation-UniversityofCatania,AnitaAngelica-UniversityofCatania

Emotional aspects are vital to social mobilisations and seems to be crucial also in thecreationofalternativesdiscoursesinsocialandculturalspheres.Emotions give often shape to the social movements. Links among participants will beestablished through a communication process characterized by two requirements: thecognitive consonance between senders and recipients, and effective communicationchannel.Accordingtothisinterpretativeparadigm,Castells(2012)statesthattheoriginof socialmovementscanbe found in theemotionsof the individualsand theirnetworkactivities based on cognitive empathy. Establishing a condition of positive emotionalresonance among socialmovements participants’minds allows to sharing positive andnegativefeelingsandencouragesmobilizationandcollectiveaction(Siegel,1999).Amongthehypothesesusefultoexplaintheadhesionofindividualstoamovement,emotionisaveryimportantfactor,necessarytosupportthecollectiveaction.Inparticular,accordingto the ‘emotional intelligence theory’, themost importantemotions thatpromotesocialmobilization and collective action are the fear (negative) and excitement (positive).Stronglyemotionallyorientedparticipationcanonlyaffectcreationofalternativestothestatusquo.Inthissensetheclaims/proposalsofferedbythemovementsmaybedeficientinrationality,becauseresultofemotionalandsometimesillogicalthinking.Startingfromthe above considerations, foregone to the socialmovements studies, the paper aims toanalyse the process of empathy and its consequences on social movements internaldynamics (participation and social mobilisation) and their influences on social reality(creationofalternativediscourseandchange)fromapsycho-pathologicalpointofview,andtoobservetheprincipalcriticalissues.

***ConcettaDePasqualegraduatedinMedicineandSurgeryattheUniversityofCataniaon04.07.1990 (Italy) , thesis in Psychiatry: “The measure of emotional behavior” with110/100 cum laude, and the right to publish a proposal to award "Carmelo Pero."She obtained qualification to the profession of Medicine in the same year.She specializes in psychiatry at the University of Catania on 27.08.94with 50/50 cumlaude,withathesison:“Computer-basedassessmentofmotoractivityinmentalpatients’sleep using an ultrasonic apparatus”. She attended the Psychiatric Clinic as medicalintern from 05.07.1990 to 04.05.1999 until the degree attainment of PhD onNeurovegetative Medicine the 04.05.1999. Psychotherapist since May 1996. She wasResearch Assistant from 2001-2002 to 2002-2003, deepening organizational andinnovativeteachingaspectsrelativelytotheDegreeCourseofprofessionaltechniciansinPsychiatri crehabilitation.Since 2004 Assistant Professor in Psychiatry – University ofCatania.Anita Angelica, is a Psychologist, attending Psychotherapy Specialisation School inTransactionalAnalysis.SheworksinPerFormatsrl,ConsulenceandtrainingAgency:asaClinical Psychologist her role involves promotion of psychological well-being; as amember of administration her duty concerns teaching activities planning, internshipsmanagementandcoordinationactivitieswiththeheadquarter.ShehadcollaboratewithUniversityofCatania–EducationalSciencesDepartmentsince2013, when she graduated in Psychology at University of Catania. Her collaborationconcernsstudiesandresearchprojectsfocusedonMentalImagery.

SymbolsandFramesintheConstitutionofCivicOrganizationalfields:“RighttotheCity”inCapeTown

MarioDiani-UniversityofTrento(Italy),HenrikErnstson-KTH,Stockholm,Swedenand

ACC-UCT,CapeTown(SouthAfrica),LorienJasny-UniversityofExeter(UK)Thispaperproposesanetworkanalyticapproach to theroleof symbols in shaping thestructureofcivicorganizationalfields.Morespecifically,itlooksattheexpression“Rightto the city” (RTC) both as a specific symbol and as a broader frame, and explores itsinfluence over the patterns of collaborative ties among 129 civil society organizationsactiveinCapeTownfrom2012to2014.Thearticleaddressestwobroadquestions:Whatis the relation between RTC and other symbols that are also frequently invoked todescribeurbanstrugglesandissues?DoRTCsymbolsaffectthestructureofurbancivicorganizational fields in significant ways? The analysis suggests that while RTC plays asignificantroleinlocalcivilsociety,itisnottheonlyinterpretativeframethatCapetoniancivic organizations draw upon to characterize their activity. “Urban conservation”,especiallytiedtonatureconservationandenvironmental issues,shapesthestructureoflocalorganizationalfieldsinamoresalient,ifpossiblymoredivisive,manner.

***

Mario Diani is professor of sociology at the University of Trento. He has workedextensively on the development of a network perspective to the study of socialmovements and collective action. Books include among others The Cement of CivilSociety.StudingNetworks inLocalities (CambridgeUniversityPress,2015),TheOxfordHandbookofSocialMovements(co-editedwithDonatelladellaPorta,OxfordUniversityPress,2015),Socialmovements(withDonatelladellaPorta,Blackwell,20062),andSocialmovementsandnetworks(co-editedwithDougMcAdam,OxfordUniversityPress,2003).Articleshaveappeared inAmericanSociologicalReview,American JournalofSociology,Environmental Politics, Theory and Society, Social Networks, Sociological Review, andMobilizationamongothers.

Co-creatingurbanAlternatives:ondifferentFacetsofthe“RighttotheCity”

AnnaDomaradzka-InstituteforSocialStudies-UniversityofWarsaw

As many authors point out, the processes of the spatial and social segregation,gentrification,housingshortages,andprivatizationorcommercializationofpublicspacesmake the cities less livable and responsive to the needs of their residents (seeHarvey2012,Mayer2016,Soja2010,Swyngedouw,Moulaert,andRodriguez2002).Allovertheglobe,thisdeprivationofneeds(mayitbetheneedforhousing,accesstopublicservices,or the need to influence the local policies) leads to grassroots mobilization under thecommonframeof“righttothecity”(Lefebvre1968,Harvey2012).Inthelastyearsurbanactivistsclaimsgainedglobalvisibility,movingfrom“thestreets”intothepublicdebate,to the point of becoming a part of the UNNewUrban Agenda. At this point it’sworthdiscussingwhatrolecivilsocietyactorsholdintheurbanpolicyfieldandtowhichpointthe“righttothecity”frame(BenfordandSnow2000)allowedforbuildinganalternativenarrative,givingvoicetodifferentgroupsofurbanactors.To illustrate this tension, thepaperanalyseshowmultiple facetsof theright to thecityarereflectedindifferentformsofurbanmobilizationsandhowtheytranslateintoclaims,narratives and strategies of civil society actors all over the globe. In particular, usingqualitativedatacollectedinPoland,wecanexplainwhatalternativesemergedasaresultoftheinteractionbetweenpublicactorsandurbanactivistsintheurbanpolicyfield,andhownewideas,normsandmodelsmayshapethefutureofurbanareas

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AssistantProfessorandAssociateDirectorforResearchatRobertB.ZajoncInstituteforSocial Studies,UniversityofWarsaw.Hermain research interests concern the issuesofcivilsociety,socialmovementsandlocalactivisminurbanareasintheirsocialandspatialcontext. She studies the development of urban movements and women movement inconnection with quality of life in urban space and social policy changes. Anna alsospecialisesinintersectionalandinternationalcomparativeresearchandevaluationintheareasofgendersociologyandsociologyofeducationandworksasanexpertandseniorresearcher in several international projects concerning civil society and welfare stateissues,genderequalityinpublicandprivatesphere,aswellashighereducationandlife-long learning. Recent projects she’s engaged in are World Values Survey, WelfareInnovations at the Local Level in Favour of Cohesion (WILCO,http://www.wilcoproject.eu) and Gender Equality at the University (GENDEQU,http://grape.uw.edu.pl/gendequ/). She’s a member of International SociologicalAssociation (RC48, RC21, RC32) and European Sociological Association (RN14, RN25,RN37) as well as International Society of Third Sector Research (ISTR) and EuropeanUrbanResearchAssociation(EURA).

UrbanConflictsaroundTourism:towardanAnalysisofSocialMovements

MarcoPlatania-UniversityofCatania(Italy)Tourismcreatespressureandtransformstheenvironment(urbanandnatural),especiallywhenthetransformationisfast.Severalstudiesanalyzeindepththenegativeimpactsoftourism,thatproducesocialconflict,crime,commercializationanddegradationofindigenousculture,thedecreaseofvaluesandsacrilegeofreligion,beliefandsymbols.Thenegativeeffectsaredifferentandalsodependonwhereismanifestedthepressure.Inthecitieswearewitnessingespeciallytoalossofidentity.Severalscholarshavetalkedabout“touristification”and“musealization”(seeforexampleBhandari2008;Burgoldetal.,2013;Čamprag2017;Kádár2013).Infrontofthisfact,inrecentyearsithasincreasedthenumberofsocialmovementsthathaveresistedverystrongly.Theytrytocreateidentitiesandtosetplansforchangeinthesocio-politicalrealm.Thisfactrepresentanimportantelementinurbanpolitics.Socialmovementswasanalyzedintheearlytourismstudiesinwhicharehighlightedconflictofinterest,valuesandgoalsbetweenstakeholders.Theaimofthispaperistodevelopaconceptualandtheoreticalreflectionsandgiveanempiricalanalysisthroughacomparativeinvestigationsofsocialmovementsagainsturbantouristification.Particularly,wewilltakeintoaccounttheroleplayedbysocialmovementsintheconflictbetweenlocalsandtouristsandtheroleofgovernmentintheseconflicts.

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Marco Platania is Assistant Professor in Economics Applied at University of Catania(Italy) where he teach Tourism Economics, Applied Economics. He had obtained thenational scientific qualification to function of associate professor in AgriculturalEconomics (07/A1). The main fields of research are Local development; Consumerbehavior;TourismEconomics.HewasVisitingScholarat theDepartmentofEconomicsand Management of the Wageningen Agricultural University (1998), and ResearchAssistantatMediterraneanUniversityofReggioCalabria(Italy)(2003to2008).He is reviewer of some journals in the economic field and component of the editorialboard of the "American Journal of Economics" published by Scientific & AcademicPublishing(SAP).

TheSquattingMovementsforhousingandSocialCentres:Cyclesof

autonomousurbanpoliticsintheEuropeanCities?

GianniPiazza-UniversityofCatania,MiguelMartinez-UppsalaUniversityIf squatting is a long-lasting urban phenomenon, which refers to the illegal occupation of empty properties used without the consent of their owners, it is also a political practice, which has given rise to urban social movements for housing and social centres. The squatters and radical left-wing activists, who promote and support them, not only try to meet the need for housing and spaces of sociability through direct action, the rejection of the rules and logic of the market and legal regulations. They also attempt to elaborate and implement non-hierarchical and participatory organization models, thus offering an alternative mode of envisioning social relationships, political and countercultural practices. In this paper, we present some findings of a cross-country and interdisciplinary research on political squatting in nine European cities (Barcelona, Berlin, Brighton, Copenhagen, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Rotterdam and Seville) carried out by the SqEK (Squatting Europe Kollective), a transnational network of researchers-activists. The focus is a comparative analysis of the data collected aimed to provide a systematic account for the different cycles of urban squatting over the last four decades. In particular, we try to identify: if there have beenlocal, national and cross-national patterns in the development of squatting; if thesewaves have been influenced by their urban and political context;how the social, cultural, economic and political dynamics of each city have contributed to the specific locations of squats and to their duration; and what has been the impact of the squatters’ movements in urban politics over time.

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GianniPiazza,PhDinPoliticalScienceattheUniversityofFlorence,isAssociateProfessorof Political Sociology at the University of Catania. He is the Associate Editor of thescientific journalPartecipazioneeConflittoandhaspublishedbooksand journalarticlesonlocalgovernmentandpolitics,publicpolicyanalysis,socialmovements,territorialandenvironmental conflicts, squatting social centres.He is the author ofLa città degliaffari(1994) andSindaci e politiche in Sicilia(1998), the co-author ofPolitiche epartecipazione(2004),Voices of the Valley, Voices of the Straits(2008),Le ragioni delno(2008), the co-editor ofAlla ricerca dell’Onda(2010) and the editor ofIlmovimentodelleoccupazionidisquatecentrisocialiinEuropa(2012).

Theanti-TTIPMobilisationinGermanyandtheUK:AHyperlinkAnalysis

GiuliaGortarutti-InstitutfürSozialeBewegungen-RuhrUniversitätBochumSocialmovementsnotonlycreatealternativeideasandnarrativestochangetheirsocialandpoliticalenvironment.Theyalsocreatethoseframesinordertoforgenewalliancesand make cooperation across a broad range of individuals, groups, and organizationspossible. The internet is an important vehicle for spreading and sharing those frames.Thispaperlooksattheonlinenetworkscreatedduringtheanti-TTIPmobilisationusinghyperlinkanalysisHyperlink analysis is used as an explorative tool to analyse the networks of socialmovement organisations, civil society organisations, trade unions, and political partiesthat cooperatedagainstTTIP inGermanyand theUK.Assuch, themajornetworksandcooperation events in both countries will be analysed, and the participants isolated.Subsequently, their online behaviour in the form of links from one participantorganisationtoanotherwillbeexplored.Theresultinggraphswillthenbestructuredandanalysedusingsocialnetworkanalysismethods.ThereasoningbehindthisliesintheideathattheWorldWideWebisincreasinglyimportantinorganisingandmobilisingprotestand, therefore, thewayorganisationsstructure themselvesonlinemayoffer insightsonhowtheydosooffline.MobilisationagainstTTIPbeganin2013,withthestartofnegotiations.Thevastnumberofpolicyfieldspotentiallyaffectedbythetreatyhascreateduniquepointofconvergencefor different social actors. In the European Union alone, a fragmented network ofapproximately 525 organisations was formed. Aside from the general rejection of thetreaty, the network voices issues of reform in the realm of trade policy, internationalrelations, global justice, and austerity politics, particularly in terms of democratisationandtransparency.Thenetwork’smainachievementhasbeenaEuropeanCitizens’Initiative(ECI),whichhasreceived more than 3 million signatures, and a number of street protests, the mostsuccessful of which took place in Berlin on 10 October 2015. The number of actorsinvolved, and the cross-organisational character of this mobilisation makes it an idealstartingpointfordiscussingongoingmethodsofcooperationemployedbyorganisationsstrivingtobevehiclesfortransformation.AlthoughthemobilisationagainstTTIPintheEuropeanUnionistransnationalinscope,itisstilldeclineddifferentlyineachEUMemberState.Assuch,thisempiricalstudylooksathowthecross-movementmobilisationisshapedintwocountries,GermanyandtheUK.Socialnetworkanalysisandhyperlinkanalysiswillbeusedtoa)maptheorganisationsthat participated in key cooperation events, and how they link to each other; b)understandhow thedifferent aims and types of cooperation influence thenetworks astheyarereflectedinthewebthroughhyperlinks.

“NomilitaryBasesneitherherenorelsewere”.AntimilitarismandTerritorialSoverainity

AideEsu-CADISEcoledesHautesEtudesenSciencesSocialesParis,

SimoneMaddanu-UniversityofCagliariDept.SocialSciencesandInstitutionsAsignificantportionofSardiniaIslandterritoryisoccupiedbymilitaryactivity.Sincethe’70antimilitarycollectiveactionaroseclaimingforregionalsovereintyovertheterritory.During the80sand90sdifferent socialactors joined theprotestagainstmilitarybases.MorerecentlyapublicawarnessaboutriskonmilitaryactiviteswasassociatedwiththeincidenceofHodgkin’s lymphoma, leukaemia, thyroid cancer and autoimmunediseasesamongmilitarypersonnelandcivilians,revitalizingthecollectiveactions.Takingthefloorin the local public space, collective movements like associations of victims’ families,antimilitarist groups, political groups and public figures constitute the core of thoseactions,demandingtheclosureofallmilitaryactivitiesintheisland.Thispaperanalysesthetransformationoftheantimilitarismfromgeneralpacifismintheearlyseventiestoamix of of antimilitarist-eco, neoregionalistic movement calling for a new regionalsovereignity,actingascitizensthatwanttheirrightstoberecognized(Fraser,2000).Thegeneralantimilitarismevolvestoamoreorientedactionasthemilitaryinstallationscometo be seen as a source of danger for the people and the environment. They reject themilitarystorylineofmodernitythatnolongerappearstobeacceptableevenintermsofnationalsecurity.ThestruggleagainstmilitarybasesatthedisposalofNATOreinforcesanarrative that underlines a double sense of colonialism of the island (Akibayashi andTakazato, 2009), from theNato, foreign countries, themilitary and the Italian state – a“colonyofcolony”(McCaffrey,2002).

***

Aide Esuteaches Sociology at the Department of Social Sciences at the University ofCagliari (Italy). She received a PhD in Sociology at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes enSciencesSocialesParis.In2014shewasFulbrightDistinguishedChairattheUniversityof Pittsburgh (PA). She study the intractable conflict between Israel and Palestine,recentlyshemadeethnographicresearchonIsraelimilitarypublicdiscourseonsecurityandonthepoliticallandtourorganizedbyIsraeligrassrootsgroups.Simone Maddanureceived his PhD at Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales(EHESS) of Paris.His researches focuson socialmovements, commongoods,migrationand ethnic relations.HewasResearch Fellow at CagliariUniversity. Research fellow atSapienza University of Rome (2014-2015) and visiting scholar at University of CentralFlorida, Orlando (2015), he is member of CADIS (EHESS/CNRS) of Paris. He recentlypublished the bookLa città inquieta: culture, rivolte e nuove socialità, Padova:CEDAM/WoltersKluwer,(2016)withA.L.Farro.

HomeschoolingastransnationalAlternativeSocialMovement:MethodologicalChallengesforaMixed-MethodPerspective

AugustoGamuzza-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

HomeeducationinItalyisagrowingsocialphenomenon.EveniftheItalianConstitutionguarantees this right, homeschooling is unregulated extensively, generally under-researched(Kunzman&Gaither,2013)andpotentiallyanelusivecommunity for socialresearcherstoaccess(Hopwood,O’Neill,Castro,&Hodgson,2007).AnalyzingtheItalianhomeschoolingmovementimpliesthenecessityofacriticalconfrontationwiththesocialcontext of reference but unveiling new and unexpected trajectories for social change.Starting (and discussing) the last official data at disposal (MIUR 2015) Italianhomeschooling involved 945 children - 307 in primary school and 638 in first gradesecondary school with a specific concentration into the southern regions of Italy andSicilyinparticular;atthesametimethisdatashedsalightuponawideandundergroundrangeof“non-formal”learningpathsandexperiences/practices.The main research question of this paper is to estimate the extent to which Italianhomeschooling parents perceive themselves as transnational social movementparticipants and to identify the factors contributing to such beliefs through a mixed-methodapproach.Thus,thepaperpresentsthemaininsightscomingfromtworesearchwork-packages covering a period of activity from 2013 to 2017: 1) participantobservation sessions to national and regional homeschoolingmeetings 2); quantitativesurveyadministeredtohomeschoolingfamilieswithaspecialfocusontheSiciliancase.

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AugustoGamuzzaisAssistantProfessorinSociologyatUniversityofCatania,DepartmentofEducationandResearcheratI.S.I.G(InstituteofInternationalSociology,Gorizia,Italia).HeservedasVisitingProfessorinSociologyatUniversityofSzczecin(PL)between2013and2015,InstituteofSociology.Hiscurrentresearchinterestsandscientificpublicationsare oriented to surround the study of alternative social forms. He is focused on threeareas in particular: the sociological approach to digital game based learning (analternativetothemainstreameducationpatterns),homeschooling(analternativetothepublic education system), and identification dynamics in cultural contact context (analternative tomainstreamanalysisof identity issue).All threeof theseare “bottom-up”initiatives to empower marginalized social components and unveil alternatives tomainstreaminterpretationofsocialphenomena.Moreover,heworksonmethodologicalandepistemologicalaspectsofaction-researchstrategy.

FromProtesttoPedagogy

CristianoCorsini-DepartmentofEducation-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

InItalysince2008theINVALSIhasadministeredtestsinprimary,secondaryanduppersecondary schools. INVALSI testshave twomaingoals: accountability (theyareused inordertoassessvalue-addedofschools)andformativeassessment.Recently,aprotesthasgrownagainstINVALSItests.Manyschoolsandteacherstakepartinboycottoftests,andin2015,in75%oftheschoolsinSicilytestsweren’tadministered.WhysomanyteachersandschoolsboycotttheINVALSItests?Testvalidityisdisputed,andteachersareworriedabout the effects of measures on their careers and their schools reputation. Recentfindings (C. Corsini, La validità di contenuto delle prove INVALSI di comprensione dellalettura,Giornale ItalianodellaRicercaEducativa, 6, 2013, 10, pp. 46-61) showhow thedual purpose of testing (control and improvement) threatens validity of the INVALSItests, andhow thegoalof accountabilityprevents from informing schools and teachersaboutstudents’achievementlevels.Furthermore,attitudesofstudentstowardsINVALSItestsareinfluencedbybeliefsofteachersanddirectorsaboutthequalityofthenationalassessments in schools (G. Pastori, V. Pagani,WhatDoYouThinkabout INVALSITests?SchoolDirectors,TeachersandStudentsfromLombardyDescribeTheirExperience,JournalofEducational,CulturalandPsychologicalStudies, 13,2016,pp.97-117).Theaimof thework is to analyse the points of view of teacher associations against Invalsi tests andverify if they base their protest on new pedagogical, instructional and evaluativeproposals.

Presentationofthebook:Italiacivile.Associazionismo,partecipazioneepolitica.Leretiassociativeela«democraziaattiva»daTangentopoliaoggi

byRobertoBiorcioandTommasoVitale

Una profonda trasformazione politica e sociale ha investito il nostro paese negli ultimivent’anni. Un cambiamento che non poteva non coinvolgere il mondodell’associazionismo, la parte più attiva e sensibile della società civile. Impegnate inmoltepliciattività,leretiassociativefavorisconoladiffusionedellaculturademocraticaedella solidarietà sociale, rafforzando i legami fra le persone e l’efficacia delle politichepubbliche.Finoaglianninovanta,laloroazioneerastrettamenteintrecciataconquelladialtri attori politici, in primo luogo i partiti. Il crollo che li ha travolti avrebbe dovutotrascinareconséancheleassociazioni;alcontrario,cisièrivoltiallasocietàcivilecomeallaprincipalerisorsaperrinnovarelapolitica,cooptandogruppidirigentiemettendolaal centro del dibattito pubblico. In un contesto del tutto nuovo, sono cresciute leresponsabilità delle associazioni, indotte ad andare oltre le tradizionali funzioni di«scuoladidemocrazia»,persupplireinmododiversoadalcunideicompitistoricamentesvoltidaipartitiedalle istituzionipubbliche.Questo libro, fruttodiun lavorocollettivo,ricostruisce la storia della partecipazione associativa in Italia, da Tangentopoli a oggi,considerandoinparticolareun’areamoltoriccadiretiassociativecomequellalombarda.Lofaconunapprocciosociologico,chescavaneipensierieneicomportamentideisingolicittadini impegnati in gruppi, comitati, club, centri sociali, cooperative, movimenti eassociazioni.Specialeattenzioneèdedicataalledisuguaglianzedigenere,alladimensionereligiosa e al rapporto dei volontari con la cultura politica della sinistra. Interviste,sondaggieosservazioniraccoltinelcorsodivent’annisonousatiperdelineareilprofilo,ledifferenzee le trasformazioninel tempodegliattivistidi tutti i settoriassociativi.Neemerge una storia unica della partecipazione sociale, e di ciò che ha offerto allademocraziainItalia.

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RobertoBiorcio isProfessorofPoliticalScienceat theUniversityofMilanoBicocca.Hisresearch interestsare inpoliticalparticipation,socialmovements, partiesandelectoralbehaviour.Hisrecentbooksinclude:Italiacivile.Associazionismo,partecipazioneepolitica (withT.Vitale,Donzelli,2016)Ilpopulismonellapoliticaitaliana.DaBossiaBerlusconi,daGrilloaRenzi (Mimesis, 2015)Politicaa5 stelle. Idee, storiae strategiedelmovimentodiGrillo(withP.Natale,Feltrinelli,2013)andLarivincitadelNord.LaLegadallacontestazionealgoverno(Laterza,2010).

TheFive5StarMovementandthedeniedPersonalization.LeaderizationProcessinMPsparliamentariansGroup

RossanaSampugnaro,SimonaGozzo-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

In every stage of evolution, the young history of the M5S highlights the rejection ofpolitical personalization, even when M5S admits the role of the Movement founders:Grillo and Casaleggio. During the deployment phase of the parliamentary group, thedenial of the "iron law of oligarchy" proceeds for long rituals, for the rotation of thespokesmen, for the restriction of delegation. Despite everything, the analysis of thelongitudinal plane shows how the “mantra” one weights one has lost - over time - itsprimitive force. Some parliamentarians are known for their competence, for theircommunicationskillsordistinctivepersonality,assumingtraitsofempiricallyobservableleadership,throughananalysisofamplitude,frequencyandreciprocityofrelationalties.Over time, the group has lost its horizontal nature to conceive the presence of a“Direttorio”composedbyfewpeople.Thestudyhypothesizesaprogressivestructuringofthe group, with the emersion of “situational” leaders (Edelman, 1976) and with aninternal segmentation. The goal is to reconstruct the network of intra-group relationsfrom the analysis of the mutual accreditation process within the M5S. Employingtraditional tools of Social Network Analysis, the work focuses on the identification ofrelational dynamics empirically observable through indexes and analysis proceduresfrom graph theory. We will detected, specifically, structural and relational measures,relatedto thereticulardynamicsandtoeachego(ego-networks).Thestructuralvalueswill relate to different centrality measures (in particular, degree, betweness andcloseness), highlighting the degree of leaderization and the internal breakdown of theGroup.Thereconstructionoftheaccreditationprocesswillbethroughtheanalysisofthetweetsofparliamentariansandtheirretweets.Wewillcompared,inparticular,thedatacollectedin2013(onemonth)-duringthesettlementoftheparliamentarygroup-andthoseof2017(onemonth).Theanalysisisbasedontheuseofsoftwareforthestudyofsocialnetworks(Nodexl,UCINET).

***Rossana Sampugnaro is aggregate professor of Political Sociology at the University ofCatania.Herresearch interestsare inpoliticalcommunication,mobilizationandparties.SheismemberofScientificCommitteeofItalianPoliticalSociologyAssociation(AIS)andof “Partecipazione e Conflitto” Journal. She is referee of many scientific journal andmemberof“RivistadiComunicazionePolitica”editorialstaff.Herrecentpubblicationsin2016:“Nuoveformedipartecipazione?Beckelasubpolitics”(Lezionidisocietà.L'ereditàdiUlrichBeck,Egea),Gestireilmutamento.Giovani,relazioniescenarigenerazionali,FrancoAngeli(conS.Gozzo).SimonaGozzoisassistantprofessorattheDepartmentofSocialandPoliticalSciencesoftheUniversityofCatania.ShehasaPhDinSociologyandMethodsofSocialSciencesandshe regularly teaches graduate and undergraduate courses on sociology, also realizingseveral seminars and tutorials on social research methods for degree and doctoralprograms.Currently,herteachingandresearchinterestsfocusuponthefieldsofpolicy’sevaluation, immigration, youth involvement and social cohesion. She is the author of Ilcoloredellapolitica(Bonanno2008)andSensocivicoepartecipazione(Aracne2012).Themost recent publications focusing on socio-political issues are Relational dynamics andyouthparticipationinItaly in “Youthforwhat?Newgenerationsandsocialchange” (SMPvol 5 n 10/2014) and What Matters? Changes in European Youth Participation inPartecipazioneeconflittovol.9,n.3(2016).

TheFineLinebetweenRulesandtheRules.TheM5SinsidetheInstitutions

FrancescaMontemagno-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

WhentheM5Sorganizationprocessstarted,aproblemappeared:whichisitspositioninginside of the conceptual categories of the political science? M5S can be considered apolitical party? What kind of a political party it can be? In order to answer to thesequestions,thesurveyanalysestheMovimento5Stelleorganizationprocessand, indetail,thecontrastswithintheParliamentaryGroupsoncetheParliamentsseatswereoccupied(European,ItalianandSicilianparticularly).Theactivists,first,andthedelegates,later,bumpedintoconflictcaseswhicharereferredto the incongruence born from the necessity to fit their inners rules to the electorallegislation,totheassemblyregulations,totheadministrativerulesandtotheParliamentprocedureswhereMovimento5stelledelegateshavebeenelected.This study aims to analyse each one of these aspects and the resulting process ofadjustment and organization for theMovimento 5 stelle from its birth until today. Therotationofthegroupleaders,thearrangementofthe“nonStatuto”,theinnerrulesoftheMovimentotoselectthecandidatesoftheParliamentaryGroupandtheprotestsinAula,are some of the main contrasts between the written and the non-written rules of theparliamentaryAssemblies.Theinstrumentofthissurveywillbethesimultaneousstudyoftheparliamentarylaw,oftheelectorallegislation,oftheadministrativeRules(indicatedincapitalletterinthetitle),oftherulesofthe Parliamentary Groups, of the statuto and non-statuto and of theconduct codes of the Movimento 5 stelle. For the survey, some deputies have beeninterviewed. In particular the euro- deputies Ignazio Corrao, Giulia Di Vita,MPs of theItalian Parliament, and the deputies Giorgio Ciaccio and Giancarlo Cancelleri, MPs inSicilianRegionalAssembly.

***

FrancescaMontemagnoPhDstudentinPoliticalSciencesattheUniversityofCatania. Inthe2013,IhaveobtainedthemasterdegreeinPoliticalScienceandDecisionalProcesses,at theUniversityof Florence.Myacademic formationand research interestshavebeencentered on communication, electoral counsel andpolitical representation. I have beenworking for three years in the team of the Vice President of the Sicilian RegionalAssembly.“Modellidicampagnaelettoraleeconsulenzapolitica.Unfocussuiparlamentarisiciliani”,byRossanaSampugnaroandFrancescaMontemagno.In“Sondaggiedelezionileregoledelgioco e della comunicazione”, by Ilvo Diamanti and Luigi Ceccarini. eBook, 11thInternationalConferencebySISE(ItalianElectoralStudies).ISBN978-88-907-8181-0

FromDigitaltoHybrid?TheInstitutionalizationofM5S’CommunicativeStrategies

LorenzoMosca-ScuolaNormaleSuperiore-Florence,CristianVaccari-RoyalHolloway,

UniversityofLondon&UniversityofBolognaInthisarticleweanalyseanddiscussthechangesinthecommunicativestrategiesoftheMovimento5Stelle(M5S)sinceitsentranceinthenationalparliament.Ourhypothesisisthattheprogressiveinstitutionalizationofthepartyhasbeenpairedbyanhybridizationofcommunicativerepertoiresbothconcerningitselitesandvoters.Regardingtheformer,whiletraditionalmediawereseenasenemiesformingpartofthe‘corruptestablishment’since the creation of the party in 2009, a growing use of traditional channels ofcommunication has been promoted by the leaders after the 2013 general elections.Concerningthelatter,thepeculiarprofileofitsvotersintermsofnewsdiets(MoscaandVaccari2013;Mosca,Vaccari&Valeriani2015)hasgraduallynormalizedandinformationsources (role of the internet vis-a-vis theTV)have changed accordingly.Our argumentwillbeillustratedthroughadiachronicanalysisbasedondifferentdatasources:a)dataon the presence of M5S representatives in TV news between 2012 and 2016(OsservatoriodiPavia);b)dataontheuseoftheRousseauplatformsince2013(ourowndataset); c) survey data on internet, socialmedia and political use of theweb byM5S’voters(Ipsossurveys).

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LorenzoMoscaisAssociateProfessorattheInstituteofHumanitiesandSocialSciencesofthe Scuola Normale Superiore. His research interests are focused on politicalcommunication, online politics, political participation, social movements and relationsbetweenparties andmovements. Amonghis recent publications (withD. della Porta, J.Fernandez&H.Kouki)Movementparties against austeritypublishedbyPolityPress in2017.Cristian Vaccari (Royal Holloway & University of Bologna) studies politicalcommunicationincomparativeperspective,withaparticularfocusondigitalmedia.Heisthecoordinatorofathree-yearresearchprojectinvestigatingtheroleofsocialmediaincitizens' andpoliticians'practicesofpolitical communication inGermany, Italy, and theUnited Kingdom from 2013 to 2016 (www.webpoleu.net). His latest book is DigitalPolitics inWesternDemocracies:AComparativeStudy(JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2013).

Enattendant“Rousseau”.ModelsofDemocracyandweb-DemocracyintheFiveStarsMovement

MassimilianoAndretta-UniversityofPisa(Italy),AlessandroAlbertini-ScuolaSuperiore

Sant’Anna,Pisa(Italy)Inthelastyear,theItalianFiveStarMovementhasimprovedtheformsofinternaldirectdemocracystronglywantedbyitsleader,thecomedianBeppeGrillo.Infact,FiveStarsisthe only political actor in Italy that has promised a revolution in terms of politicalparticipation through the implementation of practices of online direct democracy.Thepaperdiscussesthemodelsofdemocracyinideologicalandpracticalterms,aswellastherole of Internet in the constitution, the identity and the organization of the Five StarMovement.The research question deals with a better conceptualization of democraticrhetoric and praxis adopted by the Five Stars Movement; secondly, the paper tries todiscern how activists perceive these two components. This means to explore to whatextent Internet is considered central for theMovement collective identity and towhatextentactivistsperceive the contradictionsbetween theMovement rhetoric andpraxis.The paper has three parts: the first one discusses -from a theoretical perspective- thecurrentmodelsofDemocracypresentinliterature,byrelatingthemwiththeraiseofFiveStarsMovementandtherhetoricoftheleadership.Secondly,thepaperpresentsasimplequantitative analysis of “Lex” -the web-portal of Five Stars dedicated to legislativediscussion-,whichisbasedonadetectionconductedonFebruary2016.Finallythepaperpresents the results of an investigation of activists’ perception, based on interviewscollectedlastyearatseveralMeetupinTuscany.

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Alessandro Albertini is PhD Candidate in Political Science at Sant’Anna School ofAdvancedStudiesinPisa.IgotaBachelorandaMaster’sdegreeinPoliticalScienceandInternationalRelationsattheUniversityofPisa.Iamcurrentlystudyingthemainpopulistparties inSouthernandEasternEuropewith focusonorganizationandcommunicationstrategies.

OccupyCopenhagen-FluidarityandthePublicExperienceoftheselfin

Action?

BarbaraFersch,KlausLevinsen-DepartmentofSociology,EnvironmentalandBusinessEconomics-UniversityofSouthernDenmark

InthispaperweaimtoshedlightonOccupyCopenhagenthatquicklygrewinthewakeofthe international Occupy movement in 2011, and also more or less vanished shortlythereafter.Based on an ethnographic field study and qualitative interviews with Occupiers inCopenhagen, Denmark we use the theoretical concept of “fluidarity” (Castells, 1996;McDonald,2002):Manyoftheoutlinedcharacteristics,suchasthecreationofone’sownspace, the rejection of delegation or a shared struggle for personal experiences couldindeedbefoundintheempiricalmaterial.Inparticularwepayattentiontothequestionofhow ideologicaldiversityand the lackofashared identityaffectsstreetprotests likeOccupyCopenhagen.Inthecontextoftheshortlifespanoftheactivismwealsowantraisea critical discussion of the potential consequences of fluidarity: Asmuch as these newcharacteristicsmighthavebeenimportantfortheinitialattractiontoandtheriseofthemovement,theymightalsohaveplayedaroleinitsquickdissolutionandfall?

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KlausLevinsen (PhD inpolitical science) isAssociateProfessor of political sociology attheDepartmentofSociology,EnvironmentalandBusinessEconomicsatSDU,Denmark.His research interests include political attitudes and behaviour, civil society, voluntaryassociations, youth civic engagement, and youth and media. Most recently he haspublished on these issues inSociological Review,Journal of Elections, Public Opinion &Parties,JournalofYouthStudies,ScandinavianPoliticalStudies.Heisamongtheeditorsofthe Danish journal of sociologyDansk Sociologi. Currently he is involved in a researchprojectfocusingonrelationsbetweenvoluntaryassociationsandthepublicsector.

TheNuitDebout:adirectDemocracyexperimentattheTimeofglobalCrisis

GiulianaSorci-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

Theoutbreakofthe2008financialcrisisonagloballevelraisedanewstormofprotestsandmobilizationsorganizedbysocialmovementsat transnational level.FromtheArabSpringof2011toOccupyWallStreet,fromthemovementofIndignados,15M,uptotherecentFrenchNuitDebout,thesemovementshavebeencharacterizedbytheoppositionto the austerity policies promoted by the governments, both at the national orsupranational level on the one hand, and by the criticism of the representativedemocracy,ontheother,astheexpressionoftheélitesingovernmentsthatlessandlessseemtorepresentthegeneralwilloftheircitizens.Moreover,ithasalsobeenhighlightedtheneedforthesesocialmovementstoexperimentwithnewformsofactiveparticipationanddirectdemocracy,which shouldbemore inclusiveandcouldbetter respond to theneedsofpoliticalparticipationandactivecitizenship.ThesenewformsusetheInternet,web2.0andsocialnetworksasnewtoolsofparticipation.InthispaperIwillpresentthefirst results of an ongoing research focused on the analysis of the decision – makingprocess,andinparticularthevotingprocess,developedbytheNuitDeboutmovementinParis in the spring of 2016,within thewidermovement against the Loi Travail of theHollande–Vallsgovernment.Fromamethodologicalpointofview,Iwillmakeuseoftheanalysisofdocumentsproducedbythemovement,aseriesofqualitativesemi-structuredinterviews, the social network analysis, the participant observation of managementtechniquesofmeetingsandcommitteesorganizedbytheNuitDebout.

***

Giuliana Sorci, I’m 36 years old, and I’m a Phd student in Political Science at theUniversityofCatania.I’vestudiedattheEuropeanHighschoolinPalermoandin2001Imoved to Pisa, where I lived for seven years to attend the university. I graduated inInternationalRelationshipandthenContemporaryHistoryasMaster'sDegree.Fouryearsago Ipublishedabook titled“SocialNetworks :newsystemsofsurveillanceand social control”. Last year, I attended the Sisp and Ais Conferences as papergiver. Ipresented two papers entitled "Alternative Media Practices: The Case Study of NuitDebout"and“TheNuitDebout:adirectdemocracyexperimentatthetimeofglobalcrisis”.Thesepaperswillbepublishedascongressionalacts.Moreover,sinceDecember2016,Itook part in the project “Anticorrp UE7- PQ Cooperation” (Anticorruption PoliciesRevisioned–GlobalTrendsandEuropeanResponsetothechallengeofcorruption)asaresearcher.WhatismoreIamPresidentofaculturalassociationcalled“Zabut”whichisinvolvedinorganizingculturalevents.

TheAmbivalenceofthe“People”inPost-CrisisandAnti-AusterityMobilizations

IonAndoniDelAmo-UniversityoftheBasqueCountry(UPV/EHU),ArkaitzLetamendia-UniversityoftheBasqueCountry(UPV/EHU),JasónDiaux-UniversityoftheBasqueCountry

(UPV/EHU)The "people" as the revolutionary subject constitutes the mobilizing imaginary of thebourgeois revolutions, then exalted by the romanticism as people-nation. Marxism isgoing to reject the idea of people as ambiguous: the proletariat is, by its subordinatestructural position, the subject of change, since nothing has to be lost, except for thechains. This formulation is rewritten and extended during the 1960s to all thoseoppressedsubjects:blacks,women,homosexuals,ethnicminorities,orevenyoungpeopleand students. The political imaginary is rewritten as a concatenation of oppressedsubjects, each from its politicized identity and its own socialmovement.However, thisfunction is complicatedwhen thepostmoderncultural logic starts to functionbasedonthe acceptance of identity pluralities: they are framed in themulticulturalist logic andmanagedbythepost-politics.At thesametime, the fragmentationof therealmofworkduring post-Fordism makes it difficult not only the workers' identity, but the stablearticulationitself.Fromthecycleofprotestsof2011anewscenarioisconfigured.Inthisarticleweinquireinto the construction of the idea of "people" in the post-crisis and anti-austeritymobilizations. It articulates new imaginaries: the idea of the common,without specificpoliticized identities, and the construction of an antagonism to power. This implies arupture with the previous imaginaries of the social movements, but also with thepostmodern multicultural logic. However, the ambiguities of the concept of peoplereappear:antagonismcanbedirectedagainsttheEuropeanorstateelites,butalsodown,againsttheforeigner.

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IonAndoniDelAmoholdsaPhDinSocialCommunicationandteachesattheUniversityoftheBasqueCountry(UPV/EHU).He isauthorofvarious individualandcollectiveworksaboutsocialmovements,musicandICTs.Arkaitz Letamendia holds a PhD in Sociology and is a teacher at the University of theBasque Country (UPV/EHU). He is author of several works in the realm of socialmovements,culturalsociologyandpoliticalsociology.Jason Diaux is a PhD Candidate in Sociology (University of the Basque Country,UPV/EHU).He is author and co-author of various academic publications aboutmusic, subculturesandalternativemedia.

Post-neoliberalDemocracy?SocialMovements,socialisedlivelihoodandpoliticalCommunity

BarryGills-UniversityofHelsinki(Finland),JamesGoodman-UniversityofTechnology

Sydney(Australia),HamedHosseini-UniversityofNewcastle(UK)Theglobaldemiseofneo-liberalismasamobilisingforce,sparkedbytheglobalfinancialcrisis, and unravelling ever since, has created a profound inter-regnum in socialmovement politics. Democratic post-neoliberalism is now ranged against variants ofautocracyandethno-populisminthecontestforasuccessorideology.Thepaperreflectson the prospects for democratic post-neoliberalism, drawing on comparable socialmovement texts and accounts of their context, mapping network influence and thecorrelationofrelatedmovementagendas.Itfocusesonvariousdemocraticalternativestoneoliberalismthathaveassertedtheirexistenceandlegitimacybeyondthedominanceofcapital, in antagonism with the untrammelled accumulation of economic surplus. Thepaper draws on the experience of four broad kinds of movement – anti-austerity, leftnationalist,solidarityeconomyandtheeco-socialcommons–toaddressemergentmodesof ‘livelihood’ and ‘political community’.Rather thanexpecting that solutions to today’scrises will emerge fully-formed from these movements, we explore emergentcontestations, not blueprints. Contest over ‘livelihood’ is a primary component: it iscriticalthatalternativesestablishmeansofprovisioningbeyondthe‘market’dependenceoffered by neoliberalism. The paper investigates forms of redistribution and provision,forms of cooperative living and solidarity economy, and ecologically regenerativepractices, all broadly defined against possessive individualism. Second, ‘politicalcommunity’referstotheprocessofestablishingdemocraticpoliticaltraction,throughtheconstruction of political agency and identification, whether new or transformed.Discussionherecentresonthe‘mode’ofresponse,organisationallyandtactically,wheresocial agency is constituted. Here there may be pressures for ‘social protection’ butequally for mutual engagement in cosmo-political and transversal fields of action andmutualtransformation.JamesGoodmanconducts research into social changeandglobalpolitics,witha specialfocusonglobal justice and climate justice.Hedraws fromadisciplinarybackground inpoliticalsociology,internationalrelations,politicaleconomyandpoliticalgeography,andhehaspublishedmore thaneightbooks.He is anAssociateProfessor in theSocial andPolitical Change Group of the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University ofTechnology,Sydney,wherehehasbeenbasedsince1996.In2007hewasoneofthethreeco-founders of the Research Centre in Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, at UTS, which hasgrowntoplayamajorroleinbridgingsocialscienceandcivilsocietyresearchagendas.AtUTS JamesGoodman isactively involved inundergraduate teaching, insubjects suchas‘GlobalPolitics,fromAboveandBelow’,‘RegulatingCommunication:Law,Ethics,Politics’,and ‘Climate Change: Politics and Ecology’. He has supervised 15 doctoral students tocompletion, mainly in the area of non-government organisations and internationalpolitics. Through his academic work, James Goodman has been actively involved in anumberofresearch-basednon-governmentorganisations.Hehashostedconferencesforthe Asia-Pacific ResearchNetwork and has been on themanagement committee of theoverseas aid monitoring group, AidWatch, since 1999. He played a central role in theAidWatchHighCourtcasethatin2010establishedtheconstitutionalrightforcharitiesinAustralia to have a dominant purpose of criticizing and agitating against governmentpolicy.

BuildingDemocracyinthePark:TheRiseandDeclineofNeighborhoodAssembliesintheAftermathofGeziParkProtestsinTurkey

KaanAgartan-FraminghamStateUniversity(USA)

This paper addresses the relationship between urban activism and alternativeimaginations of political community in the Global South. More specifically, by way offocusingonthetwo-yearcareerofoneofthebiggestandmostlong-livedneighborhoodforumsthatemergedfollowingtheGeziParkprotests,thepapertracesthelaborpainsofstreet politics evolving into a peculiar experience of direct democracy in the Turkishcontext,which, borrowing fromLeylaBenhabib, should be seen as “a part of a generaltrend toward a new kind of citizen politics that mobilizes outside traditionalrepresentative institutions.” It was through various political practices in these parkassemblies, the paper demonstrates, that activists (initially from all walks of life yetprogressively losing their diverse composition) developed a new sense of politicalawareness and subjectivity, and as such unleashed a strong potential to lay thefoundationsofanovelpoliticalcommunityinTurkey.Toavoidsuccumbingtounfoundedromanticismabout theseassemblies, thepaperalsopointsoutvarious structural limits(suchasthoseimposedbyover-localizationandtoomuchrelianceonsocialmedia)totheprocessofactivists’political subjectificationand theemergingpolitical community,andproblematizes the mobilizational capacity and the political horizon of this distinctdemocraticexperiment.

***

Kaan Agartanis Assistant professor of Sociology at Framingham State University. Hisauthored and co-authored articles appeared inJournal of Balkan and Near EasternStudies,Sociology Compass,European Journal of Turkish Studies,Global LabourJournalandJournal of International Affairs. He is the co-editor (with Ayse Bugra)ofReading Karl Polanyi for the Twenty-first Century: Market Economy as a PoliticalProject(Palgrave,2007).

ConsequencesandoutcomesoftheRomanianSaveRosiaMontanaProtests

ElizaDanaCoroama-UniversityofBucharest(Romania)&UniversitéParisVIIDenis

Diderot(France)

TheSaveRoșiaMontanămovement in the autumnof 2013 generated the largest streetprotestsinRomaniasincethecrisisof1990.Theseprotestshavereceivedaconsiderablemediaexposure(althoughwidelycriticizedbythemovement)andhaveaffectedpoliticaldecisions,astheminingprojecthasbeendroppedbytheParliamentintheaftermathoftheevents,thusfulfillingthemovement’smaindemand.Since these protests have occupied such an important place in the civil society, thequestionoftheirconsequencesandoutcomescanonlybeaverycomplexone.This presentation attempts to put forward a prolegomenon to this analysis. Keeping inmind the scientific literature on the issue of the consequences and outcomes of socialmovements, the paperwill try to offer a toolkit thatwill consider: i) the effects of thisstate-orientedchallengeronpolicy;ii)thewayprotestshave(re)shapedthemovement’sgroupsandnetworks;iii)theemergenceofnewactivistsubjectivities;iv)theimpactontheRomanianactivistmilieu; v)personalandbiographical consequences;vi) socialandcultural outcomes on the Romanian society, considered in its post-communist EasternEuropean specificities. Taking this last point into consideration, this presentation willraise the questionwhether themostlyWestern theories of socialmovements can fullyaccountforprotestsandactivisminEasternEurope.

ItalianSocialMovementsin“LungoSessantotto”:Citizenship,welfareandRadicalism

ErmannoTaviani-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

ThispaperdealswiththehistoryofthesocialmovementsinItalyintheso-called“LungoSessantotto”, from theoutbreakof the1968 studentmovement to thebeginningof the80’s.The long-term and the radical nature of this collective protest season is an importantcornerstone of the " Italian case". This season of political mobilization spreadby thesocietytothepublicoffices,nevertouchedbeforebysuchphenomena.Thesemovementscreatednew identities, challenged thegovernmentand, insomecasecases, theyusedarepertoire of slogans and forms of violent struggle. In some, rare, contexts thesemovementshadarelationshipwith“RedTerrorism”.Overall, they advanced demands were compatible with a process of enlargement ofdemocracy(anewkindofcitizenship)andwiththeWelfarepolicies.The movement’sradicalisationwascausedalsoby the global economic crisisbeganin1973intheWesternworld.In other words, the radicalism of their narrative, the relationship with violentorganizations, provoked a misunderstanding of their issues and containment’s politicsissuedbytheItalianGovernment.InthispaperIwilldeepen,particularly,treeaspects:theissueofviolence;theissueoftheItalianWelfareatthebeginningoftheWesternWelfare’sdecline,thatstartedinthe70’s;theprotest’snarrativesinthe“LungoSessantotto”.

ClimateMovements:ChallengesforTheory?

JamesGoodman-UniversityofTechnologySydney(Australia)

Mobilisationsonclimatechangehavebeenroutinisedintoglobalpolicynegotiationsfordecades.More recently theirpoliticising logic is cascading throughmultiplying fieldsofsocial life, across environmental protection, fossil fuel politics, energy policy,developmentassistance,healthpolicyandinvestmentregulation,tonameafew.Oncetheproccupation of Global North 'early industrialisers', contestation over climate policy isnowbecominginstitutionalisedacrossNorthandSouth.Yetclimatemovements,andthepolitics they produce, are relatively under-researched,often treated as a sub-variant ofenvironmentalmovementsandnotworthyofseperatetreatment.Despiterecentsignsofchange,thereisstillrelativelylittlereflectiononthelogicofthisemergentfieldofsocialmovementpolitics.Thispaperseekstoaddresstheimplicationsofclimatemovementforsocialmovement theory. Towhat extent do climatemovements challenge the receivedmodels of investigating and interpreting social movements? How far does climate-changedsocietyproducenew typlesof socialmovement,withnewhorizonsandscope,andwithnewtransformativepower?Orareweseeing'moreofthesame'?

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JamesGoodmanconducts research into social changeandglobalpolitics,witha specialfocusonglobal justice and climate justice.Hedraws fromadisciplinarybackground inpoliticalsociology,internationalrelations,politicaleconomyandpoliticalgeography,andhehaspublishedmore thaneightbooks.He is anAssociateProfessor in theSocial andPolitical Change Group of the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University ofTechnology,Sydney,wherehehasbeenbasedsince1996.In2007hewasoneofthethreeco-founders of the Research Centre in Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, at UTS, which hasgrowntoplayamajorroleinbridgingsocialscienceandcivilsocietyresearchagendas.AtUTS JamesGoodman isactively involved inundergraduate teaching, insubjects suchas‘GlobalPolitics,fromAboveandBelow’,‘RegulatingCommunication:Law,Ethics,Politics’,and ‘Climate Change: Politics and Ecology’. He has supervised 15 doctoral students tocompletion, mainly in the area of non-government organisations and internationalpolitics. Through his academic work, James Goodman has been actively involved in anumberofresearch-basednon-governmentorganisations.Hehashostedconferencesforthe Asia-Pacific ResearchNetwork and has been on themanagement committee of theoverseas aid monitoring group, AidWatch, since 1999. He played a central role in theAidWatchHighCourtcasethatin2010establishedtheconstitutionalrightforcharitiesinAustralia to have a dominant purpose of criticizing and agitating against governmentpolicy.

MobilisationandPolitics:ThedynamicsofSocialChange

FedericoSchuster-UniversidaddeBuenosAires(Argentina)

Is social change a result frompolitics?Or is it an embedded property of society itself?Which is the roleplayedon it by socialmobilization?Thispaperaims to analyze thesequestionsfromatheoreticalperspective,butillustratedbyanempiricalconsiderationofacase,namelytheArgentinianeventsfrom1989tothepresent.Takingadvantageofitscomplexityandthediversityofscenerieswecanseeduringthatperiod,wearetostatethe mutual imbrication between political and social, agency and structure in thetheoretical study of social change. What happened in Argentina during those years isquitealaboratoryforsocialandpoliticalstudies,astheconsequenceofneoliberalpolicieson the increase of unemployment, poverty and indigence rates. Within socialmobilization,ourempiricalresearchshowshowlabormobilizationdescendsfrom1993,beingreplaced,since1996,bytheunemployed.During2001and2002ahugeeconomiccrisis derived in social, political and cultural effects, including the mobilization ofunemployed and urban middle classes. People questioned political institutions andsocietyexperiencedaprocessofweakeningofitsstructuralpatterns.Nonetheless,mostcitizensrenewedtheirexpectationsonpoliticalsystemandduring2003almost80%ofthe authorizedpopulationvoted in the elections. Since then, political orderwas rebuiltandsocialandeconomicindicatorswentbetter.Nevertheless,socialmobilizationdidnotdecrease.We’ll try toexplainwhy thishappened,establishing theconnectionsbetweensocial mobilization and political action, underlying the way in which social structuralconditionsandagencypotentialaremutuallyimplied,includingclass,socialmobilizationandpolitics.

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Federico SCHUSTER, PhD. Full Professor of Philosophy andMethods of Social Sciences,Director of the Group of Studies on Social Protest and Collective Action (GEPSAC).InstitutoGinoGermani,FacultaddeCienciasSociales,UniversidaddeBuenosAires.

MaterialCulturesofProtest.MethodologicalIssues

BartoszSlosarski-AdamMickiewiczUniversity(Poland)

Theaimofmyspeechisthepresentationoftheoreticalandmethodologicalpremisesofthe research project „Objects of Protest. Material Cultures of Contemporary SocialMovements”. The main research question is: „what is the role of material objects inprotestmovements?”UsingthecategoriesofActor-NetworkTheory(Callon,Latour1981;Latour 1993, 2005; Serres 2014) I intend to explain the meaning of materiality inprocessesofcontentiouspoliticsandrepertoiresofcontention,usingexamplesofstreetprotestsafter2008(Tarrow2011;Tarrow,Tilly2015;Tilly2006,2008).Therefore,theprojectrequiersanaccurateresearchmethod(thesociologyofthings).Thebasic principle of the chosenmethodology is the process of following specific types ofmaterial objects in different socialmovements after 2008 (which is a reformulation ofLashandLury'smethodofthefollowingofobjects;LashLury2007).Thestudyfocusesonthe lifepathwayofamaterialobjectand its transformations invariousstages, contextsandplacesof its „socialbiography” (Appadurai1986;Kopytoff1986). In the first stage,visualmaterialswhichexistinthephoto-archivesofEuropeanandPolishpressagencies(Doerr, Milman 2014; Philipps 2012) will be examined. The aim of this stage is toconstructthetypesofthingsgroundedintheexistingmaterials(Charmaz2006,Mattoni2014).ThesecondstagecomprisesanethnographicstudyofprotesteventsinPolandandEurope–whichwillbebasedonthespecifictypesoftheprotests'materialobjects(Pink2001). Then, in-depth interviews will be conducted with the „significant others” (orexperts on the connection betweenmateriality and street politics) of the chosen socialprotests–activistswhoaretakingcareofmaterialresources,media-activists,bystanders,participants, opponents, photo-journalists, policemen, and socially engaged performers(Della Porta 2014; Doerr, Mattoni, Teune 2013). In this presentation I am going toconfront theoretical perspectives with methodological assumptions and discuss theprojectinanopenforum.

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BartoszŚlosarski–sociologist,researcheroftheprotestculturesandculturalaspectsofcontentiouspolitics, studentof the Interdisciplinary IndividualStudies inHumanitiesattheAdamMickiewiczUniversityinPoznań,Poland.

SharingSociety:TheImpactsofCollaborativeCollectiveAction

BenjamínTejerina-UniversityoftheBasqueCountry(Spain)

Inrecentdecadeswehavewitnessedaprogressiveweakeningofthemoderatingrolethatthewelfarestatewasperformingoninequalitiesandsocialimbalancesinthecontextoftechnologically advanced societies, which is assuming the gradual abandonment ofmutuality, of social bonds that used to guarantee mutual support and interactionstructurescapableofmakingprecariouslifebearable.Howimportantistoseekcollectiveresponses,andwhateffectsandmeaningssharepracticesandcollaborativeactionshaveforparticipantsandsociety?Theaimofthepaperwillbetopresentonetheoreticalreflectiononcollectiveactionanddifferentexamplesofformsandexperiencesofcollectiveactionswithalowerdegreeofstructuring and organization than social movements, but which have a strongcollaborativecomponentandtrytorespondtocollectivechallenges.This proposal moves away from the concept of collaborative economy and seeksexperiences that are developed in the field of mutual aid, solidarity, the defense ofcitizenshiprights,notonly todo-it-yourselfbutrather todo-it-withothers,actions thatreject competitiveness and are grounded in the concept of collective intelligence (thecollectiveisabletosolveaproblemthattheindividualcannotsolveseparately)andwin-winattitudes.

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Benjamín Tejerina. PhD in Sociology (1990). Currently Professor of Sociology at theUniversityoftheBasqueCountry,Spain,andDirectoroftheCollectiveIdentityResearchCentre.VisitingScholarattheUniversityofReno(Nevada,1990),UniversityofCambridge(UK, 1992), the University of California in San Diego (USA, 1993-1994), the EuropeanUniversityInstituteofFlorence(Italy,2005),CADIS,Paris(France,2010,2013and2015)andSapienza,UniversitàdiRoma(Italy,2011).

Justice,Recognition,andSolidarityinfragileSocieties:theCaseofcivilSocietyGroupsofVictimsofextrajudicialexecutionsinColombiaand

Mexico

CamiloTamayoGómez-EAFITUniversity(Colombia)

Inthispaper,Iwouldliketopresenttheexperienceoftwocivilsocietygroupsofvictimsof extrajudicial executions of Colombia and Mexico from a communicative and socio-politicalperspective.Specifically,IwillfocusontheexperienceofTheMothersofSoacha(Soacha City, Colombia) and The Ayotzinapa Movement (Guerrero City, Mexico). I willexplain how these two civil society groups of victims have been addressing expressiveandcommunicativedimensionsofcollectiveaction toclaim for justice, recognition,andsolidarityinthepublicsphere.Akeyobjectiveistounderstandwhatkindsofcitizenandhumanitarianspacesthesesocio-communicativeandcollectiveactionscanaccesswithinthecontextsofcrime,a lackofsecurityand impunity,andhowtheseactionshavebeenaffectingaclaimforhumanrightsandjusticeinthesetwocountries.Theaimofthispaperis tounderstandhowsocio-communicativeandcollectiveactionsdevelopedbyvictims’groupscanaffectdimensionsofsocialrecognition,trustinjustice,andoperationalizationofsolidarityincontextsofhighlevelsofviolenceandcrime.Theconclusionspresentedinthispaperarebasedon resultsof anarrativeanalysisof28 interviewsconductedwithdifferent members of these two civil society groups between September 2015 andJanuary2017.

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CamiloTamayoGómez isa researcherof theCentre forResearch in theSocialSciences(CRISS) at the University of Huddersfield (UK), Researcher and Lecturer at EAFITUniversity (Colombia) and an Associate Expert of the United Nations DevelopmentProgramme (UNDP)at theLatinAmericanRegionalCentre.Thework thathehasbeendeveloping in recent years focuses on the relationship between citizenship, socialmovements, human rights and communicative citizenship from a socio-politicalperspective. His recent research explores how social movements of victims of theColombianarmedconflicthavebeenusingdifferentcommunicativecitizenshipactionstoclaimhumanrightsinlocalandregionalpublicspheres;andhowtheseactionshavebeenaffectingconstructionsofpoliticalandculturalmemory,dimensionsofsocialrecognition,anddegreesofsolidarityandpowerinColombia.

TheHeartCity.SolidarityastransformativedialogicProcessbetweenCollectiveActors:theCaseoftheReligiousMovementinCatania

AnnaMariaLeonora-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

FromtheverybeginningofthefirstwaveoftherecentmigratoryemergencyinSouthernEurope catholic religious movements and church public lay associations – as thecommunity of Sant’Egidio – intensified their cooperation involving homologous groupsfrom other confessions and religions [Italian Ministry of Interior 2013; 2015]. Thisexperiencefostersmanyissuesaboutthepotentialofthebottom-upintegrationprocessandcooperationbetweengroupsandassociationbelongingtodifferentreligionrealizinga multi-ethnic and inter-religious community still effective in managing the increasingmigration crisis [Kymlicka 2015]. It seems useful to go in depth into these chains ofsolidarities in order to understand potentialities and limitations linked to this socialchangedynamics[Castells2012].Thiswork is focusedonsolidaritydynamicsanalysisof religiousmovementsactivity inCataniabetween2013and2017takingasframeworkofreferencethe2017jointreturnofsolidarityandbrotherhoodamongChristians,MuslimsandHinduofthecity.Inorderto analyse this consolidated practices of solidarity [Ferrante e Zan 1994: 215-250] theresearch design started from the reconstruction of the first-aid presence into the cityterritory(theHeartCity);acampaignofsemi-structuredinterviewstokeyinformantsofthree main religious movements (Focolari Movement for catholic church, the leadinggroupofMosqueofMercyinCataniaandtheValdeseChurchrepresentativesinCatania).The presentation synthesizes results from two work packages, covering a period ofactivity from 2013 to 2017: 1) First interpretation of archival research providinganalytical categories for the further narrative interviews phase; 2) Semi-structuredinterview campaign administered to the representative members of the religiousmovementsandsolidarityassociationsinvolvedintheprocess.Oneaspectof thispeculiarcooperationbetweenreligiousmovementsseemto triggeraspecific social space of dialogue related to solidarity practices managed by differentreligious movement in Catania, realizing a sort of “elective integration” about thisinterreligiousandinterculturalsymposiumamongtheirmembers.

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AnnaMariaLeonora isResearcher in Sociology atUniversityofCatania,DepartmentofEducation.Hercurrentresearchinterestsfollowtwolinescombiningsociologicaltheory-Social Policies and History of sociological thought. She published several articlesconcerningthelinkofsocializationpracticesinfamilyandsocialcohesiondynamics;thesociological theory and ideographic research method. She was member of sociologicalresearch group of SMILEY Project LLP-Comenius 2010-2012 (smileyschool.eu),makingtheoretical guidelines to the social mindedness concept. Between 2008 and 2014 sheserved lectures and laboratory on security key issues inside the course of Sociology ofdeviance.Now, she is research team’member ofUniversity of Catania for the Erasmus+K2A project “Multicultural Schools – Enhancing Cultural and Linguistic Treasure ofEuropethroughTeachers”(multicultural-schools.eu)withduration2015-2018.

Israeli“SocialJustice”Protests2011-2012afterFiveYear:TransformationsandAlternatives

MiriGal-Ezer-KinneretCollegeontheSeaofGalilee(Israel)

Followingnumerousworkers'unionstrikesandprotestsagainstthecostoflivinginthebeginning of 2011, Israeli citizens desperate of welfare state deterioration, begancomprehending the harsh neo-liberal economy mechanisms, and became very angry.Afterward,theyoungfilmeditor,DaphniLeef,openedaFacebookcall forherfriendstojoin a tent protest in Tel-Aviv on "14th July" (Bastille Day) an initiative that spreadthroughout Israel with even families and elderly people joining peacefullydemonstrations,marches and gatherings. Some 800,000 protestors -10% of the Israelipopulation (nearly 8 million then) - participated in civilian demonstrations andencamping through all over the country, andpublic supportwas91% (July 2011). The"SocialJustice"movementhadfivephases:FirstPhase–July2011InitiationoftheSocialProtest;Second Phase – Political Reaction: the Government "Trajteberg Committee" and theProtesters"Spivak/YonaAlternativeCommittee"ThirdPhase–TheSecurityAgendaBackAgain:PMNetanyahuAcceptanceoftheHamasDeal,TheReleaseofPOWGiladShalitandtheIranianThreatForth Phase – May 2012 The Social Protest Raises its Head Again, October 2012"OperationPillarofDefense"againstGaza,January2013ElectionsFifthPhase– JulyAugust2014–"OperationProtectiveEdge"againstGaza,March2015ElectionsThroughthefirstandsecondphases,theIsraelimediacoveragewassupportive,whileinthe next phases, security agenda was forced by political and economic imposition,accordinglyIsraelisdeterioratinginto"lliberal(ill+liberal)Democracy",eventopopulistauthoritariannationaliststate;recently,fromDecember2016,PMNetanyahuisongoingthroughcriminal investigationsrecommendedbytheattorneygeneralandthepolice incorruption suspicions. In recent days the Israeli police, is executing harsh cruel policytowardsitsArabIsraelicitizens(about20%ofIsraelipopulation)withinthegreenline.According to the above analysis of the Israeli "Social Justice" movement phases,transformations in the social, cultural, political, media and ideological fields would bepresented,andalternativeswouldbeexplored.

***Miri (Miriam) Gal-Ezer PhD at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Lecturer inCommunication Studies at Kinneret College on the Sea of Galilee, Israel. Previously,initiatorandheadofaEuropeanresearchgrouponoccupytypemovementsandprotests,and populist movements. Guest editor of Language and Intercultural Communicationspecialissue,andIsraelijournalsspecialissues;recentlypreparinganotherinternationalacademicjournalspecialissueonmediaandmemory.Shehaspublishedininternationaland Israeli journals on topics such as neo-liberalism andmedia, visual communication,documentary, digital genres, memory studies, audience studies, sociology of art andculture, and feminism. She also specialises as an art consultant, program planner,researcher and curator; has initiated and guest-edited special issues of Israeli journals,andanartexhibition(2013-2014)onremembranceandmemory.PreviouslysheservedasprofessionalCommunitySocialWorkerandSupervisorofsocialworkersandworkers’unions; Programme planner, Founder and Director of Art Education Centre, Tel-AvivMuseumofArt;FounderandDirectorofon-job trainingprogramme inCommunicationStudies for high school teachers -OranimCollege, and a Supervisor for theMinistry ofEducationMediaStudiesforteachers.

Re-embeddingSocial:Cooperatives,PoliticalConsumerismandAlternativeLifestyles

LaraMonticelli-ScuolaNormaleSuperiore,Firenze(Italy),TorstenGeelan-CambridgeUniversity(UK),FrancescaForno-UniversityofBergamo(Italy),PaoloR.Graziano

UniversityofPadova(Italy)

Politically inspired lifestyle choices are becoming an important component ofcontemporary social movements repertoire of action and discourse. In the currenthistorical critical juncture characterizing contemporary capitalism, everyday economicpractices of work, consumption and living are being questioned and challenged by agrowingnumberofsocialgroups,communitiesandindividuals.Amongthemostrelevantexperiences, we find the establishment, reconfiguration and revitalization ofcooperatives, political consumerism, communitarian experiments and alternativelifestyles.All thesepracticesshareasteadfastbelief inthe ideaofenvironmental,socialandeconomic‘sustainability’togetherwiththedesiretomovetowardsasocietywhich-in thewords of Amartya Sen - promotes not just environmentalism but also values ofequality,diversity,socialcohesion,qualityof lifeanddemocraticgovernance.Whilethissilentwavemayappearlessdisruptivethantheadoptionofdigitaltechnologiesinrecentyears, everyday politics and economic practices may have the potential to graduallydisrupt the economic moralities underlying the capitalist modes of production andconsumption.Theengineof thisslowbut long lasting transformationcanbe found inatripartitemovement:critiqueofthestatusquo,practicesofresistanceandresilienceand,finally,explorationofpotentialalternativesthroughdeliberativeandcollectivedecisionalprocesses. The paper will discuss how these practices are attempting to ‘embody’ thecritique to consumerist and capitalist societies and has the aim to develop an originaltheoretical framework that combines insights from social theory, social movementsstudiesandresearchonpoliticalconsumerism/alternativelifestyles.

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FrancescaFornoisAssociateProfessorsattheUniversityofTrento.Twoofherongoingresearch interests arepolitical consumerismand sustainable communitymovements.Aspecialfocusintheseareasisontheconsequencesofthespreadofmarket-basedformsofaction for citizens’ participation and mobilization. She has published on citizenparticipation and social movements, conducting research on alternative economicpracticesandcollaborativeconsumption

ReconnectingSocialaroundfood.DiscussingAlternativeFoodNetworksfromaSocialMovementPerspective

FrancescoVittori(UniversityofBergamo,Italy)

Food is becoming an increasingly contested issue and food movements have emergedbothintheGlobalSouthandtheGlobalNorth.Theagro-industrialfoodsystempresentsheftyenvironmental,socialandeconomiccoststhatareoftenbornebylocalcommunities.Whathasbeen labelledby international literatureasAlternativeFoodNetworks (AFNs),aresustainablecommunitymovementnetworksthatareresistingneoliberalfoodpoliticscreatingalliancesamongdifferentactors.AFNsareusuallybasedaroundsmaller,moreenvironmentallyawareproducersandretailerswhoplacetheirproductsinlocalmarketswiththesupportoftheirconsumers.Withinthesenetworkstrustrelationshipsbetweendifferent actors are built around the issue of food quality and sometimes a “moraleconomyperspective”(Morganetal.2008).WithinAFNsbothproducersandconsumersdiscursively contract their cooperative efforts as alternative forms of resistance to thetraditionalmarketplace.Thispaperplacesitselfwithinahugedebatethathasdevelopedoverthepastfewyearsaroundalternative food systems.By combining insights fromsocialmovement theoriesandAFNs literature, thispaperwill focuson themechanisms throughwhich individualget collectively organized inAFNs, organizations shape themeaning of their behaviourandrelationsbothwithinandbetweenorganizationsbecomepoliticized.Toreachthesegoals,severalsourceofinformation,suchparticipantobservationandin-depthinterviewswithkeyactorsinvolvedinAFNs,collectedwithintwodifferentcontexts(amiddle-sizedtownofNorthernItalyandamiddle-sizedtownofSouthernBrazil)willbediscussedandanalysed.

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Francesco Vittori (Bachelor in Political Science, University of Milan; MA inCommunication,Media, Publishing, University of Bergamo) is a PhD Student inHumanCapitalFormationandLabourRelationsatUniversityofBergamo.HisPhD,whichistitled“Feeding the cities. The potential of sustainable agriculture for economic and socialdevelopment”, concerns the roleof SustainableCommunityMovementOrganizations inthedevelopment of collectivepractices of foodprocurement inmarginal areas.Hewaspreviously involvedintheCORESresearchprojecton 'ParticipatoryGuaranteeSystems'(IlSistemaLombardodiGaranziaPartecipativa).

UrbanGardensandlocalfoodCommunities.ACaseStudy

DonatellaPrivitera,SimonaMonteleone-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

Thereisadebateconcerningtheconceptofsharingintheareaofeconomyandpracticesof social life. In fact, initiativesof social sharing can concerngroupsof individualswhofeel that they share something in common such as a place and a wish to share theirresources.While these initiativesmaybenot-for-profitor forprofit, theyshouldaimtoservethecommunityinadvancingmoresustainablefuturesofthecities.The space of community gardens has multiple expressions in images, memories,emotions, identity, and everyday practice. The most physically salient aspect of thesymbolicmeaningof thegardens is their constitutionas carriersof cultureswithin thecitysuchasculinarypreferences,customs,foodscapes,andsocialandpublicinteractions.Thestudy isembedded in the frameworkofurban foodsystemresearch.Theyarealsodefinedaslocalizedfoodsystemswhereproducersandconsumersseekalternativesfrommainstreamglobalizedfoodchainwhichdominateindevelopedcountries.Thestudyhighlights thepracticeofurbanagriculture,especiallycommunitygardensasplaces to practice active citizenship, conducted in 2015-2016 and utilized qualitativemethodswithacasestudy.Ourresearchquestionis:towhatextentisitpossibletoplanandorganizethepublicdebateconnectedtocommunitygardeningpractices?AnexampleascasestudyisthemunicipalityofCatania(southofItaly),whereacommunitygardenislocatedinthesuburbsofthecity,Librino,whichhoststhelargestsocialhousingschemebuilt in the late 1970s with 36.000 inhabitants. This community gardening effortprimarilyaimstorespondtocurrentsocialaspects.Today it’s relevant todiscuss the roleof community-based initiatives in the creationofsustainablegreen cities.Also,basedon somepractical implications itwill bepresentedrelatedtothemonitoringofpolicyeffectsrelatedtocommunitygardens,entrepreneurialactivitiesandurbansustainability.

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Donatella Privitera is Associate Professor (since 2015) at the Course of Tourism,DepartmentofEducationalSciences,UniversityofCatania;shehascarriedoutaresearchactivitysince1992.Priortobecomingafulltimeacademic,shehashadworkexperienceinamultinational company inmarketingarea.Research interests includeGeographyofTourism,EconomicGeography(Localdevelopmentandsustainablecities);agribusiness.She is reviewer of several national and international journal and member in editorialboard of International Journal of Sustainable EconomiesManagement (IGI, Usa). She isauthorofover80publications,2ofwhicharebooks.

EffectsofStateSecularism,catholicIdentity,andpoliticalOrientationinsomemodernIssues

ZiraHichy,GraziellaDiMarco(UniversityofCatania,Italy)

Whentherearediscussionsconcerningtheregulationofsomemodernissues,suchasthepresenceof religious symbols inpublicbuildings, Catholic religious education inpublicschools, regulation of abortion, divorce, contraception, same-sex marriage, embryonicstemcellresearch,RU486,oreuthanasia,thedebateonthesecularismofthestatearises.In this study we examined the ways in which some of these issues, that is attitudestoward technologies involving embryos (pre-implantation genetic diagnosis andembryonicstemcellsresearch)andattitudestowardgaycivilrights(same-sexmarriageand adoption by gays and lesbians), might be affected by attitude toward Statesecularism.Wehypothesizedthateffectsofvariablesoftentakenintoaccountinstudiesabout these issues, that is religionandpoliticalorientation,weremediatedbyattitudestowardssecularState.ParticipantswereCatholicItalianswhocompletedaquestionnairemeasuring the constructs under investigation. Results suggest that secularism has apositive effect on investigated issues, whereas Catholic identity and right politicalorientation had a negative effect. Moreover, State secularism mediates the effects ofCatholic identity and political orientation on attitudes toward gay civil rights andtheologiesinvolvingembryos.These results canbeused topromoteawareness campaigns inorder tomake religiouspeopleunderstandthatthelawsofastatemaynotreflectreligiousbeliefs,astheyneedtoensureequalrightstoallofitscitizens.

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Zira Hichy obtained the degree in Psychology and the Ph.D. in Social and PersonalityPsychologyattheUniversityofPadua.CurrentlysheislecturerofSocialPsychologyattheUniversityofCatania.Herresearchinterestsinclude:determinantsofdiscriminationandprejudice,prejudicereduction,acculturation,methodologicalandstatisticalproblemsofpsychosocialresearch,values,politicalpsychology,andpsychologyofreligion.Graziella Di Marco obtained the degree in Educational Sciences and the Ph.D. inFundamentalsandMethodsofEducationalProcessesatUniversityofCatania.CurrentlyshecontractprofessorofSocialPsychologyatUniversityofCatania.Hisresearchinterestsinclude: discrimination and prejudice, attitude towards disability, political psychology,andpsychologyofreligion.

ThenatureofDemandsandtheMechanismsofSuccess:IndigenousMovementsandOutcomesofStruggleinBolivia

AnnaKrausova-UniversityofOxford(UK)

How and when do social movements ‘succeed’? This paper approaches this perennialquestion of social movement studies by evaluating indigenous people(s)’ collectiveorganisingandprotest inBolivia. Inevaluating the causalmechanisms linking concreteexplanatoryfactorswithspecificoutcomes,itseekstocontributetothedebateaboutthe(intended)consequencesofsocialmovementsboththeoreticallyandempirically.Despiterenewed attention regarding the outcomes of social movement activity, recentscholarshipcontinuestodefineoutcomesindifferentwaysandhasproducedconflictingresultsabout theirdeterminants; inparticular, theeffectof factorsunder thecontrolofsocial movement activists remains controversial. The narrative of Bolivian (and LatinAmerican ingeneral)popularand indigenousprotest in the last twodecades, retold sofrequentlyinrecentacademicwritingwouldseemtosuggestthatthelevelofdisruptionis the single most important factor deciding whether protest is successful or not.However, recent research suggests that we need to pay attention to the nature ofmovement demands, something which has been largely ignored in the literature onmovementoutcomes,withonlyafewnotableexceptions.Thismixed-methodanalysisofboth protest events and socialmovement organisations in Bolivia shows that both thecontent and legitimation (framing) of demands plays a crucial role for the outcomesexperienced,intermsofimpactingexecutiveandlegislativedecisions.Thisisnottodenythe already well-described importance of disruption and political opportunities. Theimpactofthesefactorsoperatesthroughthemechanismsofbotheconomicandpoliticalcost,withthecostofmeetingthedemandsweighedagainstthecostofnotmeetingthem.Thisshowsthatweneedtobringthe focusondemandsback intotheanalysisofsocialmovements,andindoingsoexpandourunderstandingofdemandsandframingandtheirimpactonsocialmovementoutcomes.

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AnnaKrausovaisaPhDresearcherinsociologyattheUniversityinOxford,investigatingidentity-based mobilizations and indigenous people(s)’ social movements in LatinAmerica. This builds on her master’s research on indigenous rights and mutliculturalreformsinBolivia.ShehasalsoworkedonquantitativeresearchonmigrationintheUK,attheCentreonMigrationandSociety(COMPAS)attheUniversityofOxford.Overall,herresearch interests centre on social movements and protest outcomes, identity politics,multiculturalism, and migration; Latin America and Bolivia, and interdisciplinary andmixed-methodresearch.

Scaling-upeverydayPolitics.DilemmasinadvancingprefigurationandPolicyChange

JoostdeMoor,PhilipCatney,BrianDoherty-KeeleUniversity(UK)

Whethercalledprefigurativepolitics,politicalconsumerismorlifestylepolitics,everydaypracticesasmeanstosocialchangeareincreasinglyrecognizedasimportantoutcomesofsocialmovements.However,theiremergencehasalsotriggeredcriticaldebates.Preciselybecauseoftheirsmall-scaleandparticularisticnature,observersquestionthedemocraticpotentialofmovementactivismthatcatersmainlythe(oftenprivileged)actors thataredirectlyinvolved,andmanydoubtwhethersuchsmall-scaleactionshavethepotentialoffosteringbroadersocialchangeatall.Basedonsuchcriticalreflections,thereisgrowinginterest intheconditionsunderwhichprefigurativestrategiescan ‘scale-up’ inordertoadvance broader social change, e.g. by triggering large, government or companysupported projects, or by influencing public or corporate policy. To scale-up or not toscale-up ishowevernotastraightforwardstrategicdecision.Particularchallengesarisebecause the narrative, identity and traditions of prefigurative movements are often atodds with government- and company-oriented strategies. For instance, prefigurativestrategies are often operated by disillusioned groupswhowish to foster social changewhile avoiding interacting with institutions. Thus, while many groups recognize theimportance of scaling-up, doing so can present themwith fundamental dilemmas thatpresent contradictions between different types of strategies and movement goals.Drawing on a case study of environmental movement organizations in GreaterManchester,thispaperexplorestheroleof‘scaling-up’inprefigurativerepertoires.Insodoing, we aim to increase our understanding of the possible contradictions betweenadvancingdifferenttypesofmovementoutcomes,andweaimtoidentifyconditionsthatallowsocialmovementstoovercomethosedilemmas.

Towardsa‘MovementSociety’?CollectiveActionsinPoland,2004-2014

DanielPlatek-PolishAcademyofScience(Poland)

Scholarsarguethatcitizensinadvanceddemocraciesareturningtoprotestsasameansofvoicingpoliticalpreferences.Advocatesofthisperspectiveclaimthatindividualsnowlive in a “movement society”, where protest activity stands alongsidemore traditionalforms of political participation. Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of themovementsociety:(1)overtimeexpansionofprotest;(2)overtimediffusionofprotest;(3)overtimeinstitutionalizationofprotest;and(4)overtimeinstitutionalizationofstateresponses to protest. However, despite the theoretical advances associated with themovement society approach, comprehensive evaluations of the underlying claims arelackinginthecaseofsocietieswhichdonotbelongtothegroupoftheWesterncountries.MypaperremediestheempiricalgapsbyassessingargumentsonPolishsociety.First,aremore individuals participating in protest activities and there ismore protest events inPoland in the last eleven years?, Second, have Polish protest activities become“institutionalized,” as indicated by a shift to non-confrontational tactics in the socialmovementtheory?Third,havestateresponsestoprotestsbecomemoremoderatethan20yearsago?AnalysesbasedonProtestEventMethodologyandsurveysdatawillletmetofalsifythemovementsocietythesisinPoland.

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Daniel Platek, MA in sociology and European Studies, has submitted his doctoraldissertationDynamics of contention in the Islamic public sphere. Iran and Turkey at theturnofthe19thcenturyatthePolishAcademyofScience.HehaspreviouslyworkedintheInstitute for Analytical Sociology, Linkoping, Sweden. His research interests arecontentiouspolitics,collectiveviolenceandextremerightmobilizations.Hismostrecentpublications include Mobilizing on the Extreme Right in Poland (Platek 2017) andInstitutionalizationonthePolishExtremeRight(Platek2016).

NGOsDiplomacies:AnApproachtorethinkglobalSocialMovementsTheCaseofMexico

AntonioAlejoJaime-Flacso-Espana(Mexico)

Thispaperreflectonalternativeapproachestore-thinkglobalsocialmovementsfacingglobalpolitics(McGrew,2014).Mypointofdepartureistherelevanceforunderstandinghowglobal politics (local-global interactions) has tounderstand the transformations ofdiplomacyinaglobalizedworldbeyondtraditionaldiplomacyunderstandingframes.Themain objective of this contribution is to offer one way to identify and analyze thetransnationalpracticesofNGOswithinglobalstudieswithaninterdisciplinaryapproachbetweensociologyofcollectiveactionanddiplomaticstudies.Threequestionsorientthispaper:Whyisrelevanttore-thinkthediplomacybeyondSate-centricperspectives?WhatconceptsareusefultoidentifyandexplainNGOskeytransnationalpracticesframedbycontemporaryglobalpolitics?What analytical approach on sociology of collective action could be developed anddeepenedtocharacterizeNGODiplomacies?Basedon this questions, I present an analytical strategy framework that contributes toidentifyandanalyseNGOspracticesaspartofthesocialappropriationofcontemporarydiplomacy.TheintegralanalyticalframeworkofferedhereaimstosystematicallyanalyseNGOs practices (narratives and activities) as NGOs Diplomacies considering threedimensions: 1.Multiscale Governance Framework Perspective; 2. Global Awareness onAgendas and 3. Transnational Repertoire for Political Influence.Methodologically, thisanalytical framework looks to identify socio-political global phenomena beyondmethodologicalnationalismbutwithoutignoringthatsociologically,andhistorically,XXICentury`s globalpolitics emerged fromstate-nation´sunderstandings.Empirically, I usethe case of Mexico to observe how NGOs are facing the implementation of SDG 2030Agenda.

***

I has a PhD in Political Science at University of Santiago de Compostela. I have been postdoctoral fellowship in the Interdisciplinary Center for Science and Humanities at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México and the International Institute of Social Studies at Erasmus University of Rotterdam. Actually, I am member of FLACSO in Spain and research associated to the Centro de Estudios para la Cooperación Internacional y Gestión Pública in México. Currently, I am engage in research about global politics, diplomatic transformations, NGOs alternatives diplomacies and refugees. Some recent publications are (2017) Binational Activism in North America: Returnees to Mexico in the 21stCentury (Spanish) Comisión Estatal Electoral de Nuevo León and The NGO Diplomacies as transnational activism in the 21st Century (Spanish) in, VVAA (Coords.) América Latina y el Caribe. Entre la Encrucijada hemisférica y los nuevos retos globales. (pp.133-134). Bilbao. Servicios editoriales de la Universidad del País Vasco.

GrassrootsCitizen-ledActivisminVietnam’sauthoritarianone-partyContext

NgocAnhVu(UniversityofBath,UK)

There are certain limitations concerning dominant social movement theories inunderstanding grassroots social movements under authoritarianism. This paper is anattempttomakeaconceptualandempiricalcontributiontotheexistingliteratureoncivilsociety activism under authoritarian regimes. Much of the existing accounts on civilsocietyactivisminVietnamlaymoreemphasisonformalorganisations(NGOs)andtheiractions. There is a significant lacuna in research on grassroots citizen-led activism (i.e.public protests and social movements) in the country. Drawing on the theoreticaldiscussionsofcivilsocietyactivisminauthoritariancontexts,coupledwithmyempiricalencounters,IdevelopedthreekeyconceptsthatIusedtoexamineacitizen-ledmovementwhichhappenedinHanoi,Vietnamin2015..Thepaperfocusesonthe‘TreesMovement’(TM), a very recent broad-based citizen-ledmovement established to protest against agovernmentdecisiontocutdownthousandsoflargeoldtreesliningthestreetsofHanoi.It examines processes through which different informal civilian groups orchestratecollectiveactionstorequestthegovernmenttostopcuttingdownthetrees,aswellastodemandadeliberativeandaccountablegovernment.Italsoexploreswhatthemovementtellsusofthechangingdynamicsofstate-societyrelationsinVietnam.Mostimportantly,however,Iwillusethiscasestudytoarguethatcitizen-ledactivism,anemergingformofcivic engagement, is likely toplay a critical role in effecting changeand (re)structuringstate-society relations in Vietnam. This is because it signals to the political elites howcivilians can orchestrate rightful civic actions to oppose unpopular state decisions andpolicies.TheTMalsosignalstheriseofcriticalgreenactivism,inwhichtheuseofdigitaltoolsandsocialmediaplayakeyrole.DrawingontheTM,Ihighlighthowstrategically-organisednon-violentresistanceopensupopportunitiesforcivilsocietygroupswishingtostanduptothestate.TheTM’schallenginggroups,consideredasinformalstructures(i.e.informalciviliannetworks),mainlyappropriatedinformalchannelsfortheiractivism.Howevertheyalsousedmoreformalchannels.Theystrategicallyarticulatedtheinterplayofformalityandinformality,combiningonlineactivism(throughsocialmediasites)andofflineactivism(streetprotests),building legitimacy for itsactivismthroughappeals totheConstitutionandnestingwithinthestateagendaanddiscourse.Equallynotableaboutthis case is that it is not led byNGOs or any other organised formof civil society. Theimpetusforitscollectiveactionscamefromabroad-basedcoalitionofcitizensacrossthesocietalspectrum.

***I finished my PhD research at the Department of Social and Policy Sciences at theUniversity of Bath (UK) inMay 2017.My research focused on civil society activism inauthoritarian contexts. I explained how civil society groups orchestrated collectiveactions in relation to their degrees of autonomy, positions of legitimacy as well asorganisational structures. I developed three analytical concepts: legitimacy, autonomyand(in)formalityas thedefiningcharacteristicsofcivil societyactivism inVietnamandarguable this framework can be applied in other authoritarian regimes.My firstmajorpublication inVoluntas,Grassroots environmental activism in an authoritarian context:TheTreesMovementinVietnam(Voluntas2017),isanempiricallygroundedanalysisofan organic social movement waged by informal civilian networks to oppose theunaccountablegovernmentdecision tocutdownthousandsof largeold trees lining thestreetsofHanoi.”

AdministratingwithFiveStars

DarioQuattromani,FrancescoCapria-UniversityofRoma3(Italy)

WordsfromSomeMayorsoftheM5S.In2009anItalianpoliticalmovementwascreatedfromthedigitalworld,withatop-downmethod(eventhoughitsrootsmustbefoundinthepreviousyears):theFiveStarsMovement(M5S).Nowadays,theM5ShasbecomeoneofthemainobjectsofstudyinthefieldofItalianpolitics,withparticularattentionpaidtoits uncommon structure and rules, not to mention its post-ideological position in thenationalpoliticalspectrum.Before2009,thispoliticalformationexistedwithadifferentcomposition,basedona formercomedian’sblog(beppegrillo.it),andorganizedthroughthe online platform meetup.com since July 2005: its initial political activity evolvedthroughvalidationofciviclistscompetingforlocalelections(“FriendsofBeppeGrillo”),all of them composed by territorially active citizens. Since its foundation (October 4th,2009),41mayorshavebeenelectedallaroundItaly ,equallysharedbetweennorthernandsouthernregions:someofthemhavebeeneitherexpelledaftertheirelection,orhavevoluntarilylefttheM5S.Nonetheless,mostoftheexistingstudiesonthismovementhavestillnotinvestigatedtheeffectiveactivityofthegrowingnumberofadministrationsruledby the M5S, with an explorative approach. Therefore, this semi-structured interview-basedstudywantstoansweramainresearchquestion:howdoestheM5Sgovern?OnlysomeoftheseMayorswillbepartofthesample,thoseelectedintheperiod2012-2014:thequestionstheyanswerarerelatedtotheprinciplesoflocalgovernmenttheydoreferto, the models of organization/the solutions they do experiment in their cities, theevolutionofacity-levelrulingclass.

***

Dario Quattromani (PhD Student) –Main research interests focus on electoral studies,political movements, deliberative democracy, experimental design, political theory;actuallyenrolledintheDoctoralProgramatRomaTreUniversity.

RulingtheItalianCapitalCitywithFiveStars

RobertoDeRosa-UniversityofTuscia(Italy),DarioQuattromaniUniversityofRomaTre(Italy)

TheFiveStarsMovement(M5S)hasbecomeoneofthemostprominentItalianpartiesinlessthan8years.At thetimeof the2008Romelocalelections, thecivic list"FriendsofBeppe Grillo", its political antecedent, reached an unexpected and positive result thusallowing the election of 4 municipal representatives. That was the first experience ofparticipation in the nation’s capital elections, but in recent years the Roman M5S hasintensively worked and developed. The 2013 and 2016 local election did represent aturningpoint in itsbrief story.Ouraim is topointouthowtheM5Shasentered in thelocal institutions and how it has structured its relationship with the administrativemachine, what level of knowledge did its representatives reach in the localadministration:whatkindofissuesaretheyawareof?Whathavetheylearnedfromthesituations they were involved in, or what do they think they have learned from and,finally,whatdidtheyforgettolearn?Thetheoreticalapproachmustconsiderthetheoryof social interaction (symbolic interactionism) of George HerbertMead (revisited); thetheoryofrecognition(Hegelian)ofAxelHonneth(readapted).Theperiodofanalysisgoesfrom 2013 until spring 2017, and the methods are both quantitative and qualitativeanalyses.DataderivefromtheComunarie2013and2016,theLocalElectionsof2013and2016, the Party Manifesto and the administrative acts between 2013 and 2017,interviewswiththe2Mayorcandidates(inboththe2013and2016elections)andsomeelectedrepresentativesinthesameperiod.

***RobertoDeRosaiscurrentlyaResearchFellowinPoliticalScienceattheNiccolòCusanoUniversity in Rome and Assistant Professor in Political Communication at LUMSAUniversity of Rome and in Audio-Visual Languages at theTuscia University of Viterbo.RobertoDeRosastudiedPoliticalSociologyandPoliticalCommunicationattheFacultyofScienceofCommunicationsatLUMSAUniversityofRomewherein2004heobtainedhisPhD inCommunicationScienceandComplexOrganizations.Hismainresearch interestsfocusonpoliticalparties,socialcapital,politicalcommunicationandpopulism.

TheFiveStarMovementinTurin:FromtheFirstMeet-UpstotheElectionoftheMayor

CeciliaBiancalana-UniversityofTurin(Italy)

Piedmont is one of the first regions where the Five Star Movement (FSM) contestedelectionsandelectedrepresentatives(regionalelections,2010).TurinhostedthesecondV-Day (2008) and in the city the first groups linked to Beppe Grillo participated toelectionsin2009,evenbeforetheofficialbirthoftheFSM.Sincethen,theFSMstructureditselfandcontinuedtocontestelections.In2011,twoFSM'scouncillorsenteredtheTurincity council and one representative entered in each district council, creating a strongorganisation and structuring activists' participation. Eventually, in June 2016 ChiaraAppendinowas elected asmayor, beating the incumbentmayor Piero Fassino and thecentre-leftcoalitionthatruledthecityforthelast25years.So,wecansaythatthecaseoftheFSM inTurin isan interestingone toanalyse formanyreasons:earlypresenceandinstitutionalisation,goodandcontinuumelectoralresults,developedorganisation.Basingonin-depthinterviewswithbothactivistsandprivilegedwitnessesandontheresultsofafieldworkstudyconductedinTurinduring2016,inthispaperIwillsketchthehistoryoftheFSMinTurin–fromthefirstmeet-upstotheelectionofaFSM'smayor–analysinginparticular the changes occurred in three realms: organisation, participation andcommunication.

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Cecilia Biancalana is PhD candidate in Social and political change at the University ofTurin and in Political science at the University of Lausanne. She currently works atFondazioneGiangiacomoFeltrinelli.

The5StarMovementlocalGovernmentinBagheria

MarilenaMacaluso,-UniversityofPalermo(Italy)

Since2014Bagheria(Palermo)hasbeengovernedbythemayorPatrizioCinqueof5StarMovement (M5s). The case study of Bagheria showshow this local governmentworks,focusingonthemovementinstitutionalizationandonthemainproblemsfacedputtinginpracticewithin a representative institution theM5S idea of political reform. Analyzingfirst the local context, the paper reconstructs the Cosa Nostra infiltrations in pastadministrations (Bagheria’s town council was being dissolved because it had beeninfiltrated by organised crime) and their current effects. Then starting from electoralcampaign it illustrates communication strategy and the frames used by the two maincandidates.Furthermore,thearticledealswiththebeginningoftheM5sadministrationofamunicipalitywithseriousfinancialdifficultiesandanunbalancedbudget:akey-pointisrepresentedby the turn in the solidurbanwastemanagement. Firstly, themassmediaemphasizetheyoungageandthebraveryofthemayor,atalatertimetheyprogressivelyfocus on “scandals” of Cinque’s administration with a growing attention of themainstreammedia.ThepaperexamineshowischangedtheactivistbecomingmayorandwhicharethemainelementsofdiscontinuityinBagherialocalgovernment,thechangesandtheconflictsexperienced.

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MarilenaMacaluso (Ph.D inSociologyofLegal andPolitical InstitutionsandAnalysisofthe Administrative Apparatus, University of Macerata) is Senior Research Fellow inSociologyofPoliticalPhenomenaattheCultureandSocietyDepartmentoftheUniversityofPalermo.Since28thMarch2017,shehasobtainedthenationalscientificqualificationasAssociateProfessor in ItalianUniversities, in the sector14/C3-Sociologyof LawandPoliticalSociology(AbilitazioneScientificaNazionale,bando2016).She teachescoursesinPoliticalSociologyinthePostgraduateDegreeCoursesofCommunicationScienceandin Permanent Learning Science (Palermo University). Her main research fields are:deliberative democracy, public consultations andnewmedia; political socialization andparticipation; mafia and power; conversation analysis and nonstandard sociologicaltechniques.Shehasbeenmemberofmanynationalresearchgroupsforprojectsdealingwith the organizing patterns of mafia-like organizations. She has been one of theorganizers of the XXVAnnual Congress of the Italian Society of Political Science (SISP)(Palermo,8-10September2011)andofthethreeeditionsoftheInternationalSeminar“Themafia-likemethod”(2007-2010).Amonghermainpublications:MacalusoM.(2007),Democrazia e consultazione on line, FrancoAngeli; Cardella C., Intilla G., Macaluso M.,Tumminelli G. (2011), Criminal Network. Politica, amministrazione, ambiente emercatonelle tramedellamafia, FrancoAngeli;MacalusoM. (2012),L'analisi sociosemioticadellaconversazione nei focus group. Teoria e metodo, pp. 131, Aracne; Macaluso M. (2015),“Attivisti5StelleaPalermo”,inBiorcioR.(Ed.),GliattivistidelMovimento5Stelle.Dalwebalterritorio,FrancoAngeli;DinoA,MacalusoM.(2016),L’impresamafiosa?Collettibianchiecriminidipotere,Mimesis.

TheStreet,theMarket,theNet:dangersorOpportunitiesforcontemporarySocialMovements?

NiccolòBertuzzi-UniversityMilano-Bicocca(Italy)

Socialmovementshavealwaysbeenconsideredasknowledgeproducers(Casas-Cortesetal.,2008),abletoproposenewwaysofseeingtheworld(Cox&FlesherFominaya,2009)andopenfrontierlands(Melucci,1992).Anyway,especiallyinrecentyears,post-politicalframesemerged(Peck,2012),alongwiththecentralityassumedby individualactors incollectivemobilizations (Micheletti, 2003;Pleyers,2011).Thesephenomenasometimesweakenedthe“real”radicalinstancesofsomesocialmovements,relegatingthemwithinpreciseboundariesof“plausiblecriticism”.ThisisalsooneoftheelementshighlightedbyChiappello&Boltanski (1999) in their seminal essay on the “new spirit of capitalism”,whose real effectiveness also consists in the ability to neutralize proposals that couldeffectitsownfoundation,throughtheconcessionofpartialvictoriestosocialmovementsandinsistingonindividuallifestylesandpersonalculturalrights(Touraine,2004).

Togiveempiricalbase to theseaspects,we’ll considerour researchexperiences,discussing twodifferentmobilizations.On the onehand, theNo-ExpoNetworkprotest,with the related operations of greenwashing and pinkwashing adopted by Expo2015organizationanditsmainpartners.Ontheother,theItaliananimalrightsmovement:inthis case the insistence on critical consumption activity (aka: veganism) is nowadaysconsideredbynumerousgroupsandindividualsasthebesttacticadvocacy,thusmovingframes and actions “from the streets to the shops” (Forno & Ceccarini, 2006) and,accordingtotherecentconnectiveturninsocialmovementstudies(Bennett&Segerberg,2012),“fromthesquarestotheWeb”(Gerbaudo,2012).

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Niccolò Bertuzzi is a PhD in Applied Sociology and Methodology of Social Research(University of Milano-Bicocca). Previously he studied at the Universities of Bologna,Turin,Paris-Sorbonne,Barcelona-PompeuFabraandNaciónalofBogotà,andheworkedon research projects for Istat andUniversity ofMilan.Hismaster thesiswas about therepresentationofbodyandsexualityontheItalianCatholicpress,andhisPhDresearchwasaboutItaliananimaladvocacyasastrategicactionfield;simultaneouslyhefollowedother social movements, protests and forms of participation. During last years hepresented in numerous international conferences and published several articles inscientific journals. His actual main research interests are: political sociology, socialmovementsstudies,culturalstudies,mega-eventsandmixedmethods

DosocialMediamakeProtestpossible?TheImpactofFacebookonMobilizationofSocialMovement“Let’snotgoShoppingtoSupermarkets

JurateImbrasaite-VytautasMagnusUniversity(Lithuania)

Socialmovementsareoftencausedbyopportunitystructuressuchaseconomicandsocialcontexts of a country conditioned by its access to social media. Social movements arecreated by a set of variables that create an interaction effect. Using interviews and acontent analysis of Facebook comments from the four Facebook groups as well ascontent analysis articles in four newspapers, this paper aims to explain the formationprocess of social movements by addressing opportunity structures and mobilizingstructures.ThestudydrawsconclusionthatFacebookwasthemostimportantvehicleofparticipantsmobilization.Users’protest-relatedandmotivationalcomments,inadditiontotheiruseofotherinteractiveelements,helpedtoorganizemassiveprotestsagainstriseof food prices in supermarkets, even if, the social movement did not achieve its goalsbecauseofthelackofmobilizingstructuresandcommunicationstrategies.

‘BuyNothingDay’:somethingmorethanaProtest,somethinglessthanaSocialMovement

GiorgiaMavica-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

Today consumerism becomes a social disease and culture in which the urge to consume dominates the psychology of citizens. People seems spend their entire lives in the pursuit of earning money and spending money. They are attracted to accumulating goods. Goods that often they don’t actually need. The addiction to possession is becoming more and more an insidious habit. Since November 1992 the protest against “wild consumerism” take the name of Buy Nothing Day. This is in opposition to the Black Friday, a day dedicated to the excessive shopping. “Buy Nothing Day” asks to examine the issue of over-consumption, and invites people to buy nothing and spend time in more useful and creative ways. The campaign started in Canada, and gradually spread in over 60 countries in the world. Participation includes Greenpeace that claims the detrimental effects on the environment of immoderate consumption. Greenpeace’s protests move against fast fashion, bringing out several issues such as making clothes typically requires using a lot of water and chemicals and emitting significant amounts of greenhouse gases, today’s trends are tomorrow’s trash, etc. (see Fact-Sheet-Timeout-for-fast-fashion.pdf). The paper aims to have a look at the European dimension of the protest, particularly in Italy, and analyzing the campaign strategies and their relationship with the critical consumption ethics through the activists voices.

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Giorgia Mavica Human Science PhD. She is currently working as researcher in theErasmus+project“MulticulturalSchools–EnhancingCulturalandLinguisticTreasureofEurope through Teachers,” and volunteer at the University of Catania, Department ofEducationinsupporttotheChairofSociology,(TAinthefieldofSociology).Principal research topics: “processes of social inclusion and exclusion through fashion”andconsumerism.

ThePublicConstructionofAnglophoneProbleminCameroon

MireilleManga-IRIC,UniversityofYaoundeII(Cameroon)

The resurgence of the "Anglophone problem" in the Cameroonian national andtransnationalpublic sphere sinceNovember21, 2016as shownby the lawyers’ strikesteachersandstudents’demonstrations in theuniversitiesof theNorth-WestandSouth-WestregionsinCameroon,thesocialmobilisations(concreteandvirtual),theinvestmentofpublicandprivatemedia,moodmovements,ostracismaswellaspoliceinterventions,let us observe a dynamic production, reception and interpretations of descriptive andinterpretative narratives with attempted official solutions that have given the"Anglophone problem" in Cameroon all its individuality and relevance as a "publicproblem". Moreover, if many works have previously paid attention to the problem byaddressing itsorigins (Konings,1996,1997;KoningsandNyamnjoh,2000,2003;Eyoh,1998;Jua,2003)aswellasthevariousmovementsarounditandthechallengesposedbythe demands for National Construction and political leadership since 1990 (Konings,1996), the management strategies (Olinga, 1996) and their opportunistic dimensions(Sindjoun, 1994), there has been no focus on the legitimization process by ‘‘the publicdebate’’ as well. Being the starting point of this paper, our aim is to address what‘‘Anglophoneproblem’’reallyis,consideringthepublicinvestmentsmadeinfavourofitsdefinitionandclarificationbyadiversityofactors.Infactthequestionsare:howcantheso-called‘‘AnglophoneProblem’’bedefined?Howdiditbecomeapublicconcern?Howisitpresented,discussedandargued?WhicharethestepstakenbytheGovernment?

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MireilleMANGAEDIMOisaseniorlecturerandresearcherattheUniversityofYaoundeII,within the Institute of International Relations of Cameroon (IRIC). She holds a PhD inPolitical Science and she is a former research fellow (2007-2010) of the Center forPoliticalStudies(CEVIPOF,Sciences-Po,Paris).HerPhDthesishasputemphasisonPoliticalParticipationof immigrantsandtheuseofICTs.Research domains: Political sociology – Political behavior – Political Communication -InternationalRelationsandPoliticalTheory.CurrentResearchskeywords:Publicsphere–SocialJustice–Pragmatism–Mobilisation–GovernanceofSocialMovements–symbolicinteractionismSheisanISAmembersince2015.AndamemberofRC48since2016.

Citizenshipsfromabroad.TerritorialisationProcessesandCitizenshippracticesinaMediterraneancity

ElisaLombardo-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

Bymeans of the foreign immigrant category, the paper attempt to upset the static andapparentlyclearunderstandingoftherelationbetweenplaceandcitizenship, framingitwithinaprocessualperspective,asaproductofcontextuallyrootedsocialrelations.Theempirical investigationofthisrelationshiprequirestheadoptionofa localizedandlow-scale outlook, and the city is the appropriate context for this aim.Within the city, therequestofinclusionandaccesstowelfareservicesandtheclaimsofrightsarelinkedtoeverydaypracticesandformsofsocialaggregationandsolidarity,whichinturnproducenew links between subjects and between them and the territory where they live.Territorial and relational perspective of citizenship is connected to the partial de-nationalization of the rights and to the greater importance assumed by local andmunicipal levelsofgovernment indeterminingthecollectivewell-being;also, itaimstohighlight the spatial dimension of social phenomena. Spatial movements, residentialconcentration of groups, modes of collective organization, socio-territorial capital linkinextricablycitizenshipsocialpracticesandplaces.Adoptingamixed-methodapproach,integratingquantitativeandqualitativemethods,aswellassocio-territorialmaps,wehadobservedsomeprocessof‘becomingcitizens’inacitycontextofsouthernItaly.

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Elisa Lombardo is Pd.D. in Political Science, title obtained in 2017 at the University ofCatania, Department of Political and Social Sciences. She continues her research onparticipation and citizenship practices of immigrant populations in urban contexts ofresidence,andshecollaboratesinthefieldofSociologyofEnvironmentandTerritoryatthesameDepartment.

ResistingneoliberalDiscourseonSocialandspatialSegregation:ContainerGhettosinPoland

GrzegorzPiotrowski,KatarzynaCzarnota-EuropeanSolidarityCentre,Gdañsz(Poland)

Ourpaperdealswith the establishment of the container settlements inPoland and thegrassrootsresponsetoit:bytheinhabitantsandbypoliticalactivists.Inparticularweareinterested in how local authorities strategically frame housing issues to create socialacceptanceofdiminishingstandardsofsocialhousing inPolandandthe involvementofthemainstreammedia in the process.We are focusing on strategies aswell as tacticalefforts to overcome structural and discursive opportunities emerging in the process oftheanti-containercampaign.Exclusionary discourse about the ‘container ghettos’ becomes a justification for localauthoritiestousesocialcontainersastoolofsocialandspatialsegregationaswellastodiscipline communal tenants. In response of this process activists had to develop newdiagnosticmobilizingframesandputconsiderableeffortintoframealignmentprocessesand forged new alliances with other actors. We analyze the campaign from theperspective of social movement studies, in particular structural theories of collectiveaction.Onesideeffectofsuchpolicies isunspokenracism,whichwe–afterE.Balibar–interpretmostly inclass termsaimedat theeconomicallymaladjusted.Empirically,ourpaper draws upon sociological intervention and 40 in-depth interviews with theinhabitantsofthecontainersettlementsinPolandin7differentcitiesconductedin2008-2012;participantobservationsofthesettlementsandofthecampaignagainstthemduetopersonalinvolvementofoneoftheauthorsaswellasover50photographstakenatthesettlements.Theanalysisisguidedbythelogicofextendedcasemethod.

***

Grzegorz Piotrowski works at the European Solidarity Centre in Gdańsk, Poland andspecializesinthestudyofradicalsocialmovementsandcivilsocietyactorsinCentralandEasternEurope.HeisagraduateoftheEuropeanUniversityInstitute,Fiesole,Italy.

Katarzyna Czarnota - sociologist; social and political activist associated with Poznan’sAnarchistFederation;oneof the foundersandcoordinatorsof thePolishAssociationofTenants;between2009-2013sheconductedresearchoncontainerestatesinPoland;shealsodealswiththephenomenonofsegregationofeconomicmigrantsofRomaorigin;co-authorofstudiesonthevacancyratesinPoznan.SheisaPhDcandidateintheinstituteofsociologyoftheAdamMickiewiczUniversityinPoznań.

Slowlygrowsthegrass–Bottom-upreconciliationinEuskalHerria

TommasoFrangioni-UniversitàdiTorino(Italy)

Thisabstractisthefirststepinre-openinganoldfieldofresearch,aimedatinvestigatingthe roleof variousgrassrootsorganizations in leading toETA (EuskadiTaAskatasuna)permanent cease-fire in 2011, and in shaping the public discourse over violence andreconciliationintheSpanishBasquecountry.Iproposetoconceivesuchorganizationsaspartofabroader“reconciliationsocialmovement”:acoalitionofsubjectswhich,withallduedifferencesinapproachesanddefinitionsofthesocialreality,havebeencollectivelybuildingaprocessofreframingoftheBasqueconflict,promotingtherestaurationofbothpolitical and civic relations and attempting at sustaining reneweddialogic processes ofcollectiveelaborationofasharedmemory(Lederach1997).Iframethisconflictwithanarrativeapproach,throughafocusonthesocialmeaningsofsilence.Silenceishereunderstoodasastrategyandarhetoricaltoolinthehandsofthevarious actors involved in the conflict, but also as a main-frame that allows to sketchvarious phases of the conflict: from the silencing of Basque identity during the Francoyears,totheimpossibilitytospeakagainsttheactivityofETA;fromtheresignificationofsilenceoperatedbyGestoporlaPaz,whoserepertoirewasbasedonsilentgatheringsonthe aftermath of a death, to the talkative attitude of Elkarri/Lokarri, another SMOcenteredon fosteringdialoguebetweenpoliticalactorsandwithin thecivil societyasawhole.

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Tommaso Frangioni is a PhD candidate in Social and Political Change (Università diFirenze/UniversitàdiTorino).He isalsopartofPiccoloOpificioSociologicoandPoiein-lab. His main research interests are: social movements, housing policies and urbangovernance,andthesociologyofeverydaylife.

#italianisenzacittadinanza.Migrantdescendants‘Associationsonthemove’fromInternetStreetstopublicDebate

LianaM.Daher-UniversityofCatania(Italy)

The #italianisenzacittadinanza (Italian without Citizenship) campaign was recentlylaunched bymigrant descendants associations because of the persistence of restrictiveregulationsoftheItaliancitizenshiplaw.Protestsbegunseveralyearsago(2005)whentheG2Network(ReteG2)started toactseveralstylesclaimingaroundthecitizenshipissueandthereforelaunched“L’Italiasonoanch’io” (Iam Italy, too)mediacampaign for therightsof citizenship, involvingseveralkind of collective subjects on the ground (social movements, trade unions, ant-racismnetworks,etc.).The reason why they protest is basically linked to the lack of recognition of equalopportunities,andexclusionfromsocialandpoliticalparticipation.TheyfeelItaliansliketheir peers, but they are formally foreigners like their parents; their being differentinvolves the risk of becoming “second-class citizens”, making their situation twice asprecarious,andmarkingthemoutasdifferentfromtheirItalianpeers.Thesocialpositionof these young people could be seen as a fundamental contradiction/consequence ofmigration.TheyareItaliansbutnotItaliancitizens,oftenaftertheycomeofagebecauseofbureaucracyreasons.ThepaperaimstogiveabroadoutlineofsecondgenerationmigrantassociationsinItalyand thedifferentways theymakenetwork formobilisation; it also aims tounderstandtheirstatusinsocietyandthesourcesofthechoiceofmobilisationasmovements.The above protests will be finally analysed as a challenge to the issue of “nationalcitizenship.”Where the citizenship does not represent only a juridical status, but it isdeeplyrelatedtotheconstructionofthemodernwelfaresystems.Inthissense,migrantdescendantsprotestswillbeseenasthestartingpointofa‘processofcreationofrights’,wheretheconceptofcitizenship isactivelybuilt frombelow,andtheircollectiveactioncouldbeexplainbytheconceptofassociationsonthemove.

***Associate Professor in Sociology, Department of Education, University of Catania.Researchinterests:theoretical,epistemologicalandmethodologicalapproachestosocialmovements and collective behavior; cultural and unanticipated consequences; women’movementsandassociations;youth’collectiveactions;migrations,migrantchildrenandyoung (migrants’ second generation associations and movements, citizenship, andseparatedchildren).Participation,bothasprincipalinvestigatorandmember,toseveralnational and European research projects. Member of the Scientific Committee of theLaboratory of Experimental Design and Analysis of Public Policies and Services to thePerson (Laposs) of theUniversity of Catania and co-editor of the seriesDisembedding.Timesandspacesofradicalmodernity(AracneEditore,Rome).