key+strategies+to+ace+rc
TRANSCRIPT
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How to Ace
Reading Comprehensi
An e-GMAT Live SessionCelebrating the launch of e-GMAT.com
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3 PARTS TO THIS WEBINAR
The Company
The People
12 minutes 100 minutes
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e-GMAT – the company
- Sept’2011 to help non-natives
- 4500+ customers and counting
- More non native reviews.
-
Learning person
- Engage all three
vision, auditory)
- Hire the best and brightest
- Full time dedication
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More non-native success sto
150
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Most # of debriefs
Company Name # of debriefs
e-GMAT 58
Economist GMAT Tutor 7
GMAT Pill 10
Kaplan 14Knewton 9
Manhattan GMAT 15
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About e-GMAT Faculty
1. Learning 2. Teaching excellence 3. Customer Success
99+ percentile on
many exams including
GMAT
• Top Ranker in CBSE
• Topper in BITS Pilani
• Best Expert on GC
• Past – HT editor • 99.98 percentile on CAT
• 770 on GMAT
• 99.90 percentile on CAT
• 98 percentile on GMAT
• 5 years to GMAT teaching experience
• PhD
• Gue
• 10+
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2 Kinds of courses
Verbal Online Verbal Live Prep
World’s most comprehensiveOnline course
World’s most comprehensiveLive course
VLP = VO
+ 3 Work
Improve
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November Batch CalendarS.No Session Name Day Date Session
1 STR1 - How to Develop your Study Plan Saturday Nov 9 7:00
2 SC1 – How to Approach SC Saturday Nov 16 7:00
3 SC2 – Foundation of Sentence Structure Sunday Nov 17 7:004 SC3 – Parallelism Saturday Nov 23 7:00
5 SC4 – Modifiers Sunday Nov 24 7:00
6 SC Workshop (On Demand) Tuesday Nov 26 Anytime (o
7 CR1 – Inference Saturday Nov 30 7:00
8 SC Workshop (Analysis) Saturday Nov 30 9:00
9 CR2 – Pre-thinking and Argument Structure Sunday Dec 1 7:00
10 CR3 – Evaluate Saturday Dec 7 7:00
11 CR4 – Strengthen Sunday Dec 8 7:00
12RC1 - Efficient Reading and Comprehension Wednesday Dec 11 Anytime (o
13 RC2 – Master the Most Challenging Passages Saturday Dec 14 9:30
14 CR5 – Weaken Sunday Dec 15 7:00
15 CR6 – Bold Face Sunday Dec 15 9:00
16 CR Workshop (On Demand) Friday Dec 20 Anytime (o
17 RC Workshop (On Demand) Friday Dec 20 Anytime (o
18 CR & RC Workshop (Analysis) Saturday Dec 21 7:00
19 Verbal Workshop Sunday Dec 22 7:00
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December Batch CalendarS.No Session Name Day Date Session
1 CR1 – Inference Saturday Nov 30 7:00
2 CR2 – Pre-thinking and Argument Structure Sunday Dec 1 7:00
3 CR3 – Evaluate Saturday Dec 7 7:004 CR4 – Strengthen Sunday Dec 8 7:00
5 RC1 - Efficient Reading and Comprehension Wednesday Dec 11 Anytime (o
6 RC2 – Master the Most Challenging Passages Saturday Dec 14 9:30
7 CR5 – Weaken Sunday Dec 15 7:00
8 CR6 – Bold Face Sunday Dec 15 9:00
9 CR Workshop (On Demand) Friday Dec 20 Anytime (o
10 RC Workshop (On Demand) Friday Dec 20 Anytime (o
11 SC1 – How to Approach SC Saturday Jan 4 7:00
12 SC2 – Foundation of Sentence Structure Sunday Jan 5 7:00
13 SC3 – Parallelism Saturday Jan 11 7:00
14 SC4 – Modifiers Sunday Jan 12 7:00
15 SC Workshop (On Demand) Tuesday Jan 15 Anytime (o
16 Verbal Workshop Sunday Jan 19 7:00
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Verbal Live Prep provides more of eve
YES-
-
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3 PARTS TO THIS WEBINAR
The Company
The People
12 minutes 100 minutes
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Tell us about your RC approach
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Passage 1
It i t i t th t h t i ll t l th t ti ll i di ti i h bl f th th
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It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially indistinguishable from those they w
object of regulation were automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale and impl
identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all, automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that c
decent person would recoil in horror—that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must be atavistic and warped
educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensing and car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce ra
cars to ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police, and those special ind
or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have insisted on using over the papromoting any kind of control proposal—no matter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pej
advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it while inebriated. Because these advocates
inherently wrong, they do not believe that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reas
interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitled to any consideration. For instance, Arthur Sch
Horne, Rep. Fortney Stark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserve respect
ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because, they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifesta
or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the National Institute of Justice by the S
Research Institute. From that literature a study derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gu
and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocent creatures, both human and otherwise."
is tantamount to bigotry—for it has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views that inform it the only policy
generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains the most important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is th
many gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobby effectively uses that rhetoric to
gun control is synonymous with "disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this
proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as if their agenda is entirely inspired by t
gun is morally wrong.
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially
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It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation wereautomobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have
insisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —nomatter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature a
study derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
According to some advocacontrol, people own guns
owning guns ultimately leads to gadequacy.
gun owners just want to adjust whence they make a choice that is
guns are weapons that make peopor perverse.
guns have power that can be usedindulge in crimes such as sexual mfrom their sexual inadequacy.
owning guns is a decision that is aabnormal behavior.
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially
Th h ’ i
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It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation wereautomobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have
insisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —nomatter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature a
study derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
The author’s main purposwriting the passage is to:
The author seeks to warn gun-conagenda, although well-meaning alead to gun-owners buying more gadvocates wrong.
The author wants to advocate hownot always uncalled for as it is in tpolice, and those special individuapolice select to receive permits.
The author wants to criticize the acontrol advocates on the basis thatheir estimate of the motivations o
The author intends to put forth thargument proposed by the gun-coclarifying how this argument has lmerits of their agenda.
The author put forth his progresshighlighting how a few gun-controinfringements of the rights of gun
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially Which of the following can
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It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation wereautomobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have
insisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —nomatter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature astudy derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
Which of the following canfrom the passage EXCEPT
Some gun-control advocates look lacking mental abilities to take pro
Some gun-control activists are of gun is very similar to driving a car
Some gun-control advocates do nover the possession of guns inter
to freedom.
There are some gun-control proporely on taking away guns from gu
Gun owners show excessive emotover possession of guns.
Wh t th t h f R
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What is the optimum approach for R
Read and
COMPREHENDthe passage well
enough to create
passage summary
Pre-Think theanswer
Elimin
c
This process improves accuracy and saves time since it minimizes the need to re-
Wh d l f lt i RC?
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Why do people falter in RC?
CommitDo not know how to
approach the question
Cannot comprehend the
passage
Not an active reader
Passage is of
unfamiliar topic
Difficult vocabulary
in the passage
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Apply these key reading strategies on all p
Review all Paragraph Summaries To
Get
Immersed
in the
passage
Summarize
& predict
what’s next
Identify &
quickly go
through theDetails
Unders
Sente
Struct
Shorten
the
technicalterms &
names
Predict the
thoughts
throughkeywords
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially indistinguishable from those they w
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y g y y pp y g y
object of regulation were automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale and impl
identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all, automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that c
decent person would recoil in horror—that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must be atavistic and warped
educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensing and car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce ra
cars to ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police, and those special ind
or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have insisted on using over the pa
promoting any kind of control proposal—no matter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pej
advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it while inebriated. Because these advocates
inherently wrong, they do not believe that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reas
interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitled to any consideration. For instance, Arthur Sch
Horne, Rep. Fortney Stark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserve respect
ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because, they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifesta
or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the National Institute of Justice by the S
Research Institute. From that literature a study derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gu
and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocent creatures, both human and otherwise."
is tantamount to bigotry—for it has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views that inform it the only policy
generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains the most important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is th
many gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobby effectively uses that rhetoric to
gun control is synonymous with "disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this
proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as if their agenda is entirely inspired by t
gun is morally wrong.
I i i h
G h t i ll
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It is a truism to say that gun owners
hysterically oppose controls that are
essentially indistinguishable from those
they would readily support if the object ofregulation were automobiles and not guns.
Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences
in the rationale and implications for
applying identical control mechanisms tofirearms and to cars.
Passage about Guns – owning
Author may present view points
• Pro- gun
• Anti-gun
• Or both
• Gun owners hysterically oppo
• controls that are similar
• that they would s
• if cars wer
instead of
Yet – Change in D
• Guns and cars are different
• So the basis for controls on
• So gun owners are justified
approach to such controls
- gun owners
Above all automobile regulation is not
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Above all, automobile regulation is not
premised on the idea that cars are evils from
which any decent person would recoil in
horror—that anyone wanting to possess such
an awful thing must be atavistic and warped
sexually, intellectually, educationally, and
ethically. Nor are driver licensing and car
registration proposed or implemented as ways
to reduce radically the availability of cars to
ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal
of denying cars to all but the military, police,
and those special individuals whom the military
or police select to receive permits.
Above all – Same Dir
• Explains how the reason behin
different from the reason behin
Nor are –
Same Direction (previous sentenc
• Explains that purpose of car co
from the purpose of gun contro
Infer the meaning from th
• Premise of car regulation is d
premise of gun regulation
• Per passage – car regulation i
the stated idea that actually pe
• They are evil. Any one
awful thing is a disturb
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically
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y g y y
oppose controls that are essentially
indistinguishable from those they would readily
support if the object of regulation were automobiles
and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial
differences in the rationale and implications for
applying identical control mechanisms to firearmsand to cars. Above all, automobile regulation is not
premised on the idea that cars are evils from which
any decent person would recoil in horror—that
anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must
be atavistic and warped sexually, intellectually,
educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensing
and car registration proposed or implemented as
ways to reduce radically the availability of cars to
ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of
denying cars to all but the military, police, and those
special individuals whom the military or police
select to receive permits.
• Yes gun owners have opp
similar controls for guns
• But their difference in vie
this double standard is ju
• The basis for contro
• The purpose of cont
- gun owners
But those are the terms many prominent andB Ch i Di
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But those are the terms many prominent and
highly articulate "gun control" advocates have
insisted on using over the past three decades in
promoting any kind of control proposal—no
matter how moderate and defensible it might be
when presented in less pejorative terms. For
these advocates, just owning a gun is analogous
not to owning a car but to driving it while
inebriated. Because these advocates regard gun
ownership as inherently wrong, they do not
believe that banning guns implicates any issue
of freedom of choice.
But – Change in Dire
• “terms” refer to the argument in
• He introduces a group called
• gun control advocates = G
Detail Informatio• Purpose – Irrespective of the wa
phrase their argument, the crux
same.
Infer the meaning from the
• GCA think that guns are bad.
• So when they compare owning
a car in certain condition – that certainly not a responsible cond
Because – Some cause and eff
• GCA consider gun ownership W
Banning guns does not hamper
Nor, for the same reason, do they think that theN S Di ti
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Nor, for the same reason, do they think that the
interests and desires of those who own, or want
to own, guns are entitled to any consideration.
For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van
Horne, Rep. Fortney Stark, Dr. Joyce Brothers,
and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of
gun owners deserve respect or consideration,
on the ground that gun ownership cannot
involve real choice because, they argue, it is
actually only a preconditioned manifestation of
sexual inadequacy or perversion.
Nor – Same Directi
(they do not believe in previo
• Since GCA regard gun ownersh
do not think that gun owners are
consideration.
Detail Information
Names of people who are GCA.
• GCA use the same argument to supp
• GCA consider owning a gun same a
• GCA consider owing a gun WRON
For instance – Exam• Author will expand on the idea p
“what kind of consideration”
Infer the meaning from the CONT• owning guns is bad.
• Gun owners do not actually mak
owning or not owning guns.
• It happens automatically becaus
reasons (sexual inadequacy and
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gunI f t dd l
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act, a de t ve a a ys s o e ca gu
control literature was conducted for the
National Institute of Justice by the Social and
Demographic Research Institute. From that
literature a study derived the following
description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see
gun owners—as "demented and blood-thirsty
psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain
death on innocent creatures, both human and
otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is
tantamount to bigotry—for it has no empirical
basis in fact.
In fact – adds along same
• Author presented GCA views o
• Now he presents literature findi
• Study presented view of gun ow
“anti-gun” advocates (AGA)
• Gun owners are horrible
Author’s view of AGAAGA view is baseless – no empirica
• AGA view of gun owners presented
• Per the author, AGA view is baseles
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control Of course Author’s
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Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control
scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views that inform it the
only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-
gun rhetoric remains the most important feature of the
public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun
rhetoric of so many gun control advocates that plays
into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobby
effectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners
that gun control is synonymous with "disarmament,"
because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it
appear as if this is really what all proponents of gun
control have in mind when they propose any regulation
and as if their agenda is entirely inspired by the
conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
Of course – Author’s
Not all controls call for disarmame
But – Change in Di
Anti-gun views are most popular in
Explains how gun lobby uses the “a
GCA against GCA.
• Not all controls are anti-gun
• But anti-gun views are most popula
gun control as gun lobby use these
advantage.
For – Presents re
Anti-gun views are most popular in
because these views of GCA are use
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentially indistinguishable from those
h ld d l f h b f l b l d h l k
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they would readily support if the object of regulation were automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks
crucial differences in the rationale and implications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to
cars. Above all, automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decent person
would recoil in horror—that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must be atavistic and warped sexually,
intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensing and car registration proposed or implemented
as ways to reduce radically the availability of cars to ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars
to all but the military, police, and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates have insisted on using over
the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —no matter how moderate and defensible itmight be when presented in less pejorative terms. For these advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to
owning a car but to driving it while inebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently
wrong, they do not believe that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,
do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitled to any
consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. Fortney Stark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and
Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserve respect or consideration, on the ground that gun
ownership cannot involve real choice because, they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of
sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the National Institute of Justice by
the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature a study derived the following description ofthe way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as "demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun
is to rain death on innocent creatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to
bigotry—for it has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views that inform it the only
policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains the most important feature of the public
debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of so many gun control advocates that plays into the hands
of their opponents. The gun lobby effectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is
synonymous with "disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is really
what all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as if their agenda is
entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
• Gun owners have o
similar controls for
• Their difference in
The basis for control
The purpose of contr
• GCA use the same a
all controls.
• GCA consider owni
driving a car badly.
• GCA consider owing
Introduces an argument against gun owners
Shows how the argument is not justified
• AGA view of gun ow
study of literature• Per the author, AGA
• Not all controls are
• But anti-gun views
the debate over gun
lobby use these vie
advantage.
Introduces the group – GCA - that proposed the argument
Presents the views of GCA
Presents views of another category – AGA of GCAStates that such views are baseless.
Reasons out why AG views overpower all GCA views
Shows how gun lobby uses AG views against GCA
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation were According to some advoca
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automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates haveinsisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —no
matter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature astudy derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as
"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
gcontrol, people own guns
owning guns ultimately leads to gadequacy.
gun owners just want to adjust whence they make a choice that is
guns are weapons that make peopor perverse.
guns have power that can be usedindulge in crimes such as sexual mfrom their sexual inadequacy.
owning guns is a decision that is aabnormal behavior.
Detail Question
Gl b l d t il i th i f GCA h b t d t lti l l U POE t fi d th
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CORRECT Reword of following statement in... gun ownership cannot involve real ch
it is actually only a preconditioned man
inadequacy or perversion
Out of ContextPassage does not say anything asexual inadequacy.
iSWATUses similar termsBut in different context
Out of ScopeThe author has not touched on thmotivation to adjust better in the
iSWATPer the GCA – gun ownership is of sexual inadequacy. This choice
relationship
Global detail since the views of GCA have been presented at multiple places. Use POE to find the an
owning guns ultimately leads to getting rid of sexualadequacy.
gun owners just want to adjust well in their society andhence they make a choice that is superfluous in nature.
guns are weapons that make people sexually inadequateor perverse.
guns have power that can be used against perverts whoindulge in crimes such as sexual molestation which stemsfrom their sexual inadequacy.
owning guns is a decision that is an outcome of someabnormal behavior.
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation wereautomobiles and not guns Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale and
The author’s main purpos
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automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates haveinsisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —no
matter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature astudy derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as
"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
p pwriting the passage is to:
The author seeks to warn gun-conagenda, although well-meaning alead to gun-owners buying more gadvocates wrong.
The author wants to advocate hownot always uncalled for as it is in tpolice, and those special individuapolice select to receive permits.
The author wants to criticize the acontrol advocates on the basis tha
their estimate of the motivations o
The author intends to put forth thargument proposed by the gun-coclarifying how this argument has l
merits of their agenda.
The author put forth his progresshighlighting how a few gun-controinfringements of the rights of gun
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Paragraph 1
Paragraph 2
Paragraph 3
Author explains how GCA argument regarding gun owners is
Paragraph 4
and how such argument is being used against GCA
• Introduces an argument against gun owners
• Shows how the argument is not justified
• Introduces the group – GCA - that proposed the argument
•
Presents the views of GCA
• Presents views of another category – AGA of GCA
• States that such views are baseless.
•
Reasons out why AG views overpower all GCA views• Shows how gun lobby uses AG views against GCA
Pre-Thought Main Point
Author explains how GCA argument regarding gun owners is not justified and how such argument is being use
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CORRECT
Captures essence of passage as 1st part – Para 1, 2, 3
2nd
part – Para 4
Out of ScopePassage is not written in advisorIt is not addressed to GCA.Does not talk about any such con
Out of ScopeDoes not contain progressive thinPassage does not say that such i
iSWATDoes not capture the complete eUses similar terms used in the paThe purpose of these terms in thfrom what is stated here.
Partial ScopeOnly captures partial essence as 2,3.
The author seeks to warn gun-advocates that their agenda,although well-meaning and credible, will ultimately lead togun-owners buying more guns to prove the advocateswrong.
The author wants to advocate how the usage of gun isnot always uncalled for as it is in the cases of military,police, and those special individuals whom the military orpolice select to receive permits.
The author wants to criticize the argument proposed by gun-control advocates on the basis that they are overly harsh in
their estimate of the motivations of gun-owners.
The author intends to put forth the inherent flaw in anargument proposed by the gun-control advocates whileclarifying how this argument has led to diminishing the
merits of their agenda.
The author put forth his progressive thinking byhighlighting how a few gun-control advocates have led to infringements of the rights of gun-owners.
Author explains how GCA argument regarding gun owners is not justified and how such argument is being use
It is a truism to say that gun owners hysterically oppose controls that are essentiallyindistinguishable from those they would readily support if the object of regulation wereautomobiles and not guns Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale and
Which of the following canf th EXCEPT
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automobiles and not guns. Yet this irony overlooks crucial differences in the rationale andimplications for applying identical control mechanisms to firearms and to cars. Above all,automobile regulation is not premised on the idea that cars are evils from which any decentperson would recoil in horror —that anyone wanting to possess such an awful thing must beatavistic and warped sexually, intellectually, educationally, and ethically. Nor are driver licensingand car registration proposed or implemented as ways to reduce radically the availability of carsto ordinary citizens or to secure the ultimate goal of denying cars to all but the military, police,and those special individuals whom the military or police select to receive permits.
But those are the terms many prominent and highly articulate "gun control" advocates haveinsisted on using over the past three decades in promoting any kind of control proposal —no
matter how moderate and defensible it might be when presented in less pejorative terms. Forthese advocates, just owning a gun is analogous not to owning a car but to driving it whileinebriated. Because these advocates regard gun ownership as inherently wrong, they do notbelieve that banning guns implicates any issue of freedom of choice. Nor, for the same reason,do they think that the interests and desires of those who own, or want to own, guns are entitledto any consideration. For instance, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Harriet Van Horne, Rep. FortneyStark, Dr. Joyce Brothers, and Harlan Ellison, deny that the interests of gun owners deserverespect or consideration, on the ground that gun ownership cannot involve real choice because,they argue, it is actually only a preconditioned manifestation of sexual inadequacy or perversion.
In fact, a definitive analysis of American gun control literature was conducted for the NationalInstitute of Justice by the Social and Demographic Research Institute. From that literature astudy derived the following description of the way “anti-gun” advocates see gun owners—as
"demented and blood-thirsty psychopaths whose concept of fun is to rain death on innocentcreatures, both human and otherwise." Such a view of gun owners is tantamount to bigotry —forit has no empirical basis in fact.
Of course, disarmament is not the only possible control scheme. Nor are the anti-gun views thatinform it the only policy basis for gun controls generally. But the anti-gun rhetoric remains themost important feature of the public debate over gun control. For it is the anti-gun rhetoric of somany gun control advocates that plays into the hands of their opponents. The gun lobbyeffectively uses that rhetoric to convince gun owners that gun control is synonymous with"disarmament," because the rhetoric of gun control advocates makes it appear as if this is reallywhat all proponents of gun control have in mind when they propose any regulation and as iftheir agenda is entirely inspired by the conviction that owning a gun is morally wrong.
from the passage EXCEPTSome gun-control advocates look lacking mental abilities to take pro
Some gun-control activists are of gun is very similar to driving a car
Some gun-control advocates do nover the possession of guns inter
to freedom.
There are some gun-control proporely on taking away guns from gu
Gun owners show excessive emotover possession of guns.
Global Inference
Question to be solved by POE since we have to find the statement that CANNOT be inferred from the
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CORRECT
Per Para 2 – “For these advocates, just
analogous not to owning a car but to dri
inebriated .” OWNING a GUN is companot USING a GUN.
Can be InferredPara 3 - “…demented and blood-thirsty
concept of fun is to rain death on innoce
human and otherwise.”
Question to be solved by POE since we have to find the statement that CANNOT be inferred from the
Some gun-control advocates look at gun-owners as peoplelacking mental abilities to take proper decisions.
Some gun-control activists are of the opinion that using agun is very similar to driving a car rashly.
Some gun-control advocates do not believe that controlsover the possession of guns interferes with people’s rightto freedom.
There are possible gun-control proposals that do notsolely rely on taking away guns from gun-owners.
Gun owners show excessive emotions toward controlsover possession of guns.
Can be InferredPara 4 – “Of course, disarmament is not
control scheme.”
Can be InferredPara 1 – “It is a truism to say that gun o
oppose controls...”
Can be InferredPara 2 – “Because these advocates rega
inherently wrong, they do not believe th
implicates any issue of freedom of choice
What is the optimum approach for R
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p pp
Read and
COMPREHENDthe passage well
enough to create
passage summary
Pre-Think theanswer
Eliminc
This process improves accuracy and saves time since it minimizes the need to re-
Apply these key reading strategies on all p
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Apply these key reading strategies on all p
Review all Paragraph Summaries To
Get
Immersed
in thepassage
Summarize
& predict
what’s next
Identify &
quickly go
through theDetails
Unders
Sente
Struct
Shorten
the
technicalterms &
names
Predict the
thoughts
throughkeywords
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Passage 2
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differinternal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity, loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the so
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correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which are often perceived as in
the incorporation of evil. Although the term may be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the corre
intergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrism syndrome, in huma
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected with xenophobia, a complex a
sentiment structure involving aversion/dislike and antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everythi
alien represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia and ethnocentrism oppositebut a few voices have cautioned that this need not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable result of ethnocentr
reminds us, usually involves some claim of common ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow e
enhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of other groups can frequently
would be foolish to assume an attitude of hostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insiste
greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a necessary concomitant
While both can be enhanced by competition and external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only
group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to be successful, hostility to outside
ethnic break-down and further hostility and competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural da
threats such as food shortages that may arise from environmental catastrophes enhances ethnic loyalty withou
outside groups, and even when the threat arises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocen
seem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with the overall level of violence
between ethnic groups.
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred is
Which of the following cafrom the passage?
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correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the termmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alien
represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia andethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
from the passage?Ethnocentrism and xenophobia arsince these two phenomena are dfeatures.
Bitterness within one’s own grouplinked with xenophobia.
Hostility toward out-group has nodynamics.
A feeling of kinship within group mgroup hostility.
In-group favoritism and out-groupincreased by the same factors.
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred is
l d i h f h ili i d hi h
With reference to the context, wfollowing options can be inferred
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correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the termmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alien
represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia andethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
g pfollowing extract taken from the
The threshold for adjustment may b
insistence on reciprocity may be gr
It may be easier for the in-group out-group people but such adjustm
pressure by the expectation of ret
It may be more difficult to cooperapeople because there is always a cmatch up to the level of gesture m
It may be more natural to adjust wsuch adjustments are done withou
reciprocity.
It may be easier to adjust within thbe less pressure for returning the
to such adjustments made with ou
It may be relatively easier to adjusis constantly trying to impress othereciprocity of gestures.
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred is
l t d ith t t f h tilit t i t d t hi h
According to results of the recentwork done in psychology which o
/
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correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the termmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alien
represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia andethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
is/are true:
only i
i. In-group favoritism will occu
group hostility.
ii. There is a necessary pre-con
favoritism.
iii. Out-group hostility can be acgroup favoritism, although th
causes may be different.
i & iii
ii & iii
only ii
i & ii
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differinternal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity, loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the so
l t d ith t t f h tilit t i t d t hi h ft i d i
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correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which are often perceived as in
the incorporation of evil. Although the term may be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the corre
intergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrism syndrome, in huma
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected with xenophobia, a complex a
sentiment structure involving aversion/dislike and antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everythi
alien represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia and ethnocentrism oppositebut a few voices have cautioned that this need not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable result of ethnocentr
reminds us, usually involves some claim of common ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow e
enhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of other groups can frequently
would be foolish to assume an attitude of hostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insiste
greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a necessary concomitant
While both can be enhanced by competition and external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only
group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to be successful, hostility to outside
ethnic break-down and further hostility and competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural da
threats such as food shortages that may arise from environmental catastrophes enhances ethnic loyalty withou
outside groups, and even when the threat arises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocen
seem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with the overall level of violence
between ethnic groups.
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of Ethnocentrism = EC
EC
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ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-
group/out-group differentiation, in which
internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,
loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and
the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred
is correlated with a state of hostility or
permanent quasi-war toward out-groups,
which are often perceived as inferior,
subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil.
Simplify the Sentence Structure to • a definition of EC considers it
• in which xyz loyalty to in
correlated with hostility
• which are perceiv
=EC has two features
1. Loyalty within group2. Hostility toward out group
EC
Tough Vocabulary Detail- can
g
1. Talk about more general
definition of EC
2. Discuss the reasons
behind such behavior
Although the term may be new, the concept is
E D i l l h l iAlthough – Contrast
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not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation
between intergroup competition and intragroup
cooperation, which is the core of the
ethnocentrism syndrome, in human evolution.
• EC term is new
• BUT concept is not new
Reiterate the definition of EC by s
1. Loyalty within group = intrag2. Hostility toward out group = i
• Correlation exists between 1 a
Bordering on the extreme, one definition ofethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-
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group/out-group differentiation, in which
internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,
loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the
glorification of the sociocentric-sacred is
correlated with a state of hostility or permanentquasi-war toward out-groups, which are often
perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the
incorporation of evil. Although the term may be
new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw
the correlation between intergroup competition
and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of
the ethnocentrism syndrome, in humanevolution.
Presents definition of EC - Co
1. Love for own group
2. Hostility for outside grou
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are
d d t b i ti t l t d ith
Tough Vocabulary Detail- can be
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deemed to be intimately connected with
xenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-
sentiment structure involving aversion/dislike
and antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the
alien, and everything that the stranger or alien
represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists
even considered xenophobia and ethnocentrism
opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices
have cautioned that this need not be the case.
• EC connected with XP
• XP = dislike towards strange or
But – Contrast
• Some people think they are not
• Describes new term – XP
• XP and EC are connected to each ot
• Some people think otherwise.
• May be next para talks about how th
xenophobia = XP
⇨ some variations of ECXP
States same fact in other words. If
XP and vice versa. Both co-exist.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be
maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable
• Adaptive means practical or adjust
• “mal” has -ve connotation as in ma
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maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable
result of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he
reminds us, usually involves some claim of
common ancestry (real or fictive), and apropensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubt
enhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal
relationships with members of other groups can
frequently be adaptive also, and it would be
foolish to assume an attitude of hostility. The
threshold for adjustment may be higher and the
insistence on reciprocity may be greater, but a
smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Per VDB, EC⇻ XP
•Per VDB, people belonging to theclaim to have common ancestors a
makes it more likely for people of
favor each other.
BUT – Change in Dir
Per VDB, we can’t take it for granted
other group people.
• Per VDB, EC⇻ XP
• Common ancestry increases in-grou
• In-group does not mean out-group h
can exist with out-group people
• So this implies – not practical
More adjustment may be required with
people may expect more in return of co
group people.
Recent experimental work in psychology also
t th t i f iti i t
Also – Same Directi
Passage will say that EC and XP do n
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suggests that in-group favoritism is not a necessary
concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can
be enhanced by competition and external threats,
in-group favoritism should be expected only if
affiliation with the in-group can successfully
counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable
to be successful, hostility to outsiders may be
mirrored by ethnic break-down and further
hostility and competition within the group.
Passage will say that EC and XP do n
Infer the Meaning from Note use of “also” – same direction
If the results of the experimental work say
essentially this line conveys that in-grouphostility are not always found together.
While – Contrast com
Fact 1 – BOTH enhanced by same t
Contrasting Fact 2 – in-group love
Benefit = fighting com
If in-group love doesn't successfu
threat, then the hatred toward
reflected within the gro
Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown
th t th t h f d h t th t i
Finally – Concluding com
Passage will say that EC and XP do n
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that threats such as food shortages that may arise
from environmental catastrophes enhances ethnic
loyalty without increasing hostility to outside
groups, and even when the threat arises from other
groups (external warfare), the associated
ethnocentrism and xenophobia seem to have
different causes-- with the latter being most
strongly associated with the overall level of
violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
g y
Simplify the Sentence Structure to
• Analyses have shown that
• Environmental threats e.g
•
enhance ethnic loya• no increase in hosti
• Analyses have also shown that
• External group threats e.g
• XP and EC coexist
• But because of diffe
• XP is due to l
within the gro
groups.• ⇨ XP is not d
Recent experimental work in psychology alsosuggests that in-group favoritism is not a necessary
f h l Wh l b h
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concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can
be enhanced by competition and external threats,
in-group favoritism should be expected only if
affiliation with the in-group can successfully
counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable
to be successful, hostility to outsiders may be
mirrored by ethnic break-down and further
hostility and competition within the group. Finally,
analyses of cross-cultural data have shown that
threats such as food shortages that may arise from
environmental catastrophes enhances ethnic
loyalty without increasing hostility to outsidegroups, and even when the threat arises from other
groups (external warfare), the associated
ethnocentrism and xenophobia seem to have
different causes-- with the latter being most
strongly associated with the overall level of
violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
• Experimental work presents v
• In- group favoritism no
out-group hostility
• In-group favoritism happens w
threat can be removed
• If no benefit, then no in-group• Hostility within group
• Competition within grou
• Analyses of other data also sho
• EC and XP not necessari
• May be found together in
but their triggers are dif
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group
differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity, loyalty and devotion to the in-group,
and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred is correlated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war• Presents definition
between
Defines EC
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toward out-groups, which are often perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil.
Although the term may be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation between
intergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrism syndrome, in
human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected with xenophobia, a complex
attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislike and antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or
the alien, and everything that the stranger or alien represents. Some sociocultural anthropologists evenconsidered xenophobia and ethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned
that this need not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable result of
ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim of common ancestry (real or
fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubt enhanced by this feeling of kinship. But
reciprocal relationships with members of other groups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be
foolish to assume an attitude of hostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on
reciprocity may be greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a necessary
concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competition and external threats, in-
group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the
competitive threat. If a group is unable to be successful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic
break-down and further hostility and competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data
have shown that threats such as food shortages that may arise from environmental catastrophes enhances
ethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threat arises from other
groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobia seem to have different causes--
with the latter being most strongly associated with the overall level of violence within as well as between
ethnic groups.
between
• Love for own
• Hostility for
• Describes new term
• XP and EC ar
• Some people think o
Defines EC
• Per VDB, EC ⇻ XP
• Common ancestry in
love
• In-group does not m
hostility. Cooperati
group people if it is
• Experimental work
• In- group fav
found with o
• In-group favoritism
competitive threat c
• If no benefit, then no
• Also, they may be fo
certain situations bu
different.
Defines XP. States that EC and XP are connected
Shows that XP cannot be caused by EC (goes against P2)
Provides evidence saying EC and XP are not connected
(goes against P2 and along P3)
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred iscorrelated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior subhuman and/or the incorporation of evil Although the term
Which of the following cafrom the passage?
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often perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the termmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alienrepresents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia and
ethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
Ethnocentrism and xenophobia arsince these two phenomena are dfeatures.
Bitterness within one’s own grouplinked with xenophobia.
Hostility toward out-group has nodynamics.
A feeling of kinship within group mgroup hostility.
In-group favoritism and out-groupincreased by the same factors.
Global InferenceAuthor explains how GCA argument regarding gun owners is not justified and how such argument is being use
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CORRECT
Author mentions this point in las “...with the latter being most strongly asso
of violence within as well as between ethn
iSWATPer the passage, it is not necessary thalways be present together but we caare never found together.In fact, last line of passage presents aEC and XP could be present; their cauthough.
OppositePassage clearly states “While both can b
competition and external threats…”
Opposite“If a group is unable to be successful, hostil
mirrored by ethnic break-down and further
within the group.” From the above extract,
under certain circumstances, the out-grou
duplicated within the group.
Ethnocentrism and xenophobia are never found togethersince these two phenomena are different in their corefeatures.
Bitterness within one’s own group can sometimes belinked with xenophobia.
Hostility toward out-group has no bearing on the in-groupdynamics.
A feeling of kinship within group members promotes out-group hostility.
In-group favoritism and out-group hostility are notincreased by the same factors.
iSWATThe phrase- feeling of kinship - is mentione
but it has been used to talk about in-group
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred iscorrelated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior subhuman and/or the incorporation of evil Although the term
With reference to the context, wfollowing options can be inferredfollowing extract taken from the
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often perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the termmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alienrepresents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia and
ethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
following extract taken from the
The threshold for adjustment may b
insistence on reciprocity may be gr
It may be easier for the in-group out-group people but such adjustm
pressure by the expectation of ret
It may be more difficult to cooperapeople because there is always a cmatch up to the level of gesture m
It may be more natural to adjust wsuch adjustments are done withoureciprocity.
It may be easier to adjust within thbe less pressure for returning the
to such adjustments made with ou
It may be relatively easier to adjusis constantly trying to impress othereciprocity of gestures.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be
maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitable
• Adaptive means practical or adjust
• “mal” has -ve connotation as in ma
• So this implies – not practical
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p p
result of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he
reminds us, usually involves some claim of
common ancestry (real or fictive), and a
propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubt
enhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal
relationships with members of other groups can
frequently be adaptive also, and it would be
foolish to assume an attitude of hostility. The
threshold for adjustment may be higher and the
insistence on reciprocity may be greater, but a
smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Per VDB, EC⇻ XP
•
Per VDB, people belonging to theclaim to have common ancestors a
makes it more likely for people of
favor each other.
BUT – Change in Dir
Per VDB, we can’t take it for granted
other group people.
• Per VDB, EC⇻ XP
• Common ancestry increases in-grou
• In-group does not mean out-group h
can exist with out-group people
So this implies not practical
More adjustment may be required with
people may expect more in return of co
group people.
Comparison stated between the level
of adjustment and expectation of
reciprocity between in-group and
out-group people
Out of Context
Detail Question
Specific Detail – People may have higher level of adjustment with out-group people than with in-group people. Also,
reciprocity from out-group than from in-group people.
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CORRECT
Reword of the stated part of the
Out of ContextDistorts the comparison stated inthreshold for adjustment means tlevel (of) efforts to adjust (with t
iSWATFirstly, out-group adjustment mawith in-group people.Secondly, there is no stated causlevel of adjustment and reciproci
iSWAT
1st portion of this choice is correcthe passage both- higher adjustminsistence on reciprocity are menstated causal relationship betwee
iSWATThere is no stated causal relationlevel/ease of adjustment and rec
It may be easier for the in-group people to adjust with theout-group people but such adjustment is always underpressure by the expectation of return-benefits.
It may be more difficult to cooperate with the out-grouppeople because there is always a constant pressure tomatch up to the level of gesture made by them.
It may be more natural to adjust within the group sincesuch adjustments are done without any pressure ofreciprocity.
It may be easier to adjust within the group and there maybe less pressure for returning the gesture when comparedto such adjustments made with out-group people.
It may be relatively easier to adjust among groups as oneis constantly trying to impress other groups withreciprocity of gestures.
Bordering on the extreme, one definition of ethnocentrism considers it a schismatic in-group/out-group differentiation, in which internal cohesion, relative peace, solidarity,loyalty and devotion to the in-group, and the glorification of the sociocentric-sacred iscorrelated with a state of hostility or permanent quasi-war toward out-groups, which areoften perceived as inferior, subhuman, and/or the incorporation of evil. Although the term
According to results of the recentwork done in psychology which ois/are true:
8/13/2019 Key+Strategies+to+Ace+RC
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p , , / p gmay be new, the concept is not. Even Darwin clearly saw the correlation betweenintergroup competition and intragroup cooperation, which is the core of the ethnocentrismsyndrome, in human evolution.
Ethnocentrism and its canonical variants are deemed to be intimately connected withxenophobia, a complex attitude system-cum-sentiment structure involving aversion/dislikeand antagonism vis-à-vis the strange or the alien, and everything that the stranger or alienrepresents. Some sociocultural anthropologists even considered xenophobia and
ethnocentrism opposite sides of the same coin, but a few voices have cautioned that thisneed not be the case.
Van den Berghe points out that it would be maladaptive for xenophobia to be an inevitableresult of ethnocentrism. Ethnic affiliation, he reminds us, usually involves some claim ofcommon ancestry (real or fictive), and a propensity to favor fellow ethnics is no doubtenhanced by this feeling of kinship. But reciprocal relationships with members of othergroups can frequently be adaptive also, and it would be foolish to assume an attitude ofhostility. The threshold for adjustment may be higher and the insistence on reciprocity maybe greater, but a smart opportunist keeps his options open.
Recent experimental work in psychology also suggests that in-group favoritism is not a
necessary concomitant of out-group hostility. While both can be enhanced by competitionand external threats, in-group favoritism should be expected only if affiliation with the in-group can successfully counter the competitive threat. If a group is unable to besuccessful, hostility to outsiders may be mirrored by ethnic break-down and further hostilityand competition within the group. Finally, analyses of cross-cultural data have shown thatthreats such as food shortages that may ar ise from environmental catastrophes enhancesethnic loyalty without increasing hostility to outside groups, and even when the threatarises from other groups (external warfare), the associated ethnocentrism and xenophobiaseem to have different causes-- with the latter being most strongly associated with theoverall level of violence within as well as between ethnic groups.
only i
i. In-group favoritism will occu
group hostility.
ii. There is a necessary pre-con
favoritism.
iii. Out-group hostility can be ac
group favoritism, although thcauses may be different.
i & iii
ii & iii
only ii
i & ii
Incorrect
Specific InferenceThe question pertains to results of “recent experimental work done in psychology”.
i I f iti ill l ith t t
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CORRECT
Statement II : Ref. (last paragraph):
…in-group favoritism should be expected
the in-group can successfully counter the
The necessary pre-condition is the h
above.
IncorrectThe passage provides information only for favoritism and out-group hostility may not it does not give us any information to concfavoritism will only occur in the absence of
only i
i. In-group favoritism will occur only without out-
group hostility.
ii. There is a necessary pre-condition to in-group
favoritism.
iii. Out-group hostility can be accompanied by in-group
favoritism, although their respective causes may bedifferent.
i & iii
ii & iii
only ii
i & ii
Incorrect
I: Not in the passageIII: Irrelevant section of the passage.
Contents of statement no. III cannot be deriv
work done in psychology but from the cross-
And the question pertains only to the experim
IncorrectStatement II is correct but statement III is no
IncorrectStatement II is correct but statement I is not
How to prepare for RC?
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• Learn the reading strategies
• Practice and master the reading
strategies
e-GMAT RC Course contains special“core skills” files that help you
master reading strategies
• Learn question specifi
• Various types of infere
and structure questio
e-GMAT RC Course contaspecific concept files to he
master each question cate
• Practice on passages of varied
subject mattere-GMAT RC Course contains over 50
passages spanning multiple subject
matter areas to help you become
comfortable.
• Practice with the expe
sessions• Get a reality check of
level through worksh
Special RC sessions and w
included in Verbal Live P
Apply these key reading strategies on all p
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R i ll P h S i T
Get
Immersed
in thepassage
Summarize
& predict
what’s next
Identify &
quickly go
through the
Details
Unders
Sente
Struct
Shorten
the
technical
terms &
names
Predict the
thoughts
through
keywords
3 PARTS TO THIS WEBINAR
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The Company
The People
12 minutes 100 minutes