kerry, kissinger and the other sept. 11
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By Amy Goodman
As President Barack Obamas attack on Syria appears to have been
delayed for the moment, it is remarkable that Secretary of State John
Kerry was meeting, on Sept. 11, with one of his predecessors, Henry
Kissinger, reportedly to discuss strategy on forthcoming negotiationson Syria with Russian officials. The Kerry-Kissinger meeting, and the
public outcry against the proposed attack on Syria to which both men
are publicly committed, should be viewed through the lens of another
Sept. 11 ... 1973.
On that day, 40 years ago, the democratically elected president of
Chile, Salvador Allende, was violently overthrown in a U.S.-backed
coup. Gen. Augusto Pinochet took control and began a 17-year
dictatorial reign of terror, during which more than 3,000 Chileans weremurdered and disappearedabout the same number killed on that
later, fateful 9/11, 2001. Allende, a socialist, was immensely popular
with his people. But his policies were anathema to the elites of Chile
and the U.S., so President Richard Nixon and his secretary of state and
national-security adviser, Henry Kissinger, supported efforts to
overthrow him.
Kissingers role in plotting and supporting the 1973 coup in Chile
becomes clearer as the years pass and the documents emerge,
documents that Kissinger has personally fought hard to keep secret.Peter Kornbluh of the nonprofit National Security Archive has been
uncovering the evidence for years, and has recently updated his book,
The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and
Accountability. Kornbluh told me that Kissinger was the singular most
important figure in engineering a policy to overthrow Allende and then,
even more, to embrace Pinochet and the human-rights violations thatfollowed. He said that Kissinger pushed Nixon forward to as
aggressive but covert a policy as possible to make Allende fail, to
destabilize Allendes ability to govern, to create what Kissinger called a
coup climate.
The Pinochet regime was violent, repressive and a close ally of the
United States. Pinochet formed alliances with other military regimes in
South America, and they created Operation Condor, a campaign of
coordinated terror and assassinations throughout Argentina, Chile,
Paraguay, Uruguay, Bolivia and Brazil. Operation Condor even reached
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onto the streets of Washington, D.C., when, on Sep. 21, 1976, a
former Chilean ambassador to the U.S. during the Allendegovernment, Orlando Letelier, along with his assistant, a U.S. citizen
named Ronni Moffitt, were killed by a car bomb planted by Pinochets
secret police on Embassy Row, just blocks from the White House.
Eventually, under increasing global condemnation and growing
internal, nonviolent resistance, the Pinochet regime was forced to hold
a plebiscite, a national vote, on whether Pinochet would continue as
Chiles dictator. With a resounding No! the public rejected him,
ushering in the modern, democratic era in Chile.
At least two U.S. citizens were murdered during the 1973 coup.
Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi were in Chile to observe the
democratic experience there, working as writers and journalists. Theirabduction and murder by Pinochets forces, with the likely collaboration
by the U.S. government, is depicted movingly in the 1982 Oscar-
winning film Missing, directed by Costa Gavras, starring Jack
Lemmon and Sissy Spacek. On the week of the coups 40th
anniversary, Charles Hormans widow, Joyce Horman, held a
commemoration. The event, hosted in New York City by the CharlesHorman Truth Foundation, attracted hundreds, many who were
personally involved with the Allende government or who were forced
into exile from Chile during those terrible years.
Among those in attendance was Juan Garces, a Spanish citizen who
was President Allendes closest adviser. Garces was with Allende in the
presidential palace on Sept. 11, 1973. Just before the palace was
bombed by the air force, Allende led Garces to the door of the palace
and told him to go out and tell the world what had happened that day.
Allende died during the coup. Garces narrowly escaped Chile with his
life. He led the global legal pursuit of Pinochet, finally securing hisarrest in Britain in 1998, where Pinochet was held for 504 days. While
Pinochet was eventually allowed to return to Chile, he was later
indicted there and, facing trial and prison, died under house arrest in
2006, at the age of 91.
Today, Garces sees alarming similarities between the repression in
Chile and U.S. policies today: You have extraordinary renditions. You
have extrajudicial killings. You have secret centers of detentions. I am
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very concerned that those methods ... were applied in Chile with the
knowledge and the backing of the Nixon-Kissinger administration inthis period. The same methods are being applied now in many
countries with the backing of the United States. That is very dangerous
for everyone.
Rather than meeting with Kissinger for advice, John Kerry would better
serve the cause of peace by consulting with those like Garces who
have spent their lives pursuing peace. The only reason Henry Kissinger
should be pursued is to be held accountable, like Pinochet, in a court
of law.
This article appeared in Truthdig.
Denis Moynihan contributed research to this column.Amy Goodman is the host of Democracy Now!, a daily international
TV/radio news hour airing on more than 1,000 stations in North
America. She is the co-author of The Silenced Majority, a New York
Times best-seller.