just passing through - uwa research repository · just passing through . the archaeology of...

Just Passing Through

The archaeology of settlements en

route to the Eastern Goldfields, Western Australia

Samantha Jane Bolton BA (Hons), BSc

This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The University of Western

Australia

Archaeology, School of Social and Cultural Studies

2009

i

Abstract

In 1892 gold was discovered near what became Coolgardie, Western Australia. The

subsequent gold rush brought people from all over Australia and the world to the newly

established towns of Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie. It is a semi-arid region and daily life was

dictated by a constant search for both water and gold. To service the increasing population

of the Eastern Goldfields, a telegraph line, railway line and water pipeline, known as the

Goldfields Water Supply Scheme, were built. The Goldfields Water Supply Scheme,

designed by C.Y. O’Connor, is a pipeline that pumps water from Mundaring, east of Perth,

to Kalgoorlie, 560 km to the east, and was one of the major engineering feats of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

As a result of people travelling to the Goldfields and the infrastructure built, small

settlements were established along the migration and settlement corridor between Perth and

Kalgoorlie. Some were occupied for a short period of time while others are still occupied

today. The population at these sites was mostly transient, with people staying briefly before

they moved on. The types of settlements included railway stations, pump stations, water

condenser sites and workers’ camps, and provided stopping points along the route to the

Goldfields supplying food, and more importantly, water.

In the late nineteenth century the Eastern Goldfields were a frontier and were settled in a

period of British colonialism and colonisation. These factors, along with the transient nature

of the sites and the people that lived there, affected the types of settlements that developed

and the material culture used. As well as the range of uses, the nine settlement sites studied

in detail were occupied for varying periods, and yet the archaeological pattern was very

similar.

There has been a great deal of work on mining sites in Australia and the United States,

looking at both technology and, more recently, the social aspects. However there has not

been as much work done on other types of sites on the frontier, such as workers’ camps and

stopping points. The settlements on the way to the Eastern Goldfields were established in an

important period of Western Australia’s history. They provide an insight into what life was

like in this harsh environment and how people adapted to living in the region.

The sites were compared with similar sites in Australia and the United States, such as those

occupied during the same time period; were isolated; had specific functions such as mining

ii

and workers’ camps; or were in a similar environment. As a result of the pattern observed in

the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, and the comparison with other

sites, a model for identifying short-term workers’ camps in the archaeological record was

developed. Temporary sites are characterised by few formal structures, very little building

material, a high number of cans, a low number of ceramics and a low number of non-

essential or ‘luxury’ items. One of the most important aspects of this model is that it is not

defined by the presence or absence and relative amount of a single artefact type, rather it is

the combination of all of these factors that defines a temporary site.

Additionally, it is hypothesised that the characteristics are not solely due to the temporary

nature of the sites, but once a settlement starts to become permanent, the population changes,

bringing more women and children. It is a result of this change that the settlement becomes

more formalised, a greater range of amenities is provided and the material culture changes,

resulting in an appearance of permanence.

Daily life at the settlements in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor

was characterised by the transient lives of the people that lived there. The period of British

colonisation, colonialism and expansion of the frontier influenced the settlements that

formed, and choice of material culture was limited due to supply. Although it was known

from historical records that different groups lived in the region, they could not be seen in the

archaeological record, and the factors of colonialism, colonisation, the frontier and

transience resulted in a homogenous archaeological record.

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Table of Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................................... i

Table of Contents .................................................................................................................. iii

List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... ix

List of Figures ........................................................................................................................ xi

List of Plates ........................................................................................................................ xvi

Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................. xviii

List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................... xx

Chapter 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1

Research aims ...................................................................................................................... 7

Thesis structure .................................................................................................................... 9

Note on terminology .......................................................................................................... 11

Chapter 2 The Search for Water and Gold ....................................................................... 12

Location ............................................................................................................................. 12

Climate ............................................................................................................................... 15

Landforms and soils ........................................................................................................... 16

Vegetation .......................................................................................................................... 19

Pre-European settlement .................................................................................................... 24

European settlement ........................................................................................................... 26

Exploration of the study area ......................................................................................... 27

Hunt’s Wells (1864-1866) ............................................................................................. 28

Settlement ...................................................................................................................... 28

Telegraph line (1892-1897) ........................................................................................... 29

Railway line (1894-1897) .............................................................................................. 30

iv

Goldfields Water Supply Scheme (1897-1903) ............................................................. 33

Population .......................................................................................................................... 36

Summary ............................................................................................................................ 48

Chapter 3 Colonisation of the Frontier .............................................................................. 49

Colonisation, colonialism and the frontier ......................................................................... 50

The frontier .................................................................................................................... 53

Models of colonisation ................................................................................................... 56

Colonisation, colonialism and the frontier along the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration

and settlement corridor................................................................................................... 61

Identity and labour ............................................................................................................. 62

Summary ............................................................................................................................ 65

Chapter 4 Recording the Archaeological Evidence .......................................................... 67

Survey and sampling .......................................................................................................... 68

Selecting sites..................................................................................................................... 69

Site survey .......................................................................................................................... 71

Preliminary survey ......................................................................................................... 71

Feature recording ........................................................................................................... 72

Terminology ................................................................................................................... 73

Spatial recording ............................................................................................................ 74

Sub-surface testing ......................................................................................................... 75

Metal can circles and lead testing .................................................................................. 76

Archaeological methods – Koorarawalyee ........................................................................ 77

Collection vs. non-collection ............................................................................................. 79

Artefact recording .............................................................................................................. 80

Metal can collection and analysis .................................................................................. 84

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Post-fieldwork analysis ...................................................................................................... 84

Artefact and site catalogue ............................................................................................. 85

Dating of artefacts .......................................................................................................... 86

Functional analysis ......................................................................................................... 86

Spatial analysis ............................................................................................................... 92

Documentary sources ......................................................................................................... 92

Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 93

Chapter 5 The Archaeological Evidence ............................................................................ 94

Old Doodlakine .................................................................................................................. 95

Historical evidence ......................................................................................................... 98

Archaeological evidence ................................................................................................ 99

Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 115

Karalee ............................................................................................................................. 117

Historical evidence ....................................................................................................... 120

Archaeological evidence .............................................................................................. 122

Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 149

Number 7 Pump Station, Gilgai ....................................................................................... 150



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 168

Koorarawalyee ................................................................................................................. 170



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 179

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Boorabbin ......................................................................................................................... 181



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 194

Woolgangie Condenser .................................................................................................... 196



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 220

Woolgangie Town ............................................................................................................ 222



Discussion and interpretation ....................................................................................... 247

Bullabulling...................................................................................................................... 247



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 267

Coolgardie Paddock ......................................................................................................... 269



Interpretation ................................................................................................................ 275

1890s Afghan camp ......................................................................................................... 276

Another condenser site ..................................................................................................... 279

Sub-surface testing ........................................................................................................... 280

Summary .......................................................................................................................... 281

vii

Chapter 6 Interpreting the Archaeological Record ........................................................ 284

General observations of archaeological material ............................................................. 286

Site occupation periods ................................................................................................ 287

Material culture and subsistence .................................................................................. 289

Colonisation and colonialism ........................................................................................... 304

Frontiers ........................................................................................................................... 308

Identity and labour ........................................................................................................... 311

Overview .......................................................................................................................... 315

Chapter 7 Short-term workers’ camps ............................................................................ 318

Settlement layout and organisation .............................................................................. 322

Structural remains ........................................................................................................ 324

Material culture ............................................................................................................ 327

Identifying temporary sites in the archaeological record ............................................. 332

Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 343

Chapter 8 Life in the Transport Corridor ....................................................................... 344

Reference List ..................................................................................................................... 351

Personal Communications ............................................................................................... 373

Appendix A Sites Visited and Site Types ................................................................... 374

Appendix B Object Record Codes ............................................................................. 378

Appendix C Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Material Culture ..... 383

Building material ............................................................................................................. 383

Asbestos ....................................................................................................................... 383

Bricks ........................................................................................................................... 384

Corrugated iron ............................................................................................................ 385

Galvanised iron ............................................................................................................ 386

Nails ............................................................................................................................. 387

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Glass ................................................................................................................................. 388

Manufacturing method ................................................................................................. 389

Colour .......................................................................................................................... 389

Bottle finishes and bases .............................................................................................. 391

Inscriptions ................................................................................................................... 392

Window glass ............................................................................................................... 393

Ceramics .......................................................................................................................... 394

Cans ................................................................................................................................. 396

Clay pipes ........................................................................................................................ 399

Buttons ............................................................................................................................. 399

Bullet cartridges ............................................................................................................... 400

Appendix D Functional Categories ............................................................................ 401

Appendix E Archaeological Data (CD) ..................................................................... 405

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List of Tables

Table 2.1. Soils found in study area from west to east. Places referred to are shown in Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2 (descriptions taken from McKenzie, et al. (2004):142, 164, 226, 242, 322, 344) ............... 18

Table 2.2. Vegetation systems in botanical districts and subdistricts of the study area from Beard (1981: 185-220) .................................................................................................................................... 19

Table 2.3. Timeline of major events in study area following European settlement (towns listed are shown in Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2) .................................................................................................... 26

Table 4.1. Types used for artefact count .............................................................................................. 83

Table 4.2. Database categories and fields for artefact catalogue .......................................................... 86

Table 4.3. Assumed functions of artefact types for artefact count ....................................................... 91

Table 5.1. Archaeological sites recorded in detail ................................................................................ 95

Table 5.2. Structural features at Old Doodlakine ............................................................................... 101

Table 5.3. Total projected number of artefacts at Old Doodlakine .................................................... 105

Table 5.4. Function of artefacts at Karalee ......................................................................................... 122

Table 5.5. Description of structural features in southern area of site. See Figure 5.17 for plans ....... 128

Table 5.6. Cans with inscriptions at Karalee ...................................................................................... 146

Table 5.7. Function of artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station .............................................................. 152

Table 5.8. Identified structures at Number 7 Pump Station ............................................................... 155

Table 5.9. Function and sub-function of recorded glass artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station ........... 160

Table 5.10. Summary of cans with branded inscriptions at Number 7 Pump Station ........................ 167

Table 5.11. Summary of artefacts recorded at Koorarawalyee .......................................................... 179

Table 5.12. Function of artefacts at Boorabbin .................................................................................. 184

Table 5.13. Uses of food and beverage cans at Boorabbin ................................................................. 192

Table 5.14. Components of structural features at Woolgangie Condenser ........................................ 202

Table 5.15. Total projected number of artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser ...................................... 207

Table 5.16. Number of artefacts by function at Woolgangie Condenser ........................................... 208

Table 5.17. Artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser associated with water ............................................. 209

Table 5.18. Ceramics recorded at Woolgangie Condenser ................................................................. 214

Table 5.19. Function, sub-function and specific function of cans recorded at Woolgangie Condenser ............................................................................................................................................................ 216

Table 5.20. Results of lead test from F73, Woolgangie Condenser ................................................... 219

Table 5.21. Other artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser ....................................................................... 220

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Table 5.22. Capacity of each condenser feature ................................................................................. 221

Table 5.23. Function of artefacts at Woolgangie town ....................................................................... 226

Table 5.24. Summary of structures recorded at Woolgangie town ..................................................... 230

Table 5.25. Summary of artefacts in structural functional category at Woolgangie town .................. 234

Table 5.26. Selected inscriptions on glass artefacts from Woolgangie town site ............................... 237

Table 5.27. Function and sub-function of recorded glass artefacts at Woolgangie town ................... 239

Table 5.28. Previously registered Aboriginal sites in the vicinity of Bullabulling ............................. 248

Table 5.29. Building material at Bullabulling .................................................................................... 254

Table 5.30. Shape of nails used for buildings from Bullabulling ....................................................... 255

Table 5.31. Function of glass at Bullabulling ..................................................................................... 258

Table 5.32. Function of artefacts at Coolgardie Paddock ................................................................... 270

Table 5.33. Results of sub-surface testing. ......................................................................................... 280

Table 6.1. Major sites used for comparison with study area ............................................................... 285

Table 6.2. Number of cans at Goldfields sites in study ...................................................................... 294

Table 7.1. Some possible correlates of two colonising strategies, transient explorers and estate settlers (from Beaton 1991: 216 Table 8-1) .................................................................................................... 319

Table 7.2. Sites with least and most relative amounts of artefact types .............................................. 340

Table 7.3. Model for characterising type sites at short-term workers’ camps .................................... 340

Table A.1. Sites and site types ............................................................................................................ 374

Table C.1. Brick makers in Western Australia between 1893-1949 with initials ‘SB’…................... 379

Table C.2. Date range of transfer-print patterns found in study………………………… ............... ...388

Table C.3. Datable inscriptions on ceramics in study………………………………… ............... …..389

Table D.1. Functional categories used in analysis…………………………………… ............... …...395

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List of Figures

Figure 1.1. Map of study area. Dates refer to when Europeans first established settlements at each place ....................................................................................................................................................... 4

Figure 2.1. Detail of western end of study area, showing places mentioned in text ............................. 13

Figure 2.2. Detail of eastern end of study area, showing places mentioned in text .............................. 14

Figure 2.3. Regions covering study area .............................................................................................. 14

Figure 2.4. Location of Yilgarn Block relative to study area ............................................................... 16

Figure 2.5. Vegetation systems in botanical districts and subdistricts of the study area from Beard (1981: Fig 31 p.125) ............................................................................................................................. 23

Figure 2.6. Map showing location of junction between Swan and Helena Rivers ............................... 25

Figure 2.7. Original railway line showing stations taken from Railway Map of Western Australia (WAGR Commission 1897) ................................................................................................................. 32

Figure 2.8. Ratio of men:women in 1901. Data taken from 1901 census (Fraser 1903: Part X Table 2, 18-26). Major towns are highlighted .................................................................................................... 37

Figure 2.9. Age of total population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44) ........................................................................................................................................................ 38

Figure 2.10. Age of male population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44) ..................................................................................................................................................... 39

Figure 2.11. Age of female population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44) ................................................................................................................................................. 39

Figure 2.12. Birthplace of population for Midland Junction, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 44-45) ........................................................................................................................................................ 40

Figure 2.13. Birthplace of population for Northam, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 46) ........... 41

Figure 2.14. Birthplace of population for Southern Cross, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 46-47) .............................................................................................................................................................. 41

Figure 2.15. Birthplace of population for Coolgardie, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-41) .. 42

Figure 2.16. Birthplace of population for Kalgoorlie, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 44) ........ 42

Figure 2.17. Birthplace of population for study area, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-47) .... 43

Figure 2.18. Birthplace of population for study area by municipality, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-47) ............................................................................................................................................. 44

Figure 4.1. Plan of can circle (F73, Woolgangie Condenser) .............................................................. 76

Figure 4.2. Location of transects at Koorarawalyee (reproduced from Bolton 2006: 8 Figure 3) ........ 78

Figure 4.3. Example of feature showing different zones of artefact concentration .............................. 81

Figure 5.1. Site map of Old Doodlakine .............................................................................................. 97

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Figure 5.2. Town site of Old Doodlakine (reproduced from Spence 2001) ........................................ 100

Figure 5.3. Location of structures (top) and building material (bottom) at Old Doodlakine .............. 102

Figure 5.4. Percentage of artefacts at Old Doodlakine ....................................................................... 103

Figure 5.5. Function of artefacts at Old Doodlakine ........................................................................... 104

Figure 5.6. Comparison of functions at Old Doodlakine .................................................................... 106

Figure 5.7. Percentage of glass colours at Old Doodlakine ................................................................ 107

Figure 5.8. Sub-function of glass at Old Doodlakine ......................................................................... 109

Figure 5.9. Distribution of glass at Old Doodlakine ........................................................................... 110

Figure 5.10. Sub-function of ceramics at Old Doodlakine ................................................................. 111

Figure 5.11. Distribution of ceramics at Old Doodlakine ................................................................... 112

Figure 5.12. Function of cans at Old Doodlakine ............................................................................... 113

Figure 5.13. Distribution of cans at Old Doodlakine .......................................................................... 114

Figure 5.14. Overall plan of Karalee showing location of railway station in relation to reservoir and granite outcrops .................................................................................................................................. 118

Figure 5.15. Distribution of artefacts by function at Karalee ............................................................. 123

Figure 5.16. Location of structures at Karalee. Numbers are feature numbers referred to in text ...... 125

Figure 5.17. Plans of structures in southern area ................................................................................ 126

Figure 5.18. Percentage of material types at Karalee ......................................................................... 131

Figure 5.19. Location of features showing distribution of archaeological material at Karalee .......... 133

Figure 5.20. Percentage of glass colours at Karalee ........................................................................... 134

Figure 5.21. Distribution of glass at Karalee ...................................................................................... 135

Figure 5.22. Dumps at Karalee showing proportion of artefact classes .............................................. 136

Figure 5.23. Sub-function of glass at Karalee ..................................................................................... 137

Figure 5.24. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Karalee ......................................................... 138

Figure 5.25. Distribution of ceramics at Karalee ................................................................................ 139

Figure 5.26. Sub-function of cans at Karalee ..................................................................................... 140

Figure 5.27. Specific function of food and beverage cans at Karalee ................................................. 141

Figure 5.28. Distribution of cans at Karalee ....................................................................................... 143

Figure 5.29. Location of excavation squares at Karalee ..................................................................... 148

Figure 5.30. Vesting plan of Number 7 Pump Station Gilgai showing original location of Gilgai siding (PWD 37664 reproduced in RICH 1999d) ......................................................................................... 151

Figure 5.31. Distribution of archaeological material at Number 7 Pump Station showing location of excavation test pits (TP1 and TP2) ..................................................................................................... 153

Figure 5.32. Function of artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station ............................................................ 154

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Figure 5.33. Distribution of building materials and structures at Number 7 Pump Station ................ 156

Figure 5.34. Artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station by material type ................................................... 157

Figure 5.35. Glass colours at Number 7 Pump Station ...................................................................... 158

Figure 5.36. Distribution of glass at Number 7 Pump Station ........................................................... 159

Figure 5.37. Distribution of ceramics at Number 7 Pump Station ..................................................... 161

Figure 5.38. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Number 7 Pump Station ............................... 162

Figure 5.39. Sub-function of cans at Number 7 Pump Station ........................................................... 163

Figure 5.40. Specific function of cans used for food storage at Number 7 Pump Station .................. 164

Figure 5.41. Distribution of cans at Number 7 Pump Station ............................................................ 165

Figure 5.42. Distribution of dumps containing cans and/or glass at Number 7 Pump Station ........... 166

Figure 5.43. Extent of survey area at Koorarawalyee ........................................................................ 172

Figure 5.44. Occupation areas at Koorarawalyee showing location of F81 and F83 (Area 3) ........... 174

Figure 5.45. Location of archaeological features in Area 1 ............................................................... 175

Figure 5.46. Location of can dumps and general dumps at Koorarawalyee ....................................... 177

Figure 5.47. Areas of material at Boorabbin ...................................................................................... 181

Figure 5.48. Location of archaeological material recorded at Boorabbin .......................................... 185

Figure 5.49. Function of artefacts in occupation area at Boorabbin ................................................... 186

Figure 5.50. Location of structural material at Boorabbin ................................................................. 188

Figure 5.51. Percentage of material types at Boorabbin ..................................................................... 189

Figure 5.52. Percentage of glass colours at Boorabbin ...................................................................... 190

Figure 5.53. Distribution of glass at Boorabbin ................................................................................. 191

Figure 5.54. Distribution of ceramics at Boorabbin ........................................................................... 192

Figure 5.55. Distribution of cans within occupation area at Boorabbin ............................................. 193

Figure 5.56. Site map of Woolgangie Condenser showing location of features and condensers ....... 197

Figure 5.57. Plan of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser ................................................. 199

Figure 5.58. Plan of condenser feature (F99), showing major components ....................................... 203

Figure 5.59. Plan of F12/13 ................................................................................................................ 204

Figure 5.60. Distribution of flaked glass at Woolgangie Condenser .................................................. 206

Figure 5.61. Distribution of water and communication related artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser . 210

Figure 5.62. Percentage of glass colours at Woolgangie Condenser .................................................. 211

Figure 5.63. Distribution of glass at Woolgangie Condenser ............................................................. 212

Figure 5.64. Distribution of ceramics at Woolgangie Condenser ...................................................... 215

xiv

Figure 5.65. Technology of cans recorded in detail at Woolgangie Condenser ................................. 217

Figure 5.66. Location of excavation test pits (TP), can samples and lead samples at Feature 73, Woolgangie Condenser ....................................................................................................................... 218

Figure 5.67. Site plan of Woolgangie town ........................................................................................ 224

Figure 5.68. Distribution of artefacts by function at Woolgangie town ............................................. 228

Figure 5.69. Percentage of material types at Woolgangie town ......................................................... 235

Figure 5.70. Percentage of glass colours at Woolgangie town ........................................................... 236

Figure 5.71. Sub-function of ceramics at Woolgangie town .............................................................. 240

Figure 5.72. Specific function of cans at Woolgangie town ............................................................... 241

Figure 5.73. Distribution of cans at Woolgangie town based on manufacturing technology ............. 243

Figure 5.74. Can and bottle dumps at Woolgangie town .................................................................... 244

Figure 5.75. Location of TP1 at Woolgangie town ............................................................................ 246

Figure 5.76. Map of Bullabulling showing zones of artefact distribution .......................................... 252

Figure 5.77. Distribution of structures at Bullabulling ....................................................................... 253

Figure 5.78. Plan of F650 showing layout of granite blocks .............................................................. 254

Figure 5.79. Percentage of artefact types at Bullabulling by area ...................................................... 255

Figure 5.80. Function of artefacts at Bullabulling .............................................................................. 256

Figure 5.81. Percentage of glass colours at Bullabulling .................................................................... 257

Figure 5.82. Glass colours by area at Bullabulling (raw count) .......................................................... 257

Figure 5.83. Glass sub-function at Bullabulling ................................................................................. 258

Figure 5.84. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Bullabulling .................................................. 259

Figure 5.85. Distribution of ceramics at Bullabulling ........................................................................ 260

Figure 5.86. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling ............................................................................... 262

Figure 5.87. Location of dumps at Bullabulling ................................................................................. 263

Figure 5.88. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling made using old or hole-in-cap/hole-and cap technology .......................................................................................................................................... 264

Figure 5.89. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling made using new technology .................................. 265

Figure 5.90. Location of excavation squares at Bullabulling ............................................................. 267

Figure 5.91. Site plan of Coolgardie Paddock .................................................................................... 270

Figure 5.92. Plan of F4, Coolgardie Paddock ..................................................................................... 271

Figure 5.93. Percentage of material types at Coolgardie dwelling ..................................................... 272

Figure 5.94. Percentage of glass colours at Coolgardie Paddock ....................................................... 273

Figure 5.95. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Coolgardie Paddock ..................................... 274

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Figure 5.96. Areas around Coolgardie surveyed for location of 1890s Afghan camp ....................... 277

Figure 5.97. Comparison of different material types at each site ....................................................... 282

Figure 6.1. Comparison of percentage of artefact types between railway (main and north) and south areas at Bullabulling ........................................................................................................................... 291

Figure 6.2. Comparison of cans as a percentage of total assemblage ................................................. 295

Figure 7.1. Number of regular and non-regular structures by site ...................................................... 333

Figure 7.2. Comparison of percentage glass at each site .................................................................... 334

Figure 7.3. Comparison of percentage of ceramics at each site ......................................................... 335

Figure 7.4. Comparison of percentage of cans at each site ................................................................ 336

Figure 7.5. Comparison of percentage of metal other than cans at each site ...................................... 337

Figure 7.6. Comparison of percentage of building materials at each site ........................................... 338

Figure 7.7. Relative percentage of all artefact types at all sites ......................................................... 339

Figure C.8.1. AGM Inscriptions. Dates of use: a) 1912-1922 b) 1922-1933 c) 1934-1948 (from Burke and Smith 2004 Table A3.1 p.369-370) ............................................................................................. 392

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List of Plates

Plate 2.1. View across granite outcrop at Woolgangie town. Water catchment wall is at base of rock (see p.33) .............................................................................................................................................. 17

Plate 2.2. Example of vegetation in Wheatbelt region (Kellerberrin) ................................................... 21

Plate 2.3. Example of vegetation in Goldfields region (Coolgardie in background) ............................ 22

Plate 2.4. Example of vegetation in Goldfields region (Bullabulling) .................................................. 22

Plate 2.5. Water catchment wall at Woolgangie. Height of wall approximately 0.5m ......................... 34

Plate 2.6. Channel leading from rock to reservoir, Karalee. Scale 1m. ................................................ 34

Plate 5.1. Looking south-east across Old Doodlakine from hill to west of site. Gate on right hand side of photograph is along boundary of site ............................................................................................... 96

Plate 5.2. Water catchment wall at Karalee Rock No. 2. Height of wall c. 0.6 m .............................. 119

Plate 5.3. Channel at Karalee leading away from Rock No.2 looking north. Scale 1m ...................... 119

Plate 5.4. Reservoir at Karalee looking east ....................................................................................... 120

Plate 5.5. Rectangular limestone pad (F18, RICH item 8) looking south. Scale 2m .......................... 124

Plate 5.6. Detail of F110 looking south-west. Remains of granite wall from hotel. Scale 1m ........... 127

Plate 5.7. Government Well looking north-west. Present day camping area is in background .......... 128

Plate 5.8. Hunt’s Well. Width of frame 2m ........................................................................................ 129

Plate 5.9. Hunt’s Dam looking north. Scale 2m ................................................................................. 129

Plate 5.10. F16/17 looking south-east. Scale 1m. NTWA path is in background ............................... 130

Plate 5.11. Can dump (F117) looking north-west. Scale 2m .............................................................. 142

Plate 5.12. Example of Central Queensland Meat Exporting Company (CQME Pty Ltd), Rockhampton, Queensland can. ......................................................................................................... 144

Plate 5.13 Can with painted label (DBID 1372) ................................................................................. 145

Plate 5.14. F58 at Koorarawalyee looking west showing granite blocks. Scale 1m ........................... 173

Plate 5.15. F97 facing west. Scale 1m ................................................................................................ 175

Plate 5.16. Condenser at Woolgangie, c.1895 (BL 4270P) ................................................................ 198

Plate 5.17. Photo of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser, looking south-west. Tank is approximately 1.2 m high ................................................................................................................... 200

Plate 5.18. Photo of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser, looking north-east. Scale 2m .. 200

Plate 5.19. Line of pits (F12/13) looking east. Width of pits c. 15 m ................................................. 205

Plate 5.20. Photo of can circle (F73, Woolgangie Condenser) looking north-west. Scale 1m ........... 218

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Plate 5.21. Looking south-east across Woolgangie from reservoir showing vegetation and landscape ............................................................................................................................................................ 222

Plate 5.22. Section of ploughed area at Woolgangie town looking south .......................................... 223

Plate 5.23. Can dump at Woolgangie town ........................................................................................ 242

Plate 5.24.View of Bullabulling Tavern looking south. Bullabulling Rock is on left hand side ........ 248

Plate 5.25. View over site looking north from Bullabulling Rock ..................................................... 248

Plate 5.26. Can dump (F80) looking north. Width of frame approximately 4 m. Pipeline is in background ......................................................................................................................................... 261

Plate 5.27 Photo of child’s bicycle from Coolgardie Museum ........................................................... 275

Plate 6.1. Can with holes from Woolgangie town site (DBID 6299) ................................................. 293

xviii

Acknowledgments

No thesis can be entirely done by one person, they all require help and assistance from others

and this is no exception.

First, thank you to my supervisors: Dr Alistair Paterson, who continually provided support and

encouragement, and told me it was all going to be OK; Dr Jane Balme, provided insightful

comments particularly from a non-historical archaeologist’s point of view, and Professor Sandra

Bowdler.

The project was supported by the National Trust of Australia (WA), as part of the Golden

Pipeline Project, and they were the industry partners in an Australian Postgraduate Award

(Industry) Scholarship. Thanks in particular to Tom Perrigo, Anne Brake, Kelly Rippingale and

Diana Frylinck. Financial support was also provided by the School of Social and Cultural

Studies, University of Western Australia.

Many people helped during the fieldwork including Pat Turner and Ralph Ferguson from Water

Corporation, Barry Hooper from the Department of Conservation (formerly CALM), Rick

Newman and John Walsh from Doodlakine, Rev. Dr Anna Killigrew and Rev. Peter Harrison

from Koora Retreat and Laurie and Rosa Minozzi from Bullabulling. Mike Stewart from the

Department of Spatial Sciences, Curtin University of Technology, Cameron Waters of

GlobalPOS and Geoff Glazier of Omnistar all generously provided differential GPS equipment.

A big thanks must also go to my volunteers, Susie Allia, Lara Bosi, Kelly Fleming, Karen

Henderson, Christine Mattner, Casey McAllister, Daniel Monks, Shaun Mackey, Stafford Smith,

Norbert Svatos and Vicky Winton.

Ron Pike, from the Eastern Goldfields Historical Society, allowed me to access their archives,

various staff from State Records Office, Western Australia, helped with numerous searches, and

Monique Pasqua from the Department of Indigenous Affairs provided invaluable advice. Thanks

also to Michael Smirk from the School of Earth and Environment, UWA, for giving me a crash

course in testing soils for lead and allowing me to use their equipment.

Martin Carney, Kris Courtney, Wayne Johnson, Bill Lockhart and Nadia Iacono provided help

and advice about numerous artefacts and allowed me access to unpublished manuscripts.

xix

Thank you to my various employers over the past few years for being so understanding and

providing me work when I needed it, and time off when I needed that. In particular, Kate Morse

from Eureka Archaeological Research and Consulting, Nicholas Green from Anthropos

Australis and not least Peter Douglas and Lisa Newell from Archaeological and Heritage

Management Solutions who employed me and then didn’t hear from me for several months.

Thank you to Judy Birmingham and Andrew Wilson who first took me to Central Australia

teaching me about historical archaeology and instilling in me a love for the remote areas of

Australia.

Thanks to Dianne Anstey, Archaeology, UWA, for providing administrative support and

Chantelle Lawson, School of Social and Cultural Studies, UWA, who always managed to get

my forms signed at short notice.

Writing a PhD is a shared experience, and my fellow post-graduates: Luke Lowery, Kelly

Fleming, Jen Rodrigues, Jade Stingemore, Ian Ryan, Fiona Dyason, Cynthia Mooketsi, Kira

Gorycheva and Sean Winter were always there to provide support, sympathy and advice.

I will be forever grateful for the help and support of Annie Carson, Viviene Brown, Kelly

Fleming, Jade Stingemore, Vicky Winton and Ian Ryan who all at various times provided

welcome distractions, someone to talk to and someone to bounce ideas off.

There are many people who are instrumental in doing a thesis and without whom it would not

happen. In this case there is one in particular, who during a fateful conversation over her kitchen

table, convinced me to apply and sent me down this road. Thank you.

Finally, I would like to thank Shaun Mackey who has been there from the beginning, providing

love and support, reading many drafts and contributing to endless conversations about

archaeology. I made it.

xx

List of Abbreviations

AGM Australian Glass Manufacturers

BL Battye Library, Perth

CALM Department of Conservation and Land Management (now DEC)

DEC Department of Environment and Conservation (formerly CALM)

DIA Department of Indigenous Affairs

EGR Eastern Goldfields Railway

NTWA National Trust of Australia (WA)

PD Debates of Parliament

PMG Postmaster General

PWD Department of Public Works

RICH Research Institute for Cultural Heritage, Curtin University of Technology

WAGR Western Australian Government Railways

Chapter 1 Introduction

1


The eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were a period of industrialisation

and British colonisation across the world. Settlement of new areas, building of infrastructure

and mining rushes resulted in settlements across Australia and America built for specific

reasons. These settlements include workers’ camps, railway stations, telegraph stations,

mining communities, military outposts, whaling stations, as well as bases for exploiting

nearby resources or distribution points for goods and services.

The settlements differed from larger urban centres in that they were short-lived, they were

usually in isolated locations, they served a particular purpose, and the population was highly

mobile, often moving on in a relatively short period of time (Hardesty 2003: 82). There have

been numerous archaeological studies of them over recent years resulting in an ever-growing

picture of what life was like at these communities and how people adapted to a high level of

mobility (e.g. Hardesty 1988; Holmes 1990; Van Bueren et al. 1999; Brooks 1995a).

Studies that have taken an explicitly social approach to the archaeology of mining towns

(e.g. Lawrence Cheney 1995; Quirk 2007)1

The intention behind why settlements are established, where, and how long they are to be

occupied are some of the factors that affect the type of settlement that develops (Ayres 1983:

253). These factors also affect the daily lives of the people living there: how long they think

they are there for; why they are there; their perceived sense of isolation; their relationship to

the frontier; their interaction with other people from different backgrounds; and the supply

have emphasised, among other things, that

despite common perceptions, the communities were not solely the domain of male miners,

and that women and children were present. Instead of focusing on the technology of mining,

these studies have sought to explore other aspects and the choices people made in shaping

their worlds (Quirk 2007: 310). By applying this social approach to other types of sites, for

example transient workers’ camps and railway stations, I explore whether they, too, have

different groups of people present or whether they fit the more traditional view of these

types of settlements, which are dominated by a highly transient population, usually single,

white men. I also explore whether transient settlements can be characterised in the

archaeological record.

1 Susan Lawrence has published under both Lawrence and Lawrence Cheney. Where specific citations are given, the author is referred to by the name that the work was published under, and when her work is discussed in the text, she is referred to as Lawrence, for ease of understanding.


2

of goods and materials all have an impact (Hardesty 1980: 75-76). Many of the settlements

were established in harsh, unfamiliar environments to the immigrants. How did the people

adapt to the new locations, and what can archaeology tell us about these settlement sites and

the people who lived there?

There has been a great deal of archaeological work on frontiers, colonisation and settlement

of new areas (e.g. Hardesty 1980; Lawrence 2003b; Lewis 1975; papers in Green and

Perlman 1985; papers in Birmingham et al. 1988), and there have been many studies,

including archaeological and historical, of processes at industrial sites, such as mining and

railway sites. However, apart from the studies mentioned above, there has been little

research on the archaeology of the camps and settlements that were established at these sites,

both globally and in Australia, and thus of the lives of those that lived there. As Van Bueren

(2002: 5) noted in his introduction to a special volume of Historical Archaeology on western

North American work camps from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, these sites can

provide information about understanding the peripheries of settlement and “the lives of the

people who chose to or were conscripted to work and live in such places” (Van Bueren

2002: 5).

It has been argued that British settlers in nineteenth century Australia had a very strong

sense of ‘Britishness’, even more so than those that remained at home (Marshall 1996: 320),

as they colonised new environments and established new frontiers on the peripheries of

settlement. If so, did this sense of Britishness inform the way that settlements formed and

how people adapted to their new environments? Nineteenth century settlement of Australia

occurred during the height of the British Empire, the greatest era of British colonisation and

imperialism. When people enter a new area, they bring their existing knowledge and cultural

baggage with them, and the level of adaptation to their new circumstances affects the type of

settlement that develops. A question I explore in this thesis is, were the mindsets of settlers

influenced by those of colonialism, affecting how they approached occupation of a frontier

and the types of settlements that developed?

Casella (2005: 79) observes that archaeological studies of nineteenth century mining

settlements from Australia and the United States of America have explored ways that

communities adapted to the new world order post-industrialisation. For example, Lawrence

(2000: 124) identified mid-nineteenth century settlements at Dolly’s Creek on the Victorian

goldfields, in Australia, that were seasonally occupied and therefore impermanent, leading to

a high mobility of its occupants. In contrast, the people living at the mining settlement of

Alderley Edge, just south of Manchester, England, during the late seventeenth to the mid-

twentieth centuries demonstrated economic and social continuity, rather than transience or


3

mobility (Casella 2005: 80). The settlement at Alderley Edge displays a durability of

occupation, material culture and socio-economic status, whereas mining sites in Australia

and America do not. Comparing the sites globally, Casella (2005: 86) makes the point that

we can explore how the global event of industrialisation affected communities and how they

adapted to the new world order.

This thesis is an archaeological study of historical settlement sites along a migration and

settlement corridor from late nineteenth and early twentieth century Western Australia. The

sites are located between Mundaring Weir, east of Perth, and Kalgoorlie, Western Australia

(Figure 1.1). The thesis is a regional analysis that aims to explore how different types of

sites, such as temporary and permanent settlements, might be identified in the archaeological

record in order to illuminate the ways people who lived, worked and travelled along the

route adapted to their isolated locations. Using a social approach at a range of sites, for

example railway stations and workers’ camps, I examine the effects of different factors on

the way settlements developed. Colonisation, colonialism, industrialisation and the

settlement of the frontier, as well as intention, perceived sense of isolation, supply and the

different backgrounds of the people, all influenced the settlements that developed and by

studying how these influences are expressed in the archaeological record, we can build a

picture of what life was like along the migration and settlement corridor.

To do this, I review the historical documents and conduct a functional and spatial analysis of

the archaeological material in order to determine what materials were being used and how

they were distributed across each site. Through this analysis I examine the effects of

colonisation, colonialism and the frontier on settlements in an isolated location and the

choices made about the way they were established and the material culture used.


4

Figure 1.1. Map of study area. Dates refer to when Europeans first established settlements at each place

Following the arrival of Captain James Stirling on the west coast of Australia in 1829, and

the establishment of the Swan River Colony (later to become Perth), colonial European

settlement was initially restricted to the Swan Valley and south-western Australia. Explorers

gradually headed east and north in search of agricultural land and natural resources,

particularly gold. However, settlement was limited by the lack of water, suitable pastoral

land, financial investment, labour, and colonial administrative support (Battye 1924;

Crowley 1960).

For the first 50 years following European settlement the only Europeans in the study area

were sandalwood cutters and prospectors, although it starts less than 100 km from the Swan

River Colony. No towns were established east of Northam (surveyed in 1830 and gazetted in

1833) until the discovery of gold in Southern Cross, another 170 km away, in 1888 (Battye

1924: 371). This was despite repeated attempts to find suitable agricultural and pastoral land,

which were unsuccessful due to the lack of discovered water (Forrest c.1871; Calvert 1902;

Hunt 1864). The explorations of Charles Cooke Hunt in 1864-1866, when he oversaw the

construction of a series of wells between Perth and what was to become Kalgoorlie, resulted

in a small number of prospectors coming into the area looking for gold. After the discoveries

of gold in Southern Cross, and then Coolgardie in 1892, there was an influx of people from


5

all over Australia and the world into the region as part of the gold rush (Battye 1924: 417;

Crowley 1960: 87-88).

As a result of the sudden increase in population and wealth associated with the gold rush in

the 1890s, various components of infrastructure were built. Following the west to east

migration route to the Goldfields established by the line of Hunt’s Wells, they included a

telegraph line (1891-1894), a railway line (1896-1898) and a water pipeline known as the

‘Goldfields Water Supply Scheme’ (1897-1903).

The Goldfields Water Supply Scheme is one of the most significant engineering

accomplishments of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Hartley 2007: n.p.).

Designed by Engineer-in-Chief C. Y. O’Connor, it consists of a 560 km long pipeline and

eight pump stations. Still in use, water is pumped to Kalgoorlie and surrounds from

Mundaring Weir, east of Perth (Figure 1.1). As discussed in Chapter 2, the pipeline forms

the geographical basis for the study area in this thesis.

A migration and settlement corridor was formed following the infrastructure, as settlements

grew along the route at various points, functioning as construction camps, stopping points

for travellers, telegraph stations, railway stations and pump stations for the water pipeline.

The corridor was a frontier, as people occupied this new environment and had to adapt to the

challenges life and work posed.

The settlements were established for many reasons however, they all served as stopping

points for the journey east or west. Workers lived at many of these sites during construction

of the infrastructure and for the ongoing maintenance, or to provide for passing travellers’

needs. Some settlements, such as construction camps, were intended to be occupied for a

short period of time; others, for example the railway stations and pump stations, were

intended to be there for a longer duration, but this did not always become the reality.

On average the settlements were about 15 km apart with typically nothing in between. No

settlements were established north or south of the corridor, except around the Goldfields in

the east, resulting in a linear corridor of regularly spaced settlements and activity areas with

nothing around them except semi-arid scrub country. Despite the continual stream of people

passing through after the train line was opened in 1898, there was an ongoing sense of

isolation in the region and perceived lack of governmental support (The West Australian 28

May 1894: 7; 31 May 1894: 3; 21 December 1895:5, 6).

There were reportedly many different groups of people living in, and using, the migration

corridor between Perth and Kalgoorlie. People came from Britain, continental Europe, New


6

Zealand, North America, China and Afghanistan, among other countries, as well as from all

over Australia. Yet we know very little about how they interacted with each other and with

the Aboriginal people indigenous to the area, or how each group adapted to living in the

changing conditions of European expansion and colonisation.

The Western Australian gold rush came forty years after the rushes in New South Wales and

Victoria, and twenty five years after Queensland, resulting in new towns in previously

unsettled areas and bringing people and wealth to Western Australia. It also brought the

Goldfields Water Supply Scheme, the development and construction of which was one of

the major engineering feats of the nineteenth century (Hartley 2007: n.p.). To date there have

been few archaeological studies of this historically significant region. The surveys

previously conducted are cultural heritage management reports commissioned by the

National Trust of Australia (WA) (NTWA), and others, for some of the sites that are part of

the Golden Pipeline Heritage Trail (NTWA 2003; for other archaeological reports see

Bolton 2006; Bush and Nayton 2000; Nayton 2000; 2001). My study is the first major

archaeological study of the area, and offers a regional analysis based on the migration

corridor the route of which was initially defined by the construction of Hunt’s Wells and

reinforced by the series of infrastructure projects following colonial activities in late

nineteenth century Western Australia.

In the sequence of colonising events along the route to the Goldfields the pipeline was built

relatively late. It was the last major piece of infrastructure built during the gold rush,

completed a little over ten years after the discovery of gold in Coolgardie. The pipeline was

used as the geographical basis for this study, as it follows the migration corridor between

Mundaring and Kalgoorlie. The study area has a boundary of 10 km north and south of it to

incorporate settlements established along the route to the Goldfields and was based on the

historical record.

The study period begins with European exploration of the region in 1830 and ends in 1914.

This end date represents the beginning of World War I, when many technological changes

were distinguished in the archaeological record. In addition this was a period of great social

change, and as such provides a convenient point at which to limit the study. The

archaeological material, and hence the focus of the analysis, is from the 1890s, when the

population on the Goldfields increased dramatically, towns were established, and the

telegraph line, railway line and water pipeline were built.


7

Research aims

This thesis started as a study of the different groups of people that lived within the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, for example the various

nationalities, and what the evidence for each is. However, after the fieldwork it became

apparent that there was not enough difference in the material record to recognise the

different groups and therefore an alternative approach was needed. Rather than abandon the

first approach altogether, it prompted me to ask why that difference could not be seen when

there were numerous sites and studies of different groups within the archaeological record

that do have evidence of different groups (e.g. in Australia: Harrison 2002a; Jack et al. 1984;

McCarthy 1988; Parkes 1997; Ulm et al. 1999; and overseas: Ritchie 1986; Armstrong and

Hauser 2004; papers in Wegars 1993; Voss and Williams 2008; Stark 1998; Orser 2001).

There are many factors affecting how and where settlements are established, consequently

affecting their archaeological footprints. Some of these include the original function of the

settlements, how long they were intended to be occupied for, how long they were actually

occupied for, access to resources, and the supply of goods. Do these factors result in sites

that are significantly different from each other in the archaeological record, and what are the

reasons for any similarities or differences?

The sites were established during the period of nineteenth century British colonialism and

industrialisation and served a common purpose – as stopping points along the migration

route. They had the same supply lines and the same groups of people were travelling

between each, yet this does not necessarily mean the sites can be grouped together. A

regional analysis of the settlement and migration corridor provides the opportunity to

compare the archaeology of the sites and answer the questions posed above. Given that they

had different functions and were occupied for different periods of time, were there subtle

differences between them and, if so, can these differences be identified in the archaeological

record? Through this analysis, we can work towards characterising particular types of sites,

in order to determine whether they can be identified elsewhere in the world. We can also

explore how much of an influence British colonialism and colonisation had on people’s lives

along the frontier.

I compare the sites within the study area with sites from similar contexts in Australia and the

United States in order to determine what the common characteristics are and whether the

factors affecting the archaeological record in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor are specific to this region. These two countries were chosen as both have

examples of late nineteenth and early twentieth century settlement sites with at least one of


8

the following characteristics: they were established for specific reasons, such as worker’s

camps; were short-term; are in arid or semi-arid regions, thus have a limited supply of water;

and were established during a period of colonialism. Further questions arising from these

aspects are: how were the resources, for example water, food sources and timber, at different

sites utilised, and are there any differences? Are there differences in the daily life of people

living there? What resources were considered essential, and did the type of site affect the

choices made about what resources were used and how? Finally, what are some of the

reasons that the sites are similar or different?

Following on from these issues, the first thesis question is how do sites along the corridor

from Mundaring to Kalgoorlie compare in the archaeological record? That is, what are the

similarities and differences in the archaeological record and why?

Along migration routes, such as the one between Mundaring and Kalgoorlie, sites are

occupied for different periods of time ranging from overnight to several years. This range of

occupation can be classed as temporary or permanent, terms which are defined in Chapter 7.

This no doubt affects the decisions made about how the settlements are laid out and the

resources used to construct the settlement. If people do not think that they, or the settlement

itself, are going to be there for very long, then it is expected that they will put fewer

resources into building it, than one that is intended to be permanent (Lawrence 2000: 25-26).

It is proposed that temporary and permanent sites will have a different archaeological

signature, and by identifying differences in this signature I present a model that will help

predict whether sites from the historic period were intended to be permanent or temporary.

In developing this model, I have incorporated characteristics from other temporary sites to

eliminate factors that may be particular to the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor. I will be exploring the differences between temporary and permanent

sites, what causes these differences apart from duration of occupation, and how these sites

can be identified in the archaeological record.

Most of the sites along the migration and settlement corridor were located in an isolated,

harsh environment, which affected how people prioritised tasks, and what they were able to

achieve. For example, if they spent a lot time locating and treating water due to its limited

supply, then they would have had less time for other tasks such as building or prospecting.

Depending on whether a site was temporary or permanent, the priorities about what needed

to be done, such as building structures would have varied. The results of the archaeological

investigations help identify what activities and items were important along a migration route

in a marginal environment. Settlements are not always occupied for as long as intended, with

some that were supposed to be permanent were occupied for only a few years, and others


9

that were initially short-term still occupied. Occupation varied within sites as different parts

were abandoned and the focus shifted elsewhere. Thus, intersite analysis is a significant part

of my analysis. Similarities and differences between sites might also be explained by factors

such as population structure, including ethnicity, gender and social class; where goods were

coming from and whether supply was controlled or restricted; and the general environmental

conditions.

Taking a social approach, in the second thesis question I look at the people that lived there

by asking what life was like at the settlements. This focuses on the living and working

conditions along the migration corridor. Following Gibbs’ (1998: 36) approach to a

nineteenth century whaling station in southern Western Australia, which is discussed in

further detail in Chapter 7, the aim is to establish the basic parameters for how people lived,

including how they were housed, their diet and material culture. Factors such as permanency

of settlement (intended or not), use of the sites, where the supplies were coming from and

from whom, demography, and social status of the inhabitants influence the community that

evolves. How was the settlement laid out, what was its subsistence base, its material culture,

the social structures it supported and its relationship to the world around it (Lawrence

Cheney 1995: 3)?

In summary, I compare the sites with each other and similar sites in Australia and the United

States to construct a model of temporary and permanent sites established in frontier regions

under the banner of nineteenth century colonisation. I also use archaeological evidence to

critically reconstruct what past life was like along this particular nineteenth century

migration route in Western Australia.

Thesis structure

In order to compare the sites and determine what life was like at the settlements, it is

necessary to put them into context. The first part of the thesis establishes the background to

the study, starting the physical context in Chapter 2. A description of the environment of the

study area is provided, including its location, climate, landforms and soils and the

vegetation, in order to establish what the environment is like and therefore what would have

been required in terms of shelter and access to water, what resources are available (e.g. food,

wood) and what factors may have affected preservation in the archaeological record such as

rainfall and soils.


10

This is followed by the history of the area, beginning with Aboriginal occupation and

discussing each of the major pieces of infrastructure built along the migration corridor

following the gold rush, that is, the Hunt’s Wells, telegraph line, railway line and Goldfields

Water Supply Scheme. Although there was no evidence in the archaeological record for the

different groups at the sites, I was still interested in who was living there and what we can

determine about their daily lives. Therefore, there is a discussion provided of the population

of the area based on the historical records, to establish who was living there.

The theoretical context is detailed in Chapter 3. The ideas discussed are the global concepts

of colonisation, colonialism and the frontier and how they are approached in archaeological

studies. These concepts provide the background to people’s lives and inform the way that

settlements were established. Following on from the historical evidence for who was living

at the sites, the term 'identity' is defined, and issues surrounding identity and labour are

discussed.

Nine sites along the settlement corridor were studied using archaeological and historical

sources. The sites are all surface sites, which are not commonly studied in historical

archaeology. They were not excavated, providing their own set of interpretative challenges.

However given the prominence of surface sites in the Australian archaeological record

(Burke and Smith 2004: 202; Holdaway et al. 1998: 1) they pose a significant archaeological

research that requires attention from archaeologists. In part this thesis aims to contribute to a

specific heritage and archaeological challenges posed for archaeologists by surface sites.

Chapter 4 is a discussion of the methods used to record the archaeological information at

these surface sites and the analyses used.

Chapter 5 presents the results of the archaeological fieldwork for each site. Also provided is

a specific history for each site from the documentary records. There is a discussion of the

search for the 1890s Afghan camp in Coolgardie, which was known to exist from historical

records, and finally, the results of the sub-surface testing conducted at six sites.

A discussion of the results in response to the thesis questions and an interpretation of the

archaeological material are given in Chapter 6. It also includes a comparison with sites from

a similar time period and origin, and based on this, I propose a model for identifying

temporary and permanent sites in the archaeological record, which is presented in Chapter 7.

The answers to the thesis questions, the final conclusions and applications for future

research are presented in Chapter 8.


11

Note on terminology

This project is the study of settlement sites established after European colonisation of

Western Australia in 1829. As will be discussed later, following the gold rush in the region

in the 1890s there were people from many different nations and cultures living and working

in the area, including British, other Europeans, Americans, Asians, Afghans, people from

elsewhere in Australia and Aboriginal people. The majority of the immigrants were from

European backgrounds, therefore for ease, I am using the term ‘European’ to refer to

artefacts and sites that are of non-Aboriginal origin and post-date 1829, to distinguish them

from those used by Aboriginal people.

Chapter 2 The Search for Water and Gold

12

Chapter 2 The Search for Water and

Gold

Several factors shaped settlement in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement

corridor. The discovery of gold at Coolgardie in 1892 and subsequent gold rush led to the

construction of the infrastructure elements of the telegraph line, railway line and water

pipeline. These affected how and where settlement occurred. This chapter provides the

physical context for the study by outlining the location of the study area, the climate, soils

and landforms, vegetation, historical background and population. These factors are

interlinked and affect human activity. The descriptions of each are listed from west to east,

following the direction of historical travel and construction along the route to the Goldfields.

The detailed background to each individual site studied is provided in Chapter 5.

Location

The study area is located between Mundaring, east of Perth, and Kalgoorlie, Western

Australia (Figure 1.1, Figure 2.1, Figure 2.2). It follows the route of the Goldfields Water

Supply Scheme, which provides a convenient geographical basis, and is approximately 560

km long. The study area was restricted to sites within 10 km either side of the pipeline route,

to limit the sites to those directly associated with the migration and settlement corridor.

The majority of the study area is within two modern administrative regions known as the

Wheatbelt and the Goldfields (Figure 2.3). The major land uses – agricultural and national

park – have significantly affected the preservation of the archaeological material. The

Wheatbelt, at the western end, is an agricultural area with low-moderate rainfall, and the

sites in this region are either on agricultural land or are public reserves. The Goldfields, east

of Southern Cross, is in a semi-arid environment. Most of the sites in this region are within

national parks and the rest are on leased or unallocated Crown Land. It can also be referred

to as the Eastern Goldfields to distinguish it from other goldfields areas in Western

Australia, such as in the Murchison district to the north. This term is used in both historical

sources and currently.


13

In part reflecting these differences, as well as a means to deal with the length of the study

area, I have defined two arbitrary zones, the western zone from Mundaring to Southern

Cross, and the eastern, from Southern Cross to Kalgoorlie. These two zones are

approximately within the administrative regions of the Wheatbelt and the Goldfields and

have different vegetations and land uses, as discussed below.

Figure 2.1. Detail of western end of study area, showing places mentioned in text


14

Figure 2.2. Detail of eastern end of study area, showing places mentioned in text

Figure 2.3. Regions covering study area


15

Climate

The Wheatbelt and Goldfields administrative regions approximately coincide with the

boundaries between botanical provinces and climatic zones (Beard 1981: 23, Fig 5). The

climatic zones are based on the number of dry months per year and the botanical provinces

are discussed in further detail below.

The entire study area has hot, dry summers and cold winters (Bureau of Meteorology

2003b). At the western end, the average temperature ranges are 9-17°C in the winter, and

19-31°C in the summer (Bureau of Meteorology 2006b). At the eastern end, it ranges from

4-21°C during the winter months and 18-34°C during the summer (Bureau of Meteorology

2006a).

Although the temperature ranges are moderate, there is little rainfall within the area.

Average rainfall is between 500 mm - 800 mm at Mundaring, 250 mm - 500 mm between

Mundaring and Coolgardie, and less than 350 mm at Kalgoorlie. Across the region, most of

the rainfall occurs in the winter, with dry summers (Bureau of Meteorology 2005).

The hot temperatures and low rainfall meant that structures did not necessarily have to be

substantial to protect people from the elements. Timber or canvas structures would have

been sufficient and there was no need to build stone structures if people were only going to

be at a location for a short period of time.

Average annual evaporation rates range from 2000 mm at Mundaring up to 2200 mm around

Kalgoorlie (Bureau of Meteorology 2003a). The eastern end of the study area is within one

of the driest regions in Australia (Bureau of Meteorology 2005). The effects of this can be

seen in the ways people adapted to the scarcity of water and the preservation of

archaeological material.

Access to water had a direct influence on where sites were located, the distance between

them and how they were organised. Water condensers and water catchments2

2 A water or rock catchment is a granite outcrop used to collect water. Some have natural soaks on them and many have low granite walls built around their base to collect and channel water into a nearby reservoir.

were built at

selected sites to supply those travelling to the Goldfields and prospectors often wrote about

how they had to spend much of their time searching for water, indicating what a significant

activity it was for human survival on a daily basis (Gaston 1984 [1937]; Carnegie 1989

[1898]; Price 1981 [1896]). Water supply affected the types of settlements that were

established and the daily routine of people who lived there.


16

Landforms and soils

The type of soil affects mineral content and vegetation. In turn, this affects how the area is

used by people and therefore the archaeological record of human activities as well as the

preservation of the material remains. The most influential characteristics of the soils within

the study area are their low fertility and the presence of quartz, indicating the potential for

gold (Blake 1894: 142).

Underlying the entire study area is a granite block over 2500 million years old known as the

Yilgarn block (Figure 2.4) (McKenzie et al. 2004: 51 Fig. 2.17) from which the soils

developed (Western Australia Ministry of Education 1988: 15). The underlying granite, and

consequently the soil, is among the oldest in the world, therefore many of the minerals have

been leached away, leaving infertile soils (Western Australia Ministry of Education 1988:

11). Combined with the arid environment, this makes agriculture in the region difficult. The

Yilgarn block can be seen in granite outcrops at a number of sites in the study area (e.g.

Bullabulling, Karalee; see Plate 2.1), which are up to 20 m high and approximately 0.5 km2

in surface area.

Figure 2.4. Location of Yilgarn Block relative to study area


17

Plate 2.1. View across granite outcrop at Woolgangie town. Water catchment wall is at base of rock (see p.33)

The soils found in the study, based on the Australian Soil Classification, are listed in Table

2.1 (CSIRO Land and Water 2005; McKenzie et al. 2004: 138). A brief description is given

of each soil order, including the vegetation and land use associated with each soil type,

which can affect artefact preservation and visibility. For more detailed descriptions of the

soil orders see Isbell (2002) and McKenzie et al. (2004). Descriptions of associated

vegetation and land use are applicable to the study area only. They are given here as a guide

for the study area and do not necessarily apply to other occurrences of these types of soils

elsewhere in Australia. A more detailed discussion of the vegetation in the study area is

below and current land use at individual sites is discussed under the relevant site in Chapter

5.

Across such a large area there is a lot of variation in the soils, therefore Table 2.1 is an

approximate outline of the soil orders and where they occur. Often two or more soils are

common in a region, for example chromosols and sodosols occur between Mundaring and

Meckering, so there is some overlap. There are two broad changes in the soil areas within

the region – at Moorine Rock from kandosols and sodosols to calcarols, and at Karalee back

to kandosols and tenosols. This change is most obvious around Southern Cross, just to the

east of Moorine Rock, where there is extensive agriculture to the west and none to the east,

although the change does not strictly follow the distinctions in soil orders.


18

Table 2.1. Soils found in study area from west to east. Places referred to are shown in Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2 (descriptions taken from McKenzie, et al. (2004):142, 164, 226, 242, 322, 344)

soil order description area vegetation land use

chromosols neutral to alkaline soils

that have a strong

texture contrast

between the A and B

horizons

Mundaring to

approximately 10

km east of

Meckering

eucalypt

woodlands

cereal

growing

sodosols alkaline and sodic

(contains sodium) soils

with clear or abrupt

changes in texture

Mundaring –

Moorine Rock

arid-zone

herbfields, low

chenopod

shrublands (salt

and drought

tolerant), mallee

shrublands and

various Acacia –

Eucalyptus –

Casuarina

forests.

grazing,

native and

plantation

forestry,

cereal

growing

hydrosols Seasonally or

permanently wet. Must

be saturated for at least

2-3 months in most

years. Saline in this

region.

Meckering –

Tammin; Baandee

Lakes; Southern

Cross; Yellowdine;

Boorabbin

near-bare playas

with fringing low

shrubland

none due to

salinity

kandosols strongly weathered

earths with minor

changes in texture.

Well-drained permeable

soils with a clay

mineralogy dominated

by kaolinite and small

amounts of iron oxides.

appears sporadically

from Meckering to

Bodallin and

Boorabbin to

Coolgardie

tall shrublands

and low

woodlands with

mainly Acacia

aneura

sparse

grazing of

cattle and

sheep

calcarosols

soils containing variable

amounts of calcium

carbonate

small patches

around Mundaring,

majority east of

Moorine Rock

low chenopod

shrublands

cereal

growing

tenosols slightly developed soils

that are highly diverse.

In Western Australia are

red loamy soils with a

red-brown hardpan at

shallow depths.

Mundaring; Ghooli;

Karalee –

Bullabulling

spinifex open

shrublands, A.

aneura

shrublands and

woodlands

sparse sheep

and cattle

grazing


19

Vegetation

Like the soils, the vegetation in the study corridor is diverse. Based on Beard’s

classification, the study area is within three botanical districts or subdistricts and within

those there are ten different vegetation systems (Beard 1981: 124-125 Fig. 31). These

districts and sub-districts are listed in Table 2.2 and are shown in Figure 2.5 (see Plate 2.2,

Plate 2.3 and Plate 2.4 for examples of vegetation in Wheatbelt region at the western end

and the Goldfields region in the west).

The biggest change from west to east in vegetation is a decrease in dominating woodlands

and an increase in scrub-heath, saltbush and other drought tolerant species from west to east.

There is also an increase in woodland species other than Eucalyptus, such as Acacia and

Casuarina, and a change in the Eucalyptus species that grow.

Many of the species of Eucalyptus, Acacia and Casuarina were used for timber and

firewood, particularly in building underground mines at the eastern end (Pronk 1997: 24, 32,

38, 40). Aborigines used a variety of plants for food and medicine (Adele Millard

Consultancy Services 2002; Meagher and Ride 1980; Parker et al. 2001: 24), and to make

weapons such as spears, clubs and spear throwers (Green 1988: 128; Payne 2003).

Table 2.2. Vegetation systems in botanical districts and subdistricts of the study area from Beard (1981: 185-220)

district/subdistrict system vegetation types/species

Dale subdistrict Darling jarrah forest;

open vegetation of granite outcrops;

marri-wandoo woodland;

river gums and paperbarks

Bannister jarrah-wandoo woodland (plateaux);

marri-wandoo woodland (slopes)

Avon district York mainly Eucalyptus loxophleba (York gum), plus

E.wandoo, E.salmonophloia (salmon gum)


20


Meckering mixed woodland of E.loxophleba (lower slopes) and

E.wandoo (upper slopes), with occasional

E.salmonophloia;

Acacia acuminata low woodland or mixed

A.acuminata and Casuarina huegeliana (granite

outcrops);

E.astringens woodland, thickets featuring

C.campestris, Leptospermum erubescens,

E.macrocarpa;

scrub-heath (sandplains)

Mount Caroline low woodland of A.acuminata, C.huegeliana, some

E.loxophleba, L.erubescens thickets (granite);

Banksia-Xylomelum (sandy soil);

C.campestris thickets, scattered E.wandoo (dense

laterite)

Muntadgin mixed kwongan – Acacia spp., C.actuivalvis plus

E.burracoppinensis;

mallee – E.redunca, E.cylindriflora,

E.transcontinentalis (upper slopes of valleys and

with woodland in upper reaches of main valleys);

woodland (lower parts of valleys);

E.longicornis (morrel);

E.salmonophloia, E.salubris

Moorine Rock C.campestris, Calothamnus asper, Calycopeplus

helmsii (granite outcrops) ;

A.neurophylla thickets (dense laterite);

mixed kwongan (gravelly sands);

A.resinomarginea thickets (deep sand);

mallee – E.redunca, E.loxophleba, E.sheathiana,

E.transcontinentalis;

woodland – E.salmonophloia, E.salubris,

E.longicornis plus E.wandoo, E.loxophleba (rare)

Coolgardie district Yilgarn woodland – E.longicornis, E.salmonophloia,

E.salubris, with E.corrugata on rises

understorey – Melaleuca lateriflora, M.pauperiflora,

Atriplex vesicaria and A.nummularia (saltbush)

Boorabbin scrub-heath (plateaux);

Acacia-Casuarina thicket (down slopes);

woodland – E.transcontinentalis, E.flocktoniae

(shallow red loam soil overlying granite);

woodland - E.salomonophloia (deep alluvium in

valley bottom);

E.longicornis (heavier soil), E.salubris (stiff clay),

E.melanoxylon (kunkar);

Mallee


21


Coolgardie Acacia quadrimarginea;

A.acuminata, Eremophila oldfieldii,

Eucalyptus torquata, E.le souefii plus E.clelandii,

E.capaspe, C.cristata, Grevillea nematophylla;

open shrub understorey – Eremophila spp.

woodlands (middle slope) – Eucalyptus le souefii

with E.transcontinentalis, E.salmonophloia, E.oleosa,

E.campaspe;

understorey – broombush, saltbush;

woodlands (lower slope) – E.salmonophloia with

E.salubris, E.le souefii and E.longicornis;

salt-flats – Atriplex, Maireana (saltbush, bluebush),

C.cristata, Myoporum platycarpum, some Acacia

spp.

Plate 2.2. Example of vegetation in Wheatbelt region (Kellerberrin)


22

Plate 2.3. Example of vegetation in Goldfields region (Coolgardie in background)

Plate 2.4. Example of vegetation in Goldfields region (Bullabulling)


23

Figure 2.5. Vegetation systems in botanical districts and subdistricts of the study area from Beard (1981: Fig 31 p.125)


24

Pre-European settlement

The study area crosses two distinct Aboriginal cultural groups: the Nyungars and the Wongi

people. The Nyungar region encompasses south-western Australia. Within the study area,

from Mundaring to approximately Coolgardie, are three smaller groups: the Balardung,

Nyaki-Nyaki and Kalaamaya. The Wongi, who follow Western Desert customs, are from the

area east of Coolgardie, and include the Wangkathaa group (Horton 1994). The Nyungars

and the Wongi are culturally distinct as they have significantly different languages, material

culture, kinship and initiation systems (Horton 1994: 811).

Occupation of the southwest region of Australia has been dated to 48 000 BP at Devil’s Lair

(Turney et al. 2001: 11) and 38 000 BP in the Upper Swan (Pearce and Barbetti 1981: 177).

The latter date has been called into question (Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999: 138), although

other dates from sites in south-western Australia, such as Greenough River on the Yilgarn

plateau, are also around 37 000 BP (Smith and Sharp 1993: 38 Table 1).

These dates are from the south-west and coastal regions of Western Australia, and

archaeological evidence suggests that the inland arid and semi-arid zones east of Southern

Cross were not occupied until much later. No sites within the study area itself have been

directly dated, although dates from other sites in the Goldfields are from the Holocene.

Agnew rock shelter, near Leinster, 370 km north of Kalgoorlie, was dated to 2160 ± 105 BP

(SUA-671, DIA site ID 2838) and two dates from open hearths near Wiluna (530 km north

of Kalgoorlie) are from the mid-late Holocene (Bindon 1986: 157). It is worth noting that a

Pleistocene date of 21 000 ± 190 (Wk 3241) was recorded at Katampul rockshelter, between

Wiluna and Leonora (230 km north of Kalgoorlie), although this date is not secure and is

below several early to mid-Holocene dates (O'Connor and Veth 1996).

Veth (1993; 1989) proposed that the sandy deserts, including the Great Victoria Desert east

of Kalgoorlie, were not permanently occupied until around 5000 BP, when colonisation of

these areas occurred as a result of a combination of demographic pressure, changes in

technology and social structure (Veth 1993: 105). Although there is debate about this

hypothesis (Holdaway 1995; Webb 2002: 7), the lack of early sites in the region between

Southern Cross and Coolgardie would support it. There has not been a great deal of

archaeological work within the study area, however what has been done suggests that the

area, particularly towards the eastern end, has only been occupied within the last few

thousand years (Lantzke and Edwards 1993: 6; Webb 2002: 7). From ethnographic evidence

there was a major meeting place at Southern Cross (Green 1988: 138), although it is unclear

whether this was only following the contact period.


25

Not only was the area occupied relatively late in terms of Aboriginal settlement of the

continent, the small amount of archaeological material also suggests that the area was not

intensively occupied. There are few major occupation sites and the density of material is low

(Veth and Thorley 1990: 4), indicating that the people occupying the area were usually

passing through, most likely between the more abundant areas around Esperance, and the

northern areas around Leinster and Wiluna where there is greater evidence for occupation.

The low population density of Aborigines in the area at the time of European occupation

reinforced the impression of European explorers that the region supported very little wildlife

and was sparsely populated (Green 1988: 126).

The first authenticated European observers of Western Australia were in 1616, when Dirk

Hartog entered what became Shark Bay, naming Dirk Hartog Island (Battye 1924: 21). In

1697 Dutchman Willem de Vlamingh landed on the coast further south and named the Swan

River. He and his men conducted a few cursory explorations but did not venture far inland

before returning to their ships and resuming their northerly course up the coast. They did not

meet any Aboriginal people during these explorations, although they did come across an

abandoned camp, with the fire still burning (Battye 1924: 40-41). The next time any

Europeans visited the area was in 1801, when Frenchman Lieutenant Louis de Freycinet and

some of his men explored the Swan River, attempting to trace its source, whilst waiting for

Commodore Nicholas Baudin and the Géographe to join them. They traced it to the junction

of the Helena River (Figure 2.6), before they had to return to their ship (Battye 1924: 52).

Figure 2.6. Map showing location of junction between Swan and Helena Rivers


26

Lieutenant Philip Parker King anchored at the Swan River in 1821, but did not conduct any

explorations (Battye 1924: 55). In 1827, Captain James Stirling explored the Swan, again

attempting to find its source. Stirling gave the Swan River district a favourable report,

resulting in formal possession of the area by Captain C.H. Fremantle on 2 May 1829 (Battye

1924: 71).

Although there were numerous explorations of the Swan River by Europeans prior to British

settlement, they did not reach any further east than the Helena River. It was not until after

colonisation, that the study area, which had previously only been occupied by the Nyungar

and the Wongi people, was explored by non-Aboriginal outsiders.

European settlement

After Dirk Hartog sailed along the coast in the Eendracht in 1616, numerous ships sailed the

coastline of Western Australia (Battye 1924: 10). The first permanent non-Aboriginal

settlement was by the British, who established a colony at Princess Royal Harbour in King

George Sound (later Albany) in 1827 (Crowley 1960: 2-3) followed by the Swan River

Colony in 1829. Following is a summary of the major events in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

migration and settlement corridor following British settlement (Table 2.3). These are then

discussed in further detail under the different themes of exploration, the Hunt’s Wells,

settlement, and construction of the major pieces of infrastructure, including the telegraph

line, railway line and the Goldfields Water Supply Scheme.

Table 2.3. Timeline of major events in study area following European settlement (towns listed are shown in Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2)

date event

1830 Captain James Stirling explored east of the Swan Valley. Marks sites for York and

Northam (Battye 1924: 103)

1836 Surveyor-General John Septimus Roe explored area north and east of Perth to Lake

Brown (Fraser 1906: 66)

1863 Henry Maxwell Lefroy surveyed area east of York to present day Coolgardie looking for

country suitable for sheep farming (Fraser 1906: 76)

1864-

1866

Charles Cooke Hunt mapped and built wells between York and Hampton Plains (Water

Authority of Western Australia 1991: 6)

1884 Railway line from Perth to Mundaring completed (PWD 1884)

1887 Gold discovered in Yilgarn (now Southern Cross) (RICH 2001a: 9)

1891 Telegraph line from Northam to Southern Cross constructed (PMG 1893: 9)

Railway line from Northam to Southern Cross approved (Battye 1924: 415)


27

date event

1892 Gold discovered near Coolgardie (Battye 1924: 407-8)

1893 Gold discovered 40 km east of Coolgardie (Kalgoorlie) (Battye 1924: 411)

1894 Railway line from Northam to Southern Cross completed (Report on the Working of the

Government Railways 1895: 32 Appendix E)

Telegraph line to Kalgoorlie completed (PMG 1895: 12)

1895 Work on railway line from Southern Cross started. Stations built: Yellowdine,

Koorarawalyee, Boorabbin, Woolgangie (PWD 1896: 17)

1896 Railway line from Southern Cross to Coolgardie completed (PWD 1897: 49)

Railway line from Coolgardie to Kalgoorlie completed3

1898

(PWD 1897: 49)

Construction begins on Goldfields Water Supply Scheme (Alexander et al. 1954: 72)

1900 Pipeline laying began (RICH 1999b: 49)

1901 All pumping stations (Numbers 1-8) constructed (RICH 1999b: 29)

1902 Water pumped to Coolgardie (PWD 1903: 8)

1903 Pipeline extended to Kalgoorlie and officially opened 24 January (The Kalgoorlie Miner 26

January 1903: 2)

1950s Original pump stations closed as scheme becomes electrified (RICH 1999b: 29)

1971 Railway line to Kalgoorlie closed (later reopened on different route) (WAGR 1972: 8)

Exploration of the study area

In 1830 explorer Ensign Robert Dale surveyed the region east of the Swan Valley marking

the sites for the towns of York and Northam, among others (Battye 1924: 103). The

Surveyor-General John Septimus Roe followed in 1836, surveying the area north and east of

Perth. He reached Lake Brown, which is near the western boundary of what became the

Yilgarn Goldfield, around present day Southern Cross (Fraser 1906: 66) (Figure 2.1).

However, a lack of known, permanent water sources restricted settlement. The explorers

C.E. Dempster, A. Dempster, Clarkson, and Harper headed east from York in 1861. The

exact purpose of their journey was not stated (Dempster 1861), but is assumed that they

were searching for pastoral land as they often mention areas of good feed and water

supplies. Eventually the land up to Southern Cross did become a pastoral and agricultural

area and the region to the east was also dominated by the search for gold (McMahon 1972:

3).

The next documented exploration was in 1863, when Henry Maxwell Lefroy surveyed the

area east of York, travelling as far as present day Coolgardie looking for country suitable for

sheep farming. He was successful in that aspect, but recommended that no settlement occur

until wells had been sunk as there was no surface water (Fraser 1906: 76). Despite Hunt’s

3 The Boorabbin-Coolgardie and Coolgardie-Kalgoorlie sections both opened on 1 January 1897, so the date for completion of the Coolgardie-Kalgoorlie section is sometimes given as 1897 (e.g. WAGR 1981: 5)


28

Wells being built in 1864-66, there was little settlement east of Northam until the discovery

of gold in the 1880s and 1890s (Alexander et al. 1954: 5).

Hunt’s Wells (1864-1866)

Following Lefroy’s survey in 1863, the York Agricultural Society sponsored an expedition

to explore the country north-east of York, led by Charles Cooke Hunt (Hunt 1864: 1).

Between 1864 and 1866 Hunt conducted four journeys between York and what is now

Kalgoorlie, ultimately reaching a point 130 km east of Kalgoorlie (Water Authority of

Western Australia 1991: 6). As a result of these expeditions a route to the Yilgarn goldfields

(Southern Cross) was established, the potential for agricultural and pastoral lands was

assessed and a number of Aboriginal wells and waterholes were located (Water Authority of

Western Australia 1991: 6; Hunt 1864). The achievement of the last aim opened up the area

for settlement and led to the discovery of gold.

The second journey in 1864 located the water sources, and the third and fourth journeys in

1865 and 1866 built wells at convenient intervals, as well as further explored the land east of

what became Kalgoorlie. Distances varied between the wells, according to where the granite

outcrops and soaks were located, but they were around 15 miles (24 km) apart. It was the

second expedition, in particular, that established the route that became Hunt’s Track, and

provided the basis for the route between Perth and Kalgoorlie (Water Authority of Western

Australia 1991: 24) which ultimately became the migration and settlement corridor.

Settlement

Following British arrival in Western Australia, very little settlement occurred in the area east

of York until after the establishment of Hunt’s Wells. The permanent water supply enabled

prospectors to search for gold, which was discovered at Yilgarn (Southern Cross) in 1887,

Coolgardie in 1892 and Kalgoorlie in 1893 (Battye 1924: 371, 407, 411), bringing people

from all over Australia and the world in search of fortune. It was not until the discovery of

gold that settlements, other than temporary prospectors’ camps, grew. Despite Lefroy’s

favourable reports about the good pastoral land from his explorations in 1863, agricultural

and pastoral stations were not established until after the discovery of gold at Southern Cross

in 1887, and the subsequent influx of people and demand for agricultural products

(McMahon 1972: 69).


29

Settlements were established along the corridor from Perth to Kalgoorlie as various

components of infrastructure were built to support the settlements: a telegraph line (1891-

1894), a railway line (1884-1898), and a water pipeline known as the ‘Goldfields Water

Supply Scheme’ running from Mundaring to Kalgoorlie (1897-1903). Each of these is

discussed in further detail below.

Telegraph line (1892-1897)

The telegraph line between Perth and Kalgoorlie was built in stages. Once a town was

established, such as Southern Cross, the post office, sometimes with a telegraph office, soon

opened. The telegraph offices were opened as follows (see Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2 for

locations):

1872 York4

1874 Northam (PMG 1893: 32)

(PMG 1893: 32)

1892 Southern Cross, Doodlakine (PMG 1893: 9)

1894 Boorabbin, Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie (PMG 1895: 11)

1895 Kellerberrin (Post Office) (PMG 1896: 50), Woolgangie (PMG 1896: 13) and Koorarawalyee (PMG 1896: 6)

1897 Bullabulling (PMG 1898: 17)

Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie telephone exchanges opened (PMG 1898: 18)

1902 Cunderdin (Receiving Office)5

1909 Karalee (Receiving Office) (Owen 1958: n.p.)

(Owen 1958: n.p.)

The line between Southern Cross and Coolgardie only took 15 days to build (PMG 1894: 6)

so, unlike the railway line built shortly afterwards, there was no need for large construction

camps.

Communication traffic along the line was heavy from the time that it opened, which is

indicative of the large number of people in the area during the gold rush. After only eleven

4 Although not within the study area itself, York is included here as it was on the early route to Northam and the goldfields, and played a significant role in the establishment of the area. 5 A Receiving Office (RO) was a minor office that was provided with some postal facilities, and the staff received a small salary (Owen 1958: 3). Although they had fewer facilities than full post offices, the title referred more to the status of the staff, rather than what transactions were able to be conducted there.


30

months, Southern Cross telegraph station already fifth highest amount of traffic, a fact that

was considered remarkable enough to be commented upon separately to the tables of

telegraph traffic in the Postmaster General’s Report of 1892 (PMG 1893: 9). The high

amount of traffic resulted in the construction of extra lines and in 1897 two more wires were

put up between Southern Cross and Kalgoorlie along the railway line (PMG 1898: 17).

The lines were constructed of round wooden poles with iron wire. There was a problem with

termites which meant the poles had to be frequently replaced (PMG 1894: 12). Iron poles

were used elsewhere, although there is no reference in the Postmaster General’s annual

reports to them being used along this particular line.

Although the construction of the telegraph line had little impact on settlement between Perth

and Kalgoorlie itself in terms of establishment of workers’ camps, it did help define the

route, and formed a vital part of the towns’ infrastructure.

Railway line (1894-1897)

Like the telegraph line, the railway line was built in stages. Initially, the railway was built as

far as Northam, and serviced both Northam and York, which were the only major towns at

the time. It was not until the discovery of gold at what became Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in

1892 and 1893 respectively, that there was any need to extend the railway. Construction

between Northam and Southern Cross was completed in 1894 and reached Kalgoorlie in

1897 (Figure 2.7). The major completion dates were as follows (WAGR 1981: 3, 5; Higham

1971: 8):

1884 Perth (Mundaring) – Chidlow’s Well

1885 Spencer’s Brook

1886 Northam

1894 Southern Cross

1895 Southern Cross – Coolgardie line commenced; stations completed until Boorabbin

1896 Coolgardie

1897 Kalgoorlie

The construction of the railway line had the greatest impact on the archaeology of the

region. Not only could more people travel to the Goldfields, but it meant there was a greater

movement of goods into the area. There were 64 railway stations between Mundaring and


31

Kalgoorlie at an average of 9 km between each station (Figure 2.7). This meant an influx of

structures, goods and people into areas that had previously been sparsely occupied.

The other major effect that the railway line had on the archaeology was the construction

itself. It was built and opened in stages, around 30 km apart. At each terminus a large

staging point was established for workers (mostly men) and materials needed for the

construction of the railway line and for people travelling to the Goldfields. It is not known

where the railheads were west of Southern Cross, but to the east they were established at

Yellowdine, Koorarawalyee, Boorabbin, Woolgangie and Coolgardie (Figure 2.2) (PMG

1896: 17). Each staging point became a boom town for about a month, with some becoming

settlements, before moving on to the next terminus and the process would continue (Jeff

Austin, pers. comm., 2004). This pattern of occupation affected the settlement that

developed, with some sites being occupied temporarily and others more permanently.


32

Figure 2.7. Original railway line showing stations taken from Railway Map of Western Australia (WAGR Commission 1897)


33

The original railway operated until 1971 (WAGR 1972: 8a), but some of the smaller stations

closed well before then as they were no longer required, such as Koorarawalyee, which

closed in 1905 (RICH 2001b: 8). The line to Kalgoorlie has since been reconstructed

following a flatter route, diverting from the original at Southern Cross and travelling further

north. Occupation of many of the sites along the original line ranges from the 1890s until the

present day, with the majority of settlements ceasing in 1971 when the original line closed.

Goldfields Water Supply Scheme (1897-1903)

In the arid environments of the goldfields of Southern Cross, Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie, the

search for water was a constant challenge for colonists. Contemporary accounts by

prospectors and explorers were dominated by their attempts to find water, and locations of

springs and wells (e.g. Gaston 1984 [1937]; Price 1981 [1896]; Carnegie 1989 [1898]).

Dryblowing for gold was introduced as there was not enough water to use traditional

methods (see Lawrence Cheney 1995 for a discussion of gold mining techniques), and the

government of the day was besieged with requests for ways to get more water out to the

Goldfields (The West Australian 21 December 1895; 4 January 1896; 7 January 1896). The

problem was identified as early as 1889 (Evans 2001: 138), and following a visit to the

Goldfields in 1894 by the engineer-in-chief, C.Y. O’Connor, it became one of his priorities

(Evans 2001: 145).

In order to increase the water supply in the area, in 1892 the Public Works Department

(PWD) adopted the policy, which continued for ten years, of building dams and reservoirs,

setting up condensers and digging wells (Alexander et al. 1954: 6). A condenser is used to

distil salt water by boiling the water to evaporate it, and then condensing the steam using a

series of pipes, resulting in relatively drinkable water. At some of the granite outcrops,

including Karalee, Boorabbin, Bullabulling and Woolgangie, water catchments were built.

These catchments consisted of a wall, approximately 0.5 m high, of upright granite slabs

built around the base of a granite outcrop designed to catch water flowing off the rock and

channel it into a reservoir (Plate 2.5, Plate 2.6).


34

Plate 2.5. Water catchment wall at Woolgangie. Height of wall approximately 0.5m

Plate 2.6. Channel leading from rock to reservoir, Karalee. Scale 1m.


35

Over the following three years different solutions to the problem of a lack of water were

explored, however there was some trepidation at investing government money and resources

until the settlements could be assured of some degree of permanence (Alexander et al. 1954:

6). Although providing some relief, the dams and condensers were not able to cope with the

demand. The 1896 report by the Western Australian Engineer-in-Chief, C.Y. O’Connor,

concluded that the likelihood of artesian springs was “improbable” (O'Connor 1896: 5). He

concluded that wells would not be practical for three reasons. These were:

(a) That they [underground stores of water] will only probably be found (in large quantities) at very great depths.

(b) That in order to utilise them, they would have to be pumped from these very great depths.

(c) That, if they are salt, they would have to be condensed before being of any use for human or animal consumption (O'Connor 1896: 6).

Despite some scepticism at the time, this assessment has proved to be correct, with some

heavily mineralized water found at depths of between 200 - 300 ft (62 – 93 m) (Alexander et

al. 1954: 15-16).

The idea of pumping water to the Coolgardie goldfields is attributed to a letter written by

‘J.S.T.’ published in The West Australian on 8 March 1894, who cites similar schemes on

the oil fields of America to support the proposal. Five months later, in August 1894, Mr John

Maher applied to the government for the right to build a pipeline from Northam along the

railway line to Coolgardie (Alexander et al. 1954: 20). It did not proceed, but there is

evidence to suggest that it provided the basis for the scheme eventually adopted (see

Alexander et al. 1954: 20-29 for a discussion of the proposal and subsequent events).

Throughout 1895 and 1896 the PWD, led by the Engineer-in-Chief C.Y. O’Connor, worked

on plans for the scheme while the proposal was put to parliament and debated. During the

opening of the new session of parliament on 7 July 1896, Governor Sir Gerard Smith made

an official announcement about the scheme and the members of parliament were requested

to allow the Government to carry out the project (Alexander et al. 1954: 65). On 16 July

1896 the Coolgardie Goldfields Water Supply Loan Bill was read for the first time asking

parliament to authorise £2½ million for the construction of the system, and after three

readings, the Bill was passed on 3 September 1896 (PD 1896).

Work began on the scheme in 1897, but due to the failure to secure loans, it was not until

1898 that construction of the reservoir and dam at Helena River (Mundaring) began

(Alexander et al. 1954: 72). On 20 September 1898 the Coolgardie Goldfields Water Supply

Construction Bill, giving the Director of Public Works authority to construct the works, was

introduced and passed (PD 1899).


36

The pump stations were built in 1901 and the scheme was completed as far as Coolgardie by

the end of 1902. In early 1903, it was extended to Kalgoorlie and officially opened on 24

January (RICH 1999b: 29).

The opening of the scheme dramatically changed the way water was obtained on the

Goldfields. Condensers, soaks and bores were no longer required and prospectors could

afford to wash more regularly, improving hygiene and helping prevent further outbreaks of

diseases such as typhoid which devastated the region in the mid-1890s. Although the

construction and opening of the water pipeline occurred relatively late in the settlement of

the Goldfields, it affected daily life in the region, as there was no longer a need to search for

water, and time could be spent on other activities.

Population

The first census in Western Australia was conducted in 1832 (Berryman 1979). As much of

the study area was not settled by Europeans until after 1892, the censuses conducted in 1901

and 1911 are the most relevant to this study. The data from the 1901 census will be used to

illustrate the demographics from the region, as the district divisions are the most detailed.

Significant differences between the two are noted where appropriate.

The divisions used in the two censuses varied slightly. In the 1901 census the division used

was municipality, but following population growth and expansion of the surrounding

communities in the early 1900s, statistical divisions were adopted for the 1911 census. These

covered larger geographical areas than municipalities and included places not part of the

study area, therefore the 1901 census was used for the following discussion. In this census

Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie were separate municipalities, but in 1911 they were combined in

the same statistical division. Therefore the data from the two censuses are not directly

comparable, and it is worth noting that references to Coolgardie in the 1911 census also

include Kalgoorlie.

The most detailed information is for the population of various towns and the ratio of men to

women. Figure 2.8 shows the ratio of men to women in 1901 at all of the towns within the

study area where recorded. The solid line indicates a 1:1 ratio of men to women, and the

dashed line shows the average, which was 3.78:1.


37

Figure 2.8. Ratio of men:women in 1901. Data taken from 1901 census (Fraser 1903: Part X Table 2, 18-26). Major towns are highlighted

The towns are listed from west to east and there is a slight trend towards a higher ratio of

men to women towards the eastern end. Although this is a mining region, most of the towns

listed are not actual mining sites, instead they are settlements, mostly associated with

railway stations, that were established as a result of the migration corridor to the Goldfields.

Nevertheless, most of the sites have an industrial function and the population were workers,

therefore a higher male population is expected. Overall there are more men than women,

with the difference most evident in the smaller settlements. The larger centres – Northam,

Southern Cross, Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie (highlighted) – all have a ratio much closer to

1:1.

Figure 2.9 shows the breakdown of the population in the 1901 census by age. Not

surprisingly for a new frontier area, the population is young, with the majority under the age

of 21. Figure 2.10 and Figure 2.11 show the same information by gender. Note the

difference between the ratio of adult men to children, compared to women. From this, it can

be seen that the high number of females in the area bringing the ratio closer to 1:1,

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

Mundaring W

eirThe LakesN

ortham (m

unicipality)N

ortham (outside m

unicipality)N

ortham East

Meckering

CunderdinW

yolaTam

min

KellerberrinD

oodlakine (new)

BaandeeM

ooranoppinM

erredinBurracoppinYerbillonBodallinSouthern Cross (m

unicipality)Southern Cross (outside m

unicipality)Yellow

dineKaraleeKooraraw

alyeeBoorabbinBoondiW

oolgangieBullabullingCoolgardie (m

unicipality)Coolgardie (outside m

unicipality)Kurraw

angKalgoorlie (m

unicipality)Kalgoorlie (outside m

unicipality)m

en:w

omen

town

average (3.78)

1.0


38

particularly in the major towns, is due to female children, rather than adults. This suggests

that the population consists of mostly single males and some young families.

Figure 2.9. Age of total population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44)

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

0-4

5-9

10-14

unspecified children

15-19

20 21-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75-79

80-84

85-89

unspecified adults

popu

lati

on

age

KalgoorlieCoolgardieSouthern CrossNortham


39

Figure 2.10. Age of male population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44)

Figure 2.11. Age of female population from 1901 census by municipality (Fraser 1903: Part II Table 4, 8-44)

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

0-4

5-9

10-14


15-19

20 21-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75-79

80-84

85-89

unspecified adults

popu

lati

on

ageKalgoorlieCoolgardieSouthern CrossNortham

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

900

10000-4

5-9

10-14


15-19

20 21-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

60-64

65-69

70-74

75-79

80-84

85-89

unspecified adults

popu

lati

on

ageKalgoorlieCoolgardieSouthern CrossNortham


40

Place of birth was tabulated by municipality in the 1901 census (Fraser 1903: Part III Table

10, 40-47). Those that are within the study area are Midland Junction, Northam, Southern

Cross, Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie. Note that these areas do not exactly cover the study area,

with some places being left out, particularly at the eastern end, and extra ones included at the

western end. However, they do provide an indication of the demographics of the area.

The graphs shown in Figure 2.12 to Figure 2.16 show the place of birth of the population for

each of the municipalities as a percentage of the total population of the region, divided by

gender. Figure 2.17 gives the same data for the entire region, and Figure 2.18 gives a

comparison of the total population by birthplace for each municipality. The places are listed

as per the census data. Fiji was included under Australasia when the census was taken,

therefore it is a separate category.

Figure 2.12. Birthplace of population for Midland Junction, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 44-45)

05

101520253035404550556065707580

perc

etag

e t

otal

pop

ulat

ion

birthplacefemale

male


41

Figure 2.13. Birthplace of population for Northam, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 46)

Figure 2.14. Birthplace of population for Southern Cross, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 46-47)

05

10152025303540455055606570758085

perc

enta

ge to

tal p

opul

atio

n

birthplacefemalemale

05

10152025303540455055606570

perc

enta

ge to

tal p

opul

atio

n

birthplacefemale

male


42

Figure 2.15. Birthplace of population for Coolgardie, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-41)

Figure 2.16. Birthplace of population for Kalgoorlie, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 44)

05

1015202530354045505560657075

perc

enta

ge to

tal p

opul

atio

n

birthplacefemalemale

05

1015202530354045505560657075

perc

ntag

e to

tal p

opul

atio

n

birthplace

femalemale


43

Figure 2.17. Birthplace of population for study area, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-47)

05

1015202530354045505560657075

perc

enta

ge to

tal p

opul

atio

n

birthplacefemale

male


44

Figure 2.18. Birthplace of population for study area by municipality, 1901 (Fraser 1903: Part III Table 10, 40-47)

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

perc

enta

ge t

otal

pop

ulat

ion

of r

egio

n

birthplace

Coolgardie Kalgoorlie

Northam Southern Cross

Midland Junction


45

At the western end of the study are (Midland Junction and Northam), of those born in

Australia, the majority were from Western Australia. In the mining areas – Southern Cross,

Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie – the majority were from Victoria, suggesting that miners were

moving from the goldfields in Victoria to Western Australia, following the gold rush. Of

those born outside Australia, the majority were from Britain. From Figure 2.17 the migrants

coming from countries outside Britain were mostly male.

Unlike other goldfields, there were no Chinese associated with the diggings in this area. In

the 1901 census, the only Chinese in the region were 21 people in Northam and one in

Midland Junction. The 1911 census lists one person in Southern Cross, and none in the

statistical district of Coolgardie, which includes Kalgoorlie and surrounds (Knibbs 1914:

364-369 Table 99). In contrast there were 90 Japanese in Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in 1901,

63 of them men, and 55 in Coolgardie in 1911, 48 of them men.

The documentary sources mention other immigrant groups, such as the Afghans as discussed

below, but do not discuss a Chinese population. There are no known photographs and in the

general section in Coolgardie cemetery there are 19 Jewish graves, four Japanese, 28 Afghan

graves but no Chinese. The cemetery was first used in 1894 and is still in use, with most of

the graves from the initial gold-rush years (Western Australian Cemeteries Index 1986).

That there were no Chinese on the Goldfields is mainly a result of the Goldfields Act 1886

(WA) which stated that:

NO miner’s right, or any lease, license or permit on any goldfield shall be issued or granted

under this Act or the Regulations to any Asiatic or African alien before the expiration of five

years from the date of the first proclamation of such goldfield (Goldfields Act 1886: 5).

Once gold was discovered at a site and the claim staked, the mining license could not be

granted to someone of Asian or African origin for five years. The idea was to prevent

Chinese people, in particular, from potentially “stealing” some of the best gold from the

Europeans, and judging from the census data of 1901 and 1911, it was effective.

Although the people operating as cameleers, commonly referred to as Afghans, came from

several areas in Central Asia in the nineteenth century, the majority came from within the

then boundaries of Afghanistan. The term Afghan has become an externally defined ethnic

label that does not necessarily indicate nationality (Parkes 1997: 11) and will be used here as

a commonly understood term. Most cameleers were documented as being from “near

Kabul”, “near Kandahar” or “near Peshawar”, all of which were within nineteenth century

Afghanistan, or “near Karachi”, which was Afghanistan’s port until 1893 (Stevens 2002: 2;

Barker 1995 [1964]: 72). The cameleers were initially brought to Australia on a three year


46

contract and were then supposed to return home. However many renewed their contracts,

and once their second contract expired, had built up their own camel strings and became

self-employed (Stevens 2002: 26).

Afghan cameleers first came to Australia in 1860 (Stevens 2002: 14). Over the next 50

years, camels were continually imported into Australia, often brought by their Afghan

handlers. The camels were used for cartage throughout the desert regions, carrying almost

anything that needed to be transported, including construction materials, wool, ore, mail, and

supplies (Parkes 1997: 12). They did not carry pig products on religious grounds, but did

agree to carry alcohol, and became the preferred carriers as they were less likely to drink it

en route than others (Barker 1995 [1964]: 77). Of the many goods that the camels carried,

one of the main ones in arid regions such as the Goldfields was water out to miners, usually

from condensers, providing an essential service until the opening of the pipeline in 1903.

Although they were from diverse areas geographically, the cameleers had a shared ethnic

identity – they were almost exclusively Muslim and lived together, separate from the main

towns (Parkes 1997: 12). For the purposes of the census their birthplace was listed as

Afghanistan. According to the 1901 census, there was one Afghan in the region, living in

Coolgardie, and in 1911 there were 23, all men, and 13 of whom were in the statistical

districts of Coolgardie and Northam. Due to the changes in divisions between the two

censuses, the overall population cannot be compared, but in both cases less than 1% of the

total population was Afghan.

In contrast to the other historical documents, the number of Afghans in the census are low.

The Afghan population in Western Australia peaked in 1896, subsequently declining

because of the introduction of the railway and water pipeline meaning their services were no

longer needed (Willis 1992: 57). A photograph from 1896 shows at least 25 Afghan men,

and their camels, giving a guard of honour to the Governor Sir Gerald Smith at the opening

of the railway (BL online image 00737D) and there are over 16 Afghan burials in the

Coolgardie cemetery from 1895-1900 (Stevens 2002: 313; WA Cemeteries Index 1986).

There was a Ghantown on the outskirts of Coolgardie which is discussed in further detail in

Chapter 5. Photographs of Afghans in Coolgardie from the 1890s, giving guards of honour

and with their camels (BL online image 000737D, BL 72B/35 Vol. 145 and BL 26739P),

indicate that the census data, particularly the 1901 data, is not a true indication of the Afghan

population on the Goldfields (Willis 1992: 45).

Based on the photographs and the cemetery records, it is unlikely that there was only one

Afghan present on the Goldfields in 1901. The discrepancy could be due to a relatively high


47

population of Afghans in Coolgardie in the 1890s who had left before the 1901 census. More

likely, there were Afghans living in the Goldfields in 1901 and either not counted or

included in another category. There are 46 people listed as being from British India, so it is

possible that some of those were cameleers (Willis 1992: 41).

The census data for the major categories of age, habitation etc. does not include the

Aboriginal population, instead it is explicit about them not being included. They were

counted, as were the Chinese, by municipality and ward (Fraser 1903: Part I, Table 64-65,

64-66), but no further detail is given. According to the 1901 census there were 10 Aboriginal

people in the entire region (Fraser 1903: Part I, Table 64, 64), which seems an

underestimation. Of the other historical sources, there are photographs of Aboriginal people

in the Goldfields (e.g. BL online images 008586D, 003212D, 000831D, 003155D, 000913D,

000912D, BL 72B/48-1 Vol. 145 and 72B/94 Vol. 145), but there are very few references in

miners’ and explorers’ accounts.

After the discovery of gold at Southern Cross and Coolgardie and the establishment of

settlements during the 1880s and 1890s, Aboriginal people moved to the town centres. The

reasons for this were twofold: first, they were displaced from their traditional lands as a

result of the discovery of gold and the search for more, and second, they were dependent on

food supplied by Europeans (Macintyre and Mattner 1993: 5). There is no doubt that

Aborigines continued to occupy the area following European settlement, as demonstrated by

the establishment of Jurien Mission near Merredin in the 1920s (Spence 2001: 38-39),

Kurrawang Mission near Kalgoorlie in 1953 (Department of Planning and Infrastructure and

Kurrawang Aboriginal Christian Community 2006: 1), and reserves at Kellerberrin (1905),

Merredin (1938) (Mia 2000: 2, 4), Mooranoppin (1934) and Doodlakine (Spence 2001: 37).

There are a number of Native Title Applications within the study area (e.g. Federal Court

File Numbers WAD 149/98, WAD 6181/98, WAD 65/98, WAD 6216/98, and WAD

6243/98) indicating continuity of occupation. However Aboriginal people are rarely

mentioned in the historical records, although as has often been demonstrated (Hall 1999;

Paterson 2008), this does not indicate that there were none living in there.

There is clear evidence from the historical records that there were several groups of people

living in the Goldfields, including Europeans, Aborigines, Afghans, Asians, women and

children. Most of the historical documents focus on the major towns, and those that do not,

such as prospectors’ diaries, are dominated by the searches for water and gold, with only the

occasional mention of other prospectors. This raises the question as to whether the different

groups of people were centred on the major towns of Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie, and

whether there is any evidence in the archaeological record for them elsewhere.


48

Summary

Environmental factors such as climate, soils and vegetation have an impact on the locations

of settlements occurs and their layout. The lack of water in the study region delayed

European settlement for 60 years, until gold was found. Once gold was discovered, it took

only a relatively short period of time to establish towns and build the necessary

infrastructure, but it was essential to find ways of getting an adequate supply of water.

The first European explored most of the study region in the 1860s, but a lack of water meant

the settlement did not occur until the 1890s with the discovery of gold. Following the gold

rush, major towns such as Kalgoorlie survived, while others eventually disappeared,

particularly following the closure of the original railway line.

The historical records suggest that the population mainly consists of single white men, with

a few young families, mainly coming from all over Australia (particularly from the

goldfields in Victoria) and Britain. There were no Chinese, unlike other goldfield areas,

some Afghans, a few Japanese and very few Aboriginal people. It is expected that the

archaeological record will reflect the dominance by Anglo-Saxon men, with some evidence

of the other groups of people that lived there, particularly women and children and the

Afghan population.

All of these factors – environment, establishment of towns, building of infrastructure and

subsequent closure, land use and population demographics – affect the archaeological

record, including artefact types and the level of preservation. They also affect how the

archaeological data is recorded, which is discussed in the following chapter.

Chapter 3 Colonisation of the Frontier

49


This chapter provides the theoretical and contextual background which informs the nature

and structure of my inquiry. The study period covers the period of European colonisation

and the expansion of the (European) frontier into the increasingly arid interior of Western

Australia. The area was settled as a direct result of the discovery of gold which created a

linear migration and settlement corridor and tended towards temporary occupation of many

sites. Through studying the archaeology of the settlements that were established during this

time, I am interested in exploring what life was life, how colonisation proceeded, and what

we can learn of these events in an important area of Western Australia’s development. To

what extent did the political and social mores of the day and the backgrounds of the people

living there affect the communities that developed? What, if any, were the effects of

colonialism on how the land was settled and daily life of the people? These questions will be

defined in greater detail later in the thesis based on the literature discussed in this chapter.

I start by critically reviewing the studies of colonialism, colonisation and frontiers. This

involves considering archaeological and other disciplinary perspectives, particularly

historical geography. These studies provide a context to settlement development in the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor and assist in interpreting what

causes similarities and differences between the sites in the archaeological record. This

analysis will aid in gaining a greater understanding of what daily life was like at the

settlements during the study period.

Then under the themes of identity and labour, common to archaeological literature, I discuss

the ways that different groups can be seen in the archaeological record. This provides the

basis for developing an approach to interpreting who was living at the sites and adds to the

analysis of what life was like at the settlements.

Kalgoorlie has become a substantial regional centre with gold mining still an important

industry, although most of the settlements along the route to the Goldfields have been

abandoned. Through studying the characteristics of the settlements that grew as a result of

migration to the Goldfields and determining what life was like there, we can gain a greater

understanding of how this region developed and help characterise settlement at other similar

sites, such as nineteenth and early twentieth century workers’ camps, elsewhere in the world.


50

Colonisation, colonialism and the frontier

The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were the height of the British Empire

(James 1994: xiv), and a major period of colonisation and expansion (Gosden 2004; Said

1994). The expansion of the British Empire resulted in the formation of outposts all over the

world. In Australia the end of the nineteenth century was immediately prior to federation. A

new identity was being forged as Australians grappled with defining what it meant to be

‘Australian’. Australian colonists in the nineteenth century came from Britain and used

mass-produced goods from British factories, read British periodicals and brought with them

British ideas and social mores (Lawrence 2003b: 22). Given this context, were settlements in

the study region influenced by a British perception of colonialism and colonisation, or were

they an expression of an Australian colonial frontier, and can that be seen in the

archaeological record?

In order to explore these questions, some definitions are required. A colony is a settlement in

a hostile or conquered territory (Gosden 2004: 1). It is subject to parental power, and its

identity is often defined by its expression of that controlling power. Colonisation is the

physical act of establishing colonies, and the movement and settlements of peoples

(Rowlands 1998: 327), and colonialism is the practice, or policy, of maintaining the colonies

and has come to mean the colonial system or principle (Gosden 2004: 1). As Thomas (1994:

2) demonstrates, colonialism is not only a “political or economic relationship that is

legitimized or justified through ideologies of racism or progress”, but is also a cultural

process. The influences over a colony are expressed in economic and political structures, and

culture. Colonisation and colonialism have been studied in range of disciplines and the use

of them as interpretive frameworks in archaeology has developed from this literature,

particularly world systems theory, as discussed below (Gosden 2004: 7).

The archaeological record is affected by colonialism as the parent culture influences

settlement, in land use, technology, material culture and diet. It is assumed that the

archaeological record of the colonised territory will be similar to the parent culture, and

show a smaller level of adaptability and innovation, when the distant centre dominates, and

has a strong influence over, the colonised territory (Lawrence 2003b; Birmingham and Jeans

1983: 7).

In the 1901 census (Figure 2.12 - Figure 2.18) the majority of the population (69%) in the

study area was born in Australia. Looking at the birthplace of the population in further

detail, 27% of the total population was from Victoria, followed by 24% from Great Britain,

with Western Australia coming in third with 17% of the total population (Fraser 1903: Part


51

III Table 10, 40-47). Based on the population data, there are two possible parent cultures for

the Western Australian goldfields in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

The first possibility is Great Britain. Ultimately most of the Western Australian population

was from Britain, as was the material culture, with few goods produced locally, and most

coming from Britain until the end of the nineteenth century (Souter 2007: 184). Colonists in

America and Australia during the nineteenth century were often more ‘British’ than the

British themselves (Marshall 1996: 320; White 1981: 50). They steadfastly held onto

English traditions and social mores, such that where tastes and fashions changed in Britain,

they remained static in the colonies (Malinowski 1945: 10).

In addition to holding on to those traditions, the colonisers transplanted views and

knowledge of England onto the new lands, particularly in terms of landscape. For example,

unexplored country in Australia was divided into blocks, numbered and sold to purchasers in

Britain, who never saw the land, based on the perception that “land there could be very

much regarded like land here” (Carter 1987: 204 emphasis in original). The consequences of

this were that some settlements struggled as the colonisers were unprepared for the different

conditions (Birmingham and Jeans 1983: 6; Wilson 1988: 136; Burke 2004: 381).

The second possible parent culture is Perth. By the time gold was discovered in Coolgardie,

Perth had been established for over 60 years. Most of the supplies to the Goldfields came via

Perth, as did the people (The West Australian, 9 September 1896: 4). In their study of the

nineteenth century Eastern Cape Colony in South Africa, Winer and Deetz (1991) found that

rather than expressing the English forms known from the motherland, the settlers created a

new frontier form which could be seen in variations in the architecture, ceramics and

gravestones at the site.

The study period, from 1830 to 1914, was not only at the height of British empire, it was

also during the period of Australian federation, which occurred in 1901. Leading up to

Federation was a time of questioning what it meant to be ‘Australian’, which was expressed

by writers, artists, politicians and journalists, for example Henry Lawson in The Bulletin

(Ireland 2003: 60-61).

In the mid-1860s the British Colonial Naval Defence Act 1865 allowed the colonies to form

their own naval defence forces. This meant that Britain no longer had to pay for these forces,

and allowed the Royal Navy to deploy ships elsewhere (Grey 1999: 24). The colonies were

now expected to help the motherland in defending the empire when required (Russell and

Chubb 1998: 45), which they did, for example in the Sudan in 1885, the Boer War in 1899,

and of course World War I. For many, there was no question that they would help the


52

motherland, for they, too, were British, and defending the empire at war was part of their

national identity (Russell and Chubb 1998: 59). Opposition to the first two wars, in

particular, was based on moral objections to the wars themselves, rather than a sense that

Australia was not British, and was therefore not obligated to help the empire (Russell and

Chubb 1998: 59-62).

Following European settlement, the idea of the Australian nation took many years to form

(McMinn 1994: 5). It was created from elements as diverse as the Aborigines, convicts, and

various non-British immigrant cultures such as the Irish and Chinese (McMinn 1994: 11),

although it was dominated by the British. It was not until the 1880s that an idea of national

pride began to emerge and, when it did, it was still strongly tied to the Empire and being

British. This is demonstrated in the response given by Edmund Barton, the first Prime

Minister of Australia from 1901-1903 when asked what his nationality was, to which he

replied ‘British’ rather than ‘Australian’ (McMinn 1994: 2).

An Australian identity was being formed at the beginning of the twentieth century, although

as demonstrated in literature and art from the 1880s and 1890s, the dominant culture was

still British. This was expressed through various means, such as the theatre, which was

dominated by British playwrights, and the massive celebrations of Queen Victoria’s Jubilee,

particularly in Sydney and Melbourne (McMinn 1994: 151; Lawrence 2003a: 221). It has

been argued that the system of gentility was a means of expressing the continuation of

British culture, used by the middle and upper classes to distinguish themselves from working

class, and the convicts (Young 1998). Therefore, although a new Australian identity was

being formed at this time, the major influence was still British.

It may not be possible to determine which (if either) of the two possible parent cultures,

Britain or Perth, influenced the settlements in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor and they may not be mutually exclusive. The area could be an example

of a nested colonial system, with the study region in the middle, influenced by Perth, the

closer of the two parent cultures, which in turn was influenced by Britain. A comparison

with the archaeological evidence from other colonies and with the homeland will help

determine which parent culture had the greatest influence on sites in the corridor and

whether a new identity was being developed, or the sites represent an expression of the old

one.


53

The frontier

Frontier studies were pioneered in America, with the publication of Frederick Jackson

Turner’s thesis on the Significance of the Frontier in American History in 1893 (Turner,

1960 [1893]), which argued that the American frontier was where the American identity was

formed. The mixture of the traditions and customs that the Europeans brought with them,

with techniques and customs adapted from the Native Americans, resulted in a new,

American, identity. Subsequent studies have primarily been historical or geographical, rather

than archaeological in their approach. A survey of frontier studies shows that much of the

literature is from the 1930s-1970s, with little after then.

The concept of the frontier has not been widely used in archaeology in recent times,

particularly in Australia. Birmingham and Jeans (1983) suggested that frontier research

could be one focus when adopting a more problem-oriented methodology in Australian

archaeology and, as reported by Nayton (1992) almost ten years later that had not happened.

Another 15 years on the concept is still not widely used. Some of the possible reasons for

this are the criticisms of frontier studies being ethnocentric (Forbes 1968) and colonialist in

perspective (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995), which are discussed further below.

The first step is to clarify what is meant by the term frontier. A frontier is the boundary

between the urbanized, settled area and what is beyond, and is used to describe the situations

that arise on the limits of expansion (Wyman and Kroeber 1957: xiii). Forbes (1968: 207)

defines the frontier as ‘an inter-group contact situation’. He argues that a frontier is the place

where ‘two groups confront each other’ and without a meeting of at least two groups there

can be no frontier. Combining these two definitions, a frontier is the interaction between two

or more groups in an area that is on the limits of expansion for one of those groups. The

emphasis is that one of those groups is in, what is for them, a new situation, and must adapt

to the new situation.

For Forbes (1968: 208) the idea of a frontier as an area where people (read Europeans) come

up against a wilderness, or uninhabited region, is ethnocentric. As apart from Antarctica or

space, there are always other groups to interact with in a given region. In order to avoid the

Euro-American imperial expansionist perspective that the term ‘frontier’ has, ‘contact zone’

was proposed instead to emphasise the relationship between coloniser and colonised, and to

highlight that the frontier is only a frontier with respect to Europe (Pratt, 1992:6; Harrison,

2004:6). I will be using the term frontier for reasons outlined below.

Forbes’(1968), and subsequently Pratt’s (1992) and Harrison’s (2004b), approach places the

emphasis of frontier studies on the interaction between the two groups. Forbes (1968: 219)


54

argues that studies of the social, political and economic developments of regions are actually

of periods when the region is no longer a frontier and is in fact underdeveloped,

economically and culturally. He claims that a region is only a frontier while there is

interaction between two or more groups and frontier studies must focus on the “inter-ethnic

behaviour and problems arising therefrom” (Forbes 1968: 219).

While the criticism of frontier studies being ethnocentric is valid, Forbes’ definition of the

term is a little narrow. As Forbes (1968: 219) acknowledges, in American studies, the term

has come to mean expansion into an area that is sparsely inhabited, such that the occupiers

usually have immediate and exclusive possession of the land (Webb 1952: 3). Therefore

frontier studies are not solely about interaction between two groups of people, but are also

about the interaction between the occupiers and a new environment.

According to Lightfoot and Martinez (1995) there are three main problems with frontier

studies having a colonialist perspective. First, core-periphery models are often used to

interpret culture change, implying a passive relationship between coloniser and colonised

and ignoring the dynamic between the two groups. Second, frontier studies have primarily

occurred at the macroscale level, both spatially and temporally, where the focus has been on

nations, states or regions (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995: 477; Pollock 1992: 329). They call

for a multiscalar approach, where both the global and the local level are included in the

analysis. And third, previous approaches have assumed relatively homogenous groups

defined by sharp boundaries, whereas the reality is that division between groups are more

fluid than that.

Despite these criticisms, which are valid, this thesis is from a colonialist, or occupier’s,

perspective. That is, those who were living, working and travelling though the sites,

regardless of cultural background. It is important to examine the perspectives of all the

people that lived at the sites and, through emphasizing one over the other, whether that be

colonised or coloniser, inevitably some points of view get lost. Through asking what life was

like at the settlements, I am taking the perspective of those that lived there, in this case the

occupiers.

The concept of the frontier is closely linked to colonisation. By implication, in order to have

a frontier there also must be a ‘homeland’, as well as an indigenous culture that have been

impacted by the homeland culture (Paynter, 1985:164). In this study the migration and

settlement corridor is a frontier, on the outer limits of settlement. It is an area of European

colonisation and expansion arising from Perth in the west, and serviced by Kalgoorlie at the

eastern end.


55

Steffen (1980) defined two types of frontier: cosmopolitan and insular. Cosmopolitan

frontiers are economically specialised and usually short-term (Lewis, 1984:16). They are

influenced by factors outside the frontier itself, for example from the parent society, and

tend not to display a high degree of development from within. Insular frontiers are

influenced primarily from within, from factors that are exclusive to the frontier experience

(Steffen 1980: xii).

Within the category of cosmopolitan frontiers, six types of frontiers were identified. These

are: trading, ranching (pastoralism), exploitative plantation, industrial, military and

transportation frontiers (Lewis 1984: 264-268). The two most relevant to this study are

industrial and transportation frontiers. Industrial frontiers include mining, lumbering and

other similar frontiers. They are transient, highly specialised, short-term, occupied by people

living in the region for only a short time and have strong economic links to the parent culture

(Lewis 1984: 267). Unlike the other cosmopolitan frontier types, transportation frontiers are

associated with the establishment of the cosmopolitan frontier, however they are not part of

it, as they do not include the exploitation of resources, and instead represent the links

between the frontier region and the homeland (Lewis 1984: 268).

Insular frontiers are more economically diverse than cosmopolitan frontiers and are usually

occupied long-term. At insular frontiers, people need to adapt to local conditions for the

settlement to succeed. Thus they do not rely on the parent culture and the settlement will

display different characteristics to the homeland (Lewis 1984: 17). As a consequence, the

way a settlement develops and the material culture will differ between the two types of

frontiers, which can be seen through similarities and differences between the settlement and

the homeland in the archaeological record.

In this thesis I will test which, if any, of these categories are applicable to the settlement

corridor between Mundaring and Kalgoorlie. Given that the area was settled as a

transportation corridor and used for industrial activities, does it have characteristics of

cosmopolitan frontiers? That is, does the archaeological record show evidence of the sites

being short-term and highly specialised, and if so, what is that evidence? If the sites are part

of a cosmopolitan frontier, then they would reflect the parent culture, having an

archaeological assemblage that is essentially British, and show little evidence of local

adaptation.

There is no doubt that one of the reasons that frontier studies have not been widely applied

in archaeology, particularly in the last 15 years, stems from the criticisms of their

ethnocentricity, although this does not fully explain its almost complete abandonment as a


56

framework. Following Lightfoot and Martinez’s and other critiques of frontier studies, and

their ethnocentrism, by taking a more generalist approach, and conducting frontier studies

using a wider perspective, they can provide a useful framework for studies of marginal

areas.

Models of colonisation

A number of colonisation models have been developed in several disciplines. Their aim is to

characterise colonisation in order to understand spatial patterns, population movements, flow

of information, culture change and interaction between peoples (Meinig 1976: 32). Presented

below is a summary of some of the models taken from cultural geography and archaeology.

Some are more applicable to this study than others, with the most relevant models

incorporating the influence of the parent culture, the effect of the frontier, and the

development of temporary and permanent settlements. I have divided the models into two

types – the processual models that explain the process of colonisation of a region, and the

post-processual models that examine the social aspects of colonisation.

First I will look at the processual models. Using the colonisation of America by Europeans

as an example, Meinig (1976: 31) proposed a geographical model identifying eight phases of

colonisation. These were: exploration; harvest of immediate resources; barter; plunder;

commercial outpost; imperial imposition; plantation (of permanent settlers); and imperial

colony. The sequence is not fixed and some phases may be skipped. Meinig (1976: 34)

argued that it could be applied to regions other than America. The first five phases (up to

and including commercial outpost) represent a settlement in its temporary phase, or as

Meinig expresses it, a “prelude”, which can be easily abandoned or changed if necessary. As

the settlement becomes more permanent, and settlers are willing to invest more resources,

then colonisation enters the last three phases (Meinig 1976: 32).

In Meinig’s model, over time the degree of imperialism and imposition of the parent culture

on the settlement increases, although the time between the temporary phase and the

permanent one may be short. If this influence is reflected in the archaeological record, then

permanent settlements would show a greater reflection of the parent culture in terms of

spatial organisation and material culture than temporary settlements. Other models of

colonisation and frontiers suggest a decrease in the influence of the parent culture and a

greater expression of a new identity of the child culture over time (see below, also Dawdy

2000). For example, on a global scale, Lawrence (2003b) demonstrated that in the nineteenth

century, Anglo-American culture had diverged from Britain, and consequently colonies in


57

Australia, Canada, South Africa and New Zealand. Which model(s) are applicable can be

tested by studying both the initial settlement, to determine to what degree it reflects the

parent culture, and change over time, and whether the degree of imperialism and imposition

of the parent culture changes.

In Australia, one significant attempt in historical archaeology at developing a model of

colonisation is the Swiss Family Robinson model (Birmingham and Jeans, 1983). This

identified three phases of colonisation: the exploratory, learning and the developmental

phases. The exploratory phase is characterised by immediate exploration, a dependence on

imports and a preliminary assessment. The learning phase involves the selection of a

production system, which is further developed depending on whether it has a successful or

unsuccessful outcome. The developmental phase results in further operational enhancements

and developmental change, arising from external supply of new technology, local

technological innovation, a changing commercial environment, increasing knowledge of and

induced changes in the biophysical environment (Birmingham and Jeans 1983: 6 Fig.1).

The model has been criticised on the basis that it does not incorporate an understanding of

the relationships between the land, indigenous people and the new settlers (Egloff 1994: 1).

To this end, Egloff (1994: 1) added two more phases: ‘disposession’ and ‘despoliation’.

Dispossession refers to the displacement of Aboriginal people from the land, and

despoliation is the effect on the environment of the new settlers. Certainly colonisation does

not occur in a vacuum, and by their own acknowledgment, Birmingham and Jeans’ (1983:

11) model does not incorporate social aspects of settlement.

The Swiss Family Robinson model has not been widely used and is criticised because it

takes a hypothetico-deductive approach to the data, rather than inductive (Bairstow 1984).

Bairstow (1984: 3) argues that archaeologists must formulate general theories from the

empirical data, rather than trying to fit an individual case to a particular model. By doing

this, the shortcomings in a given model are highlighted. For example, after suffering

financial troubles, the Australian Agricultural Company, in Port Stephens, New South

Wales, bought second-hand mining equipment that had been superseded and was being

discarded by larger collieries. The Swiss Family Robinson model only allows for progress,

so the retrogression in technology would be lost if the model was used to interpret the

archaeology of the Australian Agricultural Company’s colliery. Bairstow (1984: 5) argues

that by applying a particular model to an assemblage, the archaeologist is denied the

opportunity to interpret a site without any preconceived ideas. Given that sites vary and have

their own set of influences, it is better to develop new hypotheses rather than try to fit the

data to preconceived ones.


58

There is no doubt that the Swiss Family Robinson model, like any model, has its flaws. It is

very general, does not incorporate different cultural groups, does not allow for cultural

change and does not address how settlers prepared prior to settlement (Burke 2004: 17). The

effects of colonialisms and colonisation at a local level will always be contextual to a

particular time and place (Seretis 2003: 236). However, a model such as the Swiss Family

Robinson one can still be useful in characterising colonisation processes both on a macro-

and micro-scale. The process of European colonisation has not been intensively studied in

Australia and sites such as those in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement

corridor provide an opportunity study how colonisers approached a new, hostile, region.

Post-processual models provide a framework within which to explore the processes of

colonisation, rather than outlining a series of steps or characteristics that occur during

colonisation of an area. For example, Hoover (1992) identified several archaeological

models under the headings ecological models, frontier models, economic models and

acculturation studies and applied the models to eighteenth and nineteenth century Spanish

mission sites in California.

Ecological models use principles from ecology, including competitive exclusion,

environmental stability, progressive segregation and systemisation to explain the processes

of colonisation (Hardesty 1980; Lewis 1984). Competitive exclusion is the idea that in an

isolated environment different societies cannot coexist in the same area and use the same

resources without some modification to the lifestyles and habits of one or both societies. The

greater the environmental diversity in a region, the more varied the response from frontier

societies, as they adapt to new and changing conditions. Environmental stability is the

degree of diversity within a community, such that the success is less predictable in an

unstable environment. Progressive segregation is the move towards an increase in functional

differentiation in a society, and systemisation is the opposite, and results in an increase in

formal systems as the frontier becomes established and there is greater interaction with the

world economy. Systemisation, or simplification, results in the loss of specialisation, and the

increase in cultural impoverishment as the distance from the parent colony increases, leading

to a simpler material culture (Hoover 1992: 38; Lewis 1984: 12-13).

Hoover (1992: 38-39) uses the cosmopolitan and insular frontier models as described by

Steffen (1980) and discussed in the previous section. To summarise, cosmopolitan frontiers

have strong economic ties with the homeland. The frontier and the homeland have a similar

material culture and the frontier shows less evidence of adaptation and innovation. Insular

frontiers have few ties with the homeland and therefore greater differences in the material

culture from it.


59

Economic models look at the economic relationships between nations and social classes,

particularly in light of Wallerstein’s world-systems analysis (Wallerstein 1974; 2004).

Developing in the sixteenth century, a world-system is a social system that incorporates core

states and peripheral and semi-peripheral areas and is a framework within which to study

social systems and social change (Wallerstein 1974). In a world-system there are multiple

cultural groups (e.g. different countries) and a single division of labour (Hoover 1992: 40). It

is a capitalist world-economy, where there is a hierarchy of occupational tasks. The more

specialised tasks, requiring greater skill and capitalisation, tend to occur in the higher-

ranking areas, which are the core states. Although it initially applied only to Europe,

Wallerstein (1974: 15) called it a world-system because it is outside any political units, and

the basic links between the different parts are economic, rather than cultural or political.

This is a capitalist view of economies, and has to be applied with caution to non-capitalist

economies and those outside the world-economy (Hoover 1992: 41). Archaeology has made

use of world-systems theory through the application of cores and peripheries (e.g. Cressey et

al. 1982; Bintliff 1997).

Economic models test whether the world-system analysis can be applied to areas of

colonisation, through studying the patterns of trade and origins of goods. If a site is part of

the world-system economy, then it will show increased trade and economic interaction with

other areas. If a site does become part of the world-system, then over time there will be less

localisation in the material culture. Instead, there will an increased influence from the

trading partner(s), whether that be the parent culture, or other economies part of the world-

system.

Finally, acculturation studies investigate the degree of adaptation to other cultures of a

colonised society based on the material culture (Farnsworth 1992). Acculturation studies

have been extensively critiqued (e.g. Deagan 1988; Farnsworth 1992; Leonard 1993;

Lightfoot 1995; Ramenofsky 1989) and are normally applied to the colonised (that is, the

indigenous people). They are not useful to this study, as I am studying the colonisers and

there is very little evidence for the colonised in the study area. Therefore it will not be

discussed any further.

Hoover (1992: 43) concluded that the models provided different perspectives on the sites.

For example, ecological models explain general phenomena including the simplification of

material culture, the acculturation of the native population, and California’s integration into

the world economy. Frontier models could be used to define the province’s changing role in

the world economy, thus giving an understanding to the overall processes of economic

change. Whereas the economic models were limited because world-system analysis, by


60

definition, does not allow for local variations or economies. However Hoover did find that

the world-system approach de-emphasised the individual nation-state as a unit of analysis,

and proved that the economy of Hispanic America was as important to the merchants of

Antwerp or London as to the politicians of Madrid.

More recently, Gosden (2004: 26 Table 3.1) proposed a model of colonialism with three

facets: colonialism within a shared cultural milieu (cultural power); middle ground (greatest

experiment and creativity); and terra nullius (violence). Applying the model to colonies

ranging from 5000 years ago to the last 500 years, he argues that the three facets are not

mutually exclusive, nor are they necessarily a linear progression from one to another. All

three types can exist simultaneously and there can be movement from one to another, or one

form can be found alone (Gosden 2004: 25).

Colonialism within a shared cultural milieu refers to the instances where there is not a great

difference between coloniser and colonised. In these cases, colonialism is distinguished from

culture contact where there is some degree of control and advantaged exercised by some

groups over others (Gosden 2004: 32). Examples are early Mesopotamia until the Greeks,

the Aztecs, Incas, early Chinese, Vikings and Tongans (Gosden 2004: 36 Table 3.1).

In an Australian context where the British are the colonisers and the Aboriginal people are

the colonised, there is a clear difference between the two cultures and this facet of the model

does not immediately apply. However, the British were not the only group to settle the study

region. In the case of the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor there

were people from other parts of Europe, Asia, Afghanistan, and the rest of Australia.

Although the relationship between these groups is not that of coloniser and colonised, one

group does dominate others. For example, Anglo-Saxon dominance is demonstrated in the

effect of the anti-Asian mining legislation, which limited what Asian people could do in the

Goldfields, ultimately preventing them from settling in the region. The relationships between

the British and the Aboriginal people, the British and the Afghans, and the Afghans and the

Aboriginal people, just to name a few, all affected settlement and cannot be easily separated

when applying the banner of ‘colonialism’.

In Gosden’s middle ground the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised does not

necessarily lead to either acculturation or decline and cultural destruction. It can also lead to

the creation of new cultural ideas and structures, influenced by both coloniser and colonised,

but different from them, for example contact in the last 500 years in North America, Africa,

India and the Pacific (Gosden 2004: 26 Table 3.1; 30). This is a common idea in studies of


61

culture contact (e.g. Torrence and Clarke, 2000a; Lightfoot, 1995) and applies to any

prolonged interaction between two cultures.

Terra nullius is characterised by the lack of recognition of previous inhabitants and leads to

mass appropriation of lands and destruction of social relations, and death. The settlement of

Australia and the dispossession of Aborigines is clearly an example of this (for a discussion

of terra nullius and how it applied to Australia, see Reynolds 1996). This facet of Gosden’s

model is the most relevant to the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor,

as the settlers were occupying an area that had a low Aboriginal population, and was

dominated by one particular culture. However, the other two components of the model can

also apply.

In summary, colonisation models fall into two broad categories: those where the influence of

the parent colony, and therefore the expression of the homeland culture increases over time,

such as that of Meinig (1976) and the ecological models, and those where the individual

expression of the new colony increases over time, distinguishing itself from the parent

colony. These include the Swiss Family Robinson model, frontier and acculturation models,

and Gosden’s model.

Colonisation, colonialism and the frontier along the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

migration and settlement corridor

At the start of this section I asked whether the settlements in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

migration and settlement corridor were influenced by a British perception of colonialism and

colonisation, or were they an expression of an Australian colonial frontier, and can that be

seen in the archaeological record? It is important to understand the political and social

background of the period under investigation and colonisation, colonialism and frontiers

provide a framework for interpreting the archaeological data.

Colonialism is a global phenomenon, but experiences of it are also local and specific

(Murray 2004: 14; Seretis 2003: 224; Thomas 1991). Colonisation models can be applied to

settlements in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor to help determine

how much influence the mindset of British colonisation had on them and the daily life of

those that lived there, or whether the settlements were an expression of an Australian early

colonial frontier. By determining which model(s) are the most applicable to settlements in

the corridor, I will examine what the effect of colonisation was, whether a parent culture can

be identified and how much of an influence it had.


62

Identity and labour

In order to determine what life was like along the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor, one of the questions to consider is who was living there. The term

identity can be used to differentiate the self from others (Bhabha, 1994:44); therefore, it is

the differences between people, or groups of people, that create their identities. It

incorporates several facets including ethnicity, gender, status, class, age and religion (Díaz-

Andreu and Lucy 2005: 1) and is used here to refer to all of the different groups of people

that lived in the settlement corridor. As discussed in Chapter 2, historical records refer to the

presence of people from all over Australia and the world, including British, other Europeans,

Afghans, Japanese and other Asians, and Aboriginal people, living in the Mundaring-

Kalgoorlie settlement corridor. As well as different nationalities, identity also refers to men,

women and children, workers and managers. Identity is how these different groups

distinguish themselves and how that difference is reflected in the archaeological record.

Identity has always been part of archaeological interpretation, as specific cultures are

labelled based on their material representations. This approach often simplifies identity,

reducing it to a single affiliation, whereas people can identify themselves with several

groups at once, be that male/female, coloniser/colonised, worker/manager,

British/Asian/Indigenous, lower/middle/upper class, just to name a few (Casella and Fowler

2005b: 1-2). Because of this oversimplification and because they do not allow for those that

fall in between the boundaries of the two classes, there have been calls to move away from

binary oppositions in establishing identity, for example between coloniser (e.g. British) and

colonised (e.g. indigenous) (O'Keeffe 2005: 30; Russell 2005; Meskell and Preucel 2004).

As O’Keeffe (2005: 30-31) acknowledges, binary relationships provide a manageable way

of seeing the world and it is not easy simply to discard them. Rather, the space in between

needs to be considered in any archaeological study.

There has been much debate as to whether different groups can be identified in the

archaeological record and to what extent. Casella and Fowler (2005b: 8) state that we can

neither identify a specific cultural group from a particular form of material culture, nor can

we identify a single practitioner from a series of cultural practices. Although there are

numerous examples of archaeological sites that have evidence of people other than the

dominant colonisers, demonstrating that it is possible to identify different groups in the

archaeological record, although it needs to be done with caution (e.g. in Australia:

Birmingham 1992; Birmingham 1997; 2000; Murray 1993; Allen 1978; Paterson 2003;

Harrison 2002b; and around the world: Wegars 1993; Jones 1997; Casella and Fowler

2005a; Shennan 1989; Delle et al. 2000).


63

The identification of different groups in the archaeological record is based on a series of

assumptions. First, that ethnicity “can be described as a catalog of values and practices that

can be enumerated and that can be distinguished from the values and practices of other

ethnic groups” (Upton 1996: 1). It is assumed that ethnicity can be identified using historical

records and, that these records are valid. Second, ethnicity can be identified through the use

of ‘ethnic markers’. For example, two groups commonly living on mining and other remote

sites in nineteenth century in Australia are the Chinese, who are identified by the presence of

Chinese ceramics and/or coins, and Aborigines, who are identified post-European contact by

the presence of flaked glass or modified metal objects (Harrison 2000; 2002a; Allen and

Jones 1980). The final assumption is that any given ethnic group at different sites will

exhibit the same traits and characteristics and appear homogenous in the archaeological

record, such that they can be identified (Jones 1999: 220; Upton 1996: 1-2).

Groups are identified using a combination of methods including the artefact assemblage, the

spatial organisation of the site and the historical documents. In a survey of five ghantowns

occupied during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in South Australia and New

South Wales, Parkes (1997: 85) found that Afghan sites had very few building materials,

few ceramics and a lower proportion of bottle glass than European sites. Ghantowns were

separate from the main European settlement, and were located next to pasture that was

suitable for camels. They had their own water supply and had both temporary and permanent

buildings, which were usually located together. One of the major identifying features of an

Afghan site is the associated burials, which face north-west towards Mecca. The Afghans

were known to be living in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement corridor, and may be

identified in the archaeological record.

Employees at work settlements and fur trading outposts, as well as mining sites, in North

America occupied in the late eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were

predominantly male (Van Bueren 2002; Veltre and McCartney 2002; Hamilton 1996). In

Leyburn’s definition of four frontier subtypes two subtypes (small farm and settlement

plantations) were characterised by permanent settlement, implying that women and children

were also present, and two subtypes (exploitative plantation, and camp frontiers) had men

only and were transitory (Lewis 1984: 10). Although there is evidence for women being

present at sites traditionally considered male, for example a mid nineteenth century mining

site in Victoria, Australia (Lawrence Cheney 1995).

Many of the sites in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor were

workers’ camps, including construction camps, railway stations and pump stations. People’s

daily lives were tied to their work and labour provides an appropriate theme to explore how


64

that affected them. Labour is an economic phenomenon and has been used in conjunction

with world-systems theory, where labour is a commodity on the periphery, controlled by the

parent colony (Silliman 2006: 148). It is also has social elements beyond work

environments, for example through the expression of identity and class, as discussed below.

Through studying labour we can look at the “ways that administrators, overseers, capitalists,

managers, and supervisors structured and often imposed labor and the ways that those

labouring accommodated, resisted, made use of, and lived through labor situations”

(Silliman 2006: 149 emphasis in original).

Labour is linked to identity. How people identify themselves within their class and their

working lives, as well as their cultural or ethnic background, can be expressed through

material culture and thus the archaeological record. This raises several questions. First does

the common experience of labour and class create an identity, and if so, how is this

expressed in the archaeological record? Second, if labour is expressed in identity, are there

common features across working communities worldwide? And third, are there differences

between workers and managers, men and women, and colonisers and colonised (Silliman

2006: 150)?

The traditional view, which has been challenged, is labour and class are expressed in the

workplace and ethnicity in the home. This leads to an association between men and class and

struggle in the workplace and, women and ethnicity and tradition in the home, (The Ludlow

Collective 2001; McGaw 1989). The alternative is that cutting across all boundaries, class

and ethnicity can be seen both at home and in the workplace. In the traditional view,

commonality at work overlies ethnic differences and ethnicity in the home supersedes class

consciousness. In the alternative, material conditions in the home are important in the

creation of a class consciousness and workplaces are ethnically structured (The Ludlow

Collective 2001: 99).

The question is which, if either, of these ways of viewing ethnicity, class, and labour, can be

applied to the sites in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor? Which

of the two – class and labour or ethnicity – is more apparent, or do other factors such as

colonialism, colonisation and the frontier dominate the development of the sites and the lives

of those that lived there?

The broader political context of the themes of colonialism, colonisation and frontiers raised

the idea that people living and working in the settlement corridor were possibly part of the

greater British culture, and influenced by ideas of British colonisation and colonialism.

Conversely, they may have part of the emerging Australian identity, forged through


65

nationalism, federalism and the influences of multiculturalism. The theme of labour adds

another layer, perhaps more immediate, to this expression of identity as people established

themselves in their new environment.

Summary

Through placing the sites along the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor

in their broader context, ideas of how the settlements were formed and the thoughts and

mindsets that informed them can be explored. The late nineteenth and early twentieth

century was a period of British expansion and colonisation, and it was also a time when a

new Australian identity was being forged through the process of federation. How much of an

influence did these two factors have on the people and the settlements? Assuming the

European settlers brought with them ideas from their British homeland, was it this British

identity that informed the way the settlements were created and people’s daily lives, or was

it the formation of a new Australian identity, created from the different nationalities and

backgrounds of the people that lived and worked in the settlement corridor? How much did

other issues, such as the use of the sites as work camps or stopping places, and the transient

nature of the population, influence the formation of the settlements?

A comparison of the sites will reveal whether the overall frameworks of colonialism,

colonisation and the frontier influenced the settlements that formed, or whether there is

evidence of a more local, independent, development. As with any model some aspects to the

colonisation and frontier models presented are relevant to the settlements and others are not.

As discussed, I will use the models as a framework to study and interpret the sites.

Assuming that different ethnic and cultural groups, including the British, are reflected in the

archaeological record, and therefore their presence can be identified, I will determine

whether there are different groups present at the sites. The historical records suggest that the

population is mostly white men and some families, so using markers of identity, does the

archaeological record confirm this, or is there evidence for other groups who are often

hidden in the historical record, such as Aboriginal people (Leone et al. 1995: 110; Orser

2004: 5)?

As work camps and settlements associated with the telegraph line, railway line and water

pipeline, the sites can be studied under the theme of labour and whether people’s working

lives influenced their daily lives at the settlements. Again, a comparison of the sites will


66

reveal whether there is an overall mindset affecting people’s lives, or individualism is

expressed.

In this chapter I have explored the major issues of the thesis, which are colonisation,

colonialism, frontiers, identity and labour, as well as geographical studies of settlement

patterns and the archaeology of settlements, in order to provide a broader context to the sites

and the interpretation of the archaeological data. In the following chapters I present the

methods of how the data was collected and the results, before returning to these issues in

light of those results.

Chapter 4 Recording the Archaeological

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Evidence

It was apparent from initial surveys of the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement corridor that the

majority of archaeological material is on the surface. Despite the fact that this is common to

many Australian sites, especially those in remote arid or semi-arid areas (Burke and Smith

2004: 202; Holdaway et al. 1998: 1; Holmes 1990: 5), research has concentrated on

excavated material, particularly in historical archaeology (Crook et al. 2002; Murray 2002:

11; Bolton 2009). As a result analysis methods have been established for collected material,

rather than recording the archaeological material in situ, so using previous studies of

historical and prehistorical surface sites, I developed methods to record in situ surface

material.

In order to establish how the sites compare and determine what daily life was like in the

settlement and migration corridor, I decided to take a regional approach and record as many

sites as possible within the study area. Most archaeological studies of post-European

colonisation sites in Australia have focused on single sites. In a review of historical

archaeology in Australia, Paterson and Wilson (2000:87) cited a need for studies with a

regional view that examined the transformation across the Australian continent from a

hunter-gatherer society to a capitalist settler one, such as Birmingham (1997; 2000),

Paterson (2003; Paterson et al. 2003), Clarke (2000), Mitchell (2000) and Smith (2001), all

of which are regional analyses studying the archaeology of events in Australia following

European colonisation. Each of these studies explored interaction between Europeans and

Aborigines using techniques used in indigenous archaeology to study these encounters.

The methods I developed to conduct a regional analysis of surface sites were mainly based

on those used by Birmingham (1997; 2000) and Paterson (1999), as well as some regional

studies of multiple sites conducted overseas (e.g. Hamilton 2000; Smith 1979). Both

Birmingham and Paterson also conducted regional analyses, recording post-European

surface sites in a semi-arid environment. Birmingham, in particular, is useful because her

study is similar to this project in its linear nature, size, and time period. She conducted

surveys and recorded surface collections in situ to analyse a variety of nineteenth and

twentieth century sites along the Overland Telegraph Line from Adelaide to Darwin.


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The archaeological data was collected during several field seasons conducted over a 15

month period. These were a preliminary survey and three seasons of data collection (Seasons

I-III). The same survey methods were used during the major field seasons (Seasons I-III, see

below) and were reviewed at the end of each.

This chapter outlines the methods used during each stage of the data collection and analysis.

It starts with a review of the techniques used to record the archaeological evidence, followed

by the specific methods used for this project, both in the field and in the later analysis. In

addition to the archaeological evidence, documentary sources were investigated to establish

what life was like at the settlements, and a summary of the sources used is provided. The

meaning of many archaeological terms can vary slightly, particularly between historic and

prehistoric sites, and these terms are clarified as appropriate.

Survey and sampling

Following Orser’s definition (2004: 347) a site is any place where objects, features, or other

finds manufactured or modified by humans are found. For the purposes of this project, a site

is a discrete area in the landscape containing one or more features that are associated by a

common use, for example a town or railway station.

In this thesis the term ‘survey’ refers to the identification and recording of surface

archaeological material within the boundaries of a given site. Survey is a common field

technique in archaeology, and much has been written about establishing standards of

practice and ways to overcome common problems so that the data collected is reliable (e.g.

Plog et al. 1982; Burke and Smith 2004). Surveys range from a cursory exploration of a

potential site, used to identify what archaeological evidence can be seen on the surface and

what potential that evidence has for yielding further information (Sullivan 1998), to surface

collection and recording representative samples of cultural material (Banning 2002: 1).

Surface survey is also used to locate major structures and activity areas and establish the

major activities at a site (adapted from Orser 2004: 348).

Sampling is used to record selected archaeological material where a site has many surface

artefacts that cannot be recorded in full because of time constraints, providing a time- and

cost-effective way to record the site in detail. Different strategies were used to sample a site,

include walking transects, recording selected samples of features and not recording areas

that were only occupied outside the study period. A detailed outline of the specific survey

methods and the different sampling strategies used is given below.


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Selecting sites

A list of known sites within the study area, both Aboriginal and European, was compiled

from documentary and oral sources, and all were visited and assessed for their

archaeological potential. This list was compiled using documentary sources, information

provided by the National Trust (WA), the Department of Indigenous Affairs (WA) Register

of Aboriginal Sites, the Heritage Council of Western Australia Place Register, the Register

of the National Estate and sites that were known to employees of the National Trust (WA)

but not documented. Initially all sites were assigned a site use (discussed below), regardless

of when the site was occupied. Sites which fell outside the study period were not recorded in

further detail.

A preliminary survey conducted early in the project had two major aims, which were to:

i. visit a wide range of sites resulting from the various activities along the corridor;

and

ii. establish what archaeological material was present.

From this survey, sites occupied during the study period (1830-1914) were chosen for

further analysis based on their archaeological potential. Although they may have had a

number of uses, for example railway and telegraph stations, all were settlement sites.

Settlement sites potentially provide evidence for who was living and working along the

corridor, and what this tells us about life along the corridor.

A list of site uses was compiled from the historical documents to provide a loose framework

with which to ensure that a broad range of sites was recorded. Thus, if a particular group of

people lived at only one type of site, for example Afghans, then they would be represented

in the archaeological evidence that was recorded. It was not always possible to determine the

use from the historical record and in these cases the site use was listed as unidentified.

The site uses and sub-uses are:

• railway

• telegraph line

• water management, including:

o pump stations

o water catchments


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o Hunt's Wells

o other wells, soaks and gnamma holes6

o dams

o condensers

o reservoirs

• camp

• hospital

• police station

• Aboriginal (pre- and post-European contact)

• mission

• town

• mining

• unidentified

Nearly all sites had a multiple number of uses. Thus, the classification as one particular use

was arbitrary and often not very informative, although it did provide a starting point from

which to classify sites. Rather than attempting to classify any given site in one particular

category, sites were chosen to ensure that a broad range of uses was represented.

Given the large number of sites in the study area it was impractical to record every single

one. Using the results of the preliminary survey and further documentary research 23 sites,

out of an initial list of 123, were identified as having high archaeological potential. This

assessment was based on period of occupation of the sites and the potential (or lack thereof)

for later disturbance. Site use was also considered, in order to cover a range of sites. The

complete list of sites, their use(s), approximate date range of occupation and archaeological

potential is given in Appendix A.

Due to time constraints on the preliminary survey 14 sites were assessed and of those, ten

were selected for detailed recording (Appendix A). The sites were assessed on the amount of

artefactual material present; what sort of material it was, for example whether the material

6 A gnamma hole is a natural hole in a rock, varying in depth and diameter, that contains water.


71

could be dated, and how much, if any, was from within the study period; and the level of

disturbance. Another consideration was the ownership of, and therefore access to, the site.

The aim was to record as many sites as possible for a comprehensive regional analysis, and

the main reason that sites were left out was due to lack of time.

One site, Kurrawang, was not included in the final analysis as although documentary sources

suggested it was occupied between 1899 and 1937 (Bunbury 1997: 20, 110), all of the

archaeological material post-dated the 1920s and therefore fell outside the time frame of the

study period. Kurrawang became the headquarters for the Western Australia Goldfields

Firewood Supply Company, established in 1926 (Bunbury 1997: 48), and it is most likely

that the archaeological material dates from this period. It appears that the later occupation

completely encompassed the earlier material, which did not occur at other sites, as discussed

in the results.

The selection process resulted in a bias towards sites at the eastern end of the migration and

settlement corridor, as ultimately they had the greatest level of preservation resulting from

later site use. This was not ideal, but it was felt that the final nine sites analysed in detail had

the potential to provide the greatest amount of archaeological information and were

representative of the different uses of the migration and settlement corridor.

A survey of the surface material was conducted at each site. The archaeological finds and

features on the surface at each site were recorded, with the aim of having representative

samples of the material present at each site. Additionally, spatial information about each site

was recorded using a differential Global Positioning System (GPS) survey. Both of these

methods of data collection are discussed in further detail below.

Site survey

Preliminary survey

A cursory examination was undertaken at most sites in order to determine what types of

material were present and whether the site would be informative to the research.

The primary aim of the preliminary survey was to assess sites for their ability to provide

information to answer the thesis questions. Using descriptive and photographic records, the

information recorded about each site was:

• location – in relation to other sites and globally, using GPS co-ordinates;


72

• original use(s);

• approximate amount and types of archaeological material present; and

• archaeological potential.

Due to time constraints, only the central area of most sites was visited. As such, there was a

bias towards structural remains and large scatters of European origin, as these were what

were immediately obvious. Remains from other uses of the site, for example Aboriginal

occupation, would be expected to be more widely spread and away from the main

occupation areas as proposed by Birmingham (1997: 6) in her study of Killalpaninna

Mission, South Australia.

Feature recording

Upon arrival at a site chosen for detailed recording, a quick reconnaissance was conducted in

order to establish how extensive the site was and the type and amount of surface material

present. The aims were to give an idea of how much material there was to record, and

consequently how long it would take, and to familiarise the team members with the site.

Formal transects, approximately 5-10 m apart, were walked at each site, as well as walking

informally across the site, following areas of artefact concentration. Through this process it

was clear where the material was and approximately from what period it dated. Thus, all of

the material relating to the study period could be recorded in detail. For any areas that only

contained archaeological material clearly post-dating the study period, such as a 1960s

workers’ camp identified at Bullabulling, only the location was recorded. The archaeological

material for these areas was not included in the overall analysis, as it was not relevant to the

thesis questions.

Features were identified and marked with flagging tape so the coordinates could be recorded

using the differential GPS (dGPS), and to make it clear which areas of the site had been

recorded. The boundary of a feature was determined by a drop in the concentration of

artefacts. Generally this drop was 95-100%, although in some cases where the boundary

between two adjacent features could not be determined, it was given an arbitrary line and

noted on the plan. Structures were given two feature numbers – one for the structure and one

for the associated scatter.


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Qualitative and quantitative attributes of each feature were recorded, including:

• type of feature

• brief description

• surrounding topography and vegetation

• dimensions, and whether they were measured or approximated

• how clear the boundary was, and how it was defined

• visibility of the feature

• slope and aspect

• integrity of the feature

• assessment of known threats

• scaled plan

Terminology

In order to standardise the recording, the following terms were used.

An artefact is any movable object that has been manufactured, modified or used by humans

(Bahn 1992: 32). A feature is a discrete area of archaeological material. The boundary of a

feature is defined by a decrease in the archaeological material. Each feature was classified as

one of the following types:

General cover: a spread of artefacts over a large area such that individual depositional events

cannot be discerned;

Scatter: a discrete area of artefacts that consists of several different material types, for

example glass, ceramics and metal;

Cluster: a discrete area of artefacts that contains one material type and is the result of a

single event, for example a bottle breaking;

Single artefact: a single artefact not associated with any other archaeological material;


74

Arbitrary point: used to record a point not associated specifically with any archaeological

material;

Structure – regular: usually a four sided structure, such as a building;

Structure – non-regular: any other structure for example a line of stones, channel or

depression;

Fill: a depression containing artefacts, opposite to a heap;

Heap: a raised area of artefacts, opposite to a fill;

Other: a feature type not covered in the above definitions.

Terms used to record the sites, features and artefacts are discussed as appropriate.

Spatial recording

All of the features were mapped using a dGPS for the spatial analysis. The advantage of a

dGPS over a handheld unit is greater accuracy. The accuracy of a dGPS ranges from sub-

metre to less than 0.10 m, depending on the equipment used, as opposed to 5-6 metres for a

handheld.

For each feature, except regular structures, an arbitrary point was chosen by the person

recording the feature and marked on the sketch plan. This was marked in the ground with a

piece of flagging tape and labelled with the feature number. The coordinates of this point

were then recorded using the dGPS. In order to map regular structures, three corners were

recorded on each four-cornered structure, with the assumption that the angles were all right

angles and therefore the fourth corner could be projected. If the structure had any additions,

for example a verandah or lean-to, the corner points of these were also recorded as if they

were separate structures in order to give a more accurate representation when drawn later.

The dGPS survey was also used to record the surrounding landscape, both natural and

constructed. Features recorded included the route of the water pipeline, the railway line,

major tracks, water catchment walls and the bases and crests of the water catchments

themselves. Using the information recorded about the features and surrounding landscape, a

detailed map of each site was constructed.


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Sub-surface testing

The recording methods outlined above involved detailed recording of the surface material at

each site based on the assumption that there was little or no subsurface material. It was

necessary to test this assumption by excavating a series of test pits at as many sites as

practical. Sub-surface testing would also establish how many small finds were present within

the surface material, as there is also a risk of missing small finds when recording surface

material (Bolton 2009).

Sub-surface testing was conducted at seven sites: Karalee, Koorarawalyee, Number 7 Pump

Station, Boorabbin, Woolgangie town site, Bullabulling and Kurrawang. Old Doodlakine

and Coolgardie Camp were not included because it could not be determined who owned the

sites before the testing was conducted. Old Doodlakine, in particular, proved problematic in

relation to ownership, although this was resolved.

The aims of the sub-surface testing were to:

• determine whether there was buried archaeological material; and

• sieve excavated material in order to determine whether there are a significant amount of

small finds within the surface material that was not being recorded.

At the majority of sites one test pit was excavated, although for the larger sites, where there

was a change in vegetation and topography, two pits were excavated. The location of the pits

was chosen according to occupation areas and significant changes in the soil matrix, such

that they were placed where there was a lot of surface material, and therefore a higher

likelihood of sub-surface material. A provision was made that if a site did have sub-surface

material, then further testing would be made in order to determine its extent. A discussion of

the number of test pits at each site and their exact location is given in the results section.

The pits were between 0.4 -0.5 m by 0.4-0.5 m and each was excavated until there was no

more archaeological material, usually about 0.10-0.15 m deep. The exact dimension of each

is given in the results section. The material was sieved through a 0.6 mm and a 0.3 mm

sieve. The presence, type and depth of archaeological material were noted as well as the

colour and texture of the soil. The pits were then back-filled, including the artefactual

material that was excavated.


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Metal can circles and lead testing

During the artefact recording features that became known as metal can circles were

identified. They are circles of cans normally around five metres in diameter, but can be up to

15 m, with an area in the centre, approximately one metre in diameter, which is clear of

artefacts (Figure 4.1). Sometimes there is a gap in the circle, others there is not, and usually

the only artefacts present are cans. The circles are distinct from dumps of cans, which have

no clear area in the middle.

Figure 4.1. Plan of can circle (F73, Woolgangie Condenser)

How the circles formed is unknown. One possibility is that they were areas used to melt lead

solder from cans, which was re-used elsewhere to make minor repairs, for example to

condensing pipes. Lead was used to seal cans until 1904 (Rock 1984: 105) and the practice

of re-using the lead is well documented (Carnegie 1989 [1898]). If the lead was melted off

within the circle, then there may be traces of a fire and lead in the centre. In order to test this,

two soil samples were taken from one of the circles (F73) at Woolgangie Condenser. One

was taken from inside the circle where the lead would have collected and there would have

been a fire, if the hypothesis is true, and another sample was taken from outside the circle,

two metres away, in order to act as control.


77

The samples were digested using hydrochloric (HCl) and nitric acid (HNO3) (Aqua Regia)

and analysed for the presence of lead using atomic absorption spectroscopy (AAS). The

digestion quantitatively leaches most metals from finely ground soil samples (Michael

Smirk, pers. comm., 2006) and the procedure used is as follows:

• Weigh accurately 0.25-0.5 g of finely ground sample and transfer to digestion tube.

Include 1 blank sample and 1 reference material (LS2).

• Add 2.0 ml of HNO3 to each sample and place in digestion block at 110°C for 15

minutes.

• Remove and allow to cool for 5 minutes.

• Add 5.0 ml of HCl and replace in block at 110°C. Leave for 10 minutes.

• Turn temperature up to 130°C and leave for 1 hour.

• Remove samples and allow to cool for 5 minutes.

• Add MQ water to 20 ml.

• Vortex thoroughly and allow to settle.

• Pour off supernatant into clean vials.

The samples, blank and reference material were then placed in an atomic absorption

spectrophotometer and the quantity of lead in each was measured.

Archaeological methods – Koorarawalyee

Different methods were used to record the archaeological material at Koorarawalyee as part

of an archaeological survey commissioned by Koora Retreat Centre Inc. The report (Bolton

2006) will be incorporated into the final Conservation Plan for the site (RICH 2001b; in

prep). The data are used here with permission from Koora Retreat Centre Inc. The following

methods are from Bolton (2006: 8-9).

Initial inspection and location of the archaeological material was conducted using the draft

Conservation Plan (RICH 2001b) with the assistance of Rev. Dr Anna Killigrew. A series of

transects, ranging from 10-50 m apart, was walked along north-south and east-west axes of

the site to determine the extent of each occupation area. Transects varied according to


78

ground cover and time constraints. Additional transects were walked in other areas along the

pipeline and between the two major settlement areas in order to determine the extent of the

archaeological material. Due to time constraints, however, these were very limited and were

targeted to provide an indication of the location of other archaeological material at the site.

Figure 4.2 shows the location of the transects walked across the site.

Information recorded about the archaeological material included:

• location, recorded using a GPS;

• the approximate extent of each artefact scatter;

• the artefact types present; and

• the approximate age range of the artefacts.

A preliminary interpretation of the function of each area was made and the material was

photographed. No detailed information on the exact composition of the artefact scatters was

able to be recorded in the time available.

Figure 4.2. Location of transects at Koorarawalyee (reproduced from Bolton 2006: 8 Figure 3)


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Collection vs. non-collection

Policies of non-collection of artefacts were introduced in the United States in the 1970s,

amid controversy and debate about the value of recording artefacts in the field. In response

to those that opposed the policy (e.g. Butler 1979), Beck and Jones (1994) recorded stone

artefacts at Little Smokey Quarry, eastern Nevada in situ. Two years later they returned to

the sites and collected the artefacts to record them in the laboratory, comparing the results.

They found that there was no loss of information by recording the artefacts in the field, as

long as the methods used were systematic and consistent. The cost was reduced significantly

depending on the analysis, particularly curation costs, although they did find that the

archaeological record was disturbed through the process of recording in the field. They

concluded that recording artefacts in situ was a feasible alternative to collecting them,

depending on the project (Beck and Jones 1994: 314). One point to note is that one of the

arguments for collecting artefacts is so they can be reanalysed in the future using different

technologies and to answer different research questions (Butler 1979; Beck and Jones 1994);

it is debatable how often that occurs as opposed to the numerous curation and storage

problems involved when artefacts are collected.

Recording artefacts in the field makes it easier to integrate sampling and analysis, saves on

future collection, processing, analysis and storage costs, and leaves the data in situ for future

recorders (Morenon et al. 1976; cited in Schiffer and Gumerman 1977: 189). However some

were strongly opposed to the non-collection policy, refuting the major arguments for it.

Butler (1979: 798) argued that site integrity could be maintained, providing artefact location

is accurately recorded prior to collection; collection enables future analysis using new

techniques to be conducted; the material is protected from vandals and other threats; and the

cost savings for curation outweigh the potential benefits of preserving the material.

Some of the arguments for collection are valid, however Butler’s arguments about collection

storage and further analysis are somewhat idealistic. It would be good to keep all collections,

for future research, but in reality that is simply not possible. Realistically, how many

collections get reanalysed? A survey of the literature reveals mostly new projects and new

collections, with few collections being revisited. One government agency in Australia (NSW

National Parks and Wildlife Service, now the Department of Environment and Climate

Change [DECC]) advocates non-collection of materials. Although it is possible to collect

archaeological materials with a permit, DECC favour on-site recording wherever possible

(NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service 1997: 6). Ultimately the decision on whether to

collect artefacts or record them in the field can only be made on a project-by-project basis


80

depending on the research questions, what information is required and the available

resources (Schiffer and Gumerman 1977).

For this project it was decided to record all of the archaeological material in the field, in

order to save time and therefore record more sites, maximising the amount of information

for the inter-site comparison. There was one exception to this, as a result of the metal can

analysis, which is discussed below.

There are some clear disadvantages to this method. The artefacts cannot be checked or re-

analysed for further information, and it does leave the artefacts vulnerable to damage or

destruction by a variety of processes, including vandals (Plog et al. 1982: 629-630; Hester et

al. 1975: 21). However, by leaving the artefacts in situ, more information could be collected

within the available time period and there were no issues with curation and storage of the

collected material. The sites are currently not under any significant threat (including

vandals) aside from general degradation processes, so salvaging the material was not

considered necessary.

The two major assumptions made regarding non-collection were that first, there was no sub-

surface material, which was tested, as discussed above. Second, as a result of mass

production of goods, which began in the nineteenth century and the introduction of machine-

made items, such as cans, bottles and nails, many common items were standardized. Based

on this standardization, it was assumed that certain artefacts can be recorded using an

established set of codes incorporating all known varieties.

Artefact recording

Mass production and changes in technology in the nineteenth century meant that material

culture was relatively standardised. In order to record sufficient information in the field for

the analysis, standardised recording forms were used with a set of pre-established codes

(Appendix B). This meant that artefacts commonly found on sites of this period were

quickly and easily recorded.

At each feature the artefacts were divided into zones of equal concentration and counted

according to established types based on raw material (Table 4.1) and the zones were drawn

on the plan. Figure 4.3 shows an example of one of these, where Zone A has approximately

5 artefacts/m2, zone B has 25 artefacts/m2, zone c 40 artefacts/m2 and zone D has 10

artefacts/m2. Thus, each zone is recorded separately. For features with few artefacts (less


81

than 100), all artefacts were counted. For those that had greater than 100 artefacts then a

sample, usually a 1m x 1m square, was chosen for the artefact count. Effectively the squares

were chosen at random, but were usually representative of the range of artefacts within the

entire feature. Outside of this square the presence or absence of raw material type was noted.

Figure 4.3. Example of feature showing different zones of artefact concentration

To obtain a minimum number of bottles count, and to assist in dating of the artefacts, as

different bases and finishes were in use at different times (Appendix C), the features of glass

recorded were the number and type of lip and/or base (see Appendix C for a description of

the types) and the colour. Lips and bases that were bigger than half size or greater were

included, as well as whole bottles.

Selected artefacts, for example those that had diagnostic attributes useful for dating and

identifying the manufacturer, were recorded in further detail according to established terms

(Appendix B). If an artefact differed from these terms, then it was recorded in detail. The

selected artefacts included cans, bottle bases and finishes, and ceramics that had decorations

or makers’ marks. Buttons, nails, unusual artefacts or artefacts that could not be easily

identified on site were also recorded. This method targets the artefacts that provided

functional and temporal information about the site. It is open to bias as it does not provide a


82

random sample of artefacts. However, it was felt that it was the most efficient way of

recording the necessary information in order to answer the thesis questions.

The attributes recorded about each artefact were first, material type, for example fine or

coarse stoneware, fine or coarse earthenware, type of metal etc. Glass was initially recorded

according to colour. It was automatically implied that an artefact recorded as ‘tint’ or ‘olive’

was a piece of glass. Next was form or type, which was as descriptive as possible and

categories included nail, bottle base, bottle finish and sardine can. The third attribute was

technology, which was specific to each material type. For example metal cans were hole-in-

cap/hole-and-cap, old (with folded over seams) or new (sanitary can) (Appendix C). Other

attributes recorded were whether an artefact had been modified, and how; whether there

were any inscriptions and what they were; the dimensions of non-standard artefacts; and the

number of items. Additional information that was artefact specific, for example shape, type

of decoration or standard makers’ marks was also recorded.

The two methods of recording the artefacts – the artefact count and the object record –

resulted in a quantitative and qualitative record, which can be compared across the sites. The

artefact count is used for any quantitative analyses, such as distribution, and the object

record is used, for example, to determine what types of artefacts were being used and their

function. However it is limited by not being a representation of the total amount of artefacts

and can only be used for presence or absence of certain attributes.


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Table 4.1. Types used for artefact count

material type artefact type/colour GLASS dark olive olive tint amethyst colourless amber emerald blue milk glass red glass CERAMIC porcelain earthenware stoneware INSULATOR insulator (ceramic) insulator (glass) CANS can (food) can (tobacco) can (other) OTHER METAL nail scrap iron copper grommet copper (other) lead BONE bone bone (butchered) bone (burnt) OTHER ARTEFACTS clay pipe cartridges electrode charcoal lithics grinding/hammer stones7

flaked glass8

flaked ceramic5 plastic rubber other BUILDING MATERIAL stone brick wood concrete asbestos window

7 Grinding and hammer stones were included on the recording forms, however none were found within the study and have therefore been removed from all subsequent analysis. 8 Flaked glass and insulators were counted under both colour/insulators and as flaked glass/ceramic, thus they were counted twice.


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Metal can collection and analysis

Because of the lack of fresh supplies and the remoteness from Perth, most of the food eaten

on the Goldfields was stored in metal cans. They provided a convenient means to transport

and store food, without breaking. There have been some studies of metal can development

and technology in the United States (see Rock 1984; Busch 1981) and Australia (Holmes

1990), although information is minimal. In order to develop a typology of cans used at sites

within the migration and settlement corridor, a sample of cans was collected from two sites,

Woolgangie Condenser and Bullabulling, to be recorded in more detail than those recorded

in the field. The aims of this typology were to establish the manufacturing technique, giving

the date of the assemblage, and the possible content of the cans.

The sites were chosen to obtain samples that fell within the study period (see Chapter 5 for

discussion of the sites and when they were occupied). Either the can body, including the

seam and at least one end, or the can lid were collected. The lids were included as few

rectangular can bodies were preserved and most can inscriptions are on the lid, rather than

the body. The information recorded was the type of seam and ends that were used, therefore

the manufacturing technology, how the cans were opened (where known) and any

inscriptions.

At Woolgangie Condenser, the cans were collected from two 1 m x 1 m sample squares

within the same feature (F73). There were a large number of cans that did not have any ends

which were collected, as it was possible to determine both the seam and end type. At

Bullabulling all of the cans that fulfilled the above criteria were collected from one feature

(F660). The different sample methods meant that approximately the same number of cans (c.

200) were collected from each site.

The cans were collected because more cans were included in the analysis than previously,

and it was easier and more comfortable to do this in the laboratory rather than in the field.

All of the cans were returned to the sites upon completion of the analysis, as per the

conditions from the landowners.

Post-fieldwork analysis

Post-fieldwork analysis was conducted using previously established techniques with

reference to a wide variety of sources of artefact identification and spatial analysis. A

relational database was built to catalogue all of the data about the sites, features, individual


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artefacts and artefact counts. Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software (ArcGIS

9.1/9.2) was used to conduct the spatial analysis.

The spatial data were analysed in order to answer several questions:

• How did occupation areas relate to the surrounding features, particularly water

supply, and infrastructure such as the train line and pipeline?

• How did occupation of the site change over time? Were different areas occupied at

different times?

• Could different activity areas across the site be identified based on the distribution of

artefacts?

• Are there any patterns in the distribution of artefacts, based on number? Did some

areas have significantly more artefacts than others, and if so what does this indicate

about occupation of the site?

• Can different groups be identified by the distribution of artefacts? For example, is it

possible to identify particular areas on a site that were occupied by different groups?

Artefact and site catalogue

A database was designed to contain all the information about a site ranging from the broader

information about location and ownership, to the details in the artefact catalogue. An artefact

catalogue stores basic descriptive information about the artefacts recorded and is then used

to establish the location, age and form of each artefact, for further analysis (Crook et al.

2002: 26; Davies and Buckley 1987: 166).

Each artefact was assigned a unique number, known as the database identification number

(DBID). The categories and fields for the artefact catalogue are shown in Table 4.2.

The artefact catalogue was used to answer questions about when each site was occupied, and

by whom. It was also combined with the spatial data to conduct an inter- and intra-site

analysis, and answer the questions outlined above.


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Table 4.2. Database categories and fields for artefact catalogue

category field location site name

feature number coordinates

description object number general category (material type) portion description number objects minimum item/vessel count (MIC) dimensions (height, width, depth, diameter) join/conjoin inscription part fabric/material technology decoration modification colour shape mould, finish , base, embossing (bottles) manufacturer; calibre (bullets) opening/opener (cans)

interpretation earliest date latest date general function specific function sub-function

recording information date recorded digital record (y/n)

Dating of artefacts

The artefacts were from the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and dated using criteria

outlined in Appendix C.

Functional analysis

The artefacts in both the artefact count and the object record were assigned a function in

order to answer the research questions about what goods were being used and how. A

functional analysis also enables artefacts related to the various uses of the settlement

corridor, for example workers’ camps, railway stations etc., to be identified, in order to

analyse the services that were used and their location in relation to the settlements.


87

In his study of eighteenth and nineteenth century archaeological sites in the United States,

Stanley South (1977: 83) famously hypothesized that there would be patterns in the

frequency of artefacts related to a site’s function. It would be theoretically possible to

compare assemblages from sites of known function, such as domestic, military or plantation

sites, to those of unknown function in order to determine how the unknown site was used. In

order to conduct this pattern analysis, South classified the artefacts into groups and classes.

The eight groups South used were kitchen, bone, architecture, furniture, arms, clothing,

personal, tobacco pipe and activities. The class that he assigned was based on form and

function, and included categories such as ceramics, wine bottles, tableware and glassware

(South 1977: 93 Table 3). The assignment of function, or how a vessel was used, has

become a common classification in artefact databases and is usually based on the categories

assigned by South.

South’s system does not allow for multiple functions or recycling, for example a food can

made into a billy or a beer bottle used as a jam jar (Stuart 1993), making it difficult to know

which function to apply. South’s solution was to allow for exceptions and modify the

categories as appropriate (South 1977: 94-96).

The archaeological context of the artefact is essential in determining its function, for

example artefacts within a levelling fill. The function of these artefacts is fill, and any other

previous functions can only be determined using documentary sources. As Carney (1998:

88) notes: ‘The final function of an artefact is the most archaeologically relevant’. However,

determining what the final function was is often difficult, particularly when there are no

obvious signs of re-use. Consequently the original intended function may be all that is

known about an object and is often ‘the best place to start’ (Carney 1998: 89).

By applying the original intended function, documentary sources and modern biases are used

to interpret artefacts (Carney 1998: 89). Carney’s (1998) re-analysis of the bottles at a

nineteenth century cordial factory in Parramatta, New South Wales is a case in point. In the

original analysis, a dump containing olive glass bottles (interpreted as alcohol bottles),

aerated water and ginger beer bottles, were from the site’s use as a hotel. However, if the

bottles were the result of the site’s use as a hotel, then why were there so many aerated water

and ginger beer bottles? If they related to the period of the cordial factory, then why were

there so many olive glass bottles, commonly associated with alcohol consumption (Boow

1991: 113; Lawrence 2006: 373)?

Carney discarded the previously applied functions to the bottles, re-assessing the

archaeological and documentary evidence. He concluded that although many of the bottles


88

were no doubt used for alcohol, they were also used as cordial bottles (Carney 1998: 89).

This example highlighted the need to be flexible when assigning functional categories and to

consider the context of the archaeological data first.

Despite the problems inherent in functional analysis it does provide a useful means of

analysing and interpreting the data. Assumptions are made regarding an artefact’s use, using

its attributes, context and historical data. The combination of these makes use of a

familiarity with objects from the recent past to interpret how they were used and answer

questions about the artefacts and the site (Lawrence 2006: 365).

Functional categories need to be adapted to the material being analysed and the research

questions (see Casella 2002; Casey 1999; Lawrence 2006 for some of the different

categories that can be used). While there is a need to standardise the categories as much as

possible, in order to compare assemblages from different sites, it is also necessary to adapt

them to particular research questions. By basing the categories on those previously used,

such as South’s eight groups listed above, functional categories can be both useful for site

analysis and for inter-site comparison.

Based on categories defined by Casella (2002: 69), the artefacts were divided into the

following functional groups: communication, domestic, industry, miscellaneous, personal,

recreation, structural, transport, and water. A description of these categories is below and the

sub-function and specific function assigned to each category are listed in Appendix D.

Unlike some other studies which have more specific categories (e.g. Casey 2004: 34 Table

2; Lawrence 2006: 384 Table 13.3), it was felt that these categories were broad enough for a

primary level of interpretation.

Communication

This included all artefacts related to different forms of communication within and between

the settlement. The dominant artefacts in this category were those related to the telegraph

line. Types of artefacts include telegraph insulators, wire and batteries.

Domestic

Includes artefacts related to food storage, preparation and consumption (Casella 2002: 70).

Amongst the artefact types were bottle glass used for food or beverage storage, cans and

ceramics. The ceramics were only those such as tableware and kitchenware, and did not

include pieces that were structural (e.g. pipes) or made of red earthenware (terracotta), which


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were included under industry, as they were usually associated with industrial use rather than

buildings.

Industry

A general category that included artefacts considered to be tools or equipment. They can be

used for a number of tasks and are not necessarily associated with one of the other categories

in particular, for example structural or water. Also included artefacts related to farming and

animal husbandry, Aboriginal artefacts such as stone and glass tools, and munitions.

Miscellaneous

This category contains unidentified or ambiguous artefacts. This category was used for

artefacts that could have belonged to two or more categories, and it was unclear as to which

one it belonged. For example, a piece of glass that could have contained a foodstuff or a

medicine, or a can that could have contained a foodstuff or another substance such as fuel.

Personal

Contains artefacts related to clothing, adornment, medicine and toiletries. Types of artefacts

include glass from medicine or ointment bottles, buttons and toothpaste jars. This category

includes non-essential or luxury items, for example jewellery (adornment), musical

instruments and decorative ceramics.

Recreation

Artefacts related to recreational activities such as smoking or games are placed in this

category. Also includes artefacts related to writing, such as pencils or fragments of ink jars.

Structural

Materials related to building, construction, shelter and furnishings are included in the

structural category. Types of artefacts included nails, bricks, window glass, fencing

materials and copper grommets from tents.


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Transport

One of three categories related to services (the others are communication and water),

materials in the transport category include those related to motor vehicle and railways.

Although the introduction of motor vehicles was after the study period, many of the sites

were occupied well into the 1960s, and some up to the current day, therefore it was

necessary to include this sub-function in order to distinguish these artefacts.

Water

This category is specific to this study and was included to incorporate all artefacts related to

obtaining water and storage, as these activities formed an important part of life in the

settlement corridor. Artefacts included those related to condensers and the pipeline.

In order to conduct a functional analysis of the artefacts, it was necessary to make a number

of assumptions. The functional analysis was conducted on both the object record, the

qualitative record, and the total artefact count, the quantitative record. Due to the way the

artefacts were recorded – by artefact type or colour (Table 4.1) – it was not always possible

to definitively determine the function. Some artefact types, such as most of the glass colours

can be assumed to be from food and beverage containers and are therefore domestic.

Ceramics such as porcelain and earthenware were usually recorded in further detail in the

object record, so the assumption that they were from tableware and kitchenwares, and also

domestic, can be checked. There are problems in the case of amber glass, which can be used

for beer bottles (domestic) or poisons (industry), and in the separation of items into

categories such as domestic and personal. Many of the assumptions made were based on

observations in the field.

The functions assigned to each artefact type are outlined in Table 4.3. Some functional

categories had to be grouped together, including domestic and personal, and industry, water

and transport, as it was not possible to separate the items based on the artefact count. Using

further information where available, such as the object record and the information recorded

about artefacts in the ‘other’ category, the assigned function was refined where possible.

Also, in order to test the assumptions made about function, different analyses were done. For

example, amber glass was assigned to domestic and then industry to determine what the

difference was, and whether the assumptions about which function it belonged to were valid.


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Table 4.3. Assumed functions of artefact types for artefact count

function artefact type

communication insulators: glass, ceramic

domestic, personal glass: dark olive, olive, tint, amethyst, colourless, amber, emerald, blue,

milk, red

ceramics: porcelain, earthenware, stoneware

cans: food

bone: butchered, burnt

industry, transport,

water

electrodes; cans: other; cartridges; scrap iron; lithics; flaked

glass/ceramics; ceramic, glass; copper; lead

miscellaneous bone; plastic; rubber; other

recreation pipe clay; cans: tobacco

structural glass: window; nails; stone; brick; wood; copper grommet; asbestos

The artefacts were then assigned a sub-function and specific function, which had an

increasing level of detail. The broad primary level of interpretation would help minimize the

effects of any potential errors in the assignment of sub-function and specific function. For

example, a bottle fragment that is mistakenly identified as having a specific function of

champagne instead of beer would be categorized as being part of the domestic category

regardless.

Table D. (Appendix D) lists the sub-function and specific functions as they apply to the

functional categories, as well as some examples of artefacts in each. There is some

duplication within the sub-functions and specific functions, for example a container (specific

function) can have one of several functions including domestic, water, personal, transport,

industry or miscellaneous.

The description of the artefact, and its attributes, was the primary means of classification.

This information was then used to determine function, such that description was part of the

initial cataloguing and function was part of the analysis. Other studies assigned function as

the primary category (e.g. Coutts 1984: 230; John Milner Associates 1994 cited in Brooks

2005: 64), before other, descriptive, categories such as material and colour. It was felt that

this approach to classification was illogical as the descriptive categories are required in order

to determine function.

Wherever possible, function was based on the last identified use of the artefact, rather than

the primary intended function. For example, the function of a piece of flaked glass is classed

as industry, which was the final use, rather than domestic, which would have been the

original use. Artefacts were classified using form, any modifications, and their context.


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When the final function could not be clearly determined, then the assigned function was the

primary intended use.

Spatial analysis

Surface scatters pose their own problems and raise different questions to sub-surface

material, and spatial analysis can be used to answer some of these questions. Based on

surface scatters of stone artefacts, Holdaway et al. (1998) identified the major problems with

surface scatter archaeology. Those relevant to historical archaeology are the absence of clear

boundaries, the lack of methods for grouping artefacts for analysis, and the establishing of

chronology when the relative sequence of the artefacts cannot be ascertained (Holdaway et

al. 1998: 3; Bolton 2009). By integrating the spatial data and the data relating to the

artefacts, particularly the counts, it is then possible to answer the questions above.

Documentary sources

As well as the archaeological material, numerous documentary sources were examined to

establish a history of the sites, who was living there and what life was like in the migration

and settlement corridor. The Goldfields Water Supply Scheme has been the subject of much

historical research as part of the National Trust (WA)’s Golden Pipeline Project (NTWA

1999; 2002; 2003). The historical background compiled for the Conservation Plans of the

entire scheme and selected individual sites by the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage

(RICH 1999a; 1999b; 1999c; 1999d; 2000; 2001a; 2001b; 2001c) was used as the basis for

the documentary sources in this project.

In addition to the RICH Conservation Plans, other sources of data used were official records

of the Postmaster General’s Office, West Australian Government Railways, the Water

Corporation, Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings, the census data from 1891, 1901 and

1911, company records and histories where available and the Post Office Directories (POD).

H. Pierssené published the West Australian Post Office Directories for three years: 1893-

1894; 1894-1895 and 1895. H. Wise &Co. then published them from 1895-1896 until 1949.

Among other things, they list towns throughout Western Australia and the names and

(sometimes) the occupations of people who received mail there. If a person was from a

nearby location, not living at that town itself, then that was usually noted. For example, at

Bullabulling there are several people who are listed as being at Ubini, which was a another


93

settlement in the vicinity. Women were identified as “Miss” or by their full names, therefore

it was assumed that if a person was just by their initial and surname (e.g. J. Smith) then they

were male. Some assumptions were also made regarding occupations and these are noted as

applicable. For the historical evidence at each sites, the directories were searched for the

years 1893-1894 until 1915, inclusive, to cover the study period. The Post Office Directories

are also useful for local manufacturers and their approximate years of operation, such as

some of the bottle manufacturers and tailors identified from the archaeological material.

Numerous newspapers were published on the Goldfields during the early years of the gold

rush which were used, including The West Australian, The Kalgoorlie Miner, The

Coolgardie Miner, The Golden Age, The Colonial Goldfields Gazette, and The Kalgoorlie

Sun, as well as other newspapers such as The Times. These newspapers provided information

about some of the some of the major events, such as the fire at Koorarawalyee hotel in 1894

(The West Australian 3 September 1894: 5) and provided an insight into public opinion and

the mood within the community at the time.

Many explorers and early prospectors wrote about their experiences, among them Albert

Calvert, John Aspinall, David Carnegie and John Forrest, whose diaries have been a source

of data, providing information about what daily life was like during this period on the

Goldfields. In addition maps drawn by prospectors and explorers, and government

departments, plans drawn of the sites particularly for the railway stations and pump stations,

and photographs taken during the period were used to create a picture of how the settlements

were laid out, what they looked like and the people who lived there.

Conclusion

Studies of historical archaeological sites use a range of data sources. Those used in this

study and how they were analysed have been presented in this chapter. The major issue in

this project was that it was a regional analysis and therefore the emphasis was on recording

as many sites as possible. As the archaeological material was surface material it was possible

to develop methods to record the material in situ, maximising the amount of data collected.

This chapter has been a detailed discussion of those methods, both in the field and during the

subsequent post-fieldwork analysis. Utilising established methodologies, I have documented

a way that surface sites dating from the historical period may be recorded. Chapter 5

presents the results of the analysis of the archaeological and documentary sources of data

followed by a discussion of those results in Chapter 6 and Chapter 7.

Chapter 5 The Archaeological Evidence

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This chapter presents the results of the site recordings and is organised by location, starting

with the western sites and moving eastwards. As most sites had multiple uses and all were

occupied over approximately the same period of time, that is from the 1890s into the early

twentieth century, they could not be easily grouped either by use or period of occupation.

Therefore, each site is considered in isolation, followed by a discussion of the archaeological

material recorded at each and how this relates to the thesis questions. To reiterate, these are:

• How do sites along the corridor from Mundaring to Kalgoorlie compare in the

archaeological record? and,

• What was life like at the settlements?

For each site, there is a summary of the archaeological evidence, an overview of the

historical background and a brief interpretation of the archaeological material. A more

detailed discussion of the results and what they mean is in Chapter 1, and the full list of each

feature is provided in Appendix E.

The archaeological evidence is divided into structural material (including artefacts classed as

building material) and artefacts. The artefacts are considered under the material types of

glass, ceramics, cans and all other material, as the first three were the most common material

types found on the sites. The detailed artefact counts and artefact inventory are in Appendix

E. Note that total numbers of artefacts are estimations based on the samples recorded. When

features or artefacts are referred to in the text, they are followed by either a feature number

(denoted by the prefix ‘F’) or database identification number (denoted by the prefix ‘DBID’)

respectively.

There are numerous assumptions made about the age of certain artefact types. Rather than

discuss them under each site, a summary of the broad date ranges that are used for each

artefact type is in Appendix C. Based on the historical records, changes in manufacturing

techniques and the results, the archaeological material can be divided into two broad dating

periods – the initial one from the 1890s, and the later period from the 1920s. Therefore, in

order to date the occupation of each site, wherever possible the artefacts are assigned to

either of these two periods. From the historical records, none of the sites were established

before the discovery of gold in 1892, therefore it is assumed that all items were used post-

1892 unless otherwise stated.


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A total of eight sites were recorded using the methods for feature, artefact and spatial

recording outlined in Chapter 4 (Table 5.1). The archaeological material at one site

(Koorarawalyee) was recorded for content but not quantified, a research decision which is

discussed below. One site (Kurrawang) was also recorded using the above methods but was

excluded from further analysis as the archaeological material indicated the dominant

occupation was after the study period (1830-1914).

Table 5.1. Archaeological sites recorded in detail

site UTM coordinates MGA zone

dates occupied9 uses8

Old Doodlakine 581133 6505822 50J (1865) 1891-1895 (present)

Hunt’s Well town

Karalee 199000 6538200 51J 1892-c.1971

stopping point water catchment

No. 7 Pump Station 211900 6537000 51J 1895-c.1950s

railway station pump station

Koorarawalyee 216000 6537500 51J c. 1892 - present stopping point water catchment

Boorabbin 242100 6544700 51J c. 1892 – c.1894 (1971) overnight stopping point (pre-railway) water catchment railway station

Woolgangie Condenser

260700 6547200 51J c.1892-c.1903 condenser

Woolgangie town 267200 6550000 51J 1892-c.1970

water catchment railway station telegraph station

Bullabulling 296600 6567000 51J 1893-present

water catchment railway station

Coolgardie dwelling 330400 6580400 51J c. 1892- ? unknown

Old Doodlakine

Located on the corner of Goldfields and Doodlakine-Kunoppin Roads (Figure 5.1), the site

of Old Doodlakine is approximately 15 km east of Kellerberrin and 150 km west of Southern

Cross (Figure 2.2). It is at the base of a small hill (329 m ASL), which lies to the west (Plate

5.1). The north-west section of the site is a reserve, vested by the Shire of Kellerberrin, and

is managed by the National Trust of Australia (WA) as a stopping point along the Golden

Pipeline Heritage Trail. The remainder of the site is on private land, which is farmed for

crops including barley.

9 The occupation dates and site use(s) were determined using archaeological and historical data, and are discussed in further detail under each site.


96

Plate 5.1. Looking south-east across Old Doodlakine from hill to west of site. Gate on right hand side of photograph is along boundary of site

The reserve area is fenced, separating it from the surrounding farmland, with the fence line

approximately following the boundary of the north-west section of the original town site

(Plate 5.1, Figure 5.1). Upon arrival at the site, there is a gravel car park towards the south-

eastern corner of this north-west section and there is a picnic area and a path leading to the

Hunt’s Well in the west (Figure 5.1).

The vegetation consists of Acacia spp. and Eucalyptus longicornis (red morrel) trees

growing along the eastern, northern and western boundaries of the north-west area. Most of

this area is covered in grass less than 0.25 m high, which was expected to affect visibility of

surface material. The area of the site bounded by the fence line is just under 10 000 m2.

The paddocks to the south, south-east and east are currently used for growing crops. Barley

was growing at the time of the survey (2005). The paddocks directly to the north and west

are used for pasture, and the only animals in them at the time of the survey were a few

horses. Although the site has never truly been abandoned, as discussed in the consideration

of historical data below, I refer to the period after its use as a town as the post-settlement

period.


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Figure 5.1. Site map of Old Doodlakine


98

Historical evidence

In 1865 Charles Cooke Hunt built a well at the site of a spring by the base of the small hill,

thus determining the location of Old Doodlakine (Water Authority of Western Australia

1991: 11; Spence 2001: 14). It became a stopping point for the journeys east and west, and

following the gold rush, the town was surveyed and gazetted in 1891 (Spence 2001: 75). The

railway line, which opened in 1894, was located five kilometres to the south. The town site

of Old Doodlakine was dismantled and relocated adjacent to the line.

At the original town site there were hardware and grocery shops, a baker, blacksmith and

saddler. A hotel and post office were built in 1891, and the town was a stopping point for

Cobb & Co. coaches to and from the Goldfields (Spence 2001: 75). The surrounding district

was a burgeoning agricultural region, as demand for chaff for horses travelling to and from

the Goldfields grew (Spence 2001: 76-77). There was no entry for Doodlakine in the first

Post Office Directory, issued for 1893-1894 (Pierssené 1893-1894). In the 1894-1895 issue,

five residents were listed (Pierssené 1894-1895: 104):

Annear, Chas., postmaster

Leake, Robt. B., farmer and grazier

Luke, Robt. S., farmer and grazier

Massingham, John C., farmer and grazier

Twine, Alb. C., telegraphist

Wilkins, Fred, hotelkeeper

By the 1895 directory, the new town site had been established and the people and businesses

listed at Doodlakine relate to it. Given the presence of shops at the old town site, presumably

there were more people living there than was listed in the Post Office Directory. It is clear,

however, that the population was low. This may explain why there is not much

archaeological material clearly from this period.

The railway line was located south of the Doodlakine well and town site due to the flatter

topography and more direct route to the Goldfields. While the railway line was being built,

Old Doodlakine was still used as a stopping point for travellers to the Goldfields and as a

base for the workers building the railway line (Spence 2001: 79).

Following the abandonment of the original town site, the primary use of the north-west area

was as a golf course10

10 As a point of interest, the site was used for the inaugural match of Kellerberrin Cricket Club in 1897. They played Southern Cross, who had to bring matting to play on (Leake 1961: 63).

. Established by 1931 (Spence 2001: 336), the first fairway was located

on the site of the town, and the clubhouse was located on the hill (Rick Newman, pers.


99

comm., 2005). A later clubhouse built in the same location is still standing. The location of

the fairway suggests that all of the buildings had already been removed from the site. The

golf club closed in 1974 (Spence 2001: 336) and since then the two surrounding land owners

have used the site in alternate years to graze their sheep, primarily to keep the weeds down

(Rick Newman, pers. comm., 2005). The town site was vested as a reserve in 2003 and is

now managed by the NTWA as part of the Golden Pipeline Heritage Trail. The south-west

and south-east areas have been used as agricultural areas, with a farmhouse built in the

south-west area in the 1930s (John Walsh, pers. comm., 2005).

There is one registered Aboriginal site in the immediate area (Site ID 5604), which is a

painting. There is no further information about the site publicly available as it was recorded

as part of an oral history project and the site file held at the Department of Indigenous

Affairs (DIA) does not contain any further details. The accompanying report (Gifford 1993)

is a closed file, therefore it could not be viewed. There are five registered sites within the

Kellerberrin local government district, all of which include paintings, suggesting that

Aboriginal paintings are common in the area.

Archaeological evidence

Fifty-eight features were recorded at Old Doodlakine. The site was divided into four areas,

delineated by the intersection of the Goldfields and Doodlakine-Kunoppin Roads (Figure

5.1). These are referred to by their direction relative to the intersection – north-east, north-

west, south-east and south-west areas. It was assumed that the alignment of the roads on the

original town map (Figure 5.2) corresponded to the current alignments, such that Yilgarn

Road is now Goldfields Road and Colreavy Street is Doodlakine-Kunoppin Road. Following

the original map, the areas surveyed were the north-west, south-east and south-west. The

majority of the features (53) are in the north-west area, and the remainder (5) are in the

south-west. There is no archaeological material in the south-east area.


100

Figure 5.2. Town site of Old Doodlakine (reproduced from Spence 2001)

There are five features in the south-west area, two structures and their associated scatters

(F151/152 and F153/154) and an area of general cover (F101). The structures and associated

scatters relate to the farm house period and were in use after the town site was relocated, so

are not discussed further. The remaining feature (F101) includes all of the other artefacts and

covers the rest of the south-west area. The area has been heavily ploughed in recent years,

and the artefacts are widely spread. Therefore it was not possible to associate them with

either the farmhouse or the town site from the spatial distribution. There are also very few

diagnostic artefacts at this feature, and none that can be easily dated. The mixture of

artefacts present (Table 5.3, Appendix E), including dark olive, amethyst, colourless and

amber glass, indicates that there are artefacts from both periods of occupation.


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Structural material

Of the 58 features recorded, eight of them (14%) are structures. Of these only one, the

Hunt’s Well (F1), relates to the initial European occupation of the site. All the others are

associated with use of the site following the abandonment of the initial town site, based on

the location and the materials they were made from. Table 5.2 lists the description and

interpretation of the structural features, and the location of each is given in Figure 5.3.

Table 5.2. Structural features at Old Doodlakine

feature number

structure type

description size (m)

(l x w x h) interpretation phase

1 regular granite blocks in circular shape, going below ground level

1.70 x 1.55 x 1.30

Hunt's well initial European occupation

6 non-regular

earthen channel running NW-SE

c. 11 x 5 drainage channel

golf course

52 regular

square shaped platform defined by mound and railway sleeper along northern edge. Slightly more lush grass is growing on top of feature

c. 2 x 3 building post-settlement

55 non-regular

semi-circular mound defined by granite blocks

c. 6.5 x 7.5 ? golf course

63 regular two iron posts, plank of wood, adobe platform aligned NNW-SSE

c. 2 x 2 building golf course?

72 non-regular

earthen mound in arc shape c.28 x 1 x 0.6

terracing golf course

151 regular

wall of limestone blocks about 6 courses high, another small wall, associated rock scatter; very gritty red cement/mortar between blocks

c. 16 x 5 x 1..2

farm house farm

153 non-regular

large pit and mound with surrounding clump of trees, another small mound SE of trees

c. 40 x 20

building (approximate location of farm house) or dam

farm

The building material, making up 0.01% of the assemblage (n=16; Table 5.3), includes

window glass, dry-pressed bricks, spikes and posts and is directly related to the structures or

farming-related activities, specifically fencing. Although most of this material could not be

dated, one piece of window glass (DBID 3047) is 8 mm thick, indicating that it was

manufactured after 1960 (Boow 1991: 111, Table 6). None of the material could be clearly

associated with the town site period of occupation, and is most likely from the post-

settlement period.


102

Figure 5.3. Location of structures (top) and building material (bottom) at Old Doodlakine


103

The distribution of the building-related artefacts is shown in Figure 5.3 and Figure 5.5. The

general distribution of the structures and the building material is the same, with artefacts

generally found on the southern and western sides of the north-west area. Two features (F53,

F63) classed as structures have associated building material.

Artefacts

The total number of artefacts is shown in Table 5.3. The overwhelming majority of the

artefacts are glass (n=166 855, 86.3%), followed by ceramics (n=20 291, 10.5%). The other

categories combined make up less than 2% of the total assemblage (Figure 5.4). Four

features identified as dumps (F15, 22, 51, 81) are located in the north-west area, along with

the majority of the archaeological material.

Figure 5.4. Percentage of artefacts at Old Doodlakine

86.3%

10.5%

1.7% 0.02% 1.5% 0.01% 0.01% 0.02%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

glass ceramic insulator cans other metal

bone building material

other artefacts

perc

enta

ge

material type


104

Figure 5.5. Function of artefacts at Old Doodlakine


105

Table 5.3. Total projected number of artefacts at Old Doodlakine

material north-west area south-west area total

number % number % number %

GLASS dark olive 1367 25.3% 8 0.005% 1375 0.8%

olive 2725 50.4% 100 883 62.5% 103 608 62.1%

tint 944 17.5% 26 909 16.7% 27 852 16.7%

amethyst 142 2.6% 13 462 8.3% 13 605 8.2%

colourless 19 0.3% 3366 2.1% 3385 2.0%

amber 201 3.7% 13 459 8.3% 13 661 8.2%

emerald 1 0.02% 0 0.0% 1 0.001%

blue 5 0.1% 3363 2.1% 3368 2.0%

red glass 1 0.02% 0 0.0% 1 0.001%

TOTAL GLASS 5405 2.8% 161451 83.5% 166855 86.3%

CERAMIC porcelain 14 0.3% 13 452 8.3% 13 466 8.1%

earthenware 100 1.8% 6724 4.2% 6824 4.1%

stoneware 0 0.0% 1 0.001% 1 0.001%

TOTAL CERAMIC 114 0.1% 20178 10.4% 20291 10.5%

INSULATOR insulator (ceramic) 8 0.1% 3362 2.1% 3370 2.0%

TOTAL INSULATOR 8 0.004% 3362 1.7% 3370 1.7%

CANS can (food) 23 0.4% 0 0.0% 23 0.01%

can (tobacco) 3 0.1% 0 0.0% 3 0.002%

can (other) 4 0.1% 1 0.001% 5 0.003%

TOTAL CANS 30 0.02% 1 0.001% 31 0.02%

OTHER scrap iron 2788 51.6% 29 0.02% 2817 1.7%

METAL copper (other) 5 0.1% 0 0.0% 5 0.003%

lead 3 0.1% 0 0.0% 3 0.002%

TOTAL METAL 2796 1.4% 29 0.01% 2825 1.5%

BONE bone 13 0.2% 0 0.0% 13 0.01%

bone (burnt) 1 0.02% 0 0.0% 1 0.001%

TOTAL BONE 14 0.01% 0 0.0% 14 0.01%

OTHER clay pipe 2 0.04% 0 0.0% 2 0.001%

ARTEFACTS cartridges 2 0.04% 0 0.0% 2 0.001%

lithics 18 0.3% 0 0.0% 18 0.01%

flaked glass 2 0.04% 0 0.0% 2 0.001%

plastic 1 0.02% 0 0.0% 1 0.001%

rubber 2 0.04% 0 0.0% 2 0.001%

other 5 0.1% 0 0.0% 5 0.003%

TOTAL OTHER ARTEFACTS

30 0.02% 0 0.0% 30 0.02%

BUILDING brick 3 0.1% 0 0.0% 3 0.002%

MATERIAL wood 4 0.1% 0 0.0% 4 0.002%

window 9 0.2% 0 0.0% 9 0.01%

TOTAL BUILDING MATERIAL

16 0.01% 0 0.0% 16 0.01%

TOTAL ARTEFACTS 8412 4% 185 020 96% 193 432 100%

In terms of function, most of the artefacts were classed as domestic, followed by industry.

Figure 5.6 shows the functions of artefacts by percentage, based on different assumptions.

The first assumption, shown by the blue bar, includes amber glass in the domestic category.


106

The second (purple bar) includes it in industry, and the third (yellow) shows the percentage

of artefacts by function based on the object record. There is a 7% difference between the

domestic/personal category and the industry/water/transport category according to where the

amber glass is assigned. All of the amber glass, except one piece, recorded in the object

record was used for beer, and was domestic, however only 11 pieces out of a projected total

of 13 661 were recorded, so it does not necessarily reflect an accurate sample. It is most

likely that the amber glass is a mixture of domestic and industrial glass, and based on

observations in the field and the object record, the majority was domestic. Therefore it is a

more realistic assumption to class all of it as domestic, rather than industrial, or attempt to

make an estimate of the percentage of each.

Figure 5.6. Comparison of functions at Old Doodlakine

There are two points that emerge from this comparison graph. First, although there is a 7%

difference between the categories depending on whether amber glass is assigned to the

domestic or industry category, the overall classification of the majority of artefacts as

domestic does not change. Second, the object record is not an accurate reflection of the

number of artefacts in each artefact category and cannot be relied upon in this type of

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

perc

enta

ge

function

amber domestic

amber industry

object record


107

analysis. Instead, it can be used in conjunction with the artefact count to aid the assigning of

function and to determine presence and absence of the functional categories.

Figure 5.5 shows the distribution of artefacts by function, with amber glass categorised as

domestic. There are no clear activity areas, mainly due to the dominance of domestic

artefacts, with the two major functions, domestic and industrial, spread across the site.

Glass

From the bottle base and finish count, the MNI for glass is 147 bottles. Figure 5.7 shows the

glass colours as a percentage of MNI, as well as the percentage of the raw count. Most of the

glass is from olive and dark olive bottles, indicating a predominance of alcohol bottles.

There are a large number of tint bottles, which are used for food storage (Appendix C).

There is a clear difference in the percentages taken from the two counts, particularly for the

dark olive and olive bottles. Both numbers need to be taken into consideration as no blue

glass bases or finishes were found, giving it an MNI count of zero.

Figure 5.7. Percentage of glass colours at Old Doodlakine

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

perc

enta

ge

glass colourraw count

mni


108

The amber and the colourless glass is mainly from after World War I (see Appendix C).

Most of the other glass was manufactured before the 1920s and assumed to date from the

period of the town site.

Forty bottles are inscribed. Many have numbers on the base, which are usually mould

numbers (Boow 1991: 174). In contrast to the glass colours, the inscriptions that could be

identified indicate that most of those bottles were made after the study period. These made

up only 12% of the MNI and the implications are discussed below. The bottles of note are a

dark olive bottle fragment from the Perth and Fremantle Bottle Exchange (DBID 3001), in

operation from 1907-1974 (Appendix C) and a dark olive bottle base with the inscription “6

TO THE GALLON” (DBID 3079), which is an unidentified spirits bottle from the mid-late

nineteenth century (Appendix C). There are also two bottles/jars with pictures of cherries or

fruit and vines (DBID 2978, 3080), implying food storage.

The distribution of glass at Old Doodlakine is shown in Figure 5.9. There is a concentration

of glass in the south-east corner of the north-west area and towards the north of the site. The

two large scatters in the north (F22 and F81) are dumps, and the western one (F22) is a

bottle dump. There is no clear association between the distribution of glass and the lot

boundaries.

The majority of the glass was used for food storage or alcoholic beverages (both 35.8% of

total glass) (Figure 5.8). Other uses included medicine (4.5%), toiletries (3.0%) and

tableware (6.0%).


109

Figure 5.8. Sub-function of glass at Old Doodlakine

35.8%

1.5%

3.0%

35.8%

7.5%

4.5%1.5%

3.0%6.0%

1.5%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


110

Figure 5.9. Distribution of glass at Old Doodlakine


111

Ceramics

The majority of the ceramics are porcelain (66.4%, n=13 466), followed by earthenware

(33.6%, n=6824) and one piece of stoneware (0.005%). Of the ceramics that were recorded

in detail, most are fine earthenwares (70.8%), commonly used for tableware.

All of the ceramics recorded in detail are domestic, and the majority (91.7%) are tableware.

Three ceramics have makers’ marks and, of these, the only identifiable one (DBID 2967) is

post-1945. The remainder are transfer print, banded and gilt wares, all common in the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Brooks 2005).

Figure 5.11 shows the distribution of ceramics. Like the glass distribution, the majority of

the ceramics are in the south-east corner of the north-west area. The overall distribution of

ceramics matches that of the glass.

Figure 5.10. Sub-function of ceramics at Old Doodlakine

91.7%

4.2% 4.2%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

tableware kitchenware storage

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


112

Figure 5.11. Distribution of ceramics at Old Doodlakine


113

Cans

There are 31 cans at the site, representing 0.02% of the total assemblage (Figure 5.4). Of

these, the majority are for food and beverage (Figure 5.12).The other use is generic storage,

associated with the functional category of industry, for example fuel storage and smoking.

Apart from the tobacco cans there is no other smoking related material.

Most of the cans (57.1%) are new technology (see Appendix C), 21.4% hole-in-cap, 7.1%

old technology and the remainder (14.3%) unidentified.

With very few cans, it is difficult to conclude anything definitive from their distribution,

particularly as there are no more than eight cans at any one feature (F59). However, like the

glass (Figure 5.9) and ceramic (Figure 5.11) distributions, there is a concentration of cans in

the south-eastern corner of the north-west area (Figure 5.13). Also, all three artefact

categories are found along the northern boundary. There are no clear separate areas of cans

and no can dumps, which are present at other sites in this study.

Figure 5.12. Function of cans at Old Doodlakine

75.0%

3.6%

21.4%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

food & beverage (domestic) smoking (recreation) storage (industry)

perc

enta

ge

sub-function (function)


114

Figure 5.13. Distribution of cans at Old Doodlakine


115

Other material

The remaining artefacts include horseshoes, buckets, a hammer, lamp and metal rings, and

the majority are categorised as industry. There are personal clothing items including three

copper alloy buttons and a clothing stud, and two bullet cartridges. All of these could date

from any of the different uses of the site. For example, a four hole sew-through button with

the generic slogan ‘BEST RING EDGE’, which is a trouser button, dating from the

nineteenth to early twentieth centuries (Appendix C).

Interpretation

From the archaeological and historical evidence the two main phases of European

occupation at Old Doodlakine are the town site period up to 1895 and post-settlement (post-

1895). The historical records show that this can be further divided into the initial European

occupation (construction of Hunt’s Well in 1865), town site period (1891-1895), golf course

(1931-1974), farm (c.1930s-present), and reserve (2003-present).

The artefact assemblage is dominated by glass, mainly alcohol bottles. From the historical

evidence the major period of settlement was when the town was there from 1891-1895, and

although the site was continually used after the town moved south, no one lived in the north-

west area, where the majority of the archaeological material was found.

However, the archaeological evidence is not so clear. If the site was used as a town between

1891 and 1895, when there would have been a higher number of people there than

subsequent uses, it would be expected that the majority of the material would be from this

period. This was the case for the glass and ceramics, although it is not true of the cans. All

three artefact types have items that post-dated the town site period. In addition, other

artefacts in common use during the town site period, such as clay pipes, are not present at

all. The explanation for the number of artefacts from later periods may in part be a result of

continual use of the site that is known about (golf course, farm house), but may also result

from the possibility that when the town site of Doodlakine moved south in 1895, not

everyone went with it, and the move was more a gradual change, rather than a sudden one.

From the historical records it would be expected that most of the material culture would be

from the town site period, as the later uses would have had few artefacts. Instead, there are

numerous artefacts manufactured after this period. For example, at Feature 15, a dump, all of

the dateable artefacts, either could have been or were made after 1920. Curiously, there are

three artefacts (DBID 2962, 2965 and one piece of amethyst glass) that were no longer made

after 1930, but there is one piece ceramic from 1945 (DBID 2967). Aside from this piece of


116

ceramic, the other artefacts suggest that this dump is from the 1920s, between the town site

period and the golf course. Glass used for food and beverage storage can be, and often is,

reused (Stuart 1993), and is highly disposable. If the dump does date from the 1920s, that is,

between the town site period and the golf course period, it is not clear how a post-1945

ceramic ended up there, but if it dates from after 1945, it is even less clear why a dump was

placed on the middle of the first green of a golf course. In either situation, it does indicate

that occupation of the site after the town was moved was not as simple as indicated in the

historical records.

Three other dumps identified (F22, F51, F81) are bottle dumps dating from the town site

period, based on the high amount of dark olive glass present. Although one dump (F51) also

has one piece of colourless glass (DBID 2993), manufactured after 1920 (Appendix C).

Other than that there is no clear distribution of artefacts, no clear structures relating to the

town site, apart from the Hunt’s Well, and no clear activity areas.

The archaeological material is concentrated in the north-west area, with some that can be

attributed to the town site period in the south-west, and none in the south-east. These areas

were gazetted and lot boundaries drawn in 1891 (Figure 5.2). The south-west and south-east

areas have been farmed, which would provide the most obvious explanation for the lack of

material. However, one would expect at least some material to be present in the south-east

area, which raises the possibility that although this area was gazetted, it was never actually

developed.

One of the bottle dumps (F22) continues below the surface, indicating that there is sub-

surface material at the site, particularly in drainage areas, such as where F22 is located.

Therefore further sub-surface investigations, particularly in areas where the artefacts are

concentrated, such as the south-east corner and northern boundary of the north-west area,

may reveal more archaeological material, especially relating to the period of the town site.

The later continual use of the site has affected the archaeological record both in terms of

composition and distribution, and what was initially thought to be a site with a short

occupation period with clear beginning and ending dates, was not so.


117

Karalee

Karalee is a water catchment, former railway station and settlement site. There is also a well,

Hunt’s Well, which was most likely used as a stopping point to the Goldfields before the

railway line was built (RICH 2000: 5). The site is located along the Great Eastern Highway

approximately 50 km east of Southern Cross (Figure 2.2) and is owned and managed by the

NTWA. It is currently a campsite and point of interest along the Golden Pipeline Heritage

Trail.

There are two parts of the site complex (resulting in two centres of activity): the reservoir

area to the north at the base of two granite outcrops, and the railway station 3.1 km to the

south (Figure 5.14). Until the railway station was built, the focus of settlement was at the

reservoir area, which then shifted to the railway station. The reservoir area remained in use

after the railway line opened, although the majority of travellers travelled through the station

instead of stopping at the old Karalee settlement. Only the reservoir area was included as

part of the survey as the majority of the material around the railway station is from later

occupation.

The larger of the two rocks (Karalee Rock No.1) is approximately 26 m high (RICH 2000)

and the smaller one (Karalee Rock No.2) is 15 m high. Both have a water catchment wall

around the base, channelling the water runoff into a reservoir (Plate 5.2, Plate 5.3, Plate 5.4).

Vegetation at the site consists of dense tall shrublands dominated by Allocasuarina

huegeliana, low woodlands to low forests dominated by eucalypts, and yellow sandplains

(Armstrong and Hopper 2001: ii). Ground cover in these areas is leaf litter/bark. Within the

archaeological site are several cleared areas, some of which are covered in grass, and others

with no vegetation apart from a few small shrubs. Although well within the area of

occupation, not all of the cleared areas have surface archaeological material.


118

Figure 5.14. Overall plan of Karalee showing location of railway station in relation to reservoir and granite outcrops


119

Plate 5.2. Water catchment wall at Karalee Rock No. 2. Height of wall c. 0.6 m

Plate 5.3. Channel at Karalee leading away from Rock No.2 looking north. Scale 1m


120

Plate 5.4. Reservoir at Karalee looking east

Historical evidence

There is one registered Aboriginal site in the vicinity of Karalee (DIA Site ID 20138). It is

an artefact scatter that is at least 100 m x 50 m in extent, and is located along the edge of an

access track/firebreak east of the State Barrier Fence. The artefacts were disturbed,

presumably by the construction of the access track/firebreak, and were not recorded in detail

(Webb 2002: 16-17).

As discussed in Chapter 2, settlement of the sites between Perth and Kalgoorlie by

Europeans followed several major events. At Karalee the dates of these events were (RICH

2000: 3-4):

1865 Hunts Well and Dam built

1892 Goldfields Road established, running between the two rocks at Karalee

1894 Telegraph Line built

1895 Railway line built approximately 3.1 km south of Karalee Rock

Rectangular well (F13/RICH item 9; also known as the Government Well) built


121

1897 Water catchment and reservoir built

c.1971 Karalee railway station closed

1999 Karalee Rock Water Catchment area vested in the NTWA

In addition to this, the first reference to the Karalee Hotel in the Post Office Directories is

1903, although it is unclear whether this is one of the hotels located near the rocks or the

hotel located near the railway station. I suspect it is the latter, as once the railway station was

built, the majority of travellers would have passed through that area of the site, and in

comparison there would have been very little custom in the reservoir area.

Karalee is first listed in the Post Office directories in 1898, under Koorawalge

(Koorarawalyee) and had a separate entry from 1903. In 1898 there were six people at the

site, who were mostly railway-related employees, as well as a caretaker for the Hunt’s Dam.

Between 1898 and 1914 the average number of people is 12, the lowest number was four in

1914 and the highest was 20 in 1905. This does not include 1912-1913 when the site was

listed but no people were recorded. The average length of occupation was two years, with

six people in the directory for five years or more, the longest being Patrick Reynolds, the

caretaker of the Hunt’s Dam who was there for 11 years.

Occupations were most commonly railway related (e.g. fettler, ganger, station master, night

officer, repairer). Others were the proprietor of the Karalee Hotel (also listed as Karalee

Arms Hotel) and four farmers at various times, presumably living in the district. Given the

occupations, it is likely that most of the people lived in the southern area of the site near the

railway station, as discussed below. Four women were listed, although Mrs B. Egan, Miss K.

Egan and Chas Egan, presumably the family of Thomas Egan, the proprietor of the Karalee

Hotel from 1903-1906, were not listed until 1906. It is unclear as to whether they arrived

that year, or it was simply the first year they were listed. If it is the latter, then clearly there

are more people living at each site than those listed in the directories.

Karalee was a popular picnicking and swimming spot, particularly after the 1940s when

automobiles became more common (RICH 2000: 8), when people most likely came from

Southern Cross, the nearest major town, and as mentioned above is now a campsite.

Although the focus of occupation was around the railway area, the reservoir continues to

have visitors, even after the railway line closed in 1971.


122


From my fieldwork and previous surveys by RICH (2000) and Nayton (2001) a total of 129

features were identified. The two previous surveys, a heritage and an archaeological survey

respectively, identified many of the features around the rocks, including the location of two

hotels. During my fieldwork emphasis was given to those features not previously identified

and the information relevant to the research questions. The data presented here from the

previously recorded features is mostly from the earlier surveys.

The functions of the artefacts taken from the artefact count are given in Table 5.4. The

majority of the artefacts are in the industry/water/transport category (53.6%), followed

closely by domestic/personal. The function and sub-function of the artefacts is discussed in

further detail under each material type.

Table 5.4. Function of artefacts at Karalee

function number percentage

domestic/personal 52 188 45.2%

industry/water/transport 61 945 53.6%

structural 239 0.2%

recreation 4 0.003%

communication 146 0.1%

miscellaneous 1026 0.9%

TOTAL 115 548 100%

Figure 5.15 is a detail of the area of the archaeological material around the rocks, showing

its distribution by function. The number of domestic/personal and industry/water/transport

artefacts is approximately the same, and they are evenly distributed across the occupational

areas of the site, with no clear concentration of either category. Noticeably where there are

artefacts that are structural, that is the dominant function of those features.


123

Figure 5.15. Distribution of artefacts by function at Karalee


124

Structural material

Twenty-eight (21.7%) features were recorded as structures, including the catchment walls (Plate 5.2), water

channels (Plate 5.3) and reservoir (Plate 5.4). Although the structures are spread across the site, two areas of

focus were identified: south of the reservoir (Area 1), and the southern area of the site (Area 2) in the area of

the hotels (Figure 5.16).

There are three structures immediately to the south of the reservoir, which are included in Area 1 along with

the reservoir (F206/RICH item 5). One (F193) is a part of a fence line built around the reservoir. The second

is a pump station (F209/RICH item 6). RICH (2000: 30) described it as a concrete pit, pipe work and valves.

The third are the “apocryphal change rooms” (RICH 2000: 47) (F18/RICH item 8) supposedly used by

picnickers who swam at the reservoir after it was no longer used for the railway station. This consists of a

rectangular limestone pad, approximately 3.5 m x 2.5 m (Plate 5.5) and has a piece of corrugated iron,

approximately 5 cm high, in situ along the northern side, which was possibly the base of a wall. There are no

associated artefacts.

Plate 5.5. Rectangular limestone pad (F18, RICH item 8) looking south. Scale 2m


125

Figure 5.16. Location of structures at Karalee. Numbers are feature numbers referred to in text


126

Figure 5.17. Plans of structures in southern area


127

Plate 5.6. Detail of F110 looking south-west. Remains of granite wall from hotel. Scale 1m

Area 2 is at the southern end of the site, and includes eight structural features (Figure 5.16,

Figure 5.17). These are two hotels (F110, Plate 5.6 and F109/114/176), two water tank bases

(F5 and F174), a culvert (F11) and a post support (F111). The description of these features is

given in Table 5.5.

The other structures include the Government Well (F13, Plate 5.7), Hunt’s Well (Plate 5.8)

and Dam (F7 and F9, Plate 5.9), the water catchment walls (F204, F205, Plate 5.2), drainage

channel from Rock No. 2 (F207, Plate 5.3), sluice from Rock No. 1 (F208), reservoir (F206,

Plate 5.4), several pits and mounds (F55, F56, F76, F93), a hearth (F66), probably from a

later period of occupation, and a possible structure made of limestone blocks (F188).


128

Table 5.5. Description of structural features in southern area of site. See Figure 5.17 for plans

feature

number

description interpretation

5 Area of broken granite pieces forming small mound c. 0.1 m high.

Forms roughly rectangular shape mainly distinguished by moss

growth

tank stand

11 Line of granite blocks 1 course high and 2 courses wide going

through depression/water channel. Blocks range from 110 mm x 160

mm x 60 mm to 350 mm x 290 mm x 90 mm. Most are partially

buried

culvert

109 Mound of sand, small rocks and larger granite rocks approx. 0.2 m;

straight line of granite rocks; corrugated iron and other surface

anomalies

hotel 2

110 Paved area made of irregular shaped orangey/brown, fine grained

stones not naturally occurring in the area

path or floor of

building (hotel 1)

111 raised circle of broken granite, average 100 mm in length post support

114 Line of granite stones, average 0.2 m in length wall (hotel 2)

174 Line of granite stones running NE-SW on rectangular shaped earthen

mound, approximately 2 m x 2.5 m. Adjacent to pit c. 1 m x 1.5 m on

NE side

tank stand

176 wall-like structure running N-S wall (hotel 2)

Plate 5.7. Government Well looking north-west. Present day camping area is in background


129

Plate 5.8. Hunt’s Well. Width of frame 2m

Plate 5.9. Hunt’s Dam looking north. Scale 2m


130

One structure that had not been previously identified is a small rectangular platform of

granite stones, approximately 1.2 m x 1.4 m (F16, Plate 5.10). Some blocks are in situ and

there is an ash pile approximately 2.7 m x 1.8 m about 0.5 m to the north-east. The

associated artefacts consist mainly of glass (n=103) and scrap iron (n=74), with six food

cans, two nails, two pieces of charcoal and two pieces of slag. Most of the scrap metal could

not be identified, although it does include a nut and a bolt. The structure is located within 15

m of the current campsite and adjacent to a crushed gravel pathway built by the NTWA

when the modern campsite was built, and as such the artefact scatter is highly disturbed. The

structure was identified as a blacksmithy by a visitor to the site during fieldwork, based on

local knowledge rather than archaeological evidence (Dr Brian Pollard, pers. comm., 2005).

Plate 5.10. F16/17 looking south-east. Scale 1m. NTWA path is in background

A 0.5 m x 0.5 m square was excavated 2 m north of the structure to determine whether there

are any sub-surface artefacts, and aid in the identification of the structure. There were glass

fragments and scrap iron in the top 3 cm, as well as frequent pieces of charcoal,

approximately 2.5 mm, reflecting the material that was on the surface. The square was

excavated to a depth of 7 cm, where are were large fragments of granite, most likely related

to the structure, that could not be removed.


131

The very low amount of melted material (two pieces of slag), high amount of glass relative

to the metal, and the overall lack of other melted materials suggested that the structure was

not part of a blacksmith’s shop, although the ash pile does indicate that there was a fire

nearby.

The structure could have been a water condenser. As discussed under Woolgangie

Condenser, there is evidence that condensers have a distinct archaeological signature

consisting of three components: a stone base or wall for a ship’s tank, an associated ash pile

and a depression for the water supply. This feature does not fit the pattern of a condenser,

although it does have some of the features. The structure could have been used as a base for

the water tank and there is a nearby ash pile. There is no associated depression, although

there is a soak 35 m to the south (F13, RICH item 9), so an adjacent depression may not

have been necessary.

Despite the presence of a number of structures, there is a very small amount of building

material. Only 0.2% of the total assemblage is building material (Figure 5.18), and includes

wood, nails and window glass. Of the nails, both hand forged and machine made nails are

present, reflecting continual use of the site since European occupation.

Figure 5.18. Percentage of material types at Karalee

22.1%

5.1%

0.1%

22.3%

46.2%

0.9% 0.2%

3.1%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%



other artefacts

perc

enta

ge

material type


132

Artefacts

The majority of the artefacts at Karalee are glass or metal, with the assemblage dominated

by metal (Figure 5.18). The distribution of the archaeological material is between the two

rocks, to the east and south of the reservoir (Figure 5.19). The features on Rock No. 2 are all

small channels or quarries, which are part of the water catchment. There was clear sorting of

material and sixteen dumps were identified (F3, F4, F60, F73, F78, F115, F117, F172, F173,

F178, F179, F180, F181, F184, F191, F199), which are discussed under cans.


133

Figure 5.19. Location of features showing distribution of archaeological material at Karalee


134

Glass

From whole bottles and the number of bottle bases and finishes, the MNI count of bottles is

260. The majority are olive and tint bottles (Figure 5.20), indicating a predominance of

alcohol bottles and food bottles. The glass colours indicate that the bottles were from the late

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (dark olive and amethyst), and post-1920s

(colourless and amber) (Appendix C).

Figure 5.20. Percentage of glass colours at Karalee

Figure 5.21 shows the distribution of glass at Karalee. The majority of the glass is around

the areas of the hotels to the south (Area 2). The two other areas of concentration are south

of the reservoir, again in an area of structures, and in the north-west area, at the base of Rock

No. 1. No clear activity areas or structures were identified in this area, although from its

location it is highly likely to be a camp area used during construction of the catchment wall

and reservoir.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

perc

enta

ge


MNI


135

Figure 5.21. Distribution of glass at Karalee


136

Figure 5.22. Dumps at Karalee showing proportion of artefact classes


137

There are three clear bottle dumps (F3, F4, F172) which are all located in the area of the

hotels. Note that F172 was identified as a bottle dump despite the high proportion of

ceramics, and F199 is a large ash pile and therefore was not classed as a bottle dump. There

are nine dumps in total, including two general rubbish dumps that had a greater amount of

glass than cans, and four can dumps (Figure 5.22).

The majority of the glass was for food or beverage storage (69.5%), although a high number

(16.3%) was used for other storage (Figure 5.23). Glass was also used for medicine bottles

(6.4%) and tableware (4.3%), associated with the hotels.

Figure 5.23. Sub-function of glass at Karalee

Ceramics

The majority of the ceramics are earthenware (84.3%). The relatively high percentage of

stoneware (15.2%) would suggest an earlier date for the assemblage (pre-1930s) (Thom

2005: 97), and there is a small amount of porcelain (0.4%).

Most of the ceramic was used for domestic purposes (85.7%), and of that, most is glazed

tableware (76.2% of total ceramic, Figure 5.24), such as plates and cups. The tableware is

generally decorated with transfer prints or banded. None has makers’ marks or any other

features, apart from common decorations used in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, that

20.6%

2.8%

32.6%

13.5%

6.4%

16.3%

4.3%

1.4% 2.1%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


138

enable them to be dated. The decorations varied such that there is no indication of sets being

used or discarded.

The distribution of the ceramics is shown in Figure 5.25. As with the glass, the majority of

the ceramics is around the hotel area in the south, suggesting that this area is the focus of

domestic activity at the site.

Figure 5.24. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Karalee

9.5%

4.8% 4.8%

76.2%

4.8%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

telegraph beverage -alcohol

storage tableware unidentified

communication domestic miscellaneous

perc

enta

ge

function and sub-function


139

Figure 5.25. Distribution of ceramics at Karalee


140

Cans

The majority of the cans were used for food storage (84.2%) (Figure 5.26). The types of

food and beverage storage include meat, fish and beer. Most were used for preserved foods,

such as meat, fruit and vegetables (52.1%) (Figure 5.27).

Figure 5.26. Sub-function of cans at Karalee

84.2%

0.6% 0.6%

14.6%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

food storage beverage smoking storage

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


141

Figure 5.27. Specific function of food and beverage cans at Karalee

The distribution of cans is more widespread than glass or ceramics (Figure 5.28). Although

there are can dumps in the area of the hotels and south of the reservoir, overall, the cans are

spread more evenly across the site. Also, whereas the glass and ceramic distribution is

associated with the structures, the cans are separate to them. Immediately to the east of Rock

No. 1 there is an area of cans, as well as glass (Figure 5.28, Figure 5.21).

The cans were usually disposed of in different areas to the glass and ceramics. Although not

an absolute distinction, there are separate areas of cans and other material (usually glass),

such that four can dumps were identified (Figure 5.22). They are up to 20 m across and

could contain thousands of cans (Plate 5.11). Unlike the glass dumps, which are all located

in the hotel area, the can dumps are in two locations – the hotel area and west of Rock No. 1.

They rarely contain other artefacts apart from cans, and if they do, the material is still

separated within the dump (e.g. F117).

In addition to the can dumps are metal can circles, at least two of which were identified at

Karalee (F117, F190).

0.3% 0.1% 0.1% 1.3% 2.1%

7.7%

56.0%

0.3%3.1%

0.6% 1.6% 0.1%

26.7%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

perc

enta

ge

specific function


142

Plate 5.11. Can dump (F117) looking north-west. Scale 2m


143

Figure 5.28. Distribution of cans at Karalee


144

Eleven cans were from the Central Queensland Meat Exporting Company (CQME) (DBID

1377, 1380, 5572, 5799, 5819, 5849, 5965). The inscriptions on these cans are variations of

C.Q.M.E.Co.Ld./ROCKHAMPTON/QUEENSLAND (Figure 5.3) and often have the

number 1894 or 1895 on them, assumed to be a date. They are either old type or hole-in-cap

cans putting their manufacturing date before 1910 (Appendix C). Although they are not the

only meat cans identified, they are the only ones with an inscription.

Plate 5.12. Example of Central Queensland Meat Exporting Company (CQME Pty Ltd), Rockhampton, Queensland can.

Table 5.6 lists the cans with inscriptions at Karalee. Note that cans that contain any elements

of the CQME inscription, such as “ROCKHAMPTON” or “QUEENSLAND” are assumed

to be CQME cans. The two other food cans with inscriptions are “COLMAN’S BRITISH

CORN FLOUR” (DBID 5815) and “ALIMENTA:[IRES?]” (DBID 1372), which is French

for food. The inscription was painted on, rather than embossed (Plate 5.13). The can is

cylindrical, 120 mm high and 72 mm in diameter. It has a lap seam with flange ends and was

opened using the jab and rock method.

There is one tobacco can, made by W.D. & H.O. Wills in London, indicating that it was

most likely made in the late nineteenth century before W.D. & H.O. Wills opened in Sydney

in 1901 (Appendix C). The contents of the other cans could not be determined from the


145

inscriptions. DBID 3723 is a rectangular can measuring 240 mm x 240 mm x 340 mm and

was identified as a fuel can based on its size and shape.

Plate 5.13 Can with painted label (DBID 1372)


146

Table 5.6. Cans with inscriptions at Karalee

DBID function sub-function

specific

function vessel shape technology can seam inscription earliest date latest date

1372 domestic food storage unidentified cylindrical unidentified lap

:ALIMENTA:[IRES?]/

[pattern]/

:O: 1885 1910

1377 domestic food storage meat

rectangular

tapered hole-in-cap lap

C.Q.M.E.Co.LD/

[QUEENSLA]?ND 1885 1910

1380 domestic food storage meat rectangular old lap

C.Q.M.E.Co.LD./

QUEENSLAND 1885 1910

3723 industry storage fuel square old

NET CONTENTS/

4/

IMPERIAL GALLONS ???? INN?SEA?/

GARGOYLE/

MADE ???/???GING ? ?RO?? 1810 1910

5572 domestic food storage meat rectangular unidentified

CQME Co Ld/


5746 industry storage fuel square old [sunshine] 1810 1910

5769 miscellaneous storage unidentified cylindrical unidentified lap LOND:[ON] 1885 1910

5799 domestic food storage meat rectangular hole-in-cap

CQME Co Ld/


5813 recreation smoking tobacco cylindrical unidentified

W.D.:[& H.O.WILLS]/

TRADE/

MARK

BRISTOL LONDON

late 19th

century


147

DBID function sub-function

specific

function vessel shape technology can seam inscription earliest date latest date

5814 domestic storage unidentified cylindrical unidentified

?/

[symbol]/

SOUTHAMPTON/

1894/

? 1894?

5815 domestic food storage other rectangular unidentified

double

side seam

(internal)

base:

COLMAN'S/

BRITISH/

CORN FLOUR

lid:

COLMAN'S/

No 1/

:??? BLUE 1888

5819 domestic food storage meat rectangular unidentified

??? ???? [CQME?]/

ROCKHAMPTON/

QUEENSLAND 95 1895 1895

5849 domestic food storage meat cylindrical unidentified

ROCKHAMPT:[ON]/

1894/

QUEENSL:[AND] 1880 1980

5965 domestic food storage meat rectangular unidentified QUEENSLAND 1880 1980


148

Other

The remainder of the artefacts are mostly related to industry and communication and include

bullet cartridges, telegraph related items, metal pipes, buckets, bolts and other tools and

equipment, and one iron button (Appendix E). The metal items were generally hand forged,

common in the nineteenth century (Appendix C). It was not possible to date the other items.

Sub-surface testing

To test for sub-surface material, three test pits were excavated, two (TP1, TP2) in the north-

eastern area, where the original hotel was located, and one (TP3) near the campsite area

(Figure 5.29). The first was in the area thought to be immediately outside the hotel and the

second was in the dump area, close to an irregular structure. Their locations were used to

either interpret or help confirm the interpretation of the adjacent features.

The two pits excavated in the north-eastern area had artefacts to a depth of 0.08 m. The

artefacts were spread throughout the context and are made of the same materials as those on

the surface, specifically glass fragments, ceramics including porcelain and earthenware and

scrap iron. The majority of the artefacts are not diagnostic, however they are from the same

time period as the surface artefacts (late 1890s to early 1900s).

Figure 5.29. Location of excavation squares at Karalee


149

Interpretation

The artefact assemblage is dominated by glass and metal. There is also a large number of

cans (22.3%), which were mainly used for food storage. From the dates of the artefacts, most

were made in the 1890s and early 1900s, although there are a high number of items

manufactured after this period. This is in accordance with the historical records which

suggest that once the track to the Goldfields, which ran between the two rocks, was

established Karalee was used as a stopping point and the site was continuously occupied,

even after the railway station opened. Therefore although the focus of settlement moved to

the south, the area around the reservoir was still in use.

Three activity areas were identified from the archaeological material (Figure 5.19, Figure

5.21). The main one is around the area where the two hotels were. This is a cleared area

where the majority of the domestic artefacts, such as bottles and ceramics, were found. The

second area is immediately south of the reservoir, in the vicinity of the pump house. Also,

cleared of most trees, this is also the place that would have been used by picnickers that

visited the reservoir. Finally, there is some evidence of an activity area immediately east of

Rock No.1. Although ephemeral, with no structures and few artefacts apart from cans, the

location and the presence of the material that is there suggests that this may have been the

occupation area during construction of the catchment wall and reservoir.

The other major characteristic of this site is the presence of can dumps and can circles,

showing clear sorting of material across the site.

From the sub-surface testing, the deposits in TP1 and TP2 were deeper than expected,

although at less than 10 cm, they confirmed the assumption that the deposit is mostly on the

surface. It reflected the artefacts recorded on the surface. Both pits were located in high use

areas: one immediately outside the supposed location of the hotel and the other in a dump

area. Although TP1, outside the hotel, did not assist in the interpretation that the structure

was indeed the hotel, the soil type and number of artefacts present did suggest that it was

located outside the structure rather than being an occupation deposit from inside. The lack of

archaeological deposit in the other pits meant they did not aid in interpretation of adjacent

features.


150

Number 7 Pump Station, Gilgai

Number 7 was chosen as the representative sample for the pump stations in the survey as it

has the best level of preservation and the least amount of later disturbance. It is located

approximately 155 km west of Kalgoorlie and 410 km east of Perth. The site is within the

Boorabbin National Park and is owned by the Water Corporation. It is part of the Golden

Pipeline Heritage Trail and receives visitors who are travelling along the route.

Greeting visitors to the site is the pipeline, which is south of most of the archaeological

material and reservoir (also referred to as a suction tank) that visually dominates the site.

The reservoir stands approximately two metres above the ground and is no longer in use.

There are no other standing structures remaining.

The vegetation surrounding the reservoir is open grass and small shrubs. Surrounding the

site is open woodland to low forest, dominated by various eucalypt species including

Eucalyptus salubris (gimlet), E. sheathiana (ribbon bark gum), E. griffithsii (Griffith’s Grey

Gum), E. flocktoniae (Merrit), as well as Acacia spp. In the non-grassy areas, ground cover

is leaf litter and bark and the soil is a red sandy clay.

Historical evidence

The exact route of the Goldfields track in this area is not known, although there is no

evidence to suggest that it passed through this site. The first Europeans at the site arrived

with the construction of the railway line in 1895. There were two sidings near the pump

station. The first was approximately 3 km west of the pump station. It was removed in July

1948 and replaced by the second, which was built 2 km to the east of the pump station. This

was abandoned with the closure of the railway line in 1971 (WAGR 1972: 8; Jeff Austin,

pers. comm., 2004).

All of the pump stations, including Number 7, were constructed in 1901 and were in use

until the 1950s, when electrification of the pumping scheme resulted in the closure of

original pump stations and the construction of new ones (RICH 1999b: 29). After the closure

of the pump station there was no need for anyone to remain at the site and it was most likely

abandoned.

The pump station is located along the railway line and the train station, which was originally

located approximately 3 km west of the pump station, was called Gilgai (Jeff Austin, pers.

comm., 2004; Figure 2.7, Figure 5.30). The railway station was moved once the pump


151

station opened (RICH 1999d: 7). The trains stopped to deliver items to the people and coal

to the pump station via a branch line. The train line was in use until 1971, when it was

closed down and re-routed (WAGR 1972: 8), although the trains would have no reason to

stop after the closure of the pump station in the 1950s.

Figure 5.30. Vesting plan of Number 7 Pump Station Gilgai showing original location of Gilgai siding (PWD 37664 reproduced in RICH 1999d)

The first listing of people at Gilgai in the Post Office directories is in 1898, when there were

three people – two repairers and a night officer. Between 1898 and 1914 the average number

of people was seven, with the lowest number of three in 1898 and the highest 13 in 1904.

Note that this list is only of people working at the site, not including their families, and is not

a true reflection of the actual population.

Once the pump station opened in 1901 there was a gradual change in the occupations listed.

In 1899 the repairers had left and replaced by a porter in charge, a ganger and four fettlers.

The occupations were not listed again until 1903, when there was a completely different list

of names. Additional occupations listed were a ganger in 1903, an inspector for the

Coolgardie Water Scheme, officer in charge and a carter in 1904, engineers from 1905,

wood cutters and a contractor (also listed as a builder and contractor) in 1909, firemen from


152

1911 and a greaser from 1912. By 1910, none of the original occupations such as repairer,

night officer and fettlers, were listed.

This limited information indicates that the population was working-class, as opposed to hotel

owners, shop keepers and the like. No women are listed, therefore any women living at the

site would have been there with their husbands, rather than as individual proprietors listed

for other sites such as Koorarawalyee. Most of the names are of Anglo-Saxon origin,

although Antoni Francisco, most likely an Italian, is one of the wood cutters from 1912.


The archaeological material is spread across one area and there are two major zones within

this area (Figure 5.31). The biggest zone is the material relating to the site’s use as a pump

station, which is an open grassy area mainly to the west of the reservoir. The other zone

identified is north of the railway line and continues approximately 650 m west of the edge of

the site south of the railway line. The vegetation in this area is open woodland. The

archaeological material here is older, less substantial and is most likely associated with the

construction of the railway line itself, rather than occupation of the site as a pump station. A

total of 172 features were recorded, 29 of which are north of the railway line and the

remainder in the south, associated with the pump station.

Table 5.7. Function of artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station

function number percentage

domestic/personal 82 222 45.3%

industry/water/transport 38 282 21.1%

structural 9750 5.4%

recreation 21 0.01%

communication 51 274 28.2%


TOTAL 181 570 100%

The function of the artefacts is summarised in Table 5.7. The majority of the artefacts are

domestic/personal, followed by communication and industry/water/transport. The

distribution by function is shown in Figure 5.32. The domestic/personal artefacts are spread

across the site and there is an area through the middle around the railway spur line and the

reservoir, that is where the actual pump station was, which has a greater concentration of

industrial/water/transport related artefacts than the remainder of the site. The structural

related artefacts are towards the centre of the site, rather than on the peripheries.


153

Figure 5.31. Distribution of archaeological material at Number 7 Pump Station showing location of excavation test pits (TP1 and TP2)


154

Figure 5.32. Function of artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station


155

Structural material

There are 40 structures, four of them north of the railway line and the remainder to the south.

The structures include the reservoir (F222, RICH Item 1), nine concrete pads (F15, F25,

F36, F69, F77, F88, F122, F210, F212) and other brick structures. The buildings that could

be identified are listed in Table 5.8.

Table 5.8. Identified structures at Number 7 Pump Station

feature

number

interpretation RICH item number

(RICH 1999d)

75 garden 9

76 tennis court and club room 8

96 railway buffer 14

119 worker’s house -

151 railway siding 25

208 WC for ganger’s hut 27

210 ganger’s hut 11

212 railway platform 26

222 reservoir 1

223 railway formation 6

224 concrete pad 3

225 WC 10

The building material at the site includes brick (n=4083), window glass (n=3125), concrete

(n=2185), nails (n=129), wood (n= 135) and asbestos (n=26), making up a total of 5.4%

(n=9749) of the total assemblage.

The majority of this material (99.9%, n=9737) is in the area around the pump station (Figure

5.33). Although most of it was in use during the nineteenth century, the presence of modern

Australian standard machine-pressed bricks, concrete, standardised nails and asbestos all

suggest construction in the twentieth century rather than the late nineteenth century.

The nails recovered do not have many diagnostic features, but they include 12 wire nails,

one railway spike and one galvanised iron roofing nail.


156

Figure 5.33. Distribution of building materials and structures at Number 7 Pump Station


157

Artefacts

The different material types found at the site are shown in Figure 5.34. The majority of

artefacts are glass (n=55 535, 30.5%). A large amount of insulators and insulator fragments

were recorded at this site (n=51 274, 28.2%) and the majority of these are at one feature

(F152), which is a scatter associated with the railway siding. The next most common

material type is scrap metal (n=34 670, 19.1%), followed by cans (n=27 264, 15.0%) and

building materials (n=9749, 5.4%). Ceramics make up 1.9% (n=3401) of the assemblage.

The dominant material type in the northern area is cans (n=9552, 5.3% of total assemblage),

followed by glass (n=2344, 1.3% of total assemblage).

Figure 5.34. Artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station by material type

Glass

Based on the raw count, the glass assemblage is dominated by amber (43.2%) and colourless

glass (36.0%), followed by olive (7.5%), amethyst (6.8%) and tint (6.1%). The MNI for the

bottles is 96 and using this count the dominant colour is olive (31.3%), followed by tint

(21.9%) and amber (20.8%) (Figure 5.35). There is a small amount of dark olive glass in the

raw count (0.3%) which represents 11.5% of the total based on MNI. The relatively high

number of dark olive glass in the MNI compared to the raw count indicates that the bases

and finishes of the dark olive glass are being present, but there are relatively few fragments.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%


building material

bone other artefacts

perc

enta

ge

material typenorth area

pump station


158

This is perhaps due to the bottles not breaking up as much as the other colours possibly

because the glass is thicker. This pattern is seen at the other sites, most noticeably Old

Doodlakine (Figure 5.7), with the exception of Karalee, which had approximately the same

number of dark olive bottles in both the MNI and raw counts (Figure 5.20).

Using both counts, the relative percentages of glass colours suggests that the assemblage is a

mixture of material from both the late nineteenth century and well into the twentieth century.

The raw count suggests the bulk of the material is from the later period of occupation of the

site, that is, post-1920s, due to the dominance of colourless and amber glass. However from

the MNI, the colours that are common on late nineteenth century sites, such as dark olive

(Appendix C), do form a major part of the assemblage. On balance, the colours that were

used well into the twentieth century (colourless and amber) as well as those used in the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries (tint and olive) make up the majority of the assemblage.

Therefore the glass colours reflect occupation in both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,

with more material from the later period.

Figure 5.35. Glass colours at Number 7 Pump Station

The glass is distributed across the site, with a concentration in the south-eastern corner. The

four features where this concentration occurs (F28, F29, F82, F92) are all dumps, although

not exclusively for glass. Two of the dumps (F28, F29) also contained twentieth century car

bodies, indicating that they were used during later periods of the site.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

perc

enta

ge

colourraw count

MNI


159

Figure 5.36. Distribution of glass at Number 7 Pump Station


160

Table 5.9. Function and sub-function of recorded glass artefacts at Number 7 Pump Station

function sub-function MNI percentage

domestic beverage - alcohol 44 33.3%

beverage - non-alcohol 1 0.8%

beverage - unidentified 2 1.5%

food storage 28 21.2%

food/beverage 12 9.1%

storage 12 9.1%

tableware 2 1.5%

TOTAL DOMESTIC 101 76.5%

miscellaneous storage 16 12.1%

personal medicine 6 4.5%

storage 4 3.0%

toilet 2 1.5%

TOTAL PERSONAL 12 9.1%

structural building 3 2.3%

TOTAL ARTEFACTS 132 100.0%

Table 5.9 lists the function and sub-function of recorded glass artefacts in terms of both MNI

and percentage of the total. This shows that the majority of the artefacts were used for

domestic purposes, such as food or beverage storage. Beyond this, most of the uses were

unidentified, however they did include beer, pickles, sauce, vinegar and cough syrup.

Ceramics

The ceramics make up 1.9% (n=3401) of the total assemblage, with the majority being

stoneware (n=2132, 62.7%), followed by porcelain (n=1033, 30.4%) and lastly earthenware

(n=236, 2.9%).

They were found almost exclusively in the eastern half of the site (Figure 5.37), with the

majority in the pump station area. However, the earthenwares are generally distributed

evenly between the north area and the pump station area. North of the railway line there are

115 pieces of earthenware, and south, in the pump station area there are 121 pieces.


161

Figure 5.37. Distribution of ceramics at Number 7 Pump Station


162

Figure 5.38. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Number 7 Pump Station

Of the recorded ceramics, most are tableware (58.3%, n=21), following by telegraph-related

pieces, which are all insulators (22.2%, n=8) (Figure 5.38).

Little could be inferred from the decorations and inscriptions with regards to dating the

artefacts, with nearly all of the datable artefacts in use in both the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries. The only exceptions are two pieces that were made during the twentieth century –

DBID 2551, which has an earliest date of 1921 based on the inscription “MADE IN

JAPAN” (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229), and DBID 2552, which has the inscription

“BURGESS WARE/ENGLAND”, giving it a manufacturing date of between 1922-1939

(Godden 2003: 708-9).

There is a high amount of stoneware (62.7%) compared to porcelain (30.4%) and

earthenware (2.9%). Earthenware is often the most common ceramic type on sites of this

period (Brooks 2005) and stoneware is usually associated with sites from the nineteenth and

early twentieth centuries, rather than those occupied after World War I (Thom 2005). It is

possible that earthenware has been misidentified as stoneware, and given the inexperience of

some of the recorders and the composition of the rest of the assemblage, this cannot be

discounted.

22.2%

58.3%

5.6% 2.8%

8.3%

2.8%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

telegraph tableware unidentified toilet building other

communication domestic personal structural

perc

enta

ge



163

Cans

The cans comprise 15% of the total assemblage (n=27 264), with 35.0% (n=9552) of them in

the northern area. Figure 5.39 shows the sub-function of a sample of the cans, with the

overwhelming majority (95.2%, n=1427) used for food storage.

Figure 5.39. Sub-function of cans at Number 7 Pump Station

The range of food types is shown in Figure 5.40 and include cocoa, herring, sardines,

unidentified fish and meat. Unidentified preserved food makes up 39.2% (n=560) of the

sample and unidentified food makes up 49.6% (n=708).

0.3%

95.2%

1.5% 3.0%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

beverage - alcohol food storage smoking storage

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


164

Figure 5.40. Specific function of cans used for food storage at Number 7 Pump Station

The cans are distributed across the site with several areas of concentration (Figure 5.41).

Figure 5.42 shows dumps containing glass and/or cans. Most dumps contain both glass and

cans and there are more can dumps than bottle dumps. The can dumps occur in the northern

and western areas of the site and the bottles dumps are mainly in the south-east corner.

Despite there being no clear distinction between can and bottle dumps, there is some

suggestion that sorting did occur as the dumps are not a complete mixture of the two

materials.

0.4% 1.0%

6.0%2.6%

39.2%

1.1% 0.1%

49.6%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

herring

sardine

fish

meat

preserved food

cocoa

dry product

unidentified

food storage

perc

enta

ge

specifc function


165

Figure 5.41. Distribution of cans at Number 7 Pump Station


166

Figure 5.42. Distribution of dumps containing cans and/or glass at Number 7 Pump Station


167

Table 5.10 is a summary of the cans that have identifiable brands on them. There are

variations of the W.D. & H.O. Wills tobacco cans and J.S. Fry cocoa cans, suggesting that

they were continually being supplied to the site, and were perhaps among the favoured

brands. Other inscriptions were unidentifiable and are listed in the artefact register in

Appendix E.

Table 5.10. Summary of cans with branded inscriptions at Number 7 Pump Station

manufacturer use number of

cans

earliest

date

latest

date

W.D. & H.O. Wills (Bristol and

London)

tobacco 1 1820 1910

W.D. & H.O. Wills (Sydney) tobacco 3 1901 ?

W.D. & H.O. Wills (unidentified) tobacco 2

Taddy & Co. tobacco 2 1820 1920

J.S. Fry & Sons cocoa 1 ? 1896

J.S. Fry & Sons Ltd cocoa 2 1896 1952

Bourneville cocoa 1

Sledge Brand Swiss milk chocolate 13

Marshalls herring 1

Emu beer 3 1923

? Son & Fleming oil 1 ?

Other

There artefacts associated with the railway line are wooden sleepers (DBID 154), iron

railway spikes (DBID 360), the pipeline (metal pipe, DBID 2455, 2460, 2522) and other

unidentified industry (metal pipe, tools and equipment, see Appendix E for list of artefacts).

There is also metal cooking equipment such as a billy (DBID 319), a pot (DBID 201), a

bowl (DBID 2547), a pan (DBID 320) and a knife (DBID 193) and a bone handle (DBID

416). Clothing related artefacts include an iron shoe heel (DBID 216), two buttons (one

copper alloy, DBID 271, and one plastic, DBID 2461) and a metal fastening (DBID 417).

There are three items considered non-essential. Two are fragments of milk glass from

toiletry containers. One of these is located in the north area (DBID 308) and one in the pump

station area (DBID 2559). The third is a ceramic fragment from a chamber pot (DBID 2471)

also in the pump station area.


168

Sub-surface testing

Two pits were excavated in the area north of the railway line (Figure 5.31). This area was

chosen as it has material predominantly from before 1910, unlike the rest of the site which

has archaeological material from up until abandonment in the 1960s (Bolton 2005a),

therefore it provided the best opportunity to investigate an archaeological deposit from the

study period. One pit was located adjacent to a small square granite structure identified as a

hearth and the other was located within an area of cans.

The first context within square one was topsoil that contained bone, metal and coal. The

second context was an ashy layer that contained glass, metal, including a modern machine

made nail, and coal. There was a charcoal component at the interface between contexts two

and three and an ash deposit in the south-west corner. This came down onto a hard, compact

clay layer, interpreted as a natural deposit. The archaeological material, including the ashy

deposit and artefacts, went to a depth of 0.09 m below the surface.

The second pit, located within the can dump, contained two fragments of scrap iron near the

surface, most likely fragments of cans. It was excavated to a depth of 0.10 m, and there was

no other artefactual material.

Interpretation

From the historical records, the site was occupied by Europeans from 1895 and the peak

period of occupation was while it was used as a pump station from 1901 until the 1950s. The

age of the artefacts reflects this occupation, with much of the material relating to the

structures and their use after the 1920s.

There were two areas of occupation based on the distribution of the archaeological material.

The first is to the north, focused around the railway line. The assemblage in this area is

different to that in the south – containing more cans, fewer glass and ceramics. The date

range of the material on this area is also earlier than that in the south. There was no railhead

at this point, instead it was approximately 4 km to the east at Koorarawalyee (PWD 1896:

17), but, the location and date of the material suggests that is from a worker’s camp related

to the railway construction. That is not to say that the people living at the site while it was a

pump station did not enter that area, rather there is no evidence to suggest that it was a

heavily utilised part of the site.

The full extent of the archaeological material west along the railway line was not determined

due to time constraints. The material that was recorded was 700 m west of the main


169

settlement area and a reconnaissance established that it continued for at least another

kilometre. Therefore, the spread of the material to the west suggests that this was not part of

the pump station settlement and was related to the railway line construction and the original

Gilgai siding. The siding was 3 km west of the settlement, so although this material was not

from the siding itself, it suggests that there was continuous occupation along the line

between the siding and the settlement.

The other area of occupation is to the south of the railway line and directly relates to the

pump station. The location of the pump station and railway house lots were known from the

historic plans (RICH 1999d) and although there is no structural material relating to most of

these, there is artefactual material, particularly dumps, related to this period of use.

There is some evidence of sorting of material, with distinct can and bottle dumps (Figure

5.42). The can dumps are located north of the railway line in the area identified as the

railway workers’ camp and to the west of the site. This distribution is possibly a reflection of

the different periods of occupation.

The railway line was constructed in 1895, the pipeline was laid in 1900, and the pump

station was built in 1901 and occupied until the 1950s. Therefore the railway workers’ camp

was occupied before the pump station, for a much shorter period of time and for a different

purpose – short-term construction rather than ongoing maintenance. It was also occupied by

a different demographic – single male workers – rather than workers and their families who

lived at the pump station. It is worth noting these characteristics are common to a number of

sites and I will return to them in Chapter 5.

The site is now part of the Golden Pipeline Heritage Trail, and as such visitors regularly visit

it. It is not known how many people go to the site, however during the period of recording

several people came. Most did not stay for long, but that may have been influenced by our

presence. Based on the archaeological evidence and observations of visitors made during

fieldwork, the visitors have a low impact on the archaeology. They mainly drive along the

established tracks and follow the graded pathways to the reservoir and a small picnic area,

and it is unusual for people to go much beyond these areas. The full site is over 500 m x 500

m, not including the railway construction material to the west and it is unlikely that most

visitors will cover the entire area.

As the focus of this study is on the period before World War I, less emphasis was placed on

much of the material at this site, which came from after the 1920s. However, although the

dates of the pump station were know prior to the archaeological survey, it was not known


170

that there was material related to the construction of the railway line so close to the

settlement area.

The presence of an ashy deposit and coal within test pit one confirmed the interpretation that

the structure was a hearth. The archaeological material did continue deeper than initially

postulated, but given the function of this structure, it was not surprising that there was some

depth to the deposit. The artefacts reflected the material that was located on the surface, both

in terms of type and time period.

The almost complete absence of can material below the surface in test pit two confirms the

results found at Bullabulling and Woolgangie town, which had almost identical results. The

degree of fragmentation of the metal from the pieces below the surface suggests that any can

material buried erodes more quickly than that on the surface, and therefore will not survive

for extended periods of time in this environment.

Koorarawalyee

Koorarawalyee is located approximately 456 km east of Perth, along the Great Eastern

Highway (Figure 2.2). It is a naturally occurring granite outcrop in the semi-arid region of

Western Australia. The site was surveyed for a conservation plan, originally commissioned

by the National Trust of Australia (WA) (RICH 2001b). The final version was

commissioned by the current occupiers of the site, Rev. Dr Anna Killigrew and Rev. Peter

Harrison of Koora Retreat Centre Inc. (RICH in prep). Therefore this site was recorded

using different methodology to the other sites in the study, such that the presence of artefacts

was noted, but no counts were conducted. Similarly, diagnostic artefacts were noted, but not

recorded in detail. Using these methods, it is possible to get an overview of the site layout

and an overall impression of the archaeological material present, and whether it is similar to

other sites in the study, but it is not possible to conduct a functional analysis.

Historical evidence

In the 1880s a stock route passed through the area. Consequently a well was sunk, and was

gazetted in 1888. Following the 1892 gold rush, a stopping point was established in the

1890s, including Hobson’s Club Hotel which burnt down in August 1894 (The West

Australian 3 September 1894: 5). Koorarawalyee was also a water catchment and railway

station. In 1895, a granite wall, approximately 0.5 m high, was built around sections of the


171

base of the granite outcrop in order to channel water into an artificial reservoir, built at the

same time (RICH 2001b). This was constructed to meet the increased demand for water by

the growing number of people travelling through on foot, by coach, or by train. The exact

date that the railway station opened is not known, but it was most likely completed by 1896,

when the line reached Boorabbin (Higham 1971: 8). It was officially closed in 1905,

although the site was continuously occupied since that time (RICH 2001b: 5-11).

Koorarawalyee (also spelt Kararawalyee and Koorawalge) was first listed in the Post Office

Directories in 1897. From then until 1910, the highest number of people listed was 16 in

1904 and the lowest was two in 1910. After 1910 the town was in the directory, but there

were no people. Occupations included a station master, postmaster and three storekeepers in

1897, and from 1898 there were repairers, gangers, a caretaker, night officer, porter in

charge, an officer in charge and a fettler, all of which were occupations related to the railway

line. In 1904 there were also the timber merchants O’Halloran and Cooke and a gardener,

Albert Tresidder, who was probably related to repairer John Tresidder. Thos. W. Wardrop, a

“C.W.S.” (Coolgardie Water Scheme) employee, was living there in 1904, and was listed as

living at Warri (the next station along the line, Figure 2.7) in the following year. In 1899

there was James B. Holt, a porter, and Mrs Holt, the only woman mentioned at

Koorarawalyee until 1914.

There is evidence to indicate that the site was continuously occupied by Europeans from the

early 1890s, although no-one was listed in the Post Office Directories after 1911. The 1929

Eastern Goldfields Railway (EGR) plans indicate that a skeleton staff was present at the site,

and the station master’s house was not demolished until 1975 (RICH 2001b: 10).

Additionally, all of the reservoirs along the Great Eastern Highway are popular camping and

picnic spots for locals, as evidenced by the number of vehicle tracks and modern debris

around the reservoir and water catchment. There are large amounts of debris from

construction and maintenance of the pump station, water tanks and pipeline, and residential

Lots 15 and 16 (current location of Koora retreat, see Figure 5.43) deposited along the

pipeline and railway line. It is very likely that visitors will have affected the archaeological

evidence by moving and picking up material that is there, and discarding other objects and

general rubbish.


Archaeological material associated with the railway station extends over a distance of

approximately 200 m either side of the railway line. Following preliminary inspection, an


172

area of around 2.5 km2 was surveyed to identify archaeological material relating to

occupation of the site (Figure 5.43).

The majority of the archaeological material at the site is surface material. No sub-surface

testing was conducted, although as discussed under each site, testing at Karalee, Number 7

Pump Station, Boorabbin, Woolgangie Condenser, Woolgangie town and Bullabulling, has

confirmed that very little archaeological material gets buried. The likely exception to this

would be in large dumps, such as for bottles and other rubbish, however this was not proven

here.

Figure 5.43. Extent of survey area at Koorarawalyee11

The two main concentrations of archaeological material identified at the site (Figure 5.44)

were the water catchment and its associated reservoir (Area 1) and the railway settlement

(Area 2). In view of time constraints archaeological survey focused on these areas. An area

11 A track was identified in an aerial photograph north of the railway line and Koora Retreat. This has been tentatively identified as the original goldfields track, although it was not seen on the ground.


173

in between and the area south of the pipeline (Area 3) was also surveyed briefly to establish

the extent of material. A total of 121 features were recorded within the three areas (Figure

5.44).

Area 1: Water catchment and associated reservoir

The water catchment area consists of the catchment wall, reservoir and associated material

which were recorded by RICH (2001b) during a previous survey and not re-recorded due to

time constraints. There are also two structures on the northern side of the rock (Figure 5.44,

Figure 5.45). One (F97) consists of a depressed area, approximately 1.5 m x 1.5 m,

surrounded by granite blocks (Plate 5.15).

The second structure (F103) is a flat mound, approximately 5 m x 5 m, located north of the

granite outcrop, at its eastern end (Figure 5.45). The surrounding artefact scatter (F104)

contains glass, corrugated iron, strip iron and a can dump. Material noted ranged from the

1890s to modern amber.

Two lines of granite blocks (F57 and F58, Figure 5.45) were also recorded. Both consist of

one course of eight unmortared blocks, perpendicular to each other, approximately 2.5 m

apart. On average the blocks are 0.15 m x 0.10 m x 0.10 m in size (Plate 5.14). The

surrounding artefact scatter consists of cans, scrap iron and glass. The function of these lines

of granite blocks is unknown and it is unclear as to whether they are formal structures.

Plate 5.14. F58 at Koorarawalyee looking west showing granite blocks. Scale 1m


174

A scatter of artefacts, approximately 10 m x 20 m in size, was located 8 m to the north-east

of Area 1 (F59) (Figure 5.45). The artefact concentration was very dense and contained

glass, ceramics, cans and scrap iron. Some of the material was burnt. Of the glass, there was

bottle glass, and fragments of tumblers and wine glasses. The amount, type and age of the

material (1890s) indicates that this area was a dump associated with the hotel, suggesting

that the nearby structure, described above (F97), was part of the hotel itself, possibly a cellar

– given that it appears to continue below the ground surface.

Figure 5.44. Occupation areas at Koorarawalyee showing location of F81 and F83 (Area 3)


175

Figure 5.45. Location of archaeological features in Area 1

Plate 5.15. F97 facing west. Scale 1m


176

Area 2: The railway settlement

Area 2, located around the railway settlement, consists of several structures described in the

Draft Conservation Report (RICH 2001b). Most of these are directly related to the railway

line and include a platform for a railway tank, the railway formation, the railway platform,

the staff cabin, latrines and two houses (RICH items 6-10 and 12-14).

Within Area 2 is a clearing immediately north of the pipeline and railway line, with a

Moreton Bay fig at its centre. This large tree is over 20 m high and the trunk is several

metres in diameter. The Moreton Bay fig is native to tropical Queensland and northern New

South Wales (Riffle 1998; cited in Starr et al. 2003), therefore had to be introduced, most

likely following European occupation of the area. The exact age of the tree is unknown, but

it is at least 80 years old and was mature in the 1950s (RICH 2001b: 21). This tree would be

from the early railway settlement and its location informs us about the layout. It suggests

that this area is part of the domestic occupation of the site, rather than an industrial area for

the railway line.

There is introduced flora at several sites (e.g. Number 7 Pump Station, Boorabbin,

Bullabulling) as people modified their environment and the landscape. The sites now are

heavily vegetated with native bush, but it is likely that during their peak occupation period

they were cleared for sandalwood and firewood (POD 1898; Bunbury 1997). Planting of

introduced species not only served to replace some of the cleared trees, but they would have

been chosen for aesthetic and other reasons. None of the local trees such as Acacia spp. and

Eucalyptus spp. grow to the same size, or have the same cover as a Moreton Bay Fig. It was

probably a deliberate introduction of a large, majestic tree, perhaps even an attempt to

recreate greener landscapes from elsewhere.

Surface archaeological material including glass, ceramics and iron, was identified within the

clearing north of Lots 15 and 16, currently occupied by Koora Retreat Inc. (Figure 5.44).

These were not surveyed as they have been continuously occupied since the 1890s and

therefore most surface archaeological material has been disturbed.

Other features include three enclosures approximately one metre in diameter, identified as

areas for illicit cannabis plants (Peter Harrison, pers. comm., 2006) indicating recent use of

the area, and a buried section of pipe from the pipeline, containing artefacts from the 1960s.

This material was at the top of the deposit within the pipe and had been recently excavated

by Peter Harrison (pers. comm., 2006). It is unclear whether this feature was a well that was

filled in, a rubbish pit, or something else.


177

Figure 5.46. Location of can dumps and general dumps at Koorarawalyee

The spread of artefacts, and therefore the settlement associated with the railway station,

continued 250 m north of the railway line. The artefacts across the rest of the site are

discussed in further detail below. In Area 2 the artefacts include a range of material ranging

from the 1890s until modern (1990s), reflecting the continual use of the site as a railway

station until the early 1960s and occupation of Lots 15 and 16 until the present day. The

types of artefacts include glass, ceramics and cans. The cans were disposed of in separate

areas to the other artefacts (Figure 5.46).

Area 3: The remainder of the site

Area 3 was defined as the artefactual material found on the remainder of the site (see Figure

5.43 for extent of survey area and Figure 5.44 for the location of Areas 1 and 2). There is no

structural material within this area and, as with Area 2, the archaeological material was

sorted upon disposal, as seen by the presence of can dumps located along the south of the

pipeline (F122, F124, Figure 5.46).


178

Two scarred trees were noted in close proximity to each other (see Figure 5.44 for location).

The first (F81) contains a piece of colourless glass embedded in cement on the scarred area.

This scar is asymmetrical and extends down to the ground. The second (F83), also an

asymmetrical scar, contains metal axe marks in the wood and has a number of quartz

fragments at its base. The pieces of quartz have no features identifying them as having been

flaked.

Summary

As mentioned earlier, no artefact counts were recorded at Koorarawalyee, although the

presence or absence of artefact types was noted. Table 5.11 list the number of features that

had each particular artefact type and the types and numbers of artefacts recorded. Artefactual

material across the entire site consists predominantly of glass (26.2%) and metal (36%).

Other material identified includes building material, ceramics and plastic. Of the metal, 69%

was cans.


179

Table 5.11. Summary of artefacts recorded at Koorarawalyee

artefact type number of features percentage

type

percentage

total

glass 69 34.2%

dark olive 9 13.0% 4.5%

olive 18 26.1% 8.9%

tinted 11 15.9% 5.4%

amethyst 11 15.9% 5.4%

colourless 2 2.9% 1.0%

amber 12 17.4% 5.9%

emerald 2 2.9% 1.0%

blue 2 2.9% 1.0%

milk glass 2 2.9% 1.0%

ceramic 16 7.9%

porcelain 3 18.8% 1.5%

earthenware 3 18.8% 1.5%

stoneware 2 12.5% 1.0%

unidentified 8 50.0% 4.0%

insulator (ceramic) 9 4.5%

electrode 1 0.5%

metal 83 41.1%

can 43 51.8% 21.3%

food 19 22.9% 9.4%

tobacco 1 1.2% 0.5%

other 2 2.4% 1.0%

unidentified 21 25.3% 10.4%

nail 3 3.6% 1.5%

scrap Fe 37 44.6% 18.3%

building

materials

20 9.9%

stone 6 30.0% 3.0%

brick 4 20.0% 2.0%

wood 4 20.0% 2.0%

concrete 5 25.0% 2.5%

asbestos 1 5.0% 0.5%

plastic 3 1.5%

rubber 1 0.5%

TOTAL 202 100%

Interpretation

Archaeological survey of the area around Koorarawalyee identified two major areas of

historic occupation. The first, the area around the rock (Area 1), relates to the initial

European occupation of the site. The hotel, located here, was a stopping point for people

travelling to the Goldfields in the early 1890s. A catchment wall, reservoir and associated


180

pumping station were built in 1894-95 in order to obtain water for the railway line. The

function of the lines of granite blocks in this area is unknown. One possible interpretation is

that they are tent pads, with the blocks used to hold one side of the tent down. This

interpretation is preliminary and further investigation may help with the interpretation.

As part of the railway line, a station and housing for the railway workers were built

approximately 1 km to the east (Area 2) and were occupied until the closure of the railway in

the 1960s.

Other features identified within the areas surveyed are the current pumping station and

reservoirs; areas of demolition rubbish accumulated within the last twenty years; the line of

the original pipeline and the current line; and late nineteenth and early twentieth century

camp sites located along the south side of the pipeline and along the track to the reservoir.

In all areas there was archaeological material that ranged from the 1890s to the present,

indicating the site has been used from the late nineteenth century to the present day. The

modern material consists mainly of amber glass and bulldozed dumps of building materials,

as well as marijuana plants near Area 2. The older material consists of glass, predominantly

from alcohol bottles, cans and scrap iron. In areas where there is archaeological material

from both the earlier occupation of the site in the 1890s and modern material, the more

recent artefacts are overlying the older ones, suggesting a continuity of occupation. There

was a decrease in the amount of material over time, indicating that the occupation was less

intensive as time went on.

With regards to the scarred trees, the cause or the reason for the glass embedded in one of

the trees tree is also unknown. Scars on trees made by humans are usually made at a

convenient height and then grow upwards with the tree. The scar on the tree with the

embedded glass reaches the ground, suggesting that it is less than 100 years old and

therefore is unlikely to be Aboriginal. This also suggests that the scar is probably natural

rather than cultural in origin. The scar on the other tree is asymmetrical, also suggesting that

it is natural rather than cultural in origin (Irish 2004). Therefore it is likely that the scars on

both trees were probably the result of the removal of branches. The presence of axe marks

indicates this occurred post-European occupation and was not made by Aboriginal people

prior to European settlement.

Continuous use of the site has had an impact on the preservation of the archaeological

material, such that artefacts get buried, moved, driven over, or collected. In particular, bottle

collectors excavate dump areas looking for complete bottles and disturbing the


181

archaeological remains. There are several dumps in the area near the railway settlement that

have been raided, causing disturbance and contamination of the archaeological material.

Boorabbin

Boorabbin is a water catchment and reservoir, and former railway station located 125 km

west of Kalgoorlie (Figure 2.2). The site is dominated by a granite outcrop, approximately

35 m high. The majority of the site is within the Boorabbin National Park, managed by DEC,

except a section around the rock and reservoirs which is classed as a water reserve and is

unmanaged (Ian Keally, pers. comm., 2005). In a similar layout to Karalee, Boorabbin

consists of two major areas: the reservoirs, water channels and occupation directly

associated with the water catchment and an area to the south-east around the railway line,

immediately north and south of the current highway (Figure 5.48).

The survey focused on the northern area around the base of the granite outcrop, as from the

archaeological reconnaissance, this is where the earliest phase of occupation occurred. A

survey of the railway station area was conducted to determine the age and extent of the

archaeological material in this area.

Vegetation at the site consists of dense tall shrublands, low woodlands to low forests, with a

ground cover of leaf litter and bark, and open grassy areas. The dominant vegetation is

Acacia spp. and Eucalyptus spp. trees.

Figure 5.47. Areas of material at Boorabbin


182

Historical evidence

Boorabbin12 was the overnight stopping point for the Cobb & Co. Coaching Company13

The town was first listed in the Post Office directories in 1895 (under Boorabin). The only

resident was H. Rosenthal, a hotel keeper for the “Halfway House” which provided “…a

first-class meal. The Best Accommodation. The Best Liquors Kept in Stock. [and] Stabling.”

(PO Directory 1895-1896: 50). In the first three years that Boorabbin was listed there were

three different hotel keepers, until Frederick W. Foweraker, the postmaster in 1897, took

over and is listed as the hotel keeper from 1898 until 1902. The regular turnover of hotel

keepers continued, with six different people listed over the next 12 years until 1914. This

high turnover was reflected in the other residents, with the average time that people were

listed between 1895/1896 and 1914 being two years. There were 105 different people over

that period, with Samuel Finch, the caretaker of the Government dam staying for the longest,

which was 8 years. There were four women during this period, Mrs S. Oliver who ran the

refreshment rooms and was listed from 1897-1899, Elizabeth A.A. Shapcott, the

postmistress, listed from 1906-1908, Annie Dittmer, the hotelkeeper in 1913 and Margt.

Jacob, a poultry farmer listed in 1913-1914.

,

which ran a daily service between Southern Cross and Kalgoorlie (RICH 2000: 3). There is a

water catchment and the railhead reached there in November 1895 (Biggs 2001: 42). A small

settlement, including houses for the railway workers, was built south of the railway station,

which was abandoned by 1971 when the railway line shut down (Western Australian

Government Railways (WAGR) 1972). The highway was realigned in recent years and is

now directly on top of the railway related settlement (Owen Kinsey, pers. comm., 2005).

A description of the camp in 1895 in the Southern Cross Herald (1 November 1895: 3),

which was just before the railway line opened describes it as the “busiest” town in Australia,

with around 40 teamsters arriving each day, that was “doomed to die out within three

months”. The correspondent mentions two hotels: the Railway Dining Rooms kept by Mr

and Mrs Pashfield and the Boorabin [sic] Dining Rooms, kept by Mr and Mrs Butterly,

neither of whom are listed in Wise’s Post Office Directories for 1895-1896. That

information is not listed in Pierssené’s directories for 1895.

In all of the historical records it is unclear which part of Boorabbin is being referred to. After

the railway line opened in late 1895, it can be assumed that it is the part around the railway

station and the article in The West Australian is clearly referring to this part of the site. The

12 Variations on the spelling of Boorabbin include Boorrabin and Boorabin 13 This was completely separate to Cobb & Co. that ran in the Eastern states. The name was copied, although there was no connection between the two (Johnston n.d.: 8)


183

Halfway House is mentioned in the Southern Cross Herald on 19 October 1894 (p.2), over a

year before the railway line was opened, so it can be assumed that it was located in the area

next to the outcrop, whereas the other hotels were in the railway area to the south.


Two major concentrations of archaeological material were identified around the granite

outcrop. These are the reservoirs near the south-eastern corner and an area within and around

a clearing further to the north (Figure 5.48). A total of 39 features were recorded, with the

majority in the northern area. There is no artefactual material around the reservoirs, therefore

the following discussion solely focuses solely on the occupation area around the clearing.

The area around the railway line, north and south of the highway (Figure 5.47) was also

surveyed to determine the extent and approximate age of the archaeological material in this

area, although it was not recorded due to time constraints. Most of the material directly

related to the railway platform itself, located north of the highway, is similar in age and

composition to material recorded at other railway stations such as Bullabulling and

Woolgangie town site as discussed below. This includes structures related to the railway

line, bottle glass and cans. The highway has been realigned over recent years and now runs

directly through the area where the houses were located (Ian Keally, pers. comm., 2005;

Owen Kinsey, pers. comm., 2005). South of the highway six can circles and can dumps,

containing mainly hole-in-cap cans, were noted, spread over an area of at least 100 m long.

Three railway stations had already been recorded in the project (Bullabulling, Woolgangie

Town and Number 7 Pump Station). Therefore, despite the presence of late nineteenth

century material south of the highway, I decided to focus on the occupation area around the

granite outcrop in order to provide a contrast to material previously recorded.

The function of the artefacts taken from the artefact count is summarised in Table 5.12, with

further discussion under each material type. The overwhelming majority of artefacts were

for domestic or personal use (85.3%, n=51 948), followed by those used for industry, water

and transport (14.4%, n=8781). There were very few artefacts used for the remaining

categories of communication (0.07%, n=43), structural (0.03%, n=21) and miscellaneous

(0.14%, n=84), with no artefacts in the recreation category.


184

Table 5.12. Function of artefacts at Boorabbin

function percentage

communication 0.07%

domestic/personal 85.3%

industry/water/transport 14.4%

structural 0.03%

miscellaneous 0.14%

TOTAL 100%

Figure 5.49 shows the function of all artefacts within the occupation area at Boorabbin. As

was seen at other sites such as Old Doodlakine (Figure 5.5), there is a dominance of

domestic material and no clear activity areas.


185

Figure 5.48. Location of archaeological material recorded at Boorabbin


186

Figure 5.49. Function of artefacts in occupation area at Boorabbin


187

Structural material

Eight of the features were identified as structures. These consist of depressions (F110, F111

F153, F157), mounds (F109, F110, F157), two lines of granite stones (F151, F157), the two

reservoirs (F9) and the catchment wall around the granite outcrop (F10). The lines are 5-6

stones running in a single line up to two metres long. They are one course high and there is

no evidence to suggest they had been mortared. Although none of the lines are definitively

structural, the stones were quarried, most likely from the rock, and placed there.

Of the eight features identified as structures, none are substantial or regular enough to be

clearly identified as regular buildings. The possible exception to this is a large depression

within the grassy area (F153). This consists of two rectangular depressions which measure

10 m x 40 m in total. There is one granite block along the west side of one of the depressions

and nothing in the artefact scatter (F154), which contained glass, scrap metal, a few pieces

of ceramic and a few pieces of slag, to indicate what its function may have been. Another

point to note is that there are two features that have a mound and depression associated with

a line of granite stones (F109, F157) supporting the interpretation that the line of stones is

structural.

There is a large quarry on the eastern side of the rock, approximately 120 m across (Figure

5.48). From the size and the area associated with it, this is a modern quarry excavated using

heavy equipment and has impacted on a large area next to the rock. There is no

archaeological material in the immediate vicinity of the quarry, although it is between the

settlement area and the reservoirs. There is no direct evidence to suggest that the quarry had

an impact on archaeological material at the site, although from the artefact assemblage as

discussed below, there is indirect evidence to suggest that it did.

Figure 5.50 shows the location of the structural material recorded at Boorabbin. Aside from

the reservoirs (F9) and catchment wall (F10), all of the structural material is concentrated in

the one area within the occupation area. Therefore, although the identification of some of the

structural material is tentative, the concentrated distribution supports the interpretation that it

is structural material and there is a focus of activity in this area.

There is very little building material at the site, with only 0.03% (n=19) of the assemblage

classed in this category. The artefacts are window glass (n=7) and nails (n=12). The nails

that could be identified are rose head wire nails, which were common in the late nineteenth

century (Varman 1980: 108). Most of the window glass (n=6) is associated with F157,

which is a line of granite stones with an associated depression and mound, again supporting

the interpretation that this was a structure.


188

Figure 5.50. Location of structural material at Boorabbin


189

Artefacts

The majority of the artefactual material at Boorabbin is glass (82.5%), followed by metal

other than cans (14.2%) (Figure 5.51). The amount of the other artefacts is low and the most

noticeable feature is that there are very few cans at the site (n=127, 0.2%). As mentioned

earlier, can dumps were found south of the highway. Thus, cans were used at the site, at least

around the railway station, and they have survived.

Figure 5.51. Percentage of material types at Boorabbin

Glass

The majority of the glass is from olive and dark olive bottles (65.9%), reflecting a

predominance of alcohol bottles (Figure 5.52). This is followed by tint (18.7%) and

colourless (11.4%) glass, indicating food bottles and jars. The relatively high percentage of

colourless glass suggests occupation after the mid-1910s, when this became common

(Appendix C).

The MNI of glass is 348 bottles and included in this count are 321 bases. It is unclear why

there is such a high proportion of bases compared to finishes, but one possibility is that the

finishes were removed for some reason. Although bases are made of thicker glass than

finishes and therefore may survive in the archaeological record for longer, there is no reason

82.5%

2.8%0.1% 0.2%

14.2%

0.01% 0.03% 0.1%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%



other artefacts

perc

enta

ge

material type


190

to suggest that the finishes were somehow being ‘destroyed’. If they were present they

would have been observed. The percentage of colours based on the MNI and the raw count

are approximately the same for all colours except colourless and dark olive (Figure 5.52).

Figure 5.52. Percentage of glass colours at Boorabbin

The glass is distributed mainly along the western side of the occupation area (Figure 5.53).

The two broad areas of material are to the north of the clearing, on the eastern side of the

track, and west and south of the clearing. This second area is also west and south of the large

rectangular depression (F154) and much of the glass is along a small creek line running

north-south (F54). There is no clear point of origin for the material and most of the material

is at the northern end at the start of the water flow. The creek line is less than 1 m wide and

there is no obvious single point of origin for the material. Rather, it appears to be dumped all

the way along.

Among the glass are two Lea and Perrins sauce bottles (DBID 5409, 5543), three ‘6 to the

gallon’ spirits bottles (DBID 5443, 5448, 5525), two Eno’s fruit salt bottles (DBID 5383,

5449) and one Elliman’s embrocation bottle (DBID 5431), reflecting common food, alcohol

and personal medicine bottles used in the region at the time.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

perc

enta

ge

colourraw count

MNI


191

Figure 5.53. Distribution of glass at Boorabbin

Ceramics

Of the ceramics, 84.0% (n=1418) are earthenware, 12.4% (n=209) are stoneware and the

remainder (3.6%, n=61) are porcelain. The earthenware pieces are generally transfer printed

pieces of tableware. Most of the pieces are transfer printed, common in the nineteenth and

twentieth centuries. Two pieces have makers’ marks on them: the first was a blue transfer

printed earthenware plate fragment with the mark RIDGWAYS/ROYAL SEMI

PORCELAIN/ENGLAND/:VEILLE (DBID 5455). This mark was used between 1905 and

1920 (Godden 2003: 539 Mark no. 3311-3314) The second is a blue and red transfer printed

earthenware plate fragment made for the Western Australian Government Railways

(WAGR, DBID 5483). The exact dates that the WAGR ceramics were in use are not known,

but it was after 1895, when the railway line was completed at Boorabbin, and before the

railway line closed in 1971.

The distribution of ceramics within the occupation area is shown in Figure 5.54. Most of the

ceramics are north of the clearing, east of the track, in the same location as a lot of the glass

(Figure 5.53). There is also one feature in the south, where not as much glass was present,

that has a large amount.


192

Figure 5.54. Distribution of ceramics at Boorabbin

Cans

As mentioned before, the cans form a small part of the assemblage. Of the cans that were

recorded in detail, 94.0% (n=47) were used for food or beverage storage, 4.0% (n=2) was

used for non-food storage and 2.0% (n=1) was unidentified. The types of foods they were

used for are given in Table 5.13. The majority (76.6%, n=36) were unidentified preserved

food, usually vegetables, fruit or meat. There were no cans identified that contained dry

food. No cans have inscriptions on them, therefore any interpretation about function was

based on other factors, such as size, shape, technology and the way they were opened.

Table 5.13. Uses of food and beverage cans at Boorabbin

use MIC percentage

preserved food 36 76.6%

meat 2 4.3%

sardine 2 4.3%

liquid 1 2.1%

beverage 3 6.4%

unidentified 3 6.4%

TOTAL 47 100%


193

From the can technology, just under half (44.0%, n=22) are hole-in-cap or old technology

and therefore were in use before 1910, 10.0% (n=5) were manufactured after 1904 and the

remainder (46.0%, n=23) were unidentified.

With so few cans, it is difficult to say much about the distribution. Figure 5.55 shows the

cans were spread across the occupation area, with most features having less than ten cans.

The one feature with more (F101) also had a large amount of glass and ceramic (Figure 5.53,

Figure 5.54), therefore there was no distinction in where the material was deposited.

Figure 5.55. Distribution of cans within occupation area at Boorabbin

As mentioned above, there are at least six can circles and can dumps of mainly hole-in-cap

technology south of the highway, associated with the railway settlement. They indicate that

cans were being brought to the site during the early part of its settlement (prior to 1910) and

were being disposed of in separate areas. As the cans were near the railway settlement and

over 1 km away from the occupation area around the granite outcrop, it is highly unlikely

they came from the occupation area. Further investigation of the southern area may yield

more information about use of cans at the site.


194

Other

The remaining artefacts include metal items such as handles (n=2), strips from barrels (n=2),

a screw, a washer and wire. There is also a water tank, frying pan and two iron rings. There

are three buttons, two of which were plastic, most likely from later visitors. The third (DBID

5527) is a copper alloy 4-hole sinkie button with the inscription “W F WILLIAMS

FREMANTLE”. W.F. Williams, tailor, was listed at Fremantle in the Post Office Directories

until 1909. There are two copper alloy discs, which were possible jar seals and a lead bottle

seal. One quartz flake was noted, which was the only artefact that could be associated with

pre-contact Aboriginal occupation at the site.

Sub-surface testing

One pit was excavated at Boorabbin. It was located within feature 5, at the northern end of

the clearing identified as the area of the overnight stopping post (Figure 5.48). This feature is

mounded and has a high density of artefacts, indicating that it may have been a dump. There

is also an area of degraded scrap iron within it, which is a disintegrating flat piece of iron,

such as a side of a water tank.

The artefacts continued to a depth of 0.02 m and included dark olive bottle glass, iron

fragments, a quartz fragment and a copper alloy grommet which was an eyelet for clothing.

The shallow deposit of artefacts suggested that this feature was not in fact a dump, as first

thought. There were very few artefacts below the surface and they were the same types of

artefacts and from the same time period as those recorded on the surface. As at Karalee, the

copper grommet reflected the type of material found on the surface, however this example,

at 2 mm in diameter, may not have been located in the surface scatter.

Interpretation

Unlike most of the other sites in this research, Boorabbin has not been the subject of

previous recording and not as much was known about it before the archaeological survey

was conducted. It was known that there was a railway station and an overnight stopping

point for the coaches, but the exact location of the coaching point was not. The area

identified and surveyed is 500 m away from the reservoirs and is on the eastern side of the

granite outcrop (Figure 5.47, Figure 5.48), indicating the track to the Goldfields looped

around the rock, rather than heading directly east-west.


195

The archaeological material is located in the area east of the granite outcrop and around the

railway station, with no artefacts around the reservoirs. The layout of Boorabbin is similar to

that of Karalee, with the reservoirs and early settlement located next to the granite outcrop,

and the railway station located some distance away. Boorabbin railway station is much

closer to the granite outcrop (500 m as opposed to 3.1 km at Karalee) and it appears that use

of the sites differed once the railway station opened. There is both archaeological and

historical evidence to indicate that the reservoir area of Karalee was still occupied well after

the railway station opened, mainly in the form of the structures and historical accounts of the

site being used as a swimming area and picnic spot. The evidence at Boorabbin suggests that

once the railway station opened and the settlement relocated to the south, the area around the

granite the outcrop was effectively abandoned in terms of occupation. It was still used as a

quarry at some point, but there was no one living in that immediate area any longer.

Most of the archaeological material dates to the late 1890s and early 1900s, however, as with

the other sites, there is evidence of later occupation. At this site this evidence is limited to

items that could easily be brought by day visitors, such as colourless glass and plastic

buttons, and is not enough to suggest any longer occupation.

The majority of the archaeological material is around the open grassy area at the base of the

granite outcrop (Figure 5.48) and there was very little material within the actual grassy area

itself. Given that Boorabbin was an overnight stopping point, it is likely that there would

have been a hotel present. There is no standing structural material remaining, although from

the archaeological material, the most probable location is in the southern corner of the grassy

area where there is a large (6 m x 6 m) depression (F153). The size and rectangular shape

suggests that it was a structure. There is a large amount of glass to the south and west in

dump areas and along the creek line, more than in the northern part of the occupation area

(Figure 5.53), which supports the interpretation that F153 is the area of the hotel.

The spread of glass colours suggests that most of the occupation of the northern area

occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which then continued at a lesser

intensity into the later twentieth century.

The lack of cans in the northern occupation area is curious, given that cans were found in

abundance at other sites in the study and south of the current highway. There are several

possible reasons for this, for example it may be due to cans not being used when this part of

the site was occupied. Heavy items such as cans became more common after the

construction of the railway line when such items can be transported more easily. The railway

station is over 1 km away from the northern occupation area and the reservoirs are over 500


196

m away. Therefore once the railway station was opened, and settlement was focused further

to the south, there was no reason to go to the initial occupation area.

Alternatively, assuming that cans were used while the northern area was occupied, they may

have been removed outside the survey area or taken from the site altogether. Neither of these

explanations is entirely satisfactory, as both raise questions as to why this happened on this

site alone.

Another possibility is that the majority of cans were dumped in the area of the later quarry

and were thus destroyed when the quarry was excavated, giving indirect evidence that the

quarry had an impact on the archaeological material. Again this explanation has problems,

for example the quarry is nearly 300 m away from the settlement area, which is a long way

to carry cans, whereas other rubbish was dumped within the vicinity of the occupation area.

Lack of preservation of the cans can be ruled out, given that there was a large amount

elsewhere on the site. From the artefact assemblages at the other sites in the study, cans were

a significant part of the assemblage and it would be expected that they would be commonly

found at any settlement site within the region. The lack of cans at Boorabbin may be simply

due to a lack of visibility, or the fact that they are present but were not found during the

survey, despite extensive searching.


Woolgangie Condenser is located 500 m south of the Great Eastern Highway, 70 km west of

Coolgardie and 7 km west of Woolgangie town (Figure 2.2). It is on the eastern side of a

granite outcrop, adjacent to some salt lakes which were dry at the time of the survey (Figure

5.56). With the exception of the granite outcrop and the lakes, the topography is flat. The

site is accessed by a Public Works Department track leading to a dam on the eastern edge of

the lakes.

The vegetation at the site is woodland, with Eucalyptus spp. ranging from 12 m - 20 m high

dominating. Other vegetation includes occasional shrubs and bushes up to 1.5 m high. The

average archaeological visibility is 60% as the ground coverage of vegetation is sparse,

although leaf litter obscures the surface at some features. The soils are sandy and test pits

revealed a crust (<1 mm) of white sand (Munsell 2.5YR 8/3) above a red clayey sand

(Munsell 2.5 YR 4/8).


197

Figure 5.56. Site map of Woolgangie Condenser showing location of features and condensers


198

Historical evidence

The only historical record of the site is a photo dated circa 1895 and labelled ‘Condenser at

Woolgangie’ (Plate 5.16). In the absence of historical accounts of this place, it is possible

that this photo was not taken at this site, although the archaeological evidence discussed

below suggests that it was.

Plate 5.16. Condenser at Woolgangie, c.1895 (BL 4270P)

The photo shows six men leaning or sitting on some square riveted metal water tanks. The

tank on the left has writing on it, but it is unclear what it says. On the left of the photo are

another five square tanks which are surrounded by stone walls on at least two sides and are

slightly raised off the ground. There are pipes leading from the top of these to somewhere in

the background. In between the men and the tanks on the left are three corrugated cylindrical

tanks, which are raised approximately two metres of the ground, and there is a fourth tank,

which is only slightly raised off the ground underneath the pipes. Although it cannot be

clearly seen, it appears that the pipes from the square tanks on the left lead to the cylindrical

raised tanks. The pipes and cylindrical tanks are supported by wooden frames.

Figure 5.57 shows a plan of the main condenser as it was at the time of recording. It is

believed that the historical photo was taken from the north looking towards the south-west.


199

Plate 5.17 is a photograph of the main condenser taken in 2004 from approximately the same

location and Plate 5.18 is looking north-east showing the extent of the remains. Note that the

water tank that appears in the photographs has been tipped over and is no longer in situ.

Comparing the remains with the c.1895 photo, the bases of the granite walls are in situ and

there is one of the iron water tanks, which has been displaced. There is a slight mound to the

left of the c.1895 photo, which could be the ash pile. There are no other components of the

condenser remaining. This photo gives a lot of information about what the condensers were

made of, in particular the height of the walls around the water tanks, as there are none

remaining that are standing to their full height.

Apart from the c.1895 photograph, there are no other accounts of the site found to date, and

there is no information relating to it in the census records, post office directories or the

electoral rolls. There only exist references to Woolgangie town, 7 km to the east, however

the listing of occupations at Woolgangie town site does not shed any light on who was living

at the condenser. From the lack of information, it can be deduced that this was not a

government condenser site, and perhaps had a short period of occupation, as it did not

register in any of the directories. The occupants may have been included in the 1901 census;

however the level of detail is not sufficient to distinguish them from the people living at

Woolgangie town site.

Figure 5.57. Plan of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser


200

Plate 5.17. Photo of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser, looking south-west. Tank is approximately 1.2 m high

Plate 5.18. Photo of main condenser (F51), Woolgangie Condenser, looking north-east. Scale 2m


201


A total of 96 features were recorded, located on the eastern and northern sides of the granite

rock. There are two major zones of occupation, which have similar archaeological material

and dates of occupation. These are referred to as the main condenser area and secondary

condenser area (Figure 5.56).

The site is located 500 m south of the current road, 800 m south of the pipeline and 1 km

south of the railway line. The northern occupation area (main condenser area) is the larger of

the two and is approximately 300 m north-east of the edge of the salt lake. There are 17

structural features, three can circles (discussed in further detail below) and one feature that

has domestic material other than bottles and cans. The smaller area (secondary condenser

area) is within 10 m east of the salt lakes and has three structural features, one can circle and

no distinct domestic occupation areas. Of the structural features in both areas, nine were

identified as water condensers, as discussed below.

Identifying condensers in the archaeological record

There are 20 structural features and ten of these were identified as condensers (F7, F51, F59,

F64, F82, F87, F90, F97, F99, F208), an example of which is shown in Figure 5.58. The

archaeological remains of the condensers have three major components: a three-sided dry

stone wall, a pit and an ash pile. The walls were made of rough-cut granite blocks of varying

sizes, with an average of 330 mm x 200 mm x 120 mm. There are no traces of mortar on any

of the walls. Most walls are one or two courses, although one (F208) in the southern area, is

up to six courses high.

The wall surrounds a rectangular tank, the base of one of which is still in situ (F60).

Elsewhere on the site there are two other almost complete tanks and four partial tanks, which

were moved from their original location. The complete tanks are 1230 mm x 1230 mm x

1230 mm, hence it is assumed from the size of the complete tanks and from a c.1895

photograph taken at the site (Plate 5.16) that the walls were originally around 1.5 m high,

which equates to approximately seven to eight courses.

The tanks are ship tanks, commonly used to transport perishable goods and water (Pearson

1992: 24). Ship tanks are square, made of mild steel, have rounded riveted seams on all

edges and a singular circular hole, ranging in diameter from one to two feet (0.31 m - 0.62

m). The hole is located in the centre or to one side of one face of the cube and is reinforced

with a steel lip and stepped wedges around its edge. It is sealed with a cast iron circular lid

(Pearson 1992: 24). The tanks were commonly recycled and numerous tanks have been


202

found on sites in Australia. Recycled tanks had a variety of uses, with the most common for

water storage, a task for which they were highly suitable (Pearson 1992). The size of the

tanks at Woolgangie Condenser is four feet by four feet (1230 mm), which is the classic

size. They were not modified and would most likely have been used to store water.

Associated with each granite structure is a depression and ash pile. The depressions vary in

size and depth. Many are circular, ranging from 2 m to 3.5 m in diameter and from 0.1 m to

2 m deep. The largest single non-circular depression is 30 m long. The ash piles also vary in

size, and are from 0.9 m to 8 m in diameter and between 0.2 m - 0.3 m high.

Table 5.14 lists the features that have one or more of the following characteristics: a granite

structure, depression or ash pile; and whether that feature is a condenser. In order to be

interpreted as a condenser, a feature must have a granite structure and either or both a

depression and ash pile.

Table 5.14. Components of structural features at Woolgangie Condenser

feature number granite structure depression ash pile condenser?

7 y y y y

9/1114 y y

12 y

51/5315 y y y y

59 y y y

64 y y y y

82 y16 y y y

87 y y17 y y

90 y y y y

93 y

97 y y y y

99 y y y y

201 y

208 y y y y

307 y

14 F11 is a depression associated with F9. 15 F53 is a depression associated with F51. 16 Although not is situ, the association of the granite stones with a depression and area of charcoal (ash pile) suggests that F82 was a condenser. 17 Although not directly associated with a depression, F87 is less than 10 m south of line of depressions (F12).


203

Figure 5.58. Plan of condenser feature (F99), showing major components

Other structural material

One granite structure (F201) is smaller than the others and is interpreted as an oven or

hearth. It is a three sided granite stone structure that has a hollow interior and a large slab in

situ on top. The sides are two courses thick and three courses high, and it measures 1 m x 0.5

m x 0.4 m high (F201). It is the only granite structure on the site not considered to be the

remains of a condenser.

Apart from the features identified as water condensers, the most dominant feature is a 200 m

long series of 39 pits running east-west (F12; Figure 5.59, Plate 5.19). The average size of

each pit is 5 m x 10 m and they range in depth from 0.5 m to 2 m. The north and south edges

are mounded, with the north slightly larger and there are banks of varying height dividing

each pit. There is a stone structure and ash pile, identified as the remains of a condenser


204

(F90/91), associated with one of the pits and there are few artefacts associated with the pits.

The only material is some charcoal associated with pits 8, 9 and 10, some scrap galvanised

iron, seven pieces of tinted glass in a 10 m2 sample square and an additional 10 pieces of

glass associated with the stone structure. The artefacts are concentrated around the north-

eastern edge and pit number 35 and none have diagnostic features that enable them to be

further identified or dated beyond material type and colour.

The remaining structures are four telegraph pole cairns (F16, F18, F20, F22) made of dry-

built granite stone blocks, up to six courses high and four pits or depressions ranging from

1.5 m in diameter to 30 m x 8 m (F9, F53, F93, F307). The deepest is 1.5 m deep (F53), and

they are all near either a condenser structure or the series of pits.

Figure 5.59. Plan of F12/13


205

Plate 5.19. Line of pits (F12/13) looking east. Width of pits c. 15 m

Artefacts

Table 5.15 shows the projected total artefactual material counted at the identified features. It

is divided into the two zones – the main and southern condenser areas. There are few

ceramics (0.6%, n=48) and 50.4% of the total material is metal, half of which is cans (27.7%

of the total).

There are 10 pieces of flaked glass, representing 0.1% of the total archaeological

assemblage, and all in the main area (Figure 5.60). There are no other indicators of different

groups at the site.


206

Figure 5.60. Distribution of flaked glass at Woolgangie Condenser


207

Table 5.15. Total projected number of artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser

material main condenser

area

southern

condenser area

total

number % number % number %

GLASS dark olive 174 5.0% 2 1.4% 176 4.9%

olive 272 7.9% 79 53.4% 351 9.7%

tint 2683 77.7% 53 35.8% 2736 76.0%

amethyst 9 0.3% 5 3.4% 62 1.7%

colourless 6 0.2% 1 0.7% 7 0.2%

amber 249 7.2% 7 4.7% 256 7.1%

emerald 1 0.0% 0 0.0% 1 0.0%

blue 8 0.2% 0 0.0% 8 0.2%

milk glass 2 0.1% 1 0.7% 3 0.1%

TOTAL GLASS 3404 47.5% 148 12.8% 3552 42.8%

CERAMIC earthenware 24 63.2% 9 90% 33 68.8%

stoneware 14 36.8% 1 10% 15 31.3%

TOTAL CERAMIC 38 0.5% 10 0.9% 48 0.6%

INSULATOR insulator (glass) 48 100% 0 0.0% 48 0.6%

TOTAL INSULATOR 48 0.7% 0 0.0% 48 0.6%

CANS can (food) 1921 99.5% 341 89.8% 2262 97.9%

can (tobacco) 2 0.1% 0 0.0% 2 0.1%

can (other) 8 0.4% 39 10.2% 47 2.0%

TOTAL CANS 1931 26.7% 380 33% 2311 27.7%

OTHER scrap iron 1318 99.8% 547 100% 1865 99.9%

METAL copper 1 0.1% 0 0.0% 1 0.1%

lead 1 0.1% 0 0.0% 1 0.1%

TOTAL METAL 1320 18.3% 547 47.4% 1867 22.4%

BONE bone (burnt) 0 0.0% 2 100% 2 100%

TOTAL BONE 0 0.0% 2 0.2% 2 100%

OTHER charcoal 420 100% 30 90.9% 450 99.3%

ARTEFACTS flaked glass18 10 2.5% 0 0.0% 10 2.3%

other 0 0.0% 3 9.1% 3 0.7%

TOTAL OTHER

ARETFACTS

420 5.8% 33 2.9% 453 5.4%

BUILDING

MATERIAL

nail 10 100% 2 100% 12 100%

TOTAL BUILDING

MATERIAL

10 0.1% 2 0.2% 12 0.1%

TOTAL ARTEFACTS 7171 100% 1122 100% 8294 100%

18 This count is in addition to the count under glass. Therefore a piece of olive glass that is flaked is counted twice. The total artefact count and percentages do not include this figure.


208

From the functional analysis of the artefacts (Table 5.16), the majority of the artefacts

(70.8%) are domestic/personal. Categories relating to the condenser and its use

(industry/water and structural) comprise 28.6% of the total assemblage and those relating to

individuals (domestic/personal and recreation) comprise 70.8%. Of the remainder, 0.6% are

related to communications and 0.04% have an unknown function.

Table 5.16. Number of artefacts by function at Woolgangie Condenser

function main condenser area

southern condenser area

total

domestic/personal 5411 501 5913 64.8% 6.0% 70.8% industry/water/transport 1758 616 2374 21.1% 7.4% 28.4% structural 10 2 12 0.12% 0.02% 0.14% recreation 0 0 0 communications 48 0 48 0.6% 0.0% 0.6% miscellaneous 0 3 3 0.0% 0.04% 0.04%

TOTAL 7227 1122 8350 87% 13% 100%

Of the functional categories that contain services – communication, industry/water/transport

– those present at Woolgangie Condenser are communication and water. There are no

artefacts in the transport category recorded in the object record. As Woolgangie Condenser

had a very specific function it is assumed that most of the artefacts within the industry

category were for the condensers and are included with water. Table 5.17 lists the number of

artefacts by function, sub-function and form, showing that the majority of artefacts are in the

industry/water category.


209

Table 5.17. Artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser associated with water

function sub-

function

form total %

artefacts coil flue pipe tank insu-

lator

unidentified

/ other

industry/

water19

con-

denser

1 1 34 8 2330 2374 28.4%

commu-

nication

tele-

graph

3 45 48 0.57%

TOTAL 1 1 34 8 3 2375 2422 29.01%

There are four stone cairns located to the north of the site (Figure 5.56). Three of them have

amethyst insulators associated with them. The cairns were interpreted as bases for telegraph

poles along the telegraph line due to the presence of the insulators, the distance between the

cairns (50 m - 60 m) and their alignment.

As this site was identified as a condenser site based on the photograph (Plate 5.16) and the

structural remains, it was assumed that any square iron water tanks and galvanised iron pipes

were part of the condenser sub-function, hence all artefacts assigned the function of water

have a sub-function of condensers.

Figure 5.61 shows the distribution of the artefacts classified as either communication or

water related. From this map, it can be seen that the only communication related artefacts are

along the telegraph line. Also, there are more features with water-related artefacts in the

northern area of the site, which is not surprising, given that there are more features identified

as condensers in this area. Although water related artefacts are usually associated with

condensers, this relationship is not exclusive, as can be seen on the eastern edge of the site.

19 The artefacts classed as industry and water cannot be separated as discussed previously, therefore both categories are included here.


210

Figure 5.61. Distribution of water and communication related artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser


211

Glass

The MNI for bottles is 71. From the raw artefact count (Table 5.15) 77.7% (n=2683) of glass

is tint, the majority of which is at one feature (F12/13). From the MNI count (Figure 5.62)

most of the bottles are either olive or tint, with the other colours evenly spread. There is a

mixture of nineteenth and twentieth century glass, with dark olive, amethyst, amber and

colourless glass present. The colours also suggest that there is an approximately equal

amount of food and alcohol containers.

Figure 5.62. Percentage of glass colours at Woolgangie Condenser

There are two pieces of glass that have inscriptions of note on them. One is a moulded flat

tint base with “P” on the base and “(C)KLES” on the side, presumably “PICKLES” (DBID

55). The other is a fragment from a square milk glass bottle, with the inscription

“:USEN/:(H)AM-/BURG/PARIS/TOROWICZ [sidewards]” (DBID 82). This would have

been for some sort of cream or lotion, but no other information is known about it at this

stage.

There are no bottle dumps at the site. Figure 5.63 shows the distribution of glass, with most

of it in the main condenser area. It is spread throughout both condenser areas, and there are

no distinct areas of glass separate from the structural material.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

perc

enta

ge

glass colourraw countMNI


212

Figure 5.63. Distribution of glass at Woolgangie Condenser


213

Ceramics

As mentioned previously, there are very few ceramics, with 33 pieces of earthenware and 15

pieces of stoneware recorded in the artefact count (Table 5.15). The ceramics that were

recorded in the object record are listed in Table 5.18. None had inscriptions and of the

earthenware pieces they are either clear glazed pieces or transfer print. The ceramics were

located in both the main condenser area and the south condenser area (Figure 5.64).


214

Table 5.18. Ceramics recorded at Woolgangie Condenser

DBID feature

no.

area20 form MIC function sub-function specific

function

fabric technology decoration colour

56 52 mca plate 1 domestic tableware serve fine earthenware transfer print banded blue

63 58 mca plate 1 domestic tableware tableware/

serve

fine earthenware transfer print banded blue

88 70 mca bottle 1 domestic beverage -

alcohol

ginger beer fine stoneware glazed

1916 252 sca plate 1 domestic tableware serve fine earthenware transfer print blue

1917 252 sca plate 1 domestic tableware serve fine earthenware transfer print Willow

pattern

blue

1956 255 sca unidentified 1 domestic unidentified unidentified fine earthenware glazed

1958 255 sca cup 1 domestic tableware serve fine earthenware glazed

1961 255 sca plate 1 domestic tableware serve fine earthenware glazed

1975 303 sca jar (small) 1 domestic storage unidentified fine earthenware glazed orange/brown

2394 77 mca bottle 2 domestic beverage -

alcohol

ginger beer fine stoneware glazed

20 mca: main condenser area; sca: secondary condenser area


215

Figure 5.64. Distribution of ceramics at Woolgangie Condenser


216

Cans

A total of 1681 cans were recorded in detail and the majority of these (77%, n=1294) were

used for food storage (Table 5.19). There is very little evidence for smoking at the site, with

only two cans used for tobacco storage and no clay pipes recorded.

Table 5.19. Function, sub-function and specific function of cans recorded at Woolgangie Condenser

function sub-function specific function MIC percentage

domestic food storage chocolate 1 0.1%

cocoa 1 0.1%

dry product 3 0.2%

fish 3 0.2%

food 40 2.4%

herring 10 0.6%

liquid 1 0.1%

meat 85 5.1%

mustard 1 0.1%

preserved food 850 50.6%

sardine 222 13.2%

unidentified 77 4.6%

TOTAL FOOD STORAGE 1294 77.0%

storage dry product 3 0.2%

food 2 0.1%


TOTAL STORAGE 27 1.6%

DOMESTIC TOTAL 1321 78.6%

industry storage dry product 243 14.5%

fuel 1 0.1%


INDUSTRY TOTAL 263 15.6%

miscellaneous storage dry product 1 0.1%


TOTAL MISCELLANEOUS 95 5.7%

recreation smoking tobacco 2 0.1%

TOTAL RECREATION 2 0.1%

TOTAL CANS 1681 100%

There are 13 cans from the Central Queensland Meat Export Company, one J.S. Fry & Sons

Cocoa can (DBID 1977) and one can labelled “KEEN/D.S.F.” (DBID 2388), most likely

Keen’s mustard. Three other cans have inscriptions. These are one unidentified can inscribed

CAST(?)???????SNS(?)/[circle] (DBID 2732), one possible chocolate can inscribed


217

SINCAP:(?)/CHIN(?) CHOC: (?) (DBID 2786) and one fuel can inscribed

MYRINA/TURBO/DIESEL OIL/FOR AMERICAN ENGINES/LOW ASH 15W/40 (DBID

2415).

The technology of the cans recorded in detail is summarised in Figure 5.65. The vast

majority of cans were made using either hole-in-cap or old technology, suggesting the site

was not used much after around 1910.

Figure 5.65. Technology of cans recorded in detail at Woolgangie Condenser

Four metal can circles were identified (F71, F73, F74, F301) (Plate 5.20, Figure 5.66). Three

are in the main condenser area and one is in the southern condenser area. These circles are 4-

5 m in diameter, with a clear area of approximately 2 m diameter, and the spread of artefacts

around them is up to 13 m x 10 m. A sample of cans from a 1 m2 sample square were

collected for further recording, representing 34% of the cans at this feature, and two test pits

were excavated at one can circle (F73) in an attempt to determine the function of these metal

can circles (Figure 5.66).

48.3%

33.4%

0.5%

17.7%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

hole-in-cap old new unidentified

perc

enta

ge

can technology


218

Plate 5.20. Photo of can circle (F73, Woolgangie Condenser) looking north-west. Scale 1m

Figure 5.66. Location of excavation test pits (TP), can samples and lead samples at Feature 73, Woolgangie Condenser


219

TP1 was excavated to a depth of 0.27 m and TP2 was excavated to 0.13 m. The soil profile

from both test pits is the same. On the surface is a sandy crust, Munsell soil colour 2.5YR

8/3, and below that is a clayey sand, Munsell colour 2.5YR 4/8 red. The bottom 0.10 m of

TP1 was slightly more clayey that the overlying material. There was no archaeological

material in TP1, nor was there any evidence of fire. In TP2 there was a can lid and fragments

of metal cans to a depth of 0.05 m.

As discussed in Chapter 4, the soils within and outside the circles was tested for the amount

of lead present in order to test a hypothesis about how they were formed. Sample 1 was

taken from TP1 inside the circle and sample 2 was taken outside the circle, 2 m to the south

(Figure 5.66). The results of the test are shown in Table 5.20. There is a clear difference

between the amount of lead inside the circle compared to outside the circle. The implications

of this are discussed in Chapter 6.

Table 5.20. Results of lead test from F73, Woolgangie Condenser

sample weight (g) mg/L mg/kg

1A 0.3867 4.085 211.275

1B 0.3380 3.703 219.112

1C 0.3271 3.221 196.943

average sample 1 (inside circle) 209.110

2A 0.3248 1.555 95.751

2B 0.3034 1.324 87.278

2C 0.3180 1.216 76.478

average sample 2 (outside circle) 86.502

Other

The remaining artefacts were made of metal. Table 5.21 summarises the function, sub-

function and form of the artefacts recorded in detail. The majority are related to either

industry or the condensers and there are few domestic or personal artefacts.

These artefacts have little other information that enable them to be dated. One of the buttons

(DBID 2398) is a copper alloy four-hole sinkie button, with the inscription J.E.

HOGAN/MARYBOROUGH. This type of button was most likely used for work clothing

such as trousers or work shirt (Lindbergh 1999: 52). J.E. Hogan is the name of the tailor,

although at this stage nothing more is known. There is a Maryborough in Queensland and

Victoria but it is not known which Maryborough this button is from. However it does


220

indicate that clothing was brought across the country, either by someone who brought it with

them, or imported for sale.

Table 5.21. Other artefacts at Woolgangie Condenser

function sub-function form MIC

domestic kitchenware billy 2

tableware cup 1

industry animal husbandry horseshoe 5

machinery wheel 1

munitions cartridge 1

storage unidentified 1

tool bucket 1

shovel 1

miscellaneous unidentified strip 2

personal clothing button 1

stud 6

structural building nail 11

unidentified pipe 17

rod 3

sheet 2

strap 4

water condenser coil 1

flue 1

pipe 34

tank 8

unidentified 1

TOTAL 104

Interpretation

Based on the archaeological material and historical data, the site was occupied after the 1892

and before 1910, with most of the occupation occurring in the 1890s.

It is extremely unlikely the site would have been occupied before the discovery of gold at

Coolgardie in 1892. Therefore, assuming there was no need for a condenser plant following

the opening of the pipeline in 1903, the maximum dates of occupation would be 1892-1903.

Although, allowing for time for the site to be established after the discovery of gold, it is

most likely that it was actually occupied for a shorter period of time.

The main condenser area is approximately 300 m east of the salt lakes and there is no

evidence of any piping or other means to carry the water between the two. I visited the site at


221

the end of summer and in the middle of winter following several weeks of rain and at both

times the lakes were dry. This raises the question where was the water used for the

condensers coming from? One possibility is that the depressions found associated with each

condenser structure were soaks. They were similar in size and shape to the soaks found at

Karalee, and although the lakes were dry, it is expected that ground water would not be far

below the surface.

From the capacities of the condenser tanks given in Table 5.22, if the site was running at full

capacity, then just under 40 000 litres of water are needed to fill the tanks. Although it is

unlikely that this amount of water would have available often, it does suggest that a

substantial amount of water was available in order to justify the number of tanks that were

there.

Table 5.22. Capacity of each condenser feature

feature number no. tanks capacity (m3) capacity (L)

7 1 1.5 1488

51/53 10 14.9 14884

59 1 1.5 1488

64 2 3.0 2977

87 1 1.5 1488

90 1 1.5 1488

97 2 3.0 2977

99 2 3.0 2977

208 5 7.4 7442

TOTAL 25 37.2 37210


222

Woolgangie Town

Woolgangie town is located along the Great Eastern Highway approximately 65 km west of

Coolgardie. It is 25 km east of Boorabbin and 35 km west of Bullabulling, the nearest towns

(Figure 2.2). It is a water catchment, former telegraph station and railway settlement and the

water pipeline runs through the site, dividing it in two. It is within the Boorabbin National

Park managed by DEC and is part of the Golden Pipeline Heritage Trail.

The central area of the site is covered with open grassland, small shrubs and salt bush (Plate

5.21). The site is surrounded by low woodlands, dominated by Eucalyptus spp. and Acacia

acuminata (jam trees) and there are a few Eucalyptus spp. trees dotted throughout the site.

The soil is red sandy clay with a thin surface layer (c. 2 mm), Munsell colour 2.5YR 8/3, and

below that is another layer of sandy clay, Munsell colour 2.5YR 4/3.

Unlike other sites in the study the site is not over-looked by the nearby granite outcrop,

instead the central area of the site is 800 m away from the rock. The landscape is flat and the

most dominant visual feature is the pipeline. At the time of visiting (2004) the area

immediately south of the pipeline had been heavily ploughed (Plate 5.22, Figure 5.67).

Plate 5.21. Looking south-east across Woolgangie from reservoir showing vegetation and landscape


223

Plate 5.22. Section of ploughed area at Woolgangie town looking south


224

Figure 5.67. Site plan of Woolgangie town


225

Historical evidence

Woolgangie was established by Europeans in 1892 as a watering point. The telegraph line

was built in 1893-4, and the catchment wall and first reservoir (tank) were built in 1895. The

railway line also went through in 1895 and the second reservoir (tank) was built in 1897-98.

After about 1915, there appears to be a decline in the use of the settlement, with the

Woolgangie Hotel no longer appearing in the Post Office Directories, the downgrading of

the Post Office in 1927, and the replacement of the passenger platform at the railway station

with a low level landing in 1933. However, despite this decline, the site was still used, with

the tennis courts built in 1938 and a telegraph repeater station built in 1954 (F235). The

telegraph repeater station was made redundant in 1970 and the railway line stopped being

used in 1971 (WAGR 1972: 8), therefore the site would have most likely been abandoned at

this time. However the reservoirs were still being used to supplement the Goldfields Water

Supply Scheme between 1972-1982, and as mentioned above, the site is now part of

Boorabbin National Park and the Golden Pipeline Heritage Trail. Thus it still receives

visitors, although there is no longer anyone living at the site (RICH 2001c: 4-8).

Woolgangie is famous on the Goldfields for the “Woolgangie Water Crisis” over the

summer of 1895-96 (The West Australian 21 December 1895:5, 6; 3 January 1896: 3; 4

January 1896: 6; 7 January 1896: 4; 10 January 1896: 6; Whittington 1988: 101-107). It had

become a major stopping point for coaches, trains, and travellers on camels, horses and foot.

The subsequent demand for water, particularly from the railway, and the lack of rain, led to

dwindling supplies. There was a great deal of concern as to whether the water supplies

would last the summer and what should be done about it, particularly by the government.

Woolgangie became the focus of the crisis as it was considered to be one of the best supplies

of water along the route between Perth and the Goldfields, so many people went there. It ran

out of water on 30 December 1895 and the results were disastrous – there was an outbreak of

typhoid fever, supplies could not get to the Goldfields because the trains, camels and horses

did not have sufficient water to transport them and horses died or had to be put down

(Whittington 1988).

The rains came on 8 January 1896 (The West Australian 10 January 1896: 6) and the crisis

was over. The water crisis was significant as this was one the major factors that prompted

the government to find a solution to the lack of water on the Goldfields and ultimately build

the Goldfields Water Supply Scheme.

Woolgangie became a major settlement that was occupied for over 70 years, with many

people stopping there on their way to the Goldfields. There were at least two hotels (the

Woolgangie Travellers Rest and the Woolgangie Hotel, also called the Woolgangie Club


226

Hotel) and a hospital, as well as the railway station, telegraph station and presumably other

services and supplies for the many travellers.

The average number of people listed in the Post Office directories between 1898, when

Woolgangie was first listed under Boorabbin, and 1914 was six. The maximum was 14

people in 1898 and two people from 1901-1903 was the lowest number. The average amount

of time that they stayed there was 2 years, with two people – John H. Christenson, a night

officer, and James Collie, proprietor of the Woolgangie Hotel – both staying for six years

between 1906-1911. In 1908, 1910, 1911 and 1913 there was no change in the people listed

at all, which is unusual for the sites in this study. The occupations listed included those listed

elsewhere such as railway-related jobs, caretaker of the Government Dam and proprietor of

the hotel. Other occupations listed were baker and storekeepers, a timber contractor and a

wood cutter.

The population living at Woolgangie is low, however it is known that there were a many

people that visited the site. John Aspinall’s diary, written in 1895, refers to 18-20 teams with

around 100 horses, camped there (Thompson 2002: 22). During the water famine there were

up to 1000 horses and their teamsters camped there waiting for water (The West Australian 7

January 1896: 4). Therefore, as undoubtedly for all of the sites, there were more people

living or camped at Woolgangie than the Post Office directories would suggest.


The archaeological material is focused around the pipeline and railway line, which follow

the same route. There are no clear occupational zones, however there is a small area of

1910s material to the south and railway-related material to the north of the railway line

(Figure 5.67). A total of 159 features were recorded. The assemblage is dominated by

artefacts in the domestic and personal categories (83.6%, n=480 325, Table 5.23).

Table 5.23. Function of artefacts at Woolgangie town

function percentage

communication 0.8%



structural 4.3%

miscellaneous 0.4%

TOTAL 100%


227

The site is dominated by artefacts in the domestic/personal category and there are no clear

activity areas (Figure 5.68). Artefacts associated with communication are located around the

railway line. A large concrete pad south of the railway line was identified as the telegraph

station by RICH, but it does not have any communication associated artefacts and there is no

archaeological evidence to support this interpretation.


228

Figure 5.68. Distribution of artefacts by function at Woolgangie town


229

Structural material

There were 36 structures identified – 24 regular and 12 non-regular (Table 5.24). Most are

related to the railway line, and include depressions from building footprints, the railway

platform, and two culverts underneath the railway line. Five structures, not including the

catchment wall and reservoirs, were water related, such as tank pads, a granite-lined

depression and the foundations for a water tower.


230

Table 5.24. Summary of structures recorded at Woolgangie town

feature

number

structure

type

area description l (m) w (m) h (m) interpretation

4 regular railway stone foundation of square structure; granite and sandstone (?) with

corrugated Fe

2 3

6 non-regular railway depression 2 1 tank pad

9 regular railway area of granite stones c.1 m x 1.5 m 1.5 1.5 tank pad

12 regular railway cement and granite structure; central area has pile of granite stones

from collapse c. 1.5 m high

6 6.5 railway related structure: storage/

workshop area; later period: 1950s?

14 regular railway structure of corrugated Fe, pipe and displaced concrete slab;

immediately N (approx 10m) of F12/13

4 3 garden?

17 regular railway cement and granite structure exactly same as F12/13; in NE corner is

depression c.3 m x 3.5 m like car bay and there is a piece of wood with a

pulley wheel in it

6 8 workshop for rail

19 regular railway rectangular concrete pad 2 3 base for machinery

21 non-regular railway concrete, brick and asbestos remains of structure; more recent material

- 1960s?

4 4

37 non-regular depression with few bits of iron and one small broken piece of concrete 1.3 1 0.1 tank pad?

41 non-regular two square stone and concrete bases; slab of concrete in middle not in

situ

0.5 0.5 foundations for building - later period

48 non-regular possible structure in area of salt and thorn bushes; structure consists of

2 granite rocks in alignment plus a few others nearby

2 1


231

feature

number

structure

type


55 regular railway line of railway track with cement pad (1 m x 2.5 m) adjacent on W side

and series of wooden stumps with metal plates along track on E and W

sides

14 3.6 ? shunting station

56 regular railway series of four parallel pieces of timber (0.6 m x 7 m, 1.2 m apart)

adjacent to railway track; other pieces no longer in situ to S; cement

brick on western most piece

15 15 foundation and timber of water

tower

58 regular railway possible structure square elevated laterite pebbles with depression in

middle

5 5 building foundation?

60 regular railway accumulation of asbestos sheeting and scrap Fe, bricks and wash trough

(double)

10 9 dwelling

61 regular railway wooden remains of building; metal roofing material 12 11

63 regular railway wooden floor; natural stone walls; cement veranda; septic tank raised

0.5 m above

11 11 house

72 regular railway raised cement platform adjacent to railway track; next to 3 rows of

sunken rails; some wood also on platform

90 8 1 railway platform

83 regular railway fireplace and stove with flue 12 5 dwelling

93 non-regular square-shaped depression 7 7 building?

94 regular rectangular cement platform and riveted water tank 8 3 dwelling

95 regular cement platform in large area 5 2 dwelling

102 regular small stone arrangement on EW axis 0.7 0.5 unknown

108 regular concrete pad on NW-SE axis 11 9 floor

113 regular poorly preserved, highly deteriorated concrete pad; visible preserved

portion of concrete floor c.6 m x 4 m on EW axis

6 4 floor


232

feature

number

structure

type


126 non-regular tunnel running NW-SE below railway line; constructed of granite (rough

cut avg. c.300 mm x 250 mm x 50 mm size) mortared with old concrete

and leading to cement-rendered granite chips c.50 mm x40 mm

16 5 W of NS track. c. mid-1890s and as

cement/ concrete is used is older

type pr also orig. railway and later

added to etc; culvert

129 non-regular granite tunnel underneath railway line with cement mortar and

concrete formwork; located at W end of site N of pipe

40 5 culvert

130 non-regular cairn of stones buttressing broken fragment of iron telegraph pole

located on W side, N of pipe and S of nearby railway line

0.5 0.5 0.150-

0.200

telegraph pole support

151 regular 10 m -15 m from interpretation site; enclosed by pipeline and plough

tracks; rectangular concrete pad, building material

4 1.5 0.15 structural foundations and building

debris

216 regular rectangular depression in area of trees 8 1 building?

225 non-regular 1910s area of granite rocks in clearing that is part of 1910s camp area; two

lines of granite rocks c.0.5 m long that are roughly parallel; E line may

be natural, but W line is imported rock

3 1 unidentified

230 non-regular granite lined channel leading into 3 m x 4 m circular depression 4 3 1 water catchment; railway period

related

232 regular large rectangular depression containing water on E side of rock towards

SE corner, N of railway line; sides have been built up using earth

77 100 2 reservoir (east)

233 non-regular series of low (up to 0.5 m high) upright granite blocks around base of

rock; mortared

0.5 catchment wall

234 regular large rectangular depression containing water on E side of rock towards

SE corner, N of railway line; sides have been built up using earth

50 60 2 reservoir (west)

235 regular cement pad 11 13.5 telegraph repeater station; 1954-

1970


233

The artefacts identified as building material include window glass (n=4532, 1.5%), nails

(n=1445, 0.5%), asbestos (n=1031, 0.3%) and brick (n=914, 0.3%). The presence of

concrete pads, standardised nails and asbestos, suggest construction in the twentieth century

after World War I, and as such were not recorded in detail.

A summary of the artefacts within the structural functional category is given in Table 5.25.

There were 24 nails recorded and of those that could be identified, 3 are hand forged (DBID

1263, 1286, 6535) and 10 are machine made (DBID 1277, 1287, 1289, 1295, 1360, 6360,

6539). There are two roofing nails (DBID 1287, 6539) and two galvanised (DBID 1360,

6539). Three have rhomboid-shaped heads (DBID 1286, 1289, 6535), which were

manufactured from the 1880s into the twentieth century (Varman 1980: 108), and eight have

rose heads (DBID 6137, 6138, 6140, which were manufactured from the 1850s until 1893

(Varman 1980: 108).

The other items include a ceramic water pipe (DBID 1302), an iron air vent grill (DBID

1312), a brass door knob (DBID 6135), a padlock (DBID 6165), an iron bed head (DBID

6491) and an unidentified iron fitting (DBID 6167).


234

Table 5.25. Summary of artefacts in structural functional category at Woolgangie town

DBID artefact category fabric form MIC shape technology decoration sub-function earliest date latest date

1263 metal iron nail 1 rectangular hand wrought/ forged building

1277 metal iron nail 1 round machine cut/wrought building 1860s present

1286 metal iron nail 1 rhomboid head hand wrought/ forged building 1880s

1287 metal iron nail 1 machine cut/wrought roofing 1860s present

1289 metal iron nail 1 rhomboid head machine cut/wrought building late 1890s 1930s

1295 metal iron nail 3 round machine cut/wrought building 1860s present

1302 ceramic coarse stoneware pipe 1 glazed building

1312 metal iron other 1 building

1360 metal iron nail 2 round machine cut/wrought galvanised building 1860s present

6174 metal iron other 1 cast cooking

6491 metal iron bed head 1 furniture

6535 metal iron nail 1 rhomboid head hand wrought/ forged building 1880s

6539 metal iron nail 1 machine cut/wrought galvanised roofing 1870s present

6137 metal iron nail 1 rose head building 1850s 1893


6139 metal iron nail 1 flat building


6165 metal iron padlock 1 other

6288 metal iron bolt 1 fitting

6135 metal copper alloy other 1 fitting

6167 metal iron fitting 1 other

6360 metal iron nail 1 machine cut/wrought building 1860s present

6364 metal iron nail 1 unidentified building

6366 metal iron nail 2 unidentified building


235

Artefacts

The majority of the artefactual material is glass (n=325 775, 56.7%), followed by cans

(n=118 677, 20.7%) and other metal (n=40 726, 7.1%). 8.3% (n=47 414) of the assemblage

is ceramic.

Figure 5.69. Percentage of material types at Woolgangie town

Glass

The dominant glass colours are amber and colourless (Figure 5.70), both common after the

1920s (see Appendix C). The colours used in the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, particularly dark olive and amethyst, are less common. However, their presence

confirms that the site was occupied during this time. The MNI for bottles is 447, and

although there are some differences in the colours represented, the general trends are the

same for both the raw count and the MNI.

56.7%

8.3%

0.8%

20.7%

7.1%

4.2%0.2%

2.0%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%


building material


perc

enta

ge

material type


236

Figure 5.70. Percentage of glass colours at Woolgangie town

Table 5.27 lists the function and sub-function of the recorded glass artefacts, showing that

most items were used for food or beverage storage, but there are also a number of items used

for tableware (n=24) and medicine (n=17), and there are 12 glass insulators. This is in

addition to 48 porcelain insulators, as described below.

The contents of the glass containers included sauce and other condiments (DBID 6119,

6143, 6153, 6204, 6210, 6392), aerated water (DBID 6141, 6213, 6276, 6347), toiletries

(DBID 6136, 6186), medicines (DBID 6124, 6308, 6383) and there is an 1890s whiskey

bottle (DBID 6090) (Table 5.26).

There are 22 bottles manufactured by Australian Glass Manufacturers (AGM). All four

AGM trademarks are represented, ranging in date from 1912 until the 1960s (Appendix C).

These include an amethyst bottle base with the AGM markers mark used from 1934 onwards

(DBID 2376). Amethyst glass is often considered to be cease being used at the time of

World War I, but this piece demonstrates that it continued until at least the 1930s (Bolton

2005b).

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%pe

rcen

tage


mni


237

Table 5.26. Selected inscriptions on glass artefacts from Woolgangie town site

DBID MIC form vessel shape decoration inscription

1305 1 jar panelled colourless

:UNEKS ? OPERA??:/

Ltd St PETERS S. ?./

:S APPROX 20 OZS/d No 4611

6090 1 bottle round dark olive 6 TO THE GALLON

6101 1 bottle kidney colourless

side: Smit[h]

side: THE BOTTLE IS THE PROPERTY OF

SMITH & SON PERTH W.A.

base: A A 417

6119 1 bottle round colourless

'ION'S VINEGAR':/

:R ALWAYS REMAINS/

:PROPERTY OF/

:?N & SLEE Ltd

6123 1 bottle square tint :?T OTTO WOLFE'S

6124 1 bottle square amethyst

BONN:/

IRISH COUGHS

6127 1 bottle colourless

THE PROPERTY OF:/

R(?)OOKER & SONS CROYDON

6134 1 bottle round tint

:WARD/

:SON'S/

LONDON

6136 1 jar round milk glass PONDS

6141 1 bottle round tint [P]:ERTH AER:[RATED WATER]

6143 1 stopper tint HOLBROOK & CO


TO THE ROSELLA:/

REGd No 29:

6186 1 jar oval milk glass

PONDS/

U760

6204 1 bottle amethyst [TOM]:ATO SAUCE

6209 1 bottle tint

[T]:HIS BOTTLE IS THE PR:[OPERTY/

OF B.C.D. & PIESS:/

[C]:ONTENTS ONLY A:/

BOTTLE MUST BE:/

WHEN:

6210 1 bottle tint

THIS BOTTLE ALWAYS/

REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF HOLBROOKS

LIMITED

6213 2 bottle oval tint

MITCHELL & Co/

OF BELFAST Ltd


& A GILBEY LD/

[symbol]/

M38


base: 330

side 1: MADE IN FRANCE


238

DBID MIC form vessel shape decoration inscription

side 2: A.J.WHITE


PERTH AERATED WATER & BOTTLING Co/

TRADE MARK/

BCD/

REGD BARNARD/

& SONS/

LONDON

6280 1 bottle round amber

[globe symbol]/

KALGOORL[IE]/

THIS BOTTLE IS THE PROPERTY OF/

R MACKEY & Co Ltd KALGOORLIE

6286 1 bottle round colourless

[crown] MAR:[K]/

[KAL]GOORLIE

6298 1 bottle round amber KRUSCHEN

6308 1 bottle rectangular amber

BONNINGTON'S/

BUSH MOSS/

COUGHS & COLDS

6326 1 bottle amber

DEWAR & SONS Ltd

[barrel]

6330 1 bottle amethyst

[PR]:OPERTY O:[F]/

:OPY Ltd

6332 1 bottle round amber KRUSCHEN

6340 1 bottle

square

chamfered WALKER'S WHISKEY

6347 1 glass oval colourless

:MITCHELL'S & Co:/

:OF BELFAST Ltd:


J BOSISTO/

RICHMOND


BISATURATED/

MAGNESIA/

BSMAC Ltd/

LONDON


side: HOLBROOK & Co/

THIS BOTTLE ALWAYS/

REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF HOLBROOKS

LIMITED

base: V

6462 1 bottle round amber

THE PROPERTY OF/

:AVIDSON LTD./

KALGOORLIE


239

There are 23 bottles, all of which are amber, manufactured by the West Australian Glass

Manufacturers, which was incorporated in 1910 (Boow 1991: 180), and four manufactured

by the Perth & Fremantle Bottle Exchange, formed in 1907 (Appendix C).

From the inscriptions (Table 5.26) goods came from local suppliers in Perth and Kalgoorlie

and were imported from Britain, Ireland, France and elsewhere in Europe.

Table 5.27. Function and sub-function of recorded glass artefacts at Woolgangie town

function sub-function MIC

domestic beverage - alcohol 46

beverage - non-alcohol 6

beverage - unidentified 4

food storage 30

food/beverage 6

storage 22

tableware 24

unidentified 1

domestic total 139

communication telegraph 12

industry storage 1

miscellaneous unidentified 1

personal medicine 17

storage 1

toilet 5

toy 1

personal total 24

TOTAL GLASS 165

Ceramics

The majority of the ceramics were identified as stoneware (n=24 704, 52.1%), followed by

earthenware (27.4%, n=12 980) and porcelain (20.5%, n=9731). The majority of the

stoneware was recorded by one person, and given the high number, it is possible that it is

earthenware that has been misidentified. If this is the case, then approximately 75% of the

assemblage would be earthenware. Earthenware is usually the most common type of ceramic

found on domestic sites in nineteenth and twentieth century Australia (Burke and Smith

2004: 195), and it is unusual to have this much stoneware, hence the possibility that it was

misidentified.


240

Most of the ceramics recorded in the object record are telegraph insulators (50.0%, n=48),

followed by tableware (38.5%, n=37) (Figure 5.71). There are two pieces of clay pipe, most

likely from the same item as they were a piece of bowl and stem, which were found in the

south-west area of the site.

Figure 5.71. Sub-function of ceramics at Woolgangie town

The decorations on the ceramics include transfer print and banded decorations, common in

the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Appendix C). Of those that have identifiable makers’

marks, all were in use during the mid-twentieth century, and apart from one (DBID 6476),

which had a mark in used between 1883 and 1955, the earliest any of them started to be used

was 1912 (Appendix C).

Cans

The cans comprise 20.7% (n=118 677) of the total assemblage. Of these, 90.1% (n=106 975)

were for food storage, 5.3% (n=6268) were for tobacco and the remaining 4.6% (n=5434)

were used for other storage.

Of the recorded cans, most are food cans for preserved food, including fish and meat

(67.4%, n=1013) (Figure 5.72). Beverages and other liquids comprise 5.8% (n=87) of the

1.0% 1.0% 2.1% 1.0%

38.5%

1.0% 2.1% 1.0%

50.0%

1.0% 1.0%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

perc

enta

ge

sub-function


241

assemblage and dry products 2.3% (n=35). The remaining cans were used for storage of

various industrial items such as fuels (0.5%, n=7) or paint (0.2%, n=3), or were smoking

related (5.5%, n=82). Cans used for other storage or unidentified made up 18.2% (n=274) of

the sample.

Figure 5.72. Specific function of cans at Woolgangie town

Inscriptions on the cans mostly relate to tobacco, with brands including W.D. & H.O. Wills

(Sydney), Capstan, British Australasian Tobacco, Champion and West. The first two brands

were manufactured after 1901 (Alford 1973: 220; Tyrrell 1999: 18), British Australasian

Tobacco in 1903 (Walker 1984: 45), and the starting dates of other two are unknown.

Despite the prevalence of tobacco cans from after 1901, there are also four matchboxes, one

of which is Bell & Black No.4. The use of metal matchboxes dates to between 1875-1914,

with the Bell & Black No.4 used between 1880-1900 (Anson 1983: 131).

There are eight meat cans made by the Central Queensland Meat Export Company (DBID

6227, 6246, 6251), one can of “WHAM/BEEF AND HAM WITH CEREAL” (DBID 1321),

one of J.S. Fry Chocolate and Cocoa, manufactured after 1901 (DBID 6530, Appendix C),

and one Nestlé’s Milo can (DBID 6122) manufactured after 1934 (Société des Produits

Nestlé SA n.d.). There are fish cans from Norway (n=8, DBID 6145, 6199), Great Britain

0.1%2.1%

0.1%1.4%

0.6%1.3%

5.3%3.6%

61.1%

0.1%2.3%

0.4% 0.1%0.2%

5.4%

0.1% 0.1%

16.0%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

perc

enta

ge

specific function


242

(n=1, DBID 6197) and Japan (n=2, DBID 6489) plus two unidentified food cans also from

Great Britain (DBID 6488). There is one fuel can inscribed

“MADE/IN/WESTERN/AUSTRALIA” (DBID 6400).

49.3% (n=741) of the sampled cans are hole-in-cap, 20.2% (n=304) are old technology,

23.0% (n=346) are new technology and the remaining 7.4% (n=111) are unidentified.

Therefore 70.4% of the cans were manufactured before 1904 (Appendix C). From the

distribution of the cans based on manufacturing technology (Figure 5.73), the older cans (old

and hole-in-cap) are located to the north and south of the site and the more recent cans (new)

are located in the centre.

Forty-four features were identified as dumps (Plate 5.23). There is some evidence of sorting

of glass and cans, with can dumps more common in the south and bottle dumps in the north

(Figure 5.74). The location of the can dumps also coincides with the distribution of cans

made using old technology, suggesting that there is some correlation. However, it does not

coincide with the distribution of hole-in-cap type cans, therefore the distribution is not

necessarily associated with the age of the cans.

Plate 5.23. Can dump at Woolgangie town


243

Figure 5.73. Distribution of cans at Woolgangie town based on manufacturing technology


244

Figure 5.74. Can and bottle dumps at Woolgangie town


245

Other

There are seven buttons, six made of either iron or copper alloy (DBID 6310, 6228, 6307,

6236, 6279) and one plastic (DBID 6245). Of these, five are four-hole sinkies (DBID 6310,

6236, 6279, 6307), one a two-hole sinkie (DBID 6245) and one a four-hole sew-through

button (DBID 6228). Two have “SUSPENDER” inscribed on them (DBID 6236, 6245),

which are generic trouser buttons (Lindbergh 1999: 55). There is one iron clothing buckle

(DBID 6463).

Other items include various tools and pieces of equipment such as shovels, metal buckets,

train wheels, bullet cartridges, horseshoes and other horse related equipment such as

buckles, water pipes, cooking equipment (a billy, pot and colander), a salt shaker and a torch

made after 1961 (DBID 6201) (British Library n.d.).

Sub-surface testing

One square (TP1) was excavated at in the northern area of the site. It was located in an

occupation area, approximately 80 m from a bottle dump (Figure 5.75) and was excavated to

a depth of 0.10 m.

The square contained a very hard, compact red clay with no inclusions. The artefacts include

glass, metal and ceramic, and were in the upper 0.05 m. The same types of artefacts from the

same time period were recorded on the surface.

Based on the number of surface artefacts the square was located in a high occupation area.

Despite this, the deposit only extended 0.05 m below the surface, indicating that there is

very little subsurface material. Therefore the surface material is representative of the

archaeological deposit at this site.


246

Figure 5.75. Location of TP1 at Woolgangie town


247

Discussion and interpretation

Although Woolgangie town was intensively occupied from the 1890s, much of the material

culture at the site is from the later periods of occupation during the mid-twentieth century.

The distribution of the artefacts suggests that the early occupation areas are to the north and

south of the site. Another interpretation is that over time, occupation focused more towards

the centre of the site and the early archaeological material in that area was gradually

removed or destroyed by the later occupation.

As with Number 7 Pump Station, there was an issue for the recording team with the

misidentification of earthenware as stoneware. Stoneware was used for fewer items than

earthenware and manufacture of stoneware bottles ceased in the mid-1930s (Thom 2005:

79), whereas earthenware is still common today. Thus on a site that was occupied in the

mid-twentieth century and shows a high amount of material culture from this period, one

would expect more earthenware than stoneware. That most of the stoneware was identified

by one recorder lends to support to the interpretation that it was misidentified, although the

material was in one area to the north of the site, therefore it could also be a focus of early

activity.

Bullabulling

Bullabulling is a water catchment and dam and was a railway station. A town site was

established in association with the railway station, including a hotel, the Bullabulling

Tavern, which is still in use. It is located along the Great Eastern Highway, approximately

30 km west of Coolgardie.

The dominant feature at Bullabulling is the granite outcrop, known as Bullabulling Rock

(Plate 5.24, Plate 5.25). When European settlement first occurred at all of the sites in the

study, the granite outcrops naturally became the focus as they were the source of water due

to the building of catchment walls. Bullabulling Rock is unusual in that it has a natural soak

on it, whereas most of the other rock outcrops do not. The main effect of this was that no

well had to be dug at this site when Hunt went through in 1866. It also became one of the

bigger settlements along the route to the Goldfields as it had one of the more reliable sources

of water.


248

Plate 5.24.View of Bullabulling Tavern looking south. Bullabulling Rock is on left hand side

Plate 5.25. View over site looking north from Bullabulling Rock

During previous archaeological and ethnographic studies, three Aboriginal sites have been

registered in the vicinity (Table 5.28).

Table 5.28. Previously registered Aboriginal sites in the vicinity of Bullabulling

site ID site name type co-ordinates (MGA zone 51J)

20136 Bullabulling 1 quarry, artefacts / scatter 294607E 6567524N

20137 Bullabulling 2 artefacts / scatter 294351E 6567537N

20831 Bulla Bulling Monodnoch mythological, historical 297178E 6567489N


249

Bullabulling 1

Bullabulling 1 is a quarry and artefact scatter located along the track beside the north-south

water pipeline, running from the current Bullabulling reservoir (north-west of the rock). It

consisted of a cairn-like block of quartz surrounded by a dense scatter of quartz flakes and

nodules that spread approximately 15 m south and 20 m north of the ‘cairn’. It was not

recorded in any further detail (Webb 2002: 16).

Bullabulling 2

Bullabulling 2 is an artefact scatter was found in the same vicinity, in an extensive clearing

around an isolated Eucalyptus spp. tree. It also was not recorded in further detail (Webb

2002: 16).

Bulla Bulling Monodnoch

For Aboriginal people Bullabulling Monodnoch is a mythological site incorporating the

granite outcrop. All granite outcrops between the coast and the Goldfields are considered

significant by Aboriginal people as they feature in Dreaming stories and have historical

significance as campsites where the old people accessed the water run-off (Parker et al.

2001: 17).

Historical evidence

The town site and railway station were established in 1893 as a watering point, for both

trains and people. Bullabulling became the railway head in 1896 and a reservoir located 3

km to the north was gazetted in 1899. Note that this is a separate reservoir to the one located

at the base of the granite outcrop. The northern reservoir was built in 1902, when the

pipeline, which runs along the north of the site (Figure 5.76), went through (RICH 2001a: 7).

Town lots were released for sale in 1898, but there was not much demand and they were

sold at a reduced price. There was a post office from 1896-1905 and a police station, which

was there to escort pay to the Goldfields Water Supply workers, from 1902-1903. The

railway siding ceased to be used by 1964 (Murray 2003).

From the Post Office directories, Bullabulling had a larger population than the other sites in

the study. The average number of people listed was 27 and the town reached its peak in the

1903, when there were 73 people listed as living at the site. Following the closure of the


250

railway in 1971 the railway workers who lived there left, and the number of people visiting

the site declined, and the current population is two.

The occupations listed in the Post Office Directories include railway-related ones, as seen at

other sites. In the 1897 directory there were also four store keepers, plus store assistants, mill

hands and a postmaster. Later directories also listed a sandalwood collector (1898), wood

contractors, a butcher, bakers (1904), a famer, mine owner and landholder (1912), none of

which were listed at other sites in the study.

One occupation of interest was that of J. Mulheron who was listed from 1903-1905 as

“acct”, which is possibly an accountant. This would seem to be an unusual occupation for a

railway station settlement and it would be expected that he would be more successful in a

larger centre such as Coolgardie. Although with a population of 73 in 1903, 30 in 1904 and

47 in 1905, plus the nearby settlements, there were obviously enough people to keep him in

business. In 1906 and 1907 (population 27 in both years) J. Mulheron was listed as wood

contractor and after that he was no longer there, so the decline in population appears to have

affected him.

There was very little detail on the occupations after 1897 and most were not listed. However,

there was a decline in the number of service industry jobs that were listed in the 1897

directory, such that after 1904 there were almost solely industrial jobs listed.

The one constant position listed was that of the proprietor of the Rock Hotel, now known as

the Bullabulling Tavern, currently owned by Laurie Minozzi. Laurie’s father, Mario, bought

it in 1955 (Murray 2003: 31). Since it was opened in 1896 by Octavius Frederick Palmer, it

has operated continuously, although the original building burnt down in 1901 (The

Coolgardie Miner 19 June 1901).

Between the years of 1895 and 1915, there were only two women listed, Miss V. Pooer in

1894, and Alice W. Farr, postmistress, in 1906 and 1907.

Bullabulling was a bigger town site than the other sites in the study, with a larger population,

and a greater variety of occupations of those that lived there. It is also the only site that has

had continual occupation since it was established. It was expected that this larger settlement

would be reflected in the archaeological record through a bigger settlement size and greater

range, number and types of artefacts.


251


A total of 353 features were recorded and from the distribution of the archaeological

material several zones of occupation were identified (Figure 5.76). All of the archaeological

material recorded is on the north and western sides of Bullabulling Rock. The differences in

the archaeological material, and hence the basis for the divisions, are based on age and type

of artefacts, and are discussed in detail below. In order to make this discussion easier, it is

necessary to define the areas first. The zones are:

• south: southern end of the site, located south-west of Bullabulling Rock;

• north: north of the pipeline;

• main: around the area of the railway station; and

• other: areas of the site that were not part of the other three zones (e.g. 1960s workers

camp to the north-west).

Note that in the following discussion the focus is on the main, south and north zones as these

were the areas that were occupied during the study period. The other areas were occupied

well after 1914 and are therefore are not considered.

The vegetation in the main area is open grassland and includes various introduced species

such as pepper trees (Schinus spp.) and prickly pear (Opuntia spp.). The other areas consist

of low woodland, including Eucalyptus salmonophloia (salmon gum), E. salubris and other

Eucalyptus spp., Acacia acuminata (jam tree) and other Acacia spp.

Bullabulling Rock is approximately 20 m high and the rest of the site is flat. There is a

drainage channel, up to 0.5 m deep running roughly east-west, south of the reservoirs. The

soil is loamy clay, Munsell colour 2.5 YR 4/6 (dark red). Average visibility at the time of the

survey was around 80-90%.


252

Figure 5.76. Map of Bullabulling showing zones of artefact distribution

Structural material

A total of 64 features were identified as structures, located in all areas of the site, although

there are more in the main area (Figure 5.77), including most of the non-regular structures.

With the exception of Bullabulling Tavern, all of the other buildings on the site were

dismantled by the 1950s (Murray 2003: 12) and some of the material has been re-used for

buildings in Coolgardie (Laurie Minozzi, pers. comm., 2004). The structural remains include

the railway platform and associated structures, for example the railway formation, goods

shed and water tank; nineteen possible buildings, consisting of wall bases or concrete pads;

and alignments of granite blocks.

In the southern area there are no substantial structures. Of the four features identified as

possible structures, two (F650, F652) consist of single lines, up to 2.5 m long, of 3-4 granite

blocks, one (F617) is a single course of granite blocks in an L-shape (1 m x 1 m) and the

fourth (F621) is a three-sided single course of granite blocks (0.5 m x 0.5 m). Figure 5.78

shows a plan of a typical example of one of the alignments of granite blocks.

A detailed discussion of the artefacts is presented below. In summary, typical artefacts

include cans, bottle glass and metal tools, and the date range of most the artefacts is 1890s-


253

1920s. This was both an occupation and a working area. There were two quarries, which

were most likely used to obtain granite slabs for the catchment wall.

Further to the north, centred around the railway platform, is the major area of activity at the

site. Here there are structures, such as the railway platform itself, the railway formation and

the remains of at least 15 buildings. This area is dominated by more substantial remains,

including stone foundations, concrete pads, wooden beams, asbestos sheeting and the

remains of glass windows and, there is more archaeological material than in the south area

.

Figure 5.77. Distribution of structures at Bullabulling


254

Figure 5.78. Plan of F650 showing layout of granite blocks

Table 5.29 shows the breakdown of the building material at Bullabulling. The majority of

the artefacts are concrete, which were located at one feature (F146), within the area

identified as the 1960s workers’ camp. The next most common artefact was window glass,

which was all in the main area. Apart from nails, there was virtually no building material in

either the north or south areas.

Table 5.29. Building material at Bullabulling

material main north south other TOTAL

no. % no. % no. % no. % no. %

asbestos 2251 15.3% 0 0% 0 0% 128 0.9% 2261 7.6%

brick 11 0.1% 0 0% 0 0% 491 3.5% 502 1.6%

concrete 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 13 448 95.1% 13 448 43.8%

nail 844 5.7% 615 100% 571 99.3% 62 0.4% 2092 6.8%

stone 640 4.2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 640 2.1%

window 11 645 75.7% 0 0% 4 0.7% 1 0.10% 11 650 37.9%

wood 1 0.01% 0 0% 0 0% 5 0.04% 6 0.02%

TOTAL 15 392 100% 615 100% 575 100% 13 840 100% 30 718 100%

The nails recorded for the object record resulted in an 11% (n=230) sample of the nails

being recorded in further detail. Of these 79.6% (n=183) were from the railway line, and the

remaining 20.4% (n=47) were building-related. Of the building-related nails, 70.2% (n=33)

were hand-made, 17.0% (n=8) were machine-made and the remaining 12.8% (n=6) were

unidentified.


255

Table 5.30 lists the shapes of the nails from the sample that were considered structural. Most

(53.2%, n=25) were unidentified, but of those that were, all shapes were represented. There

was one galvanised roofing nail present (DBID 724).

Table 5.30. Shape of nails used for buildings from Bullabulling

shape (head) MIC percentage

rhomboid 10 21.3%

rose 3 6.4%

round 2 4.3%

square 7 14.9%


TOTAL 47 100%

Artefacts

The artefactual material at Bullabulling is dominated by glass (40.1%, n=175 432) and cans

(35.9%, n=157 184) (Figure 5.79). From the distribution of artefacts by area, the most

obvious distinction is the dominance of glass in the main area, and the dominance of cans in

the north area (Figure 5.79). There is a greater number of artefacts in the main area than

other areas, and a greater range, with all material types represented.

Figure 5.79. Percentage of artefact types at Bullabulling by area

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%


building material


perc

enta

ge

material typeother southnorth main


256

The majority of the artefacts are in the domestic and personal category (Figure 5.80), with

the other categories combined containing 21.3% of the total amount. Although Bullabulling

was a train station, this high percentage of domestic artefacts reflected its use as town site.

Due to the dominance of domestic and personal artefacts, which were spread across the site,

it is not possible to discern any activity areas.

Figure 5.80. Function of artefacts at Bullabulling

Glass

The percentage of different glass colours is shown in Figure 5.81 and Figure 5.82. The

assemblage is dominated by colourless (31.5%, n=55 137) and amber (31.2%, n=53 926)

glass. The MNI for bottles was 809, and the glass colours represented were generally the

same proportions for both the MNI and raw counts. Tint (35.5% glass in area, n=6130) and

olive (32.3% glass in area, n=5577) are the most common colours in the north area. The

most common colour in the southern area was colourless (43.9% glass in area, n=5320),

however, it also had the highest percentage of dark olive glass of all of the areas (0.7% of

total glass, 10.6% of glass in this area, n=1278).

12.2%7.0%

78.7%

1.5% 0.4% 0.2%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

perc

enta

ge

function


257

Figure 5.81. Percentage of glass colours at Bullabulling

Figure 5.82. Glass colours by area at Bullabulling (raw count)

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

perc

enta

ge

colourraw count

mni

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

perc

enta

ge

glass colourother south

north main


258

A total of 352 glass items were recorded in further detail. Table 5.31 lists the function of the

glass, showing that the majority is domestic. Figure 5.83 shows the sub-function of the glass

by area. The main uses for the glass were food and beverage storage and medicines, with

most of the glass used for alcohol. The other thing to note is that 47.4% (n=45) of the glass

in the south area was used for food storage, rather than alcohol storage, as in the other areas.

Table 5.31. Function of glass at Bullabulling

function MIC percentage

domestic 287 81.5%

industry 5 1.4%


personal 44 12.5%

structural 1 0.3%

Figure 5.83. Glass sub-function at Bullabulling

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

beve

rage

-al

c.

beve

rage

-no

n-al

c.

beve

rage

-un

id.

food

sto

rage

food

/bev

erag

e

stor

age

tabl

ewar

e

unid

entif

ied

clot

hing

med

icin

e

toile

t

stor

age

build

ing

stor

age

unid

entif

ied

domestic personal ind. struct. misc.

perc

enta

ge


other

south

north

main


259

Ceramics

The ceramics represent 4.1% (n=18 134) of the total assemblage. The majority are

earthenware (80.1% of total ceramics, n=14 616), followed by stoneware (14.8%, n=2690)

and porcelain (4.6%, n=828). 154 ceramic items were recorded in detail, again most of

which are earthenware (75.3%, n=116).

Figure 5.84 shows the function and the sub-function of the ceramics at Bullabulling from

those recorded in detail. The majority (81.8%, n=126) are pieces of tableware, such as plates

and cups.

Figure 5.84. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Bullabulling

Based on the makers’ marks and decorations of the ceramics, most were manufactured

between the early-mid-nineteenth century until the present. Fourteen pieces were

manufactured after 1921 and there were no makers’ marks or decorations that ceased being

used before the 1960s. Generally it is considered that stoneware bottles ceased being used in

Western Australia by the 1930s, due to health concerns (Thom 2005: 97), although

manufacture of other stoneware items continues until the present. This is evidenced by the

presence of a stoneware fragment with a makers’ mark dating from 1951 on it (DBID 1167).

The ceramics were present in all areas of the site and are most common in the main area

(Figure 5.85).

1.9% 1.9% 0.6% 0.6%

81.8%

1.3%4.5%

0.6% 1.3% 1.9% 0.6% 0.6% 1.9%0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

tele

grap

h

beve

rage

-al

coho

l

food

/bev

erag

e

kitc

henw

are

tabl

ewar

e

othe

r

unid

entif

ied

unid

entif

ied

med

icin

e

toile

t

unid

entif

ied

smok

ing

build

ing

comm. domestic misc. personal rec. struct.

perc

enta

ge



260

Figure 5.85. Distribution of ceramics at Bullabulling


261

Cans

The cans represent 35.9% (n=157 184) of the total assemblage. From Figure 5.86 it can be

seen that the cans are spread across the site, but the majority are in the north and main areas.

In the northern area, 82.4% (n=110 359) of the artefacts were cans. In Figure 5.86 the

number of cans in the main area appears high, although they only represent 14.8% of the

artefacts in that area and 21.1% (n=33 363) of the total number of cans, the majority of

which (70.2%) are in the northern area.

There are ten can dumps (F74, F108, F148, F196, F199, F210, F212, F223, F660, F661)

across the site (Plate 5.26). They are located in all areas, with a concentration of them in the

north-east corner of the main area (Figure 5.87).

From the sampled cans, 32.9% (n=640) are hole-in-cap or hole-and-cap, 26.5% (n=516) old

technology, 23.1% (n=450) new technology and the remaining 17.4% (n=338) are

unidentified. Thus 59.5% of the cans were manufactured before 1910 (Appendix C). Based

on manufacturing technology, the older cans are located to the north and south of the site

(Figure 5.88). The more recent cans, or those manufactured after 1904, are located all over

the site, with concentrations in the north, around the area of the 1960s workers’ camp, and in

the centre (Figure 5.89). Although the number of new technology cans in the centre is not

overwhelming, there is an almost complete absence of old technology cans in this area

(Figure 5.88).

Plate 5.26. Can dump (F80) looking north. Width of frame approximately 4 m. Pipeline is in background


262

Figure 5.86. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling


263

Figure 5.87. Location of dumps at Bullabulling


264

Figure 5.88. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling made using old or hole-in-cap/hole-and cap technology


265

Figure 5.89. Distribution of cans at Bullabulling made using new technology


266

Other

There is a large number and wide variety of other artefacts, including buttons (n=55); other

clothing items such as buckles (n=6) and braces (n=6); nails (n=2092); other hardware

(n=48); utensils (n=4); various domestic items such as two bed heads, a bed spring and a

clock; five copper grommets; batteries (n=11); bullet cartridges (n=23); and a toy gun.

A total of 15 pieces of glass were noted as either being flaked or retouched and there were a

further four split lips (see Appendix B for definition). These are indicative of purposeful

disposal, rather than non-purposeful, suggesting that they may have been used as tools

(Keenan n.d.). Most of the pieces were located around the base of Bullabulling Rock, with

the two retouched pieces in the northern area. In addition, seven stone flakes were recorded

in the southern area and some stone flaked material was noted on the rock itself.

Sub-surface testing

Two squares were excavated at opposite ends of the site (Figure 5.90). The first was located

within the railway settlement area. This area has been continuously occupied until the 1971,

when the railway line closed, therefore this square was located in order to determine whether

a longer period of occupation had an effect on the sub-surface deposit. The second, in the

southern area was located in a can circle, within the early occupation area of the site.

The first square (TP1) contained artefacts to a depth of 0.10 m, including a can lid (post-

1910), a cigarette foil, a snail shell, and an iron wire. There was charcoal and bone present to

the base of the pit, which was 0.16 m, although these were more likely ecofacts, rather than

deposited as a result of human activity.

The second square (TP2) contained pieces of iron and charcoal in the top 0.05 m, which was

less compact than the soil below. Below this layer was natural soil, containing no artefacts.

In the south-eastern corner of the test pit was a slightly yellower, very compacted, hard clay.

This is possibly the surface of the granite rock that was corroding. The pieces of iron are can

fragments that are more degraded than those on the surface. The only artefacts in the surface

scatter are cans and the subsurface deposit reflected this.


267

Figure 5.90. Location of excavation squares at Bullabulling

The artefacts in TP1, located in an area that was occupied more intensively and for a longer

period of time, continued further into the subsurface deposit than those in Tp2. The types

and date range of artefacts in both squares reflected those recorded on the surface. In

particular, the presence of the cigarette foil in TP1 confirms the assessment that this area

was occupied until abandonment of the railway in 1971. This occupation not only affected

the composition of the surface deposit, but it also affected the sub-surface deposit.

Interpretation

As mentioned previously, four zones of archaeological material were identified:

• south: southern end of the site, located south-west of Bullabulling Rock;

• north: north of the pipeline;

• main: around the area of the railway station;


268

• other: areas of the site that were not part of the other three zones (e.g. 1960s workers

camp to the north-west).

The south area is close to the soak on Bullabulling Rock. From the location of the features

and the age of the artefacts, the southern area was identified as the initial occupation area

when Bullabulling was first settled by Europeans.

When Europeans first arrived at the site, they had to establish a larger and more permanent

source of water. With the ever increasing influx of people on their way to the Goldfields and

the building of the railway line, a source of water larger than the soak was needed. Therefore

a catchment wall, around the base of the rock, and associated reservoirs were built. From the

archaeological evidence, the southern area is the base from which this work occurred, as

well as the living areas. There was no other archaeological material around the rest of the

rock, therefore all of the activity was focused on this south-western corner.

North of the main area, on the other side of the pipeline, is a continuation of occupation.

However, there is a marked difference in the type of artefacts and the date range, such that

the majority of the artefacts north of the pipeline were manufactured before 1910, whereas

there is a predominance of post-1920s (mainly 1950s) on the southern side (Figure 5.76).

The main area is where most of the archaeological material is located. Most of the later

material was in this area, and the early material was in the northern and southern areas of the

site. It is most likely that as time went on, occupation focused around the railway station,

and the other areas were abandoned.

Therefore, based on the archaeological evidence, the sequence of events at Bullabulling is

that when Europeans arrived at the site in 1893, they established a camp in the southern area,

close to the water supply. This was used as the base for building the catchment wall and the

reservoirs. When the railway line went through in 1896, the settlement shifted to the north,

around the railway station. Then when the pipeline went through in 1902, part of the site to

the north was cut off and this area was abandoned as it was too hard to go over the pipeline,

so settlement contracted around the railway station. The central area has been continuously

occupied up until the present day.

There is a large number and variety of other artefacts at Bullabulling that do not fall into the

categories of glass, ceramics and cans, and were not seen at other sites in the study area.

This has implications about occupation of Bullabulling, which will be discussed in further

detail in Chapter 7, but briefly it suggests that occupation was more substantial, and

occurred over a longer period of time than at a site that had few of these types of artefacts.


269

Bullabulling is the only site studied where there is clear evidence of Aboriginal occupation,

despite ethnographic accounts stating that all granite outcrops are significant (Parker et al.

2001).

Coolgardie Paddock

The site referred to as the Coolgardie Paddock is located 9 km east of Coolgardie along the

Great Eastern Highway. It is adjacent to the highway, north of both it and the pipeline. The

site is characterised by two large rectangular clear areas, separated by a gully and a line of

trees (Figure 5.91). The larger area to the east is approximately 400 m x 400 m and the

smaller area is approximately 220 m x 130 m. It is known locally as the “camel paddock”

(Frances Tree, pers. comm., 2005) as it is thought that this is where the Afghan camp from

the 1890s was located. As is shown from the archaeological evidence, below, this

interpretation is not believed to be correct, instead it is the location of a house and adjacent

animal paddock.

On the two areas themselves there was virtually no vegetation and the ground cover

contained vegetation such as leaf litter, bark, twigs and wood and gravel. The trees that

bordered the site, and were occasionally within it, were Eucalyptus salmonophloia (salmon

gum) and other Eucalyptus spp., plus on the eastern side of the large area there were Acacia

pp. and some small shrubs.

Historical evidence

No documentary information has been located about this site to date, therefore nothing is

known about its previous use(s). As mentioned previously, the site was included in the study

due to oral information identifying it as the possible location of the Afghan camp from the

1890s (Frances Tree, pers. comm., 2005).


There were eight features identified – one structure and seven artefact scatters. One feature

was located on the southern edge of the larger cleared area, one on the border between the

two areas and the remainder, including the structure, were within the smaller cleared area

(Figure 5.91).


270

Figure 5.91. Site plan of Coolgardie Paddock

Table 5.32 lists the percentage of artefacts by function. The largest category is

domestic/personal (78.9%, n=17 691), followed by the industry/water/transport category

(16.8%, n=3760). Less than 5% of artefacts are in all of the other categories combined.

There are no artefacts in the recreation category, indicating that there are no smoking-related

artefacts. The dominance of the artefacts in the domestic and personal categories, and the

small number of features, means that no activity areas can be discerned.

Table 5.32. Function of artefacts at Coolgardie Paddock

function percentage



structural 0.9%

recreation 0.0%

communication 1.8%

miscellaneous 1.6%

TOTAL 100%


271

Structural material

The structure was 6 m x 6 m and has brick and cement foundations, partly in situ (F4, Figure

5.92). There is a galvanised iron post and an iron water pipe nearby and areas of brick and

cement rubble, blue stone and yellow gravel. With only a small area of brick and cement in

situ, the outline of the building could not be determined, although from the rubble it is

assumed that the building was rectilinear, possible with an L-shaped component to the

south-east.

Figure 5.92. Plan of F4, Coolgardie Paddock

The only other building material found at the site is 157 pieces of window glass, which are

0.8% of the total assemblage (Figure 5.93). The majority (n=122) are at one feature (F5),

associated with the structure (F4). The pieces vary from 2-6 mm in width. The thicker pieces

indicate a manufacturing date after 1920 (Boow 1991: 111 Table 6).

Artefacts

This is the smallest site in the study and there were fewer artefacts than at the other sites.

The majority of the artefactual material is glass followed by scrap metal, ceramics and cans

(Figure 5.93).


272

Figure 5.93. Percentage of material types at Coolgardie dwelling

Glass

The MNI for bottles is 41. Figure 5.94 shows the percentage of the different glass colours

recorded at the site in terms of both MNI and raw count. The majority of the glass is either

tint or olive. The percentage of tint glass varies by over 20% between raw count and the

MNI, although the general trend is the same. These colours indicate that the glass was used

for alcohol (olive) and food (tint) with little glass for other purposes such as medicine

(amber, blue) and industry (amber).

There are few pieces of glass that can be dated such as dark olive, amethyst, colourless and

amber. However, all of these colours are present, suggesting that the site was in use from the

1890s (indicated by the presence of dark olive and amethyst) and continued after the 1920s

(indicated by the presence of colourless and amber). The fact that amethyst glass represents

the third largest glass colour at the site (6.0%, n=777) would suggest that occupation was

substantial in the earlier period.

58.3%

9.9%

1.8%

9.4%13.8%

2.6% 3.3%0.9%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%pe

rcen

tage

material type


273

Figure 5.94. Percentage of glass colours at Coolgardie Paddock

The majority of the diagnostic artefacts have a domestic function. Of the 38 recorded pieces,

88.9% (n=32) were used for food or beverage storage, 5.6% (n=2) were for medicine and

5.6% (n=2) were unidentified.

The inscription and types of bottles present suggest a mixed assemblage in terms of dates.

There are five pieces manufactured in the early period: two Codd’s patent seal bottles

[DBID 3759, 3780; date range 1873-1935 (Boow 1991)], one manufactured by Cannington

Shaw & Co. [DBID 3786; date range 1872-1916 (Lockhart et al. 2008)] and two pieces of

amethyst glass (DBID 3766, 3855). In addition, there are six bottles manufactured by the

Perth and Fremantle Bottle Exchange (DBID 3753, 3754, 3756, 3783, 3809, 3819) after

1907 (Appendix C).

Ceramics

The ceramics are mainly earthenware (51.7%, n=1149) or porcelain (46.7%, n=1037), with

the remainder stoneware (1.6%, n=35).

From the functional analysis (Figure 5.95), the artefacts were used for either domestic

purposes, mainly tableware, or were porcelain insulators from the telegraph line.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

dark olive olive tint amethyst colourless amber blue

perc

enta

ge

glass colourraw countmni


274

Figure 5.95. Function and sub-function of ceramics at Coolgardie Paddock

Few pieces have diagnostic features and the only ones useful for dating are two pieces

manufactured by Alfred Meakin of England. The two makers’ marks were different, such

that one piece (DBID 3803) was manufactured after 1914 and the other (DBID 3808) after

1930 (Godden 2003: 426).

Cans

The cans represent 9.4% (n=2092) of the total assemblage. Of these, the majority (n=2085)

are located at two features (F5, F51). A representative sample was recorded in detail and

from this analysis, 11.1% (n=3) are hole-in-cap type cans, 33.3% (n=9) are old technology,

29.6% (n=8) are new technology and the remaining 25.9% (n=7) are unidentified.

From the functional analysis, 51.9% (n=14) were used for food storage, 11.1% (n=3) were

smoking related, 7.4% (n=2) were other storage, and the remaining 29.6% (n=8) were

unidentified. Of the smoking related cans, two were manufactured by W.D. & H.O. Wills

(Australia) after 1901 (Appendix C).

5.6% 5.6%

55.6%

5.6%

27.8%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

beverage -alcohol

furniture tableware unidentified telegraph

domestic communication

perc

enta

ge



275

Other

Of the other artefacts not included in the above analysis, all were made of metal. They

include two copper alloy buttons, one copper alloy clothing stud, one hard wrought copper

alloy buckle, five bullet cartridges, tools and equipment including an axe, a shovel, a bucket,

railway spike, one galvanised iron nail and a metal curry comb used to groom horses. Other

items include kerosene lamp, a clock and a wheel and chain from a child’s bicycle (DBID

3815, see Plate 5.27 for example in Coolgardie Museum).

Plate 5.27 Photo of child’s bicycle from Coolgardie Museum

Interpretation

From the archaeological evidence, there is one clear structure at the site (F4) and one dump

(F51). The remainder of the material consists of low density artefact scatters distributed

across the site. No other activity areas could be identified.


276

The artefacts are of mixed ages, with artefacts from the two periods identified previously.

First are those manufactured during the 1890s and early 1900s, when Europeans first

occupied the region. Second are those manufactured after the 1920s. Unlike other sites, such

as Bullabulling, there are no clear areas that were occupied at different times, which is not

surprising given that it is such a small site. It is unclear whether the occupation was

continuous and when the site was abandoned.

Other things to note from the artefact analysis are that despite the presence of the structure,

there are very few nails. Only one was identified for the artefact analysis and there is an

estimated total of 53 from the sample taken. Also, there is evidence for the presence of

children, in the form of a child’s bicycle.

From the archaeological assemblage, the site has been interpreted as a dwelling that was

occupied from the 1890s and beyond the 1920s, although not necessarily continuously.

Reasons for it not being the 1890s Afghan camp are given below.

1890s Afghan camp

As the research questions of this thesis are about identifying the different groups that lived

along the settlement corridor, effort was made to locate an Afghan camp known to existed

on the outskirts of Coolgardie (Stevens 2002: 90). It was visited by Christine Stevens in the

early 1990s and described in her book Tin Mosques and Ghantowns (2002: 308-312).

Despite talking to Stevens and numerous people in Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie, I was unable

to relocate the camp. Stevens describes it as north-west of Coolgardie (Stevens 2002: 308),

however this appears to be an error. The other clues she gives as to its location (between

Mount Eva and Mount Ford mine and opposite the condensers on Renou Street) place it on

the eastern edge of town, which is in accordance with information from other sources (Tex

Moore, pers. comm., 2004).


277

Figure 5.96. Areas around Coolgardie surveyed for location of 1890s Afghan camp

The area on and around Mount Eva, which is at the end of Sylvester Street, on the eastern

side of Renou Street, plus the area around the intersection of Great Eastern and Coolgardie-

Esperance Highways were surveyed (Figure 5.96). Stevens described the site as:

…flattened areas and square shadows, depressions in the ground, broken domestic

ware and pieces of camel equipment. A path appears to lead from a flattened area at

the top of one hill to a depression in the ground at the hill’s base… Chips of the

infamous chlorodyne bottles lie scattered over patches of the site and loose pieces

of galvanised iron sheeting protrude from the dry grassy clumps of red earth.

(Stevens 2002: 308, 312)

In a survey of four Afghan camps in South Australia and New South Wales, Parkes found

that the composition of the archaeological assemblage differed from European sites. There

are very few building materials, particularly brick and window glass; ceramics are scarce;

and while present, chlorodyne bottles are not common. There are fewer alcohol bottles than

on European sites and fish tins are very common. Also, camel equipment is rare (Parkes

1997: 85-86). Additionally, Parkes found that as well as fish cans, the most common can

type is tobacco (Parkes 1997: 62), although this may be because they are easily identifiable

in the archaeological record. Parkes (1997: 87) identified a number of factors that are likely

to indicate an Afghan site. Those relevant to locating the camp at Coolgardie are:


278

1. Presence of the remains of both temporary and permanent dwellings that are

normally located together.

2. A relatively low artefact density.

3. Especially low numbers of alcohol bottles, ceramic items, horseshoes, pieces of

wagons and carts, building material such as brick and window glass and furniture

pieces such as beds.

4. High numbers of hobbles, fish tins, and recycled items.

Using both Stevens’ description of the site and Parkes’ model for an Afghan site extensive

surveying was conducted of the areas outlined above. Despite this, no evidence of an Afghan

camp was found. Note that the each of the surveys were preliminary in order to potentially

identify the location of the Afghan camp for further in-depth recording. Therefore, only

initial observations were made and the results below are based on these observations. The

sites often have a higher proportion of alcohol bottles than was expected and have no

artefactual material that could clearly identify it as being of Afghan origin.

Based on information from local sources and the historical data, it is most likely that the

Afghan camp was located at the end of Renou Street, at the base of Mount Eva. The material

in this area includes a mixture of late nineteenth century artefacts, such as fragments of

numerous torpedo bottles and amethyst glass, particularly towards the northern end of the

site and later material to the south. One piece of dark olive glass, made using a Ricketts

mould [1821-1900 (Jones and Sullivan 1989: 30)] is located towards the south. There is a

rectangular structure at the southern end made of concrete and machine pressed brick, which

was surrounded by numerous Schinus spp. (pepper tree). These are an European import that

have been observed at a number of settlement sites in the migration and settlement corridor

(e.g. Number 7 Pump Station, Boorabbin, Bullabulling) and appear to be associated with

European settlement.

Within ten metres of the structure is an area, approximately 5 m in diameter, consisting

almost entirely of fragments of olive and dark olive glass. There are no diagnostic pieces,

although from the colour, the glass was manufactured in the late nineteenth century or the

early twentieth century. Due to its proximity, it was most likely contemporary to the

structure.

There is no clear evidence of Afghan presence at the site – none of the features identified by

Stevens were observed, including camel equipment, and only one piece of blue glass was

noted. Following Parkes’ criteria, items such as alcohol bottles, ceramic items, building


279

material including brick and window glass were all observed at the southern end only, and

furniture pieces such as beds, horseshoes and pieces of wagons and carts were not observed

at all, also suggesting that the site is not the Afghan camp.

This area is located close to many mine shafts, however from a photo taken of the camp in

the 1890s (BL 26739P in Stevens 2002: 310-311), the camp was not far away from what

appear to be European structures. There is not enough archaeological evidence in this area to

identify the site as the Afghan camp, nor can the possibility be discounted. The location of

the camp at this site is based solely on the historical data and the lack of definitive

archaeological evidence at any of the sites surveyed.

The Coolgardie Paddock site was suggested as another possible location for the Afghan

camp, however, the archaeological evidence suggests that it was not. The archaeological

assemblage clearly does not fit the criteria listed above, in particular numbers 3 and 4. There

were not especially low numbers of alcohol bottles, ceramic items and building material.

Nor were there high numbers of hobbles, fish tins, and recycled items. Also, the Afghan

camp was abandoned early in the twentieth century, after the opening of the pipeline, and the

evidence at this site suggests that it was occupied well after this date, albeit not necessarily

continuously. Finally, it does not match the description that Stevens gave of the site.

Stevens’ detailed description tantalisingly keeps open the possibility that the location of the

Afghan camp could still be found, although based on current evidence the exact location

may never be known.

Another condenser site

As part of the survey at Koorarawalyee we visited various other sites within the vicinity.

Most of these had material from outside the study period (1830-1914) and therefore were not

relevant and will not be discussed further. However, one site located approximately 16 km

(10 miles) east of Koorarawalyee along the railway line did contain material from within the

study period. This site was not recorded in any detail, although some preliminary

observations were made.

This site consists of a well, approximately 5 m in diameter, a series of stone foundations

totalling 17 m in length, two ash piles in close proximity to the stone foundations and two

pits within a clearing. On the edges of the clearing are several artefact scatters, including

glass and can dumps, containing artefacts dating manufactured before 1914.


280

The stone foundations are dry built walls of granite blocks one to two courses high. There

are eight three-sided structures that are adjacent, with six open to the north and one open to

the south. Each structure facing north is 2 m long and 1 m -1.5 m wide and the one facing

south is 2 m x 2 m. One ash pile, north of the most western structure which faces north, is 2

m in diameter, and the other ash pile, south of the eastern structure, facing south, is 4 m in

diameter. Given the presence of a three-sided stone structure, adjacent well and ash piles, it

was interpreted as a condenser site, based on the pattern of material recorded at Woolgangie

Condenser.

Sub-surface testing

Of the six sites visited and 11 test pits excavated, the deepest the subsurface artefacts

continued was 0.10 m (Table 5.33). The two aims of conducting sub-surface investigations

were to determine whether there was buried archaeological material at the sites and whether

there are a high amount of small finds within the surface material that are not being

recorded.

Table 5.33. Results of sub-surface testing.

site number of test pits max. depth of material (m)

Karalee 3 0.08

Boorabbin 1 0.02

Number 7 Pump Station 2 0.10

Woolgangie Town 1 0.10

Woolgangie Condenser 2 0.05

Bullabulling 2 0.10

Addressing the first aim, there was sub-surface material, but in the majority of cases it

extended only a few centimetres below the surface and could be considered to be

predominantly within the interface.

For the second aim, two small artefacts were found in the sieved material at Boorabbin and

Karalee. This was not unexpected and similar finds were found in the surface material.

However, it is possible that an artefact, such as the small eyelet found at Boorabbin, may

have been too small to be picked up in the surface deposit and would have easily been

buried.


281

Although the results of these test excavations did reveal the presence of sub-surface

material, it reflected that record in the surface deposit. It did not extend significantly into the

sub-surface matrix, nor was it at significantly greater densities. If anything, the concentration

of material below the surface was less than that on the surface.

Summary

The sites in the study were part of the migration settlement corridor between Perth and

Kalgoorlie, following the discovery of gold in 1892. They were all occupied during the same

time period, although for varying durations, were supplied from the same sources, and

ultimately served the same function – as stopping points for people travelling to and from

the Goldfields. However, they varied in size and offered different services – some were

railway stations, some telegraph stations, some had hotels, and some were simply stopping

points for water. These similarities and differences are reflected in the archaeological record.

Possible reasons for the similarities and differences are discussed in the following chapter.

The most overwhelming similarity is the homogeneity of the material culture, both in terms

of material types and the artefacts themselves. Figure 5.97 shows the percentage of material

types at each site21. The most dominant artefact category is glass, followed by cans, with the

exception of Karalee, where the largest artefact category is other metal. Two sites, Old

Doodlakine and Boorabbin, have fewer cans than the other sites22

The structures at most of the sites were industrial, and related to the sites’ use as either

railway stations, pump stations or water catchments. There are few clearly identifiable

domestic structures and most of the ones that are present are from later periods of the site,

such as the housing at Number 7 Pump Station.

and there was some

variation in the amount of ceramics, although the total at all sites was less than 10% of the

assemblage. The amount of other metal varied widely between sites and the number of

insulators was low at all sites except Number 7 Pump Station.

21 Note that Koorarawalyee is not included in this comparison as the artefacts were not counted 22 If the cans that were located south of the highway but not recorded are included, then Boorabbin would have a similar percentage of cans to the other sites.


282

Figure 5.97. Comparison of different material types at each site

There is evidence of sorting of material at a number of sites, which is most apparent in the

can and bottle dumps. Separate can dumps were identified at Karalee, Number 7 Pump

Station, Boorabbin (including the southern area not recorded), Woolgangie Condenser,

Woolgangie town and Bullabulling. The only sites where separate can dumps were not

identified are those where there are a low number of cans overall, including Old Doodlakine,

Koorarawalyee and Coolgardie Paddock. Therefore when cans make up a significant

proportion of the assemblage (>15%), they tend to be dumped in separate areas to other

materials.

A total of 19 pieces of pipe clay were found at four of the sites – Bullabulling, Number 7

Pump Station, Old Doodlakine and Woolgangie town. None of the pieces have inscriptions

or other diagnostic features. Clay pipes ceased to be common at the end of World War I, and

from the end of the nineteenth century were only used by the lower classes (Appendix C).

Other evidence for smoking includes five matchboxes, one at Bullabulling and four at

Woolgangie town. These include one Bell & Black No.4 matchbox (DBID 6460), which was

used until 1900. The remainder had no inscriptions and were in use until 1914 (Anson 1983).

From the historical record, dates of occupation of the sites varied, with all starting around

1892. Some were only occupied for a short period of time, less than 5 years, and some are

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%pe

rcen

tage

site

insulator

bone

other artefactsother metal

building materialglass

cans

ceramic


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still occupied today. This is reflected in the material culture, with artefacts dating from both

the early period of European occupation and a large amount of artefacts from the mid-

twentieth century, in particular. The later material tends to dominate the assemblage, often

obscuring the earlier material. However what is apparent at several sites, such as Number 7

Pump Station, Woolgangie town and Bullabulling, is that different parts of the site were

occupied at different times, with settlement tending to focus on a central area as time went

on.

There is very little evidence of Aboriginal occupation at any of the sites, based on both

previous surveys and this survey. This is despite the lack of water sources in the area aside

from the granite outcrops and the ethnographic evidence suggesting that they are significant

(Parker et al. 2001: 17).

In addition to the little evidence for Aboriginal occupation, there is very little evidence for

occupation by other groups such as Afghans, Asians, women and children. The overall

homogeneity of the artefact assemblage perhaps obscured these other groups.

From the functional analysis, there was a range of domestic and industrial artefacts common

on nineteenth and twentieth century Australian sites. All sites have both types of artefacts

present, with domestic artefacts dominating. Common domestic and personal artefacts

include alcohol and food bottles, food cans and tobacco cans. The amount of ceramics at all

sites is less than 10%, with some sites (Woolgangie Condenser, Number 7 Pump Station)

having less than 2%.

Sub-surface testing confirmed the original observation that the majority of the material

culture was on the surface.

In summary, there are several patterns that can be seen in the archaeological record, such as

the type and distribution of artefacts and possible reasons for these patterns are discussed in

the following chapter.

Chapter 6 Interpreting the Archaeological Record

284

Chapter 6 Interpreting the

Archaeological Record

Europeans settled the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration corridor at a time of British

colonisation and colonialism, just before federation. It was hypothesised in Chapter 3 that

this background would have an influence on the settlements that formed along the frontier

during this period. Other factors that affect when and how settlements are established

include the original function of the settlements, how long they were intended to be occupied

for, how long they were actually occupied for, access to resources, and the supply of goods.

Life in the Goldfields was characterised by a highly nomadic existence. One would therefore

expect a range of goods that are easy to carry, durable and easy to obtain. Initially people

travelled mainly on foot or by coach, and goods would have been restricted to what could be

carried.

There are changes in the way sites and material culture are used over time. With the

construction of each new piece of infrastructure came changes in daily life. In 1897, five

years after the initial discovery of gold, the telegraph line and railway line were completed,

dramatically opening up communications and the type and amount of goods available on the

Goldfields. Chronologically these events are so close that given the surface contexts and

lack of stratigraphic deposits, it is difficult to distinguish them in the archaeological record.

Thus it is assumed that the archaeological material after the 1890s post-dates the railway

line, which was last in the sequence and brought the greatest changes in available material

culture.

Using the theoretical framework of colonisation, colonialism and the frontier, as well as

issues of identity and labour, in this chapter I look at the archaeological data and explore

some ideas of how it can be interpreted. I discuss the results in relation to these ideas and

compare them to other selected studies of archaeological sites from a similar time period and

function. I present an interpretation of the archaeological material in light of the

characteristics identified and propose some possible reasons for them.

Comparing the results, some general observations can be made regarding settlement in the

region and there are several characteristics of the archaeological record common to most of

the nine sites. The archaeological material is relatively homogenous; the artefacts,

particularly glass and cans, were sorted upon disposal; there is a either a lack of or relatively


285

small amounts of materials that are usually common on other Australian nineteenth and

twentieth century sites, such as clay pipes and bone; and there is a lack of artefacts

commonly used to identify the presence of different groups of people. At all of the sites the

majority of the structures identified are industrial rather than domestic, and most of the non-

structural material is domestic. The most common material types are, in order, glass, cans

and other metal.

As well as the comparing the sites studied in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor, I compare the results to a number of sites in Australia and the United

States in order to establish what the similarities and differences are amongst sites of a similar

time period and use. This is to determine whether some of the characteristics observed are

specific to the corridor, or whether they are part of a wider phenomenon. Some of the

implications of these similarities and differences are explored further in Chapter 7. The basic

details of the major sites used for this comparison are listed in Table 6.1. Further information

about them and other sites are discussed in the text as appropriate.

Table 6.1. Major sites used for comparison with study area

site name location dates of

occupation

site use reference

Guildford Swan Valley, Perth 1827-1860 settlement (Burke 2004)

Cheyne Beach near Albany,

Western Australia

1846-1877 whaling station (Gibbs 1995;

2005)

Arltunga Northern Territory 1887- World War I gold mining (Holmes 1990)

Dolly’s Creek Victoria 1857-1888 gold mining (Lawrence

Cheney 1995)

Henry’s Mill

Victoria 1904-1929 sawmill (Davies 2006)

Paradise Queensland late 1880s -1904 gold mining (Quirk 2007)

Alabama Gates

Construction

Camp

south-eastern

California

1912-1913 workers’ camp for

building of Los

Angeles aqueduct

(Van Bueren et

al. 1999)

All of the sites used for the comparison were occupied by Europeans, mainly British,

sometime between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Guildford and Cheyne

Beach were chosen as Western Australian examples based on the assumption that the people

living there would have had access to the same markets and material goods as the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, whether or not they chose to use

them, as in the case of Cheyne Beach (Gibbs 1995: 308). Apart from Guildford, all of the

sites were in isolated environments when they were occupied and were established for a


286

particular (usually industrial) purpose, such as mining sites or workers’ camps. Despite the

fact that the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor does not encompass

any mining sites, there is a bias towards mining sites in the comparison because that is what

most of the previous work has concentrated on. Very little has been published on workers’

camps in Australia. In the United States most of the material is available through the grey

literature only, and is therefore not readily available. Despite the limitations, it was felt that

the studies chosen did still provide an adequate basis for comparison.

General observations of archaeological material

Using a combination of maps, historical documents and the archaeological material, it was

established that the settlements along the migration corridor were between five and 30 km

apart. The distance between them was defined by different factors, which varied over time.

The original settlements were generally located close to the Hunt’s Wells, usually the only

reliable supply of water for Europeans. As people initially travelled on foot or by coach,

mostly the settlements were no more than a day’s walk apart (approximately 10 miles/16

km). Once the railway line was built, the distance was defined by how far the train could

travel before it needed water. As a result, the train stations were also 10-15 km apart. Some

of the stations are at approximately the same locations as the Hunt’s Wells (e.g. Doodlakine,

Karalee), but others were added to the Hunt’s Wells route (e.g. Wyola), providing additional

stopping points. The last set of settlements to be built were the pump stations, the locations

of which were not dictated by access to a water supply, so they were built independently of

any prior settlement. Their location was based on engineering requirements, keeping them

the maximum possible distance apart while maintaining the pressure of the water (Hartley

2007: 23-24).

Given the arid conditions, the service considered most important at each site was water

supply. Whether they used water condensers, water catchments or the pipeline, having an

adequate supply for those that lived at the sites and those that were passing through was the

main priority. The other major site uses were communication (the telegraph line) and

transport (the railway line) to and from the Goldfields.

Access to water usually dictated the location of the settlements, for example, with the

exception of Number 7 Pump Station and Coolgardie Paddock, all of the settlements in the

study are located next to granite outcrops. Most of the Hunt’s Wells were also located near

outcrops (Water Authority of Western Australia 1991: 8), with salt lakes and gnamma holes

being the other sources of water. Apart from Number 1, the pump stations did not need an


287

external water supply and so their locations were not determined by access to water.

Coolgardie Paddock was most likely supplied by water tanks, assuming that it was occupied

before the pipeline was built as there is no archaeological evidence of a well. When

investigating possible water supplies during the 1890s, the surveyors found that the water

table was too low to construct any wells (O'Connor 1896: 6). Therefore, except the Hunt’s

Wells, which were built near granite outcrops on existing soaks, they were not common in

the Goldfields.

Of the sites located adjacent to granite outcrops, all were on the eastern side of the rocks

except Bullabulling, the initial settlement of which is located on the south-west corner near a

soak. Although Old Doodlakine is on the south-eastern side of a granite outcrop, it was

located next to the Hunt’s Well and its position may be not necessarily associated with the

rock. Other factors that affect the location of settlements include weather, in particular

rainfall and the prevailing winds; the local topography, including the slope of the rock,

which affects water drainage; and the location of any sub-surface water.

Site occupation periods

There is no European material dating from before the 1890s, except the Hunt’s Well

structures, the construction dates of which are known from historical records only. However,

there is no confirmation that the current well structures are original, as it is known that at

least some of the wells, including Tammin, Boodhalin, Koderning and Koorkoordine, were

reconstructed (Water Authority of Western Australia 1991). Gold was discovered in

Coolgardie in 1892, bringing the influx of people to the area. Therefore, based on the

archaeological material and the historical records, the initial date for settlement of the sites is

considered to be 1892.

Occupation continued at most of the sites well into the twentieth century. As the focus of the

project is on the initial settlement period, the later material was not closely examined.

Therefore if the site was no longer occupied, an abandonment date of 1971, when the

railway line closed (WAGR1972: 8), is assumed. Of course, as with many archaeological

sites, most of them are still visited today, and in that sense have never truly been abandoned.

The material culture at each of the sites generally corresponds to the known dates of

occupation, with the exception of Number 7 Pump Station. There is no reference in the

historical records to any settlement there prior to the establishment of the pipeline in 1901,

which is supported by the archaeology in the area of the pump station and settlement.

However, there is archaeological material north of the railway line, spreading at least 700 m


288

to the west, far beyond the area of the pump station settlement (Figure 5.31). This material is

associated with the railway line although, given that there was no railhead in the immediate

vicinity, it is not clear exactly how. Based on its location, it is probably related to the

construction of the railway line in 1895. It is older than the material around the actual pump

station suggesting that it was from an earlier period of occupation.

Occupation of the sites can be divided into two broad time periods based on the material

culture. As there is effectively no sub-surface material, the sites can only be dated using the

artefacts and historical records, rather than using stratigraphic deposits. There were

significant changes in manufacturing technology and material culture between 1910-1920

particularly in glass, cans, clay pipes and asbestos (see Appendix C for a discussion of the

changes and dates), which can be seen in the archaeological material. Based on the

archaeological material the two broad dating periods for the sites are:

• 1892 –World War I; and

• post-World War I – present.

Within a given area of a site different phases of occupation cannot be identified due to the

lack of stratigraphy. However, they can sometimes be identified across the site, where areas

that were occupied for discrete periods of time were identified. Using Bullabulling as an

example, the earlier areas of occupation were to the north and south, with the later period in

the central area (Figure 5.76). From the archaeological material it is unclear whether this

central zone was also occupied during the earlier period and the later material has

superseded it, or whether all of the occupation was on the outskirts and then later moved to

the middle. The explanation is probably a combination of the two, with the sequence of

events identified as:

i. Initial occupation located in the southern area around the granite outcrop when the

catchment wall and reservoirs were built.

ii. Occupation shifted to the north, to both the northern and central areas, when the

railway line was built.

iii. Following the construction of the pipeline, the northern area was cut off, and

occupation contracted to the central area.

The general trend is that the older material was on the edges of the settlement and the more

recent material is in the centre. This reflects both a shifting of the settlement itself, such as

when the railway line went through forcing the settlement to be relocated, and a

centralisation of the settlement over time, often due to a population decline such as at

Bullabulling. As the settlements got smaller after the gold rush, occupation concentrated in


289

the centre, resulting in a pattern of 1890s material on the outskirts and post-1920s material in

the centre.

Other sites that have different zones, showing a shift in occupation, are Old Doodlakine,

Karalee, Boorabbin and Koorarawalyee. Occupation also moved at Number 7 Pump Station,

with the northern area associated with the construction of the railway line, and the remainder

associated with the pump station. Woolgangie town does not have clear zones based on the

overall artefact distribution, however from the can technology alone, areas of older and more

recent material can be identified (Figure 5.73).

From the distribution of archaeological material, of the sites that had different occupation

areas over time, Bullabulling and Koorarawalyee are on the only ones that clearly showed

contraction of occupation. Preliminary surveys of the railway area and south of the highway

at Boorabbin suggest that it, too, contracted over time, although more detailed surveys are

needed to confirm this. Areas of Number 7 Pump Station and Woolgangie town were

abandoned, although it is unclear whether there was also expansion into new areas of the

settlement. Settlements at Doodlakine and Karalee moved to new locations and Woolgangie

Condenser and Coolgardie were abandoned altogether.

This contraction of the settlements identified here is in contrast to the expansion that usually

occurs with settlements associated with colonisation expansion over time (Fletcher 1986:

67). Settlement of regions and frontiers is characterised by growth (e.g. Guelke 1976;

Otterstrom and Earle 2002), and processual models of colonisation such as those of Meinig

(1976) and Birmingham and Jeans (1983) are based on the assumption that the settlement

expands during the process of colonisation. Not only does the initial settlement along the

corridor, not expand to the north and south, but the size and number of settlements contracts.

Although it was possible to identify different areas occupied over time, distinct activity areas

could not be discerned at most of the sites. At Number 7 Pump Station there was more

industrial material around the spur railway line and the area of the pump station than other

areas, with domestic material across the remainder of the site (Figure 5.32). The location of

the houses and house lots is known for Old Doodlakine, Number 7 and Bullabulling, yet the

amount and spread of domestic material across each site masked any distinct activity areas.

Material culture and subsistence

Different uses of the sites can be identified from the structural remains such as the railway

platforms, railway lines to indicate railway stations and catchment walls and reservoirs to

indicate but, beyond that, there is little to indicate different activities at different sites. For


290

example, although historical records record the presence of a telegraph station at

Woolgangie town, there is very little telegraph-related material to indicate that there was a

repeater station there. The only indicator of a station at the site is a concrete building floor

and there is no other evidence to indicate what activities took place at the building. The

largest number of telegraph insulators is actually at Number 7 Pump Station, which had no

telegraph station, but was no doubt connected to the telegraph line.

Choice of consumer goods is affected by several factors, including availability and the

socioeconomic status and ethnicity of the consumers (Spencer-Wood 1987b: 26; Henry

1987; Miller and Hurry 1983: 91). On the frontier, goods were initially limited to what could

be carried, thus they had to be mobile and durable. Once the railway line and other transport

routes opened, more goods became available. In the migration and settlement corridor, the

railway line was built only a few years after the settlements were established and it is

therefore difficult to distinguish between the items used before and after the railway line. At

several sites, including, Karalee, Koorarawalyee, Boorabbin and Bullabulling, the settlement

moved so that it was closer to the line, therefore the spatial distribution of the artefacts can

be used to determine what was used in the initial stages of settlement, and what was used

later.

Of these sites, Bullabulling was the only one recorded in sufficient detail to compare the

material from before and after the construction of the railway line. Once the railway line

opened, it is expected that there would be more goods available and a greater range. A

comparison of the assemblages from around the railway station (main and north areas) and

the rest of the settlement (south area) indicates that there is a higher percentage of glass,

ceramics and building material in the main area (Figure 6.1. Also see Figure 5.79 and Table

5.29), while there is a higher percentage of cans in the south. Thus, once the railway line

opened and the settlement shifted, more fragile goods, such as glass and ceramics were

obtained and building materials became available.


291

Figure 6.1. Comparison of percentage of artefact types between railway (main and north) and south areas at Bullabulling

The difference in the archaeological assemblage between the railway and southern areas is

the result of a number of factors such as length of occupation and reason for occupation, and

cannot solely be explained by the access to the railway line. However, the railway line did

influence what goods were available and the change can be seen in the archaeological

record.

An example of this is the number of cans at each site. Fresh meat, where available, would

have been favoured over canned meat and when people have a highly nomadic lifestyle, cans

would normally not be used in great numbers. Cans are portable, although they are heavy,

and highly durable, but they also have limited uses beyond their initial function. Once the

railway line opened, the weight would no longer have been such an issue. The cans could

have been easily supplied by the trains and they would not have to be carried from Perth.

Therefore, it is expected that there would be more cans from after the opening of the railway

line than before, as can be seen at Bullabulling (Figure 6.1)

Not only would the opening of the railway line have affected the types of goods available, it

also would have affected the range, such that there would have been a lot more of both.

However, given the homogeneity of the assemblage and the small number of brands

represented, it can be inferred that the goods were still coming from a limited supply range.

For example, all of the identifiable meat cans came from the Central Queensland Meat

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%


building material


perc

enta

ge

material typerailwaysouth


292

Export Company (CQME), which produced beef (The Brisbane Courier 27 February 1882:

5). There were other suppliers in Western Australia at the time, such as the Graziers Meat

Export Company (Post Office Directory 1897), but from the archaeological evidence,

CQME supplied most of the market on the Eastern Goldfields. Other dominant brands are

Lea & Perrins sauces and W.D. & H.O. Wills tobacco, although there were other tobacco

brands available.

The items at all sites represent a mixture of local and imported goods. For example, the first

confirmed manufacturer of bottles in Western Australia was the Perth and Fremantle Bottle

Exchange, which began in 1907 (BL 3059A/5)23. Prior to that, bottles were imported from

both overseas and elsewhere in Australia. However, there is also evidence of items being

made overseas specifically for local markets (see advertisement for Kilner Brothers, Post

Office Directory 1895-1896: advertisements p.11). At Bullabulling there was a torpedo

aerated water bottle manufactured by I. J. K. Cohn (DBID 1252), a prominent figure on the

Goldfields. Torpedo bottles were manufactured until approximately 1900 (Burke and Smith

2004: 366) and, given that there were no bottles made in Western Australia until after 1907,

this suggests that bottles were being made elsewhere specifically for the local market.24

Of the total number of artefacts recorded in detail, 0.6% (n=61) showed clear evidence for

modification and re-use. Note that this figure does not include the cans that had the lead

solder removed as, although the lead was re-used, the cans themselves were not.

The most common modification recorded is to metal objects, particularly cans and drums

(54.1% of modified objects, n=33). These modifications include holes being put in one end,

for example to make a salt shaker, pieces of wire added to make a billy or other cuts or

additions (Plate 6.1, Appendix E). The only other modification identified was working of

glass bottles or ceramic insulators, which were retouched or used to make flakes and split

lips (see Object Record Codes for definition). Although there were likely to be many other

examples of re-use of artefacts that did not require any modification, such as cans used for

storage and cooking equipment, these artefacts cannot be distinguished in the archaeological

record.

23 There are listings under Bottle Dealers and Bottlers in the Post Office Directories prior to 1907 and the Perth and Fremantle Bottle Exchange is variously listed under both after 1907. However, there is also a listing under Bottle Manufacturers for the South Australian Glass Bottle Co., in Adelaide, in the 1899 Directory, as well as listings under Bottle Manufacturers from England from 1896 onwards, indicating that there was a distinction. 24 Curiously I.J.K. Cohn is first listed as a Bottler in the Post Office Directory of 1902, indicating that the manufacture of torpedo bottles may have still occurred in 1902. Of course, Cohn could have been distributing other bottles at this point, and was a bottler before 1902, without being listed.


293

Plate 6.1. Can with holes from Woolgangie town site (DBID 6299)

There is evidence for re-use of artefacts at other isolated workers’ camps and mining sites,

such as Henry’s Mill (Davies 2006: 100-101), Arltunga (Holmes 1990: 217), Alabama Gates

(Van Bueren et al. 1999: 132) and Nettle Mill, a timber mill in the Otway Ranges in

Victoria, in use between 1938 and 1948 (Stuart 1993). Davies (2006: 101) attributes re-use

to “a culture and ethic of thrift and self-sufficiency”. No doubt it is also due to availability,

but there may be a common factor between the sites that do have evidence of re-use of

goods, compared to those that do not mention it, such as Dolly’s Creek and Cheyne Beach,

which is discussed further in Chapter 7.

Domestic - food and drink

The evidence for food and drink at the sites comes from glass containers and cans. The

faunal material could not be used to make any interpretations about diet as there is a very

small amount, it is poorly preserved being highly fragmentary and could not be identified to

any species. The projected amount of bone is 0.28% (n=4470) of the total assemblage and of

this 0.87% (n=39) was butchered. Reasons for the small amount of bone could be either a

lack of preservation, very little fresh meat being eaten or both. The high number of food

cans (20.9% of total assemblage), although not all meat cans, is evidence for a source of

food other than fresh meat.


294

Canned meat, often called ‘tinned dog’, was notoriously unpalatable, and fresh meat was

preferred (Gaston 1984 [1937]: 214; Marshall 1903: 59). However, the supply of fresh meat

on the Goldfields, which either came from Perth or had to be caught, was limited and

expensive (Bolton 1958: 111, 118; Calvert 1989 [1897]: 134, 136). People in the region

were there to search for gold or to provide services for those who were. There were not

pastoralists providing a supply of meat and, because of the lack of water, the country east of

Southern Cross, in particular, is not suitable for grazing. From the quality of the bone that

was found, the number of food cans, which included meat and fish, and what is known about

the standard of canned meat and the supply of fresh meat, neither preservation nor supply

can be discounted as possible reasons for the lack of bone, and it is most likely due to a

combination of the two.

In comparison to the Goldfields sites (Table 6.2), at Dolly’s Creek, in Victoria, 435 cans

were recorded, representing 2.4% of the total assemblage, and 2.2% of the assemblage was

bone (Lawrence Cheney 1995). At Alabama Gates Construction Camp, in the US, 249 food

cans were recorded, representing 1.2% of the total assemblage, and 2.1% of the individual

items (Van Bueren et al. 1999: 145), and 0.7% of the assemblage was bone (Van Bueren et

al. 1999: 163). The Paradise goldfields, in Queensland had only six distinct cans and

numerous can fragments were recorded from excavations of eight households (Quirk 2007),

and at Port Essington, an isolated military outpost in the Northern Territory occupied

between 1838 and 1849, there were no cans and a small amount of bone (Allen 2008: 103).

Table 6.2. Number of cans at Goldfields sites in study

site projected number of cans

Boorabbin Rock Catchment 127

Bullabulling 157 184

Coolgardie 2092

Karalee 25 745

No. 7 Pump Station, Gilgai 27 264

Old Doodlakine 31

Woolgangie condenser 2311

Woolgangie town and rock catchment 118 677

TOTAL 333 431

Thus it is not common to find a large number of cans on sites of a similar time period to

those in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor. Figure 6.2 shows the

number of cans as a percentage of the total assemblage across all of the sites in the

Goldfields, in comparison with Dolly’s Creek and Alabama Gates. It shows that on average,


295

the Goldfields sites have a lot more cans than other comparable sites. Across all of the sites

in the Goldfields, 20.9% of the total assemblage is cans, and the average percentage of cans

at each site is 16.4%.

Figure 6.2. Comparison of cans as a percentage of total assemblage

One of the main reasons there are more cans at the Goldfields sites in the study is due to

preservation factors. As was demonstrated by the sub-surface testing in this study, in arid

environments, cans that are buried do not survive as well in the archaeological record as

those on the surface. However, there is also a suggestion of a greater reliance on fresh meat

at sites with a lower proportion of cans and more faunal material than the migration and

settlement corridor, such as Dolly’s Creek and Alabama Gates.

The Arltunga goldfield, in the Northern Territory has obvious similarities to the corridor. It

was occupied by Europeans between 1887 and the First World War, is in an arid area and,

being located approximately 107 km north-east of Alice Springs (Holmes 1990: 1), was

quite isolated. A total of 1268 food cans were recorded at Arltunga, as well as bone in very

small fragments (Holmes 1990: 105 Figure 46, 135). It is not clear what proportion of the

total assemblage that this amount of cans is, but it is a large number compared to most other

sites of the same period.

0.2%

35.9%

9.3%

22.3%

15.0%

0.02%

27.8%

20.7%

2.4%1.2%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

perc

enta

ge o

f tot

al a

ssem

blag

e

site


296

Although Arltunga had more cans than other sites, it also had more faunal material than the

settlement corridor, indicating fewer supplies. A full analysis of the bone from Arltunga was

not done, however some of the species represented were rabbit, ox or bullock and goat, of

which there were several carcasses in a pit (Holmes 1990: 135). The species represented

indicates that there was fresh meat at the site and the fragmentary nature of the bone shows

that it is poorly preserved, similar to the settlement corridor.

It is difficult to identify the contents of most cans in the settlement corridor but, contents that

could be identified are meat cans, fish, including herring and sardines, vegetables, cocoa,

chocolate, mustard and spice. Beverages, which mainly date from after the study period, are

either beer or soft drink. This is similar to the assemblage at Arltunga, which also contained

condensed milk cans (Holmes 1990: 131), whereas no condensed milk cans were identified

in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor. Other sites that have similar

can contents as the study area are Paradise, which had a mustard or curry powder can (Quirk

2007: 178) and Strangways Springs, a pastoral station in the Lake Eyre basin, South

Australia, occupied from 1862-1896, which had meat and sardine cans (Paterson 1999:

Appendix B). The cans at Dolly’s Creek and Alabama Gates were not identified.

The other evidence for food and drink comes from bottles and jars. The glass is divided into

two groups – those manufactured before 1920, when bottles were either hand-made or

partially machine made, and those manufactured after 1920, when bottles were fully

machine made (Boow 1991: 49, also see Appendix D). The focus of the thesis, and therefore

the analysis, is on bottles made before 1920. This date was chosen, rather than the First

World War (1914) as it is not possible to distinguish between bottles made between 1914

and 1920.

From the glass used for food and drink manufactured before 1920, 26.3% of the bottle and

jars were used for alcohol, such as beer, gin/schnapps or whiskey. Other beverages

represented are carbonated drinks (10.8%), including 9.9% used for aerated water. Alcohol

bottles are ubiquitous on Australian archaeological sites, but there are differences in the

amounts at different settlements. For example at Arltunga beer bottles were the most

common, and spirits included whisky, brandy, gin, schnapps and bitters, with the last three

being rare (Holmes 1990: 105 Figure 46, 114, 115). Whereas at Paradise, there were very

few alcohol bottles, with one gin bottle from one house and ten schnapps bottles from

another (Quirk 2007: 200, 280). Thus, as with the cans, the assemblage of alcohol bottles in

the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor is more similar to the isolated

site at Arltunga, than the late Victorian township of Paradise.


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There are more carbonated beverages in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement corridor than

on other sites from a similar time period and type of occupation. This is probably indicative

of the lack of water in the region. One aerated water bottle and one soft drink bottle was

found at Paradise (Quirk 2007: 220, 255), and five bottles (3.7% of bottles) were found at

Dolly’s Creek (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 170 Fig. 62). There were none at the three Western

Australian sites of Guildford (Burke 2004), Cheyne Beach (Gibbs 1995) and in an area

excavated on the edge of some market gardens at Cossack, a port settlement of the Pilbara

coast, 1600 km north of Perth, where the peak period of occupation was from the 1870s-

1890s (Carson 2003: 46 Table 5.5).

The Arltunga goldfield, the Australian site that is most similar in terms of time period and

type of occupation to the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, also had

no carbonated beverage bottles. This is curious given that it, too, is an arid environment. Nor

were there any at Strangways Springs, another site in an arid environment (Paterson 1999).

In contrast, at Henry’s Mill, which is not in an arid environment, 33% of the glass containers

were from carbonated beverages (Davies 2006: 58 Table 8). From sites in the United States,

one structure (structure 22) at Shoshone Wells, a mining camp in Nevada occupied from

1864-1902, had one soda glass bottle (Hardesty 1988: 95 Table 14). From other evidence,

this structure has been identified as having been occupied by Chinese people (Hardesty

1988: 95), although there is nothing to suggest that the presence of carbonated beverage

bottles can be associated with ethnicity. At Alabama Gates 19% of the food and beverage

containers were for non-alcoholic beverages and 43% were for alcoholic (Van Bueren et al.

1999: 140).

The presence of aerated water or carbonated beverages appears to be associated with

workers’ camps, as opposed to mining camps or other types of settlements. An increase in

non-alcoholic beverages does not correspond with a decrease in alcoholic beverages, and

there is no correlation between non-alcoholic beverages and lack of water. Four sites in the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor had evidence of non-alcoholic

beverages, with the most at Bullabulling (n=12), Boorabbin (n=5) and Woolgangie town

(n=3). One bottle was found at Coolgardie paddock. There were none present at the other

five sites in the study, so the presence of a higher number of non-alcoholic is not specific to

the region. One explanation is that the presence of non-alcoholic bottles at workers’ camps is

a result of supply, with the companies perhaps trying to encourage their workers to abstain

from alcohol. Given that alcohol bottles were still present, it may have been more of a

suggestion, than a direction.

A total of 10.8% of the glass food and beverage containers were used for condiments. These

included sauces (7.5%) [such as Worcestershire (1.9%)], vinegar (0.55%), pickles (0.5%)


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and salt (0.5%). Again, these types of foods are common to nineteenth and early twentieth

century sites, with similar items found at Guildford (Burke 2004: 293), Arltunga (Holmes

1989: 117-118), Paradise (Quirk 2007: 178, 200, 244, 245, 272), Dolly’s Creek (Lawrence

Cheney 1995: 170) and late nineteenth century pastoral stations in the arid regions of the

south-western Lake Eyre Basin, Central Australia (Paterson 1999). Given the fairly limited

diet that was common on nineteenth century isolated sites, there was often a supply of

sauces and flavourings (Farrer 1980: 161; Symons 1984).

From the bottles and cans that could be identified, the range of foods available included

meat, vegetables, cocoa, chocolate, condiments, mustard and alcohol and aerated water.

Notably no butter cans, which are mentioned in historical accounts (Gaston 1984 [1937]:

134), were identified. Nor were any condensed milk cans, which were observed at Arltunga,

identified. All of the food available was preserved and there was very little evidence of fresh

food, such as meat and vegetables. Of course the evidence for bottled and canned food

survives much longer in the archaeological record, however the almost complete lack of

faunal material and evidence for gardens suggests that there was a heavy reliance on

preserved foods, and the diet was limited to what was supplied and what could be carried.

As discussed in Chapter 4, assignment of function to the artefacts was primarily based on the

original intended function. However, re-use of bottles throughout the nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries is well documented (Busch 1987; Stuart 1993) and needs to be

considered. One obvious difficulty in determining if and how a particular bottle was re-used,

is that it is almost impossible to tell without any modifications [e.g. removal of the neck

such as on the bottle described by Stuart (1993)], or if it is not clear from the context.

Although there were no modifications to any of the artefacts in the study to suggest re-use,

one consideration is that it is an arid area, and water is scarce. Therefore one possibility is

that bottles (and other containers) may have been used for water storage, particularly near

water sources such as condensers. The unsuitability of glass as a transport container, due to

its weight and fragility, would suggest that bottles used to store water may not have been

carried too far from the source, but they would have provided a very useful storage

container.

Metal can circles

Metal can circles were recorded at the sites of Karalee, Woolgangie town, Woolgangie

Condenser and Bullabulling. No other references to this feature type have been found in the

archaeological literature, and the only other ones known to date are at Cue, 650 km north

east of Perth, Western Australia (Kelly Fleming, pers. comm., 2006). Investigations at one of


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the can circles (F73) at Woolgangie Condenser were conducted in order to help identify the

site formation processes associated with these features.

One explanation for them is that they are toss zones formed in the same way as semi-circular

toss zones around hearths described by Binford (1978: 339 Figure 4) from his observations

of the way items were disposed of at a Nunamuit hunting camp site. The archaeological

record of this behaviour is a clear area, possibly with evidence of a hearth in the middle,

surrounded by a semi-circle or circle of artefacts. The spatial pattern of the can circles

resembles these toss zones in shape, however, they are not considered to be the result of

similar behaviour, as the central area is often too small for people to sit or camp in

comfortably. They also contain only cans and, if they were toss zones, one would expect

other artefacts to be present, even if only in small amounts. Binford’s toss zones contained

all types of artefacts related to eating, and were not sorted.

Another possibility is that the can circles were areas used for heating the cans in order to

melt the lead solder to be re-used elsewhere. This explanation is based on historical accounts

by people living and travelling in the region and Western Australia. These accounts refer to

cans being burnt in a big pile and then sifted through for the lead which melted off in the

heat, and was then re-used (Facey 1981: 11-12; Bond 1898: 47; Gaston 1984 [1937]: 115).

The hypothesis is that there was a fire in the middle in which the cans were heated and, once

heated the cans are discarded around the outside, resulting in the circular pattern.

One of the circles at Woolgangie Condenser was investigated to test this theory. Three

things came out of these tests (Chapter 4, Chapter 5). First, the majority of cans recorded

were made using either hole-in-cap or old technology (82%, Figure 5.65), and were

therefore sealed with lead. None of the 1681 cans recorded in detail at Woolgangie

Condenser had lead solder present, implying that it had been removed from all cans.

However, the cans recorded came from both can circles and can dumps as well as other

scatters containing different artefacts. Thus, the lack (removal) of lead is not exclusively

associated with can circles.

Second, the amount of lead in the sediment inside the circle is more than twice the amount

as that in the sediment outside of the circle (Table 5.20), suggesting that lead was entering

the sediment in the circle. The background concentration of lead in remote or recently settled

areas is between 10-30 mg/kg (Rooney et al. 1999: 535) and ranges from 30-100 mg/kg

elsewhere (Davies 1995: 207). Given that Woolgangie Condenser could be considered

remote, the amount of lead both inside (average = 209.110 mg/kg) and outside (average =

86.502 mg/kg) the circle is high, suggesting some contamination from an unknown source.

This suggests that solder removal was associated with the circles. This may mean that the


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circles were the result of solder removal but, they are not the only pattern that results from

this process.

However lead contamination can occur from other sources. Sources of lead in sediments

include vehicle exhausts, general atmospheric additions from industrial emissions,

contamination from mining and smelting and agricultural materials (Davies 1995).

Contamination from vehicle emissions is limited to less than 30 m from the road, although it

has been documented to 152 m (500 ft) downwind of roads in Denver, Colorado, USA

(Cannon and Bowles 1962: 765). Woolgangie Condenser is approximately 500 m from the

road, and so any contamination is likely to be from vehicles on site rather than the highway.

Lead concentrations in soils at shooting ranges has been recorded at levels over 500 mg/kg

(Rooney et al. 1999: 536, Table 1; 540). Lead-contaminated soils in the Ystwyth river valley

in Wales ranged from 90-2900 (mean = 1419) mg/kg, and were 30 090 mg/kg within 100 m

of a smelter in the Peak District in Derbyshire, England (Davies 1995: 211), indicating that

lead levels are very high within the immediate vicinity of such sources.

Although it is clear that the presence of lead in the soils at Woolgangie Condenser is the

result of contamination, it is not clear what the source is. The levels of lead are much lower

than other sites where there is a clear source, such as lead shot or mining and smelting.

Further testing of samples across the site would be required to determine whether the lead

contamination is the result of activities such as removing lead from cans, or some other

source.

The results of the testing at Woolgangie Condenser were not conclusive, apart from

confirming that lead was removed from the cans. In the absence of any other explanation,

the use of the can circles as areas for lead removal seems the most likely, but this is still

open for interpretation. Further work that may confirm this would include testing the amount

of lead in the soil in other can dumps, and the testing of the amount of lead at regular

intervals from the centre of the circles to create a more comprehensive geochemical

background for soil lead. From tests on Japanese soils, the half-life of lead ranges from 740

to 5900 years (Iimura 1981: 47 Table 4-5), therefore any lead present as the result of

European occupation of Woolgangie Condenser will still be there. It is possible to test for

recently added lead as it can be chemically or mineralogically different from naturally

occurring lead (A/Prof. Andrew Rate, pers. comm., 2009).

Finally, there was no evidence for a pit or fire within the circle, which may be due to

preservation rather than confirming that there was never a fire there. If the fire was on the

ground surface, then any evidence for it could have easily been blown away over the

intervening period.


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Domestic - ceramics

Overall ceramics make up only 6.2% of the total assemblage, and consist of similar numbers

of earthenware (42.6%), stoneware (31.0%) and porcelain (26.4%). From the items recorded

in detail, there are only two that were definitely made within the study period (DBID 5455,

6561). Of the remainder that could be dated, they were manufactured anywhere between the

nineteenth and the mid-twentieth centuries, and at least 22 pieces were manufactured after

the study period. Therefore, not only were there relatively few ceramics at the sites, the

evidence suggests that most of them are from later periods of occupation. From the makers’

marks all identifiable pieces were imported either from England or Japan.

Although not common, there are other similar sites where there are few ceramics, such as at

Arltunga (Holmes 1990: 79) and within the bunkhouses and all-male domestic households at

Gold Bar, a mining camp in California, occupied from 1905-1909, which is attributed to

food consumption happening elsewhere on the site, for example at boarding houses

(Hardesty 1988: 77-78). At Arltunga the lack of ceramics is attributed to the “mining and

pioneering aspects” of Arltunga, such that more durable items such as enamel plates were

being used instead (Holmes 1990: 217). However there was no evidence of this in the

settlement corridor.

Ceramics are often used as an indicator for socio-economic status (Miller 1991; Brooks

2005; Miller and Hurry 1983), but given that there are so few, it is difficult to draw any

conclusions, although most the identifiable pieces were mass-produced common tablewares.

Instead, it raises the question as to why there are so few. Before the railway line was built,

the use of ceramics would have been limited by their lack of durability and portability.

However, that would no longer be a factor after it was built. At that time quantities of

ceramics used would have been affected by consumer choice, and therefore market

availability.

Whether the choice of goods available was a direct one, dictated by demand, or an indirect

one, where supply was controlled by others is unclear. In the case of ceramics, it is perhaps a

direct choice, given that the population was highly transient. That is, although ceramics

could be easily supplied along the railway line, if people were moving on regularly, then

they would not have wanted to continually carry them.

Although ceramics cannot be used as an indicator for socio-economic status within the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, they do still tell us about consumer

choice and the transience of the population. Ceramics are not highly portable and durable

and were not highly used. Once the settlements in the corridor became more permanent in


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the twentieth century, then the use of ceramics increased, although not greatly. This will be

discussed in further detail in Chapter 7.

Personal

Like ceramics, there are few personal items at the sites and, apart from some harmonica

parts [which were also found at Cheyne Beach, another West Australian site (Gibbs 1995:

277)], none that could be considered luxury. Personal items in the assemblage are mainly

medicinal items, toiletries and buttons from clothing. Luxury items by their nature are

normally a small part of the archaeological assemblage, as people do not have many of them

and highly valued items are not readily disposed of. The almost complete lack of luxury

items suggests that the population at these sites was of lower socio-economic status, and

could not afford many. Like the ceramics, the transient life of the people may also have

limited the numbers of goods that people wanted to carry with them.

Other similar sites with little or no personal and luxury items include Arltunga (Holmes

1990: 105 Figure 46), Dolly’s Creek (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 164) and Henry’s Mill

(Davies 2006: 64). It is worth noting that at the Alabama Gates construction camp, an early

twentieth century workers’ camp, personal items were the second most prevalent item after

structural materials (Van Bueren et al. 1999: 80 Figure 31). Van Bueren et al. included

smoking in the personal category, whereas I have included it in recreation. Although at

Alabama Gates the most common items in the personal category were related to clothing and

footwear (Van Bueren et al. 1999: 89-90), thus the comparison is still valid and although

similar in terms of time period and function, there are differences in the assemblage between

Alabama Gates and the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor.

Recreation - smoking

Evidence for smoking mainly consists of tobacco cans. Unlike food cans, several brands are

represented. These are a mixture of Australian and British brands including W.D. & H.O.

Wills, from Australia (Sydney) which was established in 1901 (Alford 1973: 220) and

Bristol & London, Capstan (manufactured by W.D. & H.O. Wills after 1901 – c.1930s)

(Tyrrell 1999: 18; Harrison 2002b), Taddy & Co. (1810-1920), Luxor (1904-1960) (Joll

1986: 492), Champion Ruby, Selected Western, and British Australasian Tobacco (1903 –

present day) (Walker 1984: 45).

There are six metal match boxes across all of the sites but only one is inscribed. It is a Bell

& Black No. 4, in use from 1880-1900 (Anson 1983). Clay pipe fragments were found at


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two sites – one piece at Bullabulling (DBID 900) and two at Woolgangie town (DBID 6240,

6241).

Pipe smoking was by far the most popular means of consuming tobacco until World War I,

when cigarettes became dominant (Walker 1980: 273, 276; Tyrrell 1999: 18). Pipe smoking,

and later roll-your-own cigarettes, were popular among single men, particularly outdoor

workers and itinerants, and were associated with masculinity (Tyrrell 1999: 139, 141).

However, the high number of tobacco cans, and relatively few clay pipe fragments and

match boxes, found at the sites suggests that pipes were not greatly used. One possible

reason for this is that tobacco was being chewed. Although not a common practice at the

time, it was known amongst miners and bushmen (Walker 1980: 276; Richardson 2007

[1917]: 12, 15).

The second possibility is that cigarettes were used and were lit by means other than matches,

such as flint or tinder. Based on the manufacturers, it is highly likely that many of the

tobacco cans date from after World War I, when cigarette smoking was more popular than

pipes or chewing, indicating that the cans were for cigarette tobacco.

Although it is difficult to confirm whether the tobacco was being chewed or smoked, it is

interesting that there is little evidence for pipe smoking, which is usually common on

nineteenth century European sites in Australia (Courtney and McNiven 1998: 44; e.g. Allen

2008: 76). Despite the lack of evidence for pipe smoking, tobacco was still being consumed,

and was predominantly (although not exclusively) a male pastime (Walker 1980: 278).

Smoking was objected to by the middle class in the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, particularly among women, and was tolerated by the working class (Walker 1980).

As such it is used as an indicator of class and gentility and, along with alcohol, evidence for

it is expected to be limited at respectable middle class houses (Quirk 2007: 85). The

presence of a high number of tobacco cans at nearly all of the sites in the study does not

contradict this, and supports the historical evidence that single working class men were at

the sites.

Munitions

Bullet cartridges were found at all of the sites except Number 7 Pump Station. Of those that

could be identified, common brands were Eley, Remington-UMC and Winchester

(Appendix E). Although some of these brands were manufactured during the study period,

all were manufactured well afterwards (Appendix C). Bullet cartridges on remote sites can

be easily attributed to later visitors. Therefore it was not possible to clearly associate those


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found in this study with the initial occupation of the settlements and they were not included

in any further analysis.

Colonisation and colonialism

Individuals make decisions about how a settlement is laid out or what goods and services

they use, for more than practical reasons such as access and availability. For example, the

quality and quantity of goods that consumers purchase is also affected by what they can

afford (Leone and Crosby 1987: 402). The concept of agency is used in archaeology to

understand past societies and processes of cultural change (Dobres and Robb 2000: 4) and it

can be used to explore ideas of why certain goods were chosen or why certain choices were

made. Agency theory incorporates the idea that people do not merely react to external

events, instead they make conscious choices and alter their environment through these

choices. Thus people are not “uniform automatons, merely reacting to changes in the

external world” (Dornan 2002: 304) and, in fact, have a deliberate role within the larger

social system. Agency can have a variety of meanings (see Dobres and Robb 2000: 9 Table

1.1), but I am using it here as an acknowledgment that ‘people purposefully act and alter the

external world through [their] actions’ (Dornan 2002: 304). Agency is expressed, among

other things, through material culture. However the homogeneity of artefacts across all of

the sites suggests that items were coming from limited suppliers, and that overrode other

factors regarding consumer choice such as socio-economic status so there was little

opportunity for individuals to express their identity through their household goods.

As well as the limitations of supply dictated mainly by the railway line there may be other

reasons behind the choices that were made. According to the historical records those living

at the sites were single, white men. Despite the fact that the gold rush occurred some 60

years after the Swan River Colony was first settled, most of these people came from

elsewhere in Australia and the world, a common pattern in the nineteenth century as

prospectors followed the gold rushes (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 4; Hardesty 1988: 3-4). The

1890s were a period of intense nationalism leading up to Federation, as a national identity

was being forged. In addition to this political background, settlers brought their own sense of

identity with them. When arriving in a new environment, it is not uncommon to search for

the familiar, to establish your surroundings so they remind you, at least a little bit, of home

(Lawrence 2003b: 29).

Most of the settlers were originally from Europe, particularly Britain. Some came directly,

others via other colonies, such as the goldfield of New South Wales and Victoria. Even if the


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settlers were born in Australia, their family background, and hence their identity, was still

very much British. The Australian outback environment was very different from Britain, and

there would be the desire to recreate a bit of home in the new environment. One way this

often done is through the creation of gardens using plants from the homeland, hence sites

can be identified through the presence of exotic plants, for example the Moreton Bay fig

present at Koorarawalyee (Pearson 1988: 74).

Other ways to express the identity of the homeland is to create settlement layouts that are the

same and to use the same goods that are available at home. Taking the extreme, at each new

site the same settlement is recreated such that in some ways it is almost indistinguishable

from the others around it. Ultimately, there is a transfer of culture to the newly settled area,

such that the homeland culture is transported, leading to a homogeneity across sites.

Following Said’s definition of colonialism, the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor is an example of “the implanting of settlements on a distant territory”

(Said 1994: 9). But does it also display characteristics of imperialism? Said defined

imperialism as the “practice, the theory, and the attitudes of a dominating metropolitan

center ruling over a distant territory” (Said 1994: 9) and, according to Gosden, imperialism

“is a special case of colonialism where there are colonies tied together in one political

structure, which has a series of ideological, economic and cultural implications” (Gosden

2004: 5).

The archaeological record for the region displays characteristics of colonialism and

imperialism. There is certainly an element of “implanting of settlements on a distant

territory” and it also suggests that the distant territory is ruled by the practice, theory and

attitudes of the metropolitan centre. As Harrison points out (2002b: 343), the settlers would

have brought their own cultural baggage to the region, attempting to create a cultural

landscape that was familiar to them. Therefore through the process of colonisation, informed

by ideas of frontiers and colonialism, a blueprint of settlement was imposed on each site,

dictating what it looked like and, more importantly, what goods should be available and be

used, resulting in a similar pattern of settlement and archaeological signature across the

region. In some ways these were company towns, where the company provides the plans and

the supplies necessary to build the town, and in this case the company is the Government.

Colonisation and colonialism are defined by the interaction between two groups,

traditionally the coloniser and the colonised. As the results have shown, defining

colonisation as the interaction between different groups does limit it, and there is more to the

colonisation of a region than that. It is also the interaction between a group of people and


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their environment, and how they adapt to their new surroundings. By introducing a new way

of occupying a place, such as the transplantation of a culture, the area is being colonised.

As described in Chapter 3 there are two types of colonisation models – the processual-type

models that explain the process of colonisation of a region, and the post-processual-type

models that examine the social aspects of colonisation. Within this the models were divided

into two broad categories: those where the influence of the parent colony, and therefore the

expression of the homeland culture, increases over time, such as Meinig’s model and the

ecological models, and those where the individual expression of the new colony increases

over time, distinguishing itself from the parent colony. These include the Swiss Family

Robinson model, frontier and acculturation models, and Gosden’s model.

My study focused on the first 15 years of settlement, and due to the nature of surface sites, it

has not been possible to discern change over time. However, within the corridor as a whole,

it appears that the influence of the parent colony did not decrease as the settlements did not

display an increased individual expression. Comparing the sites identified as temporary and

permanent, the greater proportions of ceramics, non-essential items and structural material

could represent a greater reflection of the parent culture. This is perhaps most evident in the

increase of amenities, for example schools, hospitals and infrastructure.

The reasons for a continuing reflection of the parent culture are both practical and social.

The practical reasons are associated the supply of goods along the railway line. As discussed

above, once the railway line opened there was an increase in the types of goods available,

however there was only a single supply source, so although the range increased, it was still

limited. In a market economy, consumers have an element of choice as to what goods and

services are supplied and there is the potential for agents to express individuality through

their choices of goods. Yet that did not appear to happen in the migration and settlement

corridor, suggesting that people did not have that choice.

A contrasting model that suggests that individual expression of the settlement increases over

time is the Swiss Family Robinson model of colonisation. Of the five phases in the modified

version of the model (Birmingham and Jeans 1983; Egloff 1994), only the exploratory phase

can be identified within European occupation of the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor. Clearly initial exploration and preliminary assessment took place, as part

of the exploratory phase, and there was a heavy reliance on imports, predominantly

transported by the railway line after 1897.

The learning phase consists of the selection of a production system, which is further

developed depending on its success, and is followed by the developmental phase. There is


307

no evidence that following initial settlement in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor there was any attempt to ‘develop’ the sites through the establishment of

production systems. Throughout the occupation of all of the sites there was a continued

reliance on imports.

Regarding Egloff’s two additional phases of dispossession and despoliation, there is very

little evidence for interaction with the Aboriginal people living there prior to European

settlement. Of course this is not to say that there was no cross-cultural interaction, simply

that there is very little evidence for it. Despoliation refers to the destruction of the

environment, resulting in, among other things, the disenfranchisement of the indigenous

population (Egloff 1994: 5). This phase can be seen in the archaeological record with cleared

areas indicating the location of archaeological material, which was particularly apparent at

Boorabbin, Woolgangie town and Bullabulling.

Therefore Meinig’s model, which sees the influence of the parent culture increase as a

settlement becomes more established, is more applicable to the migration and settlement

corridor, than Birmingham and Jeans’ model, which sees the influence decrease. This is not

to say that one model is more correct than the other, rather that they are two different ways

in which colonisation of an area can be approached. From the evidence here, Birmingham

and Jeans’ model is not applicable to all sites in Australia, which is important, given that it

was based on Australian case studies. There has been little attempt in Australia to

characterise European colonisation, apart from Birmingham and Jeans, which has been

criticised for its hypothetico-deductive approach, as discussed in Chapter 3. Bairstow (1984:

3) argued that it is better to formulate general theories from the data, rather than trying to fit

any given case to a particular model. No one model will apply to all case studies, and will

need to be adapted as applicable. However, that is not sufficient reason not to develop

models to try to characterise human behaviour such as European colonisation, and by using a

combination of the hypothetico-deductive approach, and developing theories from the data,

we can perhaps work towards characterising behaviour and a greater understanding of sites.

The different types of colonisation models identified by Hoover (1992) – ecological,

frontier, economic and acculturation studies – provide different perspectives on the data

(Hoover 1992: 42). Each can be applied to the migration and settlement corridor to

characterise different approaches to the colonisation of the area, adaptation to a new

environment and new circumstances, and the resulting material culture. Of the different

types, the frontier models of Steffen (1980), which characterise the frontier into

cosmopolitan and insular types, are the most applicable to the corridor. The sites studied

have evidence of strong economic ties to the homeland, similar material culture and show

little evidence of adaptation and innovation, therefore they could be characterised as


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cosmopolitan frontiers. Cosmopolitan frontiers were usually short term and economically

specialised. They are influenced by factors outside the frontier itself, for example from the

parent society, and tend not to display a high degree of development from within. In

contrast, insular frontiers have fewer ties with the homeland and have greater differences in

material culture.

The more recent studies and discussions of colonialism and frontiers, such as those by

Gosden (2004) and Hall (2000), among others, are the post-processual-type models, which

examine the social aspects of colonisation and focus on the interaction between two cultures.

It has not been possible to apply these models to this study, as there is no evidence for cross-

cultural interaction. Through using the concepts of colonisation, colonialism and frontiers as

a theoretical framework, the aim was not to try to fit the settlements within the Mundaring-

Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor to one particular model, but rather determine

how these concepts inform the way the area was settled.

Frontiers

The Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor is a cosmopolitan frontier. A

frontier is the interaction between two or more groups in an area that is on the limits of

expansion for one of those groups. The emphasis is that one of those groups is in what is for

them, a new situation and must adapt to the new situation. From this definition the corridor

can be considered to be a frontier when it was first settled by Europeans. When the Hunt’s

Wells were built and prospectors went through, they were in a new environment, on the

limits of their expansion.

As Paynter (1985: 164) described, the concept of a frontier implies the existence of the

frontier, the homeland, and the resident culture impacted upon by the expanding homeland

culture. In this case, the frontier is the area of expansion and settlement between Mundaring

and Kalgoorlie. The dominant homeland is Britain, with its cultural influences and concepts

of colonisation and colonialism affecting the way the area was settled. However, as the gold

rush grew, not everyone came from Britain, with many coming from other European

countries and other gold rush areas such as Victoria, New Zealand and the United States, as

well as from non-European backgrounds such as the Afghans, Chinese and Japanese.

Can the area still be considered a frontier once most of the settlements were established?

During the initial period of establishment it was one, when a new population wave had

arrived and the limits of settlement were still expanding as the search for gold continued. As

discussed, there is not a great deal of evidence for the interaction between Europeans and


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Aboriginal people, both in the archaeological and ethnohistorical records, but no doubt it did

occur.

There is also little evidence in the archaeological record for interactions between the other

different cultures. From the historical records, we know that they were present, although the

population was mainly single, white men. The archaeological record confirms this, with little

variation in the material culture between sites and little evidence for different cultures.

Despite the population coming from several places, the lack of different cultures evident in

the archaeological record suggests that Britain was still the dominant homeland, and

influenced the material culture and the way the area was settled.

Occupation of the sites within the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor

ranges from five to over 100 years, yet the pattern suggests that it was usually short term, or

intended to be. The sites were economically specialised, as they were established for a

particular purpose. Although this purpose sometimes expanded, for example Woolgangie

town, which became a telegraph station, railway station and town site, ultimately all of the

settlements were a stopping point along the route to the Goldfields. The settlements were

influenced by outside factors, such as the parent culture and, as is characteristic of

cosmopolitan frontiers, did not show a high degree of development from within. This is

demonstrated in the similarity between the sites, such as the material culture and the way

that the settlements were established.

Of Lewis’s six types of cosmopolitan frontiers (Lewis 1984), industrial and transportation

frontiers are the most applicable to the sites in this study. Industrial frontiers are transient,

highly specialised, short-term, occupied by people living in the region for only a short time

and have strong economic links to the parent culture. Transportation frontiers represent the

links between the frontier region and the homeland (Lewis 1984: 268). These are all

characteristics that can be seen in the migration and settlement corridor.

An area stops being a frontier when the homeland culture is no longer on the limits of

expansion. Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie were established following the initial gold rush in

1892 and soon became bases from which further exploration and expansion occurred, with

many of the settlements between them and Perth established later. As a result, two foci of

settlement within this corridor were established. The first was around Perth up to York and

the second was around Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie. Based on this pattern of settlement, the

limits of expansion are not clear and different parts of the settlement area stopped being part

of the frontier at different points in time. Therefore it is not easy to determine exactly when

the frontier ended.


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Using the frontier as a concept has not been common within historical archaeology recently.

One of the reasons for this is no doubt related to the criticisms of it being informed by a

colonialist perspective of core-periphery relationships (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995: 487).

Lightfoot and Martinez identified three problems with this perspective: first, it results in

insular models where culture change on the periphery tends to be classed as passive; second,

studies are usually on a macroscale approach, rather than multiscalar; and third, the frontier

borders are often considered to be sharp boundaries separating relatively homogenous

groups (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995: 487-488).

In the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor there was very little evidence

for the interaction between different groups. As a result the focus is naturally on the

European occupation of the area. Colonialism and colonisation informed the way the

corridor was settled and therefore are considered the most applicable ways to analyse the

data. In answer to Lightfoot and Martinez’s criticisms, the focus has been on the homeland

culture (the ‘core’) rather than the Aboriginal culture (the ‘periphery’) as that is what the

archaeological evidence consists of at these sites. On Lightfoot and Martinez’s second point,

one of the major features of this study is that it has been on a multiscalar approach. It has not

been possible to tease out all of the issues on an individual level, looking at particular people

that lived at the sites, and that is perhaps something for future research.

Addressing Lightfoot and Martinez’s final criticism, it is easy, and somewhat tempting, to

delineate distinct boundaries between the coloniser and the colonised. There is no doubt that

this delineation can be misleading, and more recent studies of culture contact have gone

some way to address the issue that different cultures cannot always be clearly separated nor

are they homogenous (Harrison 2004a; Murray 2004: 6). One of the original aims of this

research was to examine the evidence for all of the different groups living and working in

the settlement corridor, including the Aborigines, and the interaction between these groups.

However, the archaeological evidence for the different groups is minimal at best, with a few

pieces of flaked glass present at the sites of Bullabulling, Woolgangie Condenser, Number 7

Pump Station and Old Doodlakine. Clear boundaries around the sites can be determined,

based on the spread of the material culture, which can be considered the edge of the frontier

at the individual sites, although they are not necessarily the boundaries between the

coloniser and the colonised, which could not be determined.

The criticisms that Lightfoot and Martinez have of frontier studies are valid, but they do not

provide sufficient reasons to abandon the frontier as a concept. It is not entirely clear why

the frontier is not commonly used as a framework, and it could be simply a trend as other

analytical frameworks, particularly in relation to culture contact, have become popular.

Closely related to colonisation and colonialism, frontier studies can provide a framework,


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such as cosmopolitan and insular frontiers, for how settlements, such as workers camps,

were established and the mindset behind them.

Identity and labour

One of the original questions of the thesis was about which groups were living at the

settlements. From the historical sources, it is known that there were several different groups

living along the transport route and in the Goldfields. For example, the workers’ families

that lived at the railway stations and pumps stations, the nurses that lived and worked at

Woolgangie, and the Afghan community based in Coolgardie (Whittington 1988; Stevens

2002). However, the results demonstrate that there is no evidence for any of these groups.

There is some evidence for identity, such as the small amount of worked glass and the

presence of children’s toys. However, there is no evidence of Chinese, who were often

present on Goldfields, nor any definitive evidence of Afghans, despite accounts in the

historical records of a substantial Afghan community.

Ways of identifying different groups living at sites discussed in Chapter 3 include

distinguishing ethnic markers in the artefact assemblage, studying the spatial organisation of

the site and using the historical documents. There were some identifying artefacts, including

a child’s bicycle at Coolgardie Paddock; milk glass lotion containers at Karalee, Number 7

Pump Station, Woolgangie Condenser, and Woolgangie town, suggesting the presence of

women; and flaked glass suggesting the presence of Aboriginal people. There were no

artefacts directly attributable to Asian people, and no evidence of the Afghan camp.

Although it can be problematic definitively identifying ethnic groups by the presence or

absence of particular artefacts, enough studies have been done to demonstrate that is

possible (e.g. Bell 1996; Ritchie 1986; papers in Wegars 1993). Additionally, there is the

question as to whether the absence of ethnic markers means indicates the absence of ethnic

groups. In order to answer this question, one has to look at the assemblage as a whole and

determine what other factors affect its composition. In this case it comes back to the

homogeneity of the assemblage and the lines of supply. As there is very little variation in the

assemblage across the sites in the region, if there were different groups present, there are few

markers for expressions of their identity.

Although there are examples of Asian people present on mining and other colonial

Australasian sites during the nineteenth century (e.g. Bell 1996; Carson 2003; Ritchie 1986),

other workers’ camps do not have archaeological evidence of Asian people, despite their

presence in the historical record (Van Bueren et al. 1999: 179). The lack of evidence for


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Asians is not surprising as the anti-Asian mining legislation of the Goldfields Act precluded

Asian miners from working in the region, and from the archaeological evidence it appears to

have succeeded. There were Asian people present on the Goldfields, as evidenced by the

census records and Coolgardie cemetery (Tree and Tree n.d.), but they were not conducting

archaeologically visible activities, such as mining. The archaeological record appears to

confirm the historical record in that there were not many Asian people present in the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor.

The lack of Asians in the corridor can be easily explained, but the lack of identifying Afghan

markers cannot. Nor does this explanation account for other factors affecting the

archaeological record, such as transience. Unlike the Asian population, there is substantial

historical evidence that there were Afghans present in the region (Stevens 2002), and yet no

archaeological evidence could be found. The simplest explanations are that I did not locate

the Afghan camp and it is still to be found, or the evidence for it no longer exists, neither of

which can be discounted. That then leaves the question of how to locate and identify Afghan

settlements at the sites that were studied, which could not be answered in this study.

There are a couple of possibilities to explain why the presence of Afghans could not be

identified at the sites in the study. It is known that Afghan camp sites were segregated from

the rest of the population, whether by choice or through being ostracised, hence the

development of separate ghan towns (Stevens 2002: 239; Parkes 1997: 26). Given that all of

the sites in the study were established stopping points along the migration route, it is highly

likely that any temporary Afghan camps along the route were established elsewhere, away

from the main sites. Underlying this are the ideas of transience, colonisation, colonialism

and frontiers, and how much these themes, and the British parent culture, dominated the

material culture masking any expressions of individual identity in the archaeological record.

From prior archaeological and ethnographic evidence, there is actually very little evidence

for Aboriginal occupation of the area prior to European settlement, which is supported by

the results in this study. Aboriginal artefacts were found at three sites: Old Doodlakine,

Boorabbin and Bullabulling, which is a previously registered Aboriginal site. Although the

focus was in the European occupation areas, it would be expected that, if there was

significant Aboriginal use of the sites prior to European occupation, there would be evidence

for it, given the nature of the environment and the preservation of surface material. This lack

of material, along with the ethnographic evidence, suggests that the study region was used as

a transit route between areas of greater resources, such as to the east, around the area of

Southern Cross and to the south, towards Esperance, using the granite outcrops for water.


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Based on the historical documents, people living and working on sites in the goldfields came

from all over the world, yet their ethnic differences are not necessarily apparent in the

archaeological record. The homogeneity seen across the sites could be the result of the

forging of a new identity, that of the Australian miner and rural worker, or it could be a

product of availability of goods, as factors including supply and transportability had a

greater effect on the archaeological assemblage than ethnic differences (Lawrence Cheney,

1995; Psota, 2002).

Identity also encompasses socio-economic status (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005: 1) and

common artefact types used to determine status include architecture, ceramics, glass and

faunal material (e.g. Coutts 1984; Spencer-Wood 1987c: 15). Other studies of life on the

goldfields in nineteenth-century Australia, and in societies not immediately associated with

higher socio-economic status have found that items associated with luxury and gentility such

as ceramics are present in these contexts (e.g. Lawrence Cheney 1995; Quirk 2007).

The lack of archaeological material that is normally used to express a higher socio-economic

status, such as buildings, ceramics and faunal remains, suggests that those living in and

travelling along the migration and settlement corridor were from the lower classes.

However, the association between material culture and socio-economic status is based on the

assumption that people have different access to goods (Branster and Martin 1987: 302). The

limited supply at these sites suggests that it is difficult to identify status from the

archaeological record. The historical records suggest that they are of lower status, as most

people were either workers associated with the various industries, or travellers passing

through. It is possible that their lower status restricted people to the limited supply available,

as for example, structures in the larger towns, particularly Kalgoorlie, show that there was

plenty of money available from the gold rush, and it was possible for people to display their

wealth. Typically larger, more elaborate buildings are associated with a higher socio-

economic status, and the lack of architectural remains at the sites studied suggests that the

buildings were not very substantial, and therefore more likely to be destroyed or transported

elsewhere. Also, the majority of the architectural remains relate to industrial use rather than

domestic and are therefore utilitarian and not expressions of status or identity.

Another aspect of the archaeological record that gives an insight into the socio-economic

status is the metal can circles. If, as suggested, they were areas for removing the lead solder

from the cans, they also suggest a lack of money, and thus a lower socio-economic status, as

people were reusing materials as much as possible, retrieving whatever materials they can to

be reused and possibly even resold. Removing lead from metal cans requires a lot of

investment of time and effort in order to retrieve what would be a small amount of lead, and

it indicates that people were prepared to do whatever they could to get a little bit extra.


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Most of the other settlement sites in the region apart from Kalgoorlie and Coolgardie had a

specific function, such as a railway station or pump station, and were not central places, as

defined by Christaller (1966: 16-17). As a result of this specific function, not only were the

people who lived there from a particular socio-economic group, i.e. workers there were no

means within that community for them to change their status. The people who lived at these

sites were not there looking for gold, and usually did not stay for long. Therefore there was

neither the variety of occupations nor facility to move within the social classes as there was

at bigger places such as Kalgoorlie.

The type of animals used for food and the cuts of meat eaten are also used to interpret socio-

economic status, as some are more expensive than others (Huelsbeck 1991). The overall lack

of faunal remains, mostly due to a lack of supply, would also suggest that people did not

have the means to purchase fresh meat and were reliant on canned food. Although the arid

conditions appeared to stifle any attempts at pastoralism in the region, it was possible to

transport fresh meat via the railway line, and the lack of meat was therefore not just a result

of the supply.

Although gender and ethnic identity are not immediately apparent at temporary sites,

divisions in status and social standing often are (Spencer-Wood 1987a). This is seen at sites

where there is a hierarchy, usually between officers and workers, for example fur-trading

outposts. As Hamilton noted “even in the most remote and temporary outpost, the officer-in-

charge enjoyed rank-related privileges such as a separate sleeping room” (Hamilton 1996:

268). Not surprisingly, conspicuous displays of wealth and differences in status are not

apparent where there is no hierarchical structure, such as at mining camps where anyone can,

and did, claim a mining tenement.

Given that there is little overall evidence for identity at the sites, what are the implications of

this on the evidence for labour? The homogeneity of the archaeological record masks any

expression regarding status and class. At the level of investigation conducted the differences

between workers and managers living at the sites until 1914 could not be discerned. Based

on the numbers of artefacts from the later periods of occupation during the mid-twentieth

century, further investigations at some of the settlements, such as Number 7 Pump Station

and the railway stations, may yield further information.

Other similar sites do show evidence for class, such as Alabama Gates and the site of the

Colorado Coal Field War, in 1913-1914 (Van Bueren et al. 1999; The Ludlow Collective

2001). The Ludlow Collective suggested that the traditional view equating the home with

ethnicity and the workplace with labour and class does not necessarily apply. Instead, they

proposed an alternative where class consciousness is expressed in the home and ethnicity


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can be seen in the workplace (The Ludlow Collective 2001: 99). But, along with ethnicity,

class and labour could not be seen in the archaeological record at the sites in the study.

There were no distinct areas that could be associated with managers or workers.

Although there were managers, such as officers in charge, and station masters for the

railway stations, they may not have perceived themselves as a different class. Working in a

remote location, with a small permanent population, those living at the sites may have seen

themselves more as equals, united against the faceless bureaucracy in Perth. Thus, rather

than expressing differences in class and ethnicity within each site, the settlements within the

study represent an expression of a common identity that differs from that seen in the major

centres such as Perth.

There are other reasons for a lack of ceramics and faunal material, such as transportability

and preservation, as previously discussed, and transience, which is discussed in Chapter 7.

However, the overall pattern of material, such as the architectural material, as well as the

historical records, suggests that the people living and using the transport corridor were from

the lower socio-economic classes.

Overview

According to the historical record, all of the sites were established in the 1890s. Some, such

as Old Doodlakine and Woolgangie Condenser, were occupied for 5-10 years and others,

mainly the railway stations and pump station, were occupied until the mid-twentieth century

and Bullabulling continues to be occupied. These periods and duration of occupation are

reflected in the archaeological record, with material ranging from the 1890s up until the

present (e.g. Number 7 Pump Station, Woolgangie town, Bullabulling). At these sites there

is a large amount of material manufactured after the 1920s, reflecting an overall increase in

material culture after World War I.

Overall the archaeological assemblage at the sites is characterised by a high number of cans,

the presence of alcohol bottles and aerated water bottles, and a low number of ceramics,

faunal material, structural material and personal items. The assemblages are relatively

homogenous across the sites, and there are several possible reasons for this. Initially the

materials available were limited by portability and durability as people were restricted by

what they could carry. Once the railway line was built, the amount of goods available

increased, but it appears that the range did not, and was limited by supply. In addition to

these factors the late nineteenth and early twentieth century were the beginnings of mass-

production of goods, adding to the homogeneity of goods available (Hardesty 1980: 76).


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Settlement of the region occurred during a period of British colonisation and colonialism,

and I have suggested that the homogenisation of the material culture is not solely a result of

limited supply. Agency incorporates the idea that individuals choose items for other reasons

than availability and practicality. Although this would perhaps lead to a greater range of

materials, not seen in the study, it does indicate that there is an element of choice in material

culture, which cannot be discounted.

Given the political and social climate of the time, another factor that may have affected the

material culture and created the homogenisation is the degree of influence that the parent

culture, in this case Britain, had on the colonisers. The settlements could be the result of a

transplantation of the homeland culture as each settlement was established according to

existing ideas and values, and reflected that culture. Homogeneity on the frontier has also

been seen at nineteenth century sites in America, and it has been suggested that this is partly

due to Victorianism. Similar to the impact of colonialism, Hardesty (1980: 75) suggests that

Victorianism would have had an impact of ideology and behaviour on the colonists,

resulting in a homogenous material culture.

The historical records suggest that, although the population was dominated by white men,

there were several different groups of people living on the frontier. However there was little

evidence for the different groups in the archaeological record at the sites in the study. That is

not to suggest that the historical records are wrong, rather it indicates that there are factors

other than identity affecting the archaeological record. Additionally, the historical records

state that the Afghan community lived separately to the rest of the population. Assuming that

there were Afghans in the region (and there is no reason not to), the archaeology confirms

this. That is, there is no evidence of Afghans at the sites investigated, which were occupied

by Europeans, and they probably lived at a separate camp, which I was unable to find.

Also of note is the limited evidence for Aboriginal people’s presence. This is most likely

because there were very few Aboriginal people in the area prior to European settlement and

that did not change. It is a semi-arid region, with few major Aboriginal occupation sites and

low density of material (Veth and Thorley 1990: 4), indicating that people in the area were

just passing through, and occupied more abundant areas, such as around Esperance.

The lack of artefacts normally used to determine status such as ceramics and faunal material

may have been a result of the lack of supply, rather than indicators of socio-economic status.

However, there is evidence for conspicuous displays of wealth, and therefore an improved

socio-economic status, elsewhere in the region. For example, the large buildings in the

centre of Kalgoorlie. Thus it is likely that if people did have available money, they could

have accessed more expensive goods.


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The people in the migration and settlement corridor was different from those living in the

major towns of Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie as it was made up of workers and travellers on

their way out to the Goldfields, rather than those who were settled and had perhaps already

made their fortune. The historical records indicate that these people were the working class,

and did not have material wealth, and the archaeological record does not contradict that.

This chapter has presented a discussion of the results in relation to the concepts and themes

introduced earlier in the thesis. Ideas such as colonisation and colonialism, as well as

frontiers, informed the way the region was settled, and provide a useful framework for

interpreting the results. The following chapter presents further interpretation of the results

under the framework of short-term workers’ camps and presents a model suggesting how

such sites can be identified in the archaeological record.

Chapter 7 Short-term workers’ camps

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In the previous chapter I used the broad frameworks of colonisation, colonialism and

frontiers to interpret the archaeological data. In this chapter I look at what was influencing

the sites from a local level, beyond the effects of access and supply, rather than on a global

scale. I do this through introducing the idea of temporary and permanent sites, in the form of

short-term workers’ camps, and by comparing my results with other studies I present the

preliminary outline of a model as to how temporary sites can be identified in the


The majority of the sites in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor had

multiple uses, including as stopping points on the way to and from the Goldfields, workers’

camps for the construction of the railway and pipeline, water catchments, telegraph stations,

railway stations and town sites. The exceptions are Woolgangie Condenser and Coolgardie

paddock, which were a condenser and residence/farm house respectively. Some, for example

railway stations and water catchments, have left clear archaeological markers, whereas those

that did not need major infrastructure, such as stopping points and telegraph stations are not

so obvious.

Although they had multiple uses, each of the settlements between Southern Cross and

Coolgardie were workers’ camps and stopping points along a migration route. They

therefore held transient populations and were occupied for a short period of time. Using

archaeological data from these and previously studied temporary sites, I explore whether

temporary sites are distinguishable in the archaeological record and move towards a method

for identifying them.

The majority of this discussion focuses on historical sites occupied by Europeans in order to

provide a meaningful comparison for the sites in this study. Whilst there are some

similarities with sites of other cultures and time periods, which will be discussed as

appropriate, much of the underlying mindset and archaeological data used as the basis for

the discussion cannot be applied to other cultures. Note that the terms temporary, transient

and ephemeral are used interchangeably and no distinction is made between them.

Some models of colonisation of new areas by hunter-gatherers are divided into two phases –

an initial or pioneer phase, followed by a developed phase (e.g. Davies 2001; Kelly and

Todd 1988; Housley et al. 1997; summarised in Hazelwood and Steele 2003: 218-219 Table


319

12.2). Birmingham and Jeans (1983) also have an initial, or exploratory, phase, followed by

more developed phases, in the model of colonisation, as discussed in Chapter 3.

One dichotomous model is that proposed by Beaton (1991). Using the first colonisers of

Australia and America, Beaton developed a model of two different colonising strategies of

continents, suggesting that there were two types of settlers: transient explorers, who are

willing to relocate to new circumstances and over long distances, and estate settlers, who are

more likely to relocate near the parent estate and are less willing to try new ecological

circumstances (Table 7.1).

Table 7.1. Some possible correlates of two colonising strategies, transient explorers and estate settlers (from Beaton 1991: 216 Table 8-1)

transient explorers estate settlers demography budding threshold low high group composition stable slightly fluid inbreeding high low fecundity low high extinction probability high low economy different ecological zone

high high estate unconstrained bounded archaeology site forms very similar varied tool inventory generalised

specialised

range of activity/site repetitive varied strategy forager/pursuer searcher/collector colonising logic diet breadth narrow wide geometry lineal bow-wave/radial ecology patch-similar cross-patch

Unlike the other two-phase models, the characteristics that Beaton uses, particularly under

the category of archaeology, are not specific to hunter-gatherer societies and can be applied

to colonisation of any period. For example, applying the model to the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

migration and settlement corridor, the sites (site form) are similar, with the same activities

being performed at each site. As discussed in further detail below, the diet appears to be

limited and the settlement pattern (geometry) is linear, rather than radial. Clearly there are

other reasons influencing these characteristics, such as the linear settlement pattern and the

homogeneity of the archaeological record, but the corridor fits the characteristics of transient

explorers before they became estate settlers.

Using Beaton’s model and the archaeological evidence from other temporary sites, it can be

determined whether there are features common to temporary sites such that they can be


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distinguished from permanent ones in the archaeological record. The settlement organisation

and layout, structural remains, and material culture and subsistence all potentially have

characteristics that can be identified and used towards creating a model for identifying

temporary and permanent sites in the archaeological record.

First, in order to develop this model, it is necessary to define what a ‘temporary’ site is.

There is very little published information about temporary sites at all, let alone any

definitions as to what they are. Generally it is implied that a temporary site is a site that was

occupied for a short period of time (usually less than ten years) (e.g. Van Bueren et al. 1999)

and/or has a highly itinerant population (e.g. Lawrence Cheney 1995). In a discussion about

railroad and logging camps, mainly in the United States in the nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, Pappas defined temporary camps as sites that were generally occupied for less

than ten years, but some up to 40 or even 80 years, with the implication being that they were

workers’ camps (Pappas 2006). As a definition, most temporary sites are occupied for less

than ten years.

More than having a chronological boundary, I have identified other aspects that define

temporary sites. These aspects are intention, function and population. Intention refers to the

duration a site is intended to be occupied when it was established. Kent (1991: 35) calls this

anticipated mobility, or the length of time people expect to occupy a site and Hardesty

(1985: 222) refers to the people that did not intend to make their new home permanent

“sojourners”.

In a study of hunter-gatherer camps in Africa, Kent (Kent 1991: 35; Kent and Vierich 1989)

found that anticipated mobility had the greatest influence on determining variability rather

than actual length of occupation, camp subsistence orientation, season of habitation, number

or occupants or ethnic affiliation. Her hypotheses were used as the basis for a study of two

nineteenth century mining districts in the United States, one of which (White Pine, Nevada)

was a boom and bust area, occupied for a short period of time, and the other (Black Hills,

South Dakota) was continuously occupied (Brooks 1995a). Brooks (1995a) also found that

the archaeological remains reflected the anticipated mobility of the people that lived there,

rather than actual length of occupation or their social class.

Function is the purpose of the site, for example a workers’ camp during construction of

infrastructure, or a logging camp. The function of camps Pappas () referred to were workers’

camps, the implication being that they were at a site to perform a specific task, and once that

was finished, the settlement would disappear. As a result, services and other amenities, such


321

as shops, schools and churches, are not supplied, and the impact on the landscape was

minimal.

Finally, population refers to whether the population is transient or permanent. A settlement

can be established for a long period of time but with an ever-changing itinerant population,

such as sites in the Victorian goldfields (Lawrence Cheney 1995). It is also worth noting that

most temporary sites are associated with small populations. However, this is by no means a

defining factor, as there are examples of permanent sites with low populations (e.g.

Bullabulling at present) and temporary sites with relatively high populations (e.g. mining

camps).

Thus the duration that people lived at a site and intended to live there influenced the

organisation of the settlement, the structures that were built and the material culture used. If

the intention is to be there for a short period of time, then it is likely that little time or effort

will be invested in establishing and maintaining the site. The people living there would not

invest as much time or resources as they would into a place where they thought they would

be for a while, and would want to create as more of a ‘home’.

I am defining temporary camps as sites that were usually occupied for less than ten years

and were intended to be occupied for a short period of time, regardless of whether they were

or not. They are also sites that were created for a specific function, normally a workers’

camp, and do not have any associated services and amenities. Temporary sites usually have

a highly transient population, which is relatively low (up to 100 people) although this is not

essential. The best examples of temporary sites are workers’ camps, such as railway or

logging camps. These were occupied from a few months to a few years, were only ever

intended to be occupied for a short period of time, were there for a specific purpose, and had

a highly transient population while the next section of railway was built or the surrounding

area was cleared, which then moved to the next site once the job was completed.

Sites from the historic period can be identified as temporary sites using the historical

records, but can they be distinguished in the archaeological record? It is possible to

determine duration and function from the archaeology, but not necessarily intention and

population. However, by using the historical record for known temporary sites, we can

determine what, if any, are the common characteristics. Clearly there are many factors

influencing settlement formation, layout and material culture, and through studying various

temporary sites, we can explore whether transience is one of them.

Specialised workers’ camps, or “peripheral work settlements” (Van Bueren 2002: 2), were

company towns, work camps, and villages or enclaves of entrepreneurs or camp followers


322

that grew up nearby. They were characterised by their narrow economic focus, relative

geographic isolation, impermanence, and dependence on the global economy. They were

temporary sites because they were established in order to be occupied solely for the duration

of the work to be conducted. Because the ideological framework behind the establishment of

these sites is different from those that were established as permanent towns, I am testing the

hypothesis that this difference is reflected in the archaeological record, based on the

assumption that initial ideas about spatial organisation and layout, mindsets of the settlers

and sources of material culture will be similar across the sites, if not the same.

Other types of temporary sites include mining sites, explorers’ camps, sites along transport

and migration routes and whaling and sealing sites. They are established for a variety of

reasons and have different functions resulting in different archaeological signatures,

therefore they not all of these site types are directly comparable to sites in the Mundaring-

Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor. The most directly comparable sites to this

study are workers’ camps and mining sites, established throughout the same time period

(nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) in other areas settled by the British in Australia

and in America.

The comparison of these temporary and permanent sites indicates that, despite superficial

differences, there are common features. These include an unplanned settlement layout, with

few, or no, clearly defined activity areas and insubstantial structural material, usually tents

or in colder climates, wooden structures. There is a predominance of artefacts that are

durable and easily transportable and a degree of homogeneity in the archaeological

assemblage. Differences in gender, ethnic identity and status are sometimes present, but are

not common, nor immediately apparent.

Settlement layout and organisation

From studies of sites from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. the single biggest

difference between a temporary and a permanent settlement is the level of organization. As a

general rule, temporary settlements were built ad hoc, with little attention to where structures

were placed in relation to each other. The grid pattern was not common, and the overall

layout usually followed linear patterns along roads, clusters around activity areas such as

mines or mills, and had separate “neighbourhoods” based on ethnicity (Hardesty 1988: 14).

When a settlement started to become more permanent, in perception and actuality, it was

then that a survey grid was applied (Lawrence Cheney, 1995:243). It was common for a

town to be surveyed after settlement had already occurred. For example Melbourne, which


323

was always intended to be permanent, was settled in 1835, and in 1836 was described as

“three or four wattle-and-dab [sic] huts, a few turf huts, and about twelve or fifteen tents,

some of these being only tarpaulins put across a spar which was supported at each end by a

forked stick stuck in the ground” (Brown 1935: 80). In 1837 Hoddle’s grid plan was laid out

and the first allotments were sold, and it started to develop into a city. Other examples of

land surveyed after settlement are the Swan and Canning Rivers in Western Australia (Carter

1987: 220; Burke 2004), and in the migration and settlement corridor, Old Doodlakine was

not surveyed and gazetted until 1891, although it had been used as a stopping point since the

Hunt’s Well was built in 1865 (Water Authority of Western Australia 1991: 11; Spence

2001: 75). The act of surveying and gridding a settlement is one way to define the point at

which it changes from a temporary to a permanent one (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 237).

Temporary sites such as mining camps in California established during the gold rush of the

1850s, and settlements at Dolly’s Creek, Victoria, from the 1860s, were unplanned in terms

of internal organisation . The location of the settlements and the structures within them were

defined by access to resources, including gold, and topography (Lawrence Cheney 1995).

Houses were often built on the mining allotments (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 132) which may

have added to the transient feel to the site, as once the supply of gold dried up the allotments

were abandoned and the structural materials were moved to a new site. Other sites that have

a low level of internal organisation are mining sites such as Arltunga (Holmes 1990: 68).

A further aspect to be considered within the framework of the geographical models is the

level of urbanisation. The settlements within the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor are by definition urban, but there is not a high level of urbanisation –

they never seem to move beyond the initial stage of being places to distribute goods and

services. Therefore are they simply in the early stages of development, or are they

demonstrating a different pattern?

When a settlement is established for an itinerant population, the features built and used are

those considered important or essential, for example somewhere to obtain food, water and

shelter. The Hajj pilgrimage routes in Syria and Iraq, which have been in use throughout the

Islamic period, provide a useful comparison because, like the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

settlement corridor, they were established as a transport and migration route (Petersen 1994).

In both regions, the aim of people travelling and living along the route was to get to a

destination. Therefore settlements were intended to be occupied for a short period of time

(usually overnight). Their function was a stopping point to provide food and water, and they

had a highly transient population. There are certain features common to all of the sites along


324

the pilgrimage routes, some of which have parallels in Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement

corridor.

The first common feature is some type of water system. Both the Hajj pilgrimage route and

the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement corridor are in arid or semi-arid areas, and obtaining a

regular supply of water was the singularly most important thing. Along the Hajj pilgrimage

routes were ‘khans’, or ‘caravanserais’. These are the equivalent to coaching inns, and

provided a place to stop and get food and rest (Petersen 1994). The two types of settlements

that occur along the pilgrimage routes are informal temporary settlements, around a fixed

settlement, and more permanent settlements established for other reasons (Haiman 1992

cited in Petersen 1994). The other common features on the pilgrimage sites are mosques,

forts, palaces and cemeteries. These are related to the more permanent settlements, and can

be considered as an indicator of what features were important to the pilgrims and considered

as necessities.

In a review of dam construction camps in the western United States, Rogge et al. (1995 cited

in Van Bueren et al., 1999: 28) found they were large, central places, generally occupied for

one to six years, with populations ranging from 100 up to 3000 people. As central places

they had an impact on local supply networks and communities. Initially the sites were male-

dominated, however as time went on the number of women and children increased. This

brought changes in social behaviour and an increase in community services and amenities

that was partly influenced by “the size and longevity of each community” (Rogge et al. 1995

cited in Van Bueren et al., 1999:28). The camps also became more formal over time, with

increasingly substantial structures being built. The population was highly transient, so much

so that there were significant labour shortage problems (Rogge et al. 1995 cited in Van

Bueren et al., 1999:28). Once a settlement starts to become permanent, then not only is there

a shift in the level of organisation, but there is also a change on the structures that are built,

as they move to more substantial construction.

Structural remains

The remains of the buildings at sites are the most tangible indicators of the transience of a

site. Materials used to build structures are usually (although not always) dictated by

availability, supply and portability. During the initial stages of settlement they are restricted

to what could be carried or obtained from the local area, thus structures were usually made

of wood in areas with a plentiful supply of trees and stone in less forested areas (Hardesty

1988: 86; Holmes 1990: 17-18).


325

Other factors that influence what types of structures are built are climate, availability of time

and money, and how long the structures will be used for. If the settlers intended to be there

for a short period of time, then an easily built and transportable structure, such as a tent, will

be preferred over a more substantial one, as long as the climate is conducive to living in a

canvas tent, as it is in Western Australia. As Wilkins noted on his journey through

Queensland in the 1920s, “the Australian settler generally expects his sojourn in the country

to be temporary” and as such did not build substantial housing (Wilkins 1928: 39).

Ethnographic observations of huts built by nomadic farming tribes in Africa are directly

correlated with anticipated mobility. Grass huts, which require less investment in terms of

time and labour, are associated with all sites, regardless of their anticipated or actual

mobility, whereas more substantial structures were only found at sites where the intention

was to stay long-term (Kent and Vierich 1989: 125).

In Western societies structures are also used as an indicator of status with houses used to

indicate social standing, particularly in new colonies (Staniforth 2003: 107; Anderson and

Moore 1988: 387; Heberling 1987). The size of the house and how expensively it was

constructed are used to display one’s class or socioeconomic level. Displays of wealth are

not just restricted to houses and can be seen in the buildings on the main street of Kalgoorlie

(Hannan Street), where there are a number of large pubs built during the height of the gold

rush in the 1890s. In a town where there was little to spend one’s money on, these large pubs

were built as a conspicuous display of the owners’ wealth. There is little point investing time

and money in displays of wealth, when the building is not going to be occupied for long.

Conversely, at the White Pine mining site in Nevada, which was a boom-and-bust town in

the late 1860s, the structures were not class related. The historical records suggest that the

prospectors included both lower class single men, hoping to strike it rich, and wealthy and

middle class individuals, but the housing conditions were the same for all. Brooks suggested

that this was due to different levels of permanence and expectation, rather than class (Brooks

1995b: 205-206).

At the permanent settlement in Guildford, Burke (2004: 319, 321) recorded structures made

of wattle and daub, split slab, rammed earth, mud bat (adobe), fired brick and timber.

Timber was only used for animal accommodation and equipment storage buildings due to

the threat of bushfires and termites. The sites along the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor, in contrast, had no structural material remaining, and based on historical

accounts and photos, it is assumed that most people used tents, with some wooden

structures.


326

In another local example of Cheyne Beach, there were at least two structures, both of which

were reasonably substantial, consisting of wooden walls and a stone and clay mortar

chimney. Curiously, whale bone was also used as a structural material, but aside from this,

the structure was representative of the standard domestic cottage plan used in Western

Australia throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Gibbs 1995: 293), unlike

the sites in the migration and settlement corridor.

The structures at Arltunga, which was occupied for a little less than 30 years, were made of

stone, had timber framed doors and windows, dressed stone and mortar. The construction

ranged from rough “bush structures” to more substantial conventional buildings, yet there

was clearly a level of investment in the construction of all of them (Holmes 1990: 17).

Holmes (1990: 18) attributes the use of stone over wood at Arltunga and other sites in

Australia to material availability rather than cultural familiarity, emphasising that there is not

just one reason for the choice in materials.

The rough timber mill houses and buildings at Henry’s Mill are considered ephemeral, and

were built to provide basic shelter, and were not meant to last forever. As such, they gave a

feeling of transience (Davies 2006: 75).

Alabama Gates, which could be considered temporary, was occupied by aqueduct

construction workers and their families. Up to 150 men and their families were living there

and among the features identified were 36 structure pads, two rock alignments, a depression

containing a pipe, a looted rectangular wood-lined feature and nine other depressions (Van

Bueren et al. 1999: 4). The structure pads were mostly dwellings, ranging from

approximately 5 m x 5 m (15 feet x 15 feet) up to 5 m x 12 m (15 feet x 35 feet) and were

cleared and graded areas, with associated artefact scatters (Van Bueren et al. 1999: 4).

Wooden cabins were used for the bosses and specialized labourers, and tents were used for

the rest of the workforce. The tents were free, but rent was charged for the wooden cabins

(Psota 2002: 124). Most of the structures were tents and the more substantial structures were

an indicator of status, rather than necessarily being a reflection of transience.

Following the gold rush in San Francisco in 1849 prefabricated balloon-framed wooden

buildings and iron- or wood-framed sheet metal buildings were used. This was due to a lack

of labour and because they were cheap and easy to build, although they also had the

advantage of being easy to disassemble and moved around, as the prospectors followed new

claims (Hattori and Brigham 1990: 36). San Francisco is clearly not a transient site, however

it started as a mining town and from the historical records some areas of it were occupied


327

temporarily during the gold rush period. It is these areas that had the pre-fabricated wooden-

and iron-framed buildings (Hattori and Brigham 1990).

There are superficial differences between the architecture at the Californian sites and that at

Dolly’s Creek, which Lawrence (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 239-240) associated with climate

and availability of resources, rather than any reflection of a sense of permanence. The

structures in California were made of stone and wood, thus were more substantial than the

tents used in Victoria. However, stone and wood were readily available in California and

therefore quite cheap, and the structures did not require a huge investment in terms of time

and money to build. The Californian structures were generally one roomed, with a door,

sometimes an unglazed window and a fireplace made of mud and stone. Window glass was

usually not used as it was expensive. One alternative was a row of empty glass jars (Clapp

1949: 113 cited in Lawrence Cheney, 1995:240).

Generally, substantial remains made of stone or brick are associated with permanent sites,

and tents are indicators of a temporary settlement. Wooden structures can be associated with

either, but are more common at permanent sites. Structures made of stone are not always

indicators of permanence. For example, on sites in the Californian goldfields, stone and

wood were used rather than tents, suggesting that the sites were intended to be more

permanent. This is attributed to the climate, as the winters were cold and wet, and tents

would not have been adequate (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 255). Therefore, it is important to

remember that there are other factors that can influence the choice of building materials. One

means of distinguishing between a temporary and permanent site is by identifying the

change from the less substantial structures to more substantial ones, reflecting a change in

the way a site is perceived and the intention of settlement (Faulkner 1986).

Material culture

There are not many examples of temporary sites in the archaeological record. However from

the few that have been studied, such as mining and workers’ camps, the artefact assemblage

is generally homogenous and is characterised by metals, mainly cans and metal plates and

cookware. Although a ubiquitous artefact on historical sites, glass does not seem to dominate

the artefacts. The main factor that determines the artefact assemblage is supply, which limits

consumer choice, particularly in company towns. Where there was fresh meat available it

was preferred over canned food.

Material the types of culture used at temporary sites depended on supply, portability and

durability of items. Temporary sites are usually isolated and have limited supply lines. Many


328

were company towns, which meant that the supply of all goods was controlled by the

company (Hamilton 1996; Psota 2002; Bunbury 1997: 29). At temporary sites, items needed

to be both portable and durable, as the population was constantly on the move, limiting the

amount of belongings that people can carry (Brooks 1995b: 206).

The Mundaring Weir workers’ tent site, located at the beginning of the Goldfields Water

Supply Scheme, was occupied from 1898 by men working on construction of the weir and

their families. It is unclear for how long the site was occupied, but there is a list of 202

structures from 1903, and a photo from 1905 showing some of these (Battye Library

002812d reproduced in Burke 2003: 7 Fig. 3). The structures included a store, post office,

church, stables, and a police station. The site has been covered with at least three metres of

overburden, and has not been fully investigated. However test excavations revealed seven

ceramic sherds and no other artefacts (Burke 2003). The very limited work on this site

means that it cannot be easily directly compared to the pipeline sites, however it is worth

noting that the test excavations revealed solely ceramics. A workers’ camp for the

construction of the weir may be considered as a temporary site, although the presence of

services and amenities listed above suggest that it was more permanent.

At Guildford, a permanent site, the artefact assemblage consisted mainly of ceramics,

including complete dinner sets, and glass, plus building material and metal. Despite being

nearby and from a slightly earlier period, the assemblage from the sites in Guildford are

quite different from that recorded on the migration corridor to the Goldfields, where there

were few ceramics, and no matching, let alone complete sets, and a high number of cans.

Burke concluded that the Guilford occupants attempted to maintain British social traditions

and demonstrate their higher socioeconomic status (Burke 2004: 388).

The assemblage pattern at Cheyne Beach is also quite different from that found in the

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie settlement corridor, with the main differences being in the quantities

of faunal material and ceramics, and the complete absence of cans. The Cheyne Beach

deposit was subsurface material, therefore the lack of cans could have been due partly to

preservation as excavation of can dumps at Bullabulling and Woolgangie Condenser

demonstrated that cans do not survive in subsurface deposits. However, there also appears to

be a correlation between amount of faunal material and amount of cans, with sites usually

one or the other dominating the assemblage, as discussed in Chapter 6.

The faunal evidence at Cheyne Beach indicates a diet reliant on domestic animals, in

particular sheep. Of domestic items, there are ceramic tablewares, but relatively few

preparation and storage wares. There are some, but not many, glass alcohol bottles, which


329

could be because casks were used as bulk containers, or glass containers were recycled, or

simply may reflect temperate drinking by the occupants (Gibbs 1995: 303-304).

The decorations on the ceramics at both Cheyne Beach and within the migration and

settlement corridor are representative of the period, including transfer printed and hand

painted wares and indicate that they originated in England (Gibbs 1995: 245). There are only

four pieces with makers’ marks found at Cheyne Beach and, as the site was occupied around

50 years prior to the Goldfields, the manufacturers do differ. The exception to this is a piece

by Alfred Meakin, an early twentieth century manufacturer (Godden 2003: 426). There were

three pieces found in the study area (DBID 615, 3803, 3828). Although the pieces are

outside the study time period for both sites, and the provenience of the piece at Cheyne

Beach is dubious (Gibbs 1995: 246), it does indicate that material culture in Western

Australia was supplied from common sources.

Cheyne Beach was occupied for about 30 years, by a crew of 12-14 men, and was used by

various shore parties between 1870-1877. The chief headsman was John Thomas who

appeared to live at the site throughout the year with his family (Gibbs 1995: 290). From the

historical evidence, Cheyne Beach whaling station was not an all-male seasonally inhabited

camp and was occupied by a John Thomas and his family on a year-round basis. The

possibility of this more permanent use of the site was not specifically tested (Gibbs 1995:

291), however a comparison of the archaeological assemblage to that at the sites in

Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor, suggests that Cheyne Beach was

indeed a more permanent site, not solely inhabited by an all-male crew.

At Dolly’s Creek, two artefact categories were identified (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 257-258),

the first incorporating the basic necessities common to all mining sites, and the second

containing more elaborate items, or luxuries, that are less frequently recorded. The basic

necessities included bottle glass, ceramic dishes, cast iron pots and pans, as well as tools and

mining equipment. In the second were a mantel clock frame, pressed glass and a wallpaper

fragment (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 258). Examples of artefacts in the second category from

other sites are a billiard table at Arltunga, in Central Australia (Holmes 1983: 84) and a

piano on the Spring Creek goldfield (McGowan 1992: 48).

Lawrence has also classed Dolly’s Creek as a transient site, yet it was occupied for over 30

years, between 1857-1888, with the rush occurring between 1859-1861 (Lawrence Cheney

1995: 2, 5). She categorises it as transient because it did not attract major outside

investment, did not have a “substantial permanent settlement” (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 17).

A small number of people stayed there for short periods of time, coming and going both


330

seasonally and over a few years, as people moved between Dolly’s Creek and other rushes

and industries, depending on which was more lucrative. The settlement was characterised by

ephemeral structures and a transient population (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 17) and the

“buildings were repeatedly abandoned and re-occupied by either the same or different

individuals” (Lawrence Cheney, 1995:13).

This differs from my definition of a temporary site as Lawrence classifies transience not on

the site itself, but rather the population. In my definition both the site and the population are

transitory, and based on the archaeological evidence, I would argue that there is a difference

between the two. Under my definition Dolly’s Creek is a permanent settlement, as it was

there for longer than 10 years and although, it did function as a mining town, it also included

other services such as schools, churches and shops. Although the initial intention was to be

there temporarily, as evidenced by the coming and going of the population, the push to

provide services such as schools and churches, implies a shift to a more permanent

settlement.

Lawrence found that the small size and temporary nature of the buildings provided the most

indicative evidence of this transience, as well as the limited variety of artefacts. The

structures could be easily transported or rebuilt if required. However, decorative items and

other luxury items were present, representing an acknowledgment to standards of decency

and gentility. She argued that ceramic dishes instead of tin, and kerosene lamps instead of

candles, were still portable. Also, the community insisted on having access to services such

as schools, churches, pubs and stores (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 259) and they were provided.

Another characteristic of the sites associated with transience is the effect on the diet that

short-term requirements had. Foods needed to be quick and easy to prepare, but were limited

in variety, partly because of the problems with supply. As a result, many were imported and

common foods were baked and canned goods, such as at Alabama Gates (Van Bueren et al.

1999: 183), jams, pickles and other preserved foods, dried fruit and flat breads. Dried and

salted meats were preferred when available, such as at Arltunga (Holmes 1990: 216) and

mining sites from the mid-nineteenth century in California (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 260).

Lawrence compared Dolly’s Creek to a number of similar sites in California. These were

also mining sites, occupied during approximately the same period as Dolly’s Creek, from

around the 1850s to the 1880s. The Californian sites did not have any artefacts from her

second category, that is items that could be considered extraneous or luxurious, nor did they

have any European ceramics or items relating to women and children. They also had a large

number of cans, which were not present at Dolly’s Creek. Californian sites’ assemblages


331

suggest that they were occupied by Euro-American and Chinese men, and did not have many

women and families. Lawrence suggests that these differences are a result of local

characteristics, and that the extra luxury items in Australian sites are an expression of

gentility associated with the presence of women and children (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 260-

261; also see Quirk 2007).

Surveying the archaeological data from numerous nineteenth century gold-rush era sites in

California, Lawrence links the intention of permanence of the supply centres of San

Francisco and Sacramento with the use of the grid system and a planned layout, contrasting

with the organic layout of the diggings, which were transient. The city of San Francisco was

always intended as a permanent settlement and achieved this permanence 12 years after it

was established in 1835, through the surveying and gridding of lots. However, as Lawrence

notes, as it grew, San Francisco’s layout became less ordered and more like those of the

diggings, utilising whatever accommodation was available, including ships abandoned at

port as people headed to the goldfields (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 237-239).

Common items on the Californian goldfields and workers’ camps are tin or enamel dishes

used to eat salt pork, beans, pancakes and coffee supplemented by pickles and dried fruit,

most of which were supplied in cans (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 255). Compared to the diet on

the Victorian goldfields, the basic structure of the two diets were the same (meat, flour and a

hot drink) (Lawrence Cheney 1995: 255), but an important difference was that fresh meat

was used on the Victorian goldfields, requiring fewer canned goods. Also on the Victorian

goldfields, people used tents, cast-iron cookware, and transfer-printed earthenware. Their

limited diet consisted of mutton, which was usually fresh, damper and tea (Lawrence

Cheney 1995: 255).

Canned foods were sent from Los Angeles to the Alabama Gates Construction Camp in

California to supplement the poor diet. Most of the supplies were provided by one supplier

(Albert Cohen’s, a large store on Main Street, Los Angeles) and, although there were local

stores about an hour’s walk from the camp, the range offered and ease with which goods

could be bought from Albert Cohen’s meant that they were the preferred supplier. Thus,

although Albert Cohen’s offered a relatively wide range of supplies, the one major supplier

resulted in a relatively homogenous archaeological assemblage (Psota 2002).

Findings from other workers’ camps in the United States included the presence of relatively

expensive ceramic tablewares at a railroad logging camp in Oregon (Ross and Sekora 1995

cited in Van Bueren et al., 1991:31), and a preference for white earthenware and fresh beef


332

over tinware and canned meat products respectively, in the 1910s and 1920s at logging

camps in northern Michigan (Franzen 1992).

There does seem to be a great deal of variation of material culture at different sites, with

factors such availability and affordability having an important role. There was certainly a

preference for fresh or salted meat over canned food, as well as some non-essential items

such as ceramics and luxury goods, although they were not always available. During the

initial stages of a temporary settlement, portable and durable items are dominant, but once it

becomes more established, other goods that make life a little more pleasant and comfortable

are preferred, and obtained wherever possible.

Identifying temporary sites in the archaeological record

In order to provide a better picture of the differences between the two site categories, the

following is a discussion of the archaeological data from the study area to identify any inter-

site patterns.

The sites are characterised by short-term settlement. In the Post Office directories, few

people are listed as living at the sites at any given time. The most is 73 at Bullabulling in

1903, and the average across all of the sites in the study between 1893 and 1914 is 12.

However, there were sometimes hundreds of people stopping at the sites on their way

through, such as at Woolgangie during the water crisis (Whittington 1988: 101). Most of

these people did not stay long and the average duration of those listed is two years. In

addition to these there were those whose stay was so short that they were not listed in the

Post Office directories.

Two of the sites – Number 7 and Bullabulling – were divided into separate areas for the

purposes of this analysis. This is because there are differences in the archaeological

assemblages at the areas that would have been hidden if the sites were included as a whole.

These areas have been interpreted as being occupied at different times throughout the

occupation of the site, and therefore could potentially have different patterns of occupation.

The basis for the definition of the different areas and the interpretation of their occupation is

discussed in the Results section, in Chapter 5. Figure 7.1 shows the number of regular and

non-regular structures at each site. Along with level of preservation, these are heavily

influenced by the function of the site. For example, it would be expected that industrial sites

such Karalee or Number 7 Pump Station, will have more structural material than a single

dwelling like Coolgardie. The sites with the greatest quantities of structural material are

Bullabulling (main), Number 7 (pump station), Woolgangie town and Karalee.


333

Figure 7.1. Number of regular and non-regular structures by site

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1960s workers

main

other

north

south

all

north

pump station

Karalee Boorabbin Woolgangie town

Old Doodlakine

Bullabulling Woolgangie condenser

Coolgardie Number 7

num

ber

site

structure - regular

structure - non-regular


334

As is common on many nineteenth and early twentieth century sites, glass is the dominant

artefact type on most of the sites, with Old Doodlakine and Boorabbin having the most, and

Bullabulling (north) having the least relative amount (Figure 7.2).

Figure 7.2. Comparison of percentage glass at each site

86.3%

22.1%

30.5% 31.4%

18.6%

82.5%

42.8%

56.7%60.8%

12.9%

63.5%

58.3%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

perc

enta

ge o

f ass

embl

age

site


335

Figure 7.3 shows the comparison of ceramics. The sites with the highest relative number of

ceramics are Bullabulling (south), Old Doodlakine and Coolgardie. Bullabulling (north),

Number 7 (north) and Woolgangie Condenser have the least. The ceramics at the sites do not

vary greatly, with earthenware pieces imported from England being the most common, along

with items used on the trains (marked West Australian Government Railways).

Figure 7.3. Comparison of percentage of ceramics at each site

10.5%

5.1%

1.9% 1.9% 1.3%2.8%

0.6%

8.3%

6.2%

1.3%

11.8%

9.9%

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

12%

14%

perc

enta

ge o

f ass

embl

age

site


336

The percentage of cans is highest at the sites of Bullabulling (north) and Number 7 (north)

(Figure 7.4). Between 10-30% of the assemblage is cans at a number of sites, and two,

Boorabbin and Old Doodlakine have 0.2% and 0.02% of cans, respectively. Note that there

are few cans at Bullabulling (south), which will be discussed in further detail, below.

Figure 7.4. Comparison of percentage of cans at each site

0.02%

22.3%

15.0%10.5%

75.9%

0.2%

27.9%

20.7% 14.8%

82.4%

5.1%9.4%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

perc

enta

ge o

f ass

embl

age

site


337

There is no clear pattern in the quantities of metal other than cans across the sites (Figure

7.5), with the maximum at Karalee, and varying amounts at the other sites. Industrial sites

solely related to the acquirement of water, such as Woolgangie Condenser and Number 7

Pump Station, have more metal artefacts than other sites, and the domestic site of Old

Doodlakine has very few. However, that does not explain the much higher quantities of

metal artefacts found at Karalee which, overall, is the same type of site as Boorabbin and

Bullabulling, or Coolgardie, which is another domestic site.

Figure 7.5. Comparison of percentage of metal other than cans at each site

1.5%

46.2%

19.1% 20.2%

3.8%

14.2%

22.5%

7.1% 5.3%2.8%

15.7%13.8%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

perc

enta

ge o

f ass

embl

age

site


338

Based in the quantities of building material, the sites can be divided into two groups – those

with virtually no material [Karalee, Boorabbin, Old Doodlakine, Bullabulling (north),

Number 7 (north), Woolgangie Condenser, Coolgardie] and those with some [Bullabulling

(main) Number 7 (pump station), Woolgangie town, Bullabulling (south)] (Figure 7.6).

Although it should be noted that there is a very small percentage of building material at all

of the sites, with the maximum being 6.8% of the assemblage at Bullabulling (main).

Figure 7.6. Comparison of percentage of building materials at each site

When all of this data are put together (Figure 7.7) some patterns emerge. The sites that can

be grouped together based on similarity of types of archaeological remains are:

• Bullabulling (north), Number 7 (north) and Woolgangie Condenser;

• Boorabbin and Old Doodlakine; and

• Woolgangie town, Bullabulling (main), Bullabulling (south) and Coolgardie.

Karalee and Number 7 (pump station) are not easy to categorise because of the high amount

of other metal and insulators, respectively but, taking those two artefact categories out, they

both fit in with the third group of sites.

0.01% 0.2%

5.4%5.7%

0.1% 0.03% 0.1%

4.2%

6.8%

0.5%

3.0%

0.9%

0%

1%

2%

3%

4%

5%

6%

7%

8%

perc

enta

ge o

f ass

embl

age

site


339

Figure 7.7. Relative percentage of all artefact types at all sites

Summarising the sites with the highest and lowest numbers or percentages of each category

of artefacts (Table 7.2), two types of sites emerge. Type 1 has a predominance of cans, and a

small amount of ceramics, glass, building materials and structures (e.g. Bullabulling [north],

Number 7 [north]). Type 2, has few cans, but more ceramics, non-essential ‘luxury’ items,

building material and structures (e.g. Bullabulling [main], Woolgangie town) (Table 7.3).

These two site types form the basis for a model for identifying temporary sites in the

archaeological record, such that Type 1 are temporary sites and Type 2 are permanent sites.

Perhaps one of the most important aspects of this model is that each of the characteristics of

each type cannot be taken in isolation to identify either a temporary or permanent site.

Instead, they all must be present. Given that there can be so many influences affecting the

material culture and archaeological assemblage, it is not enough to classify a site as

temporary based on just low proportions of ceramics, or high proportions of cans. It is the

combination of all of these characteristics that makes a site temporary.

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

perc

enta

ge

siteinsulator bone

other artefacts other metal

building material glass

cans ceramic


340

Table 7.2. Sites with least and most relative amounts of artefact types

archaeological

material

sites with highest proportions sites with lowest proportions

cans Bullabulling (north), Number 7

(north)

Old Doodlakine, Boorabbin

ceramics Bullabulling (south), Old Doodlakine,

Coolgardie

Bullabulling (north), Number 7 (north),


glass Boorabbin, Old Doodlakine Bullabulling (north), Number 7 (north)

building

materials

Bullabulling (main) Number 7 (pump

station), Woolgangie town,

Bullabulling (south)

Karalee, Boorabbin, Old Doodlakine,

Bullabulling (north), Number 7 (north),

Woolgangie Condenser, Coolgardie

other metal Karalee Old Doodlakine, Bullabulling (north)

structures Bullabulling (main), Number 7

(pump station), Woolgangie town,

Karalee

Coolgardie, Bullabulling (all but main)

Table 7.3. Model for characterising type sites at short-term workers’ camps

data source type 1: temporary type 2: permanent

cans many few

ceramics few many

non-essential items little/none present

building material few many

structural little/none present

example sites Bullabulling (north),

Number 7 (north)

Bullabulling (main),

Woolgangie town

From a review of archaeological studies of workers’ camps and specific-use sites in

Australia and the United States, and the sites within the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration

and settlement corridor, two distinct archaeological signatures have emerged. The first (type

1, Table 7.3) is ephemeral, and is characterised by few structures, fewer ceramics than other

artefacts, the presence of non-essential or luxury items, and a higher proportion of practical,

highly transportable goods such as cans and metal items for cooking. The second type (type

2, Table 7.3) is more permanent and contains more structures, a greater percentage of

ceramics, and a lower proportion of practical and transportable items. The second category

also features a greater proportion of infrastructure at the sites, such as stores, churches and

schools, which are not represented at all within the first.

As mentioned previously, there may be a common factor between sites that have evidence of

re-use of artefacts such as Henry’s Mill, Arltunga, Alabama Gates and Nettle timber mill

and all of the sites in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor. It is


341

tempting to think that temporary sites in their early stages of settlement will have a greater

incidence of re-use of materials, tying in with ideas of economy and thrift. When people

have access to a limited of range of goods they are forced to adapt and re-use whatever

materials they had. However, this may be an oversimplification, and simply because studies

do not mention any evidence of re-use, such as Dolly’s Creek, Cheyne Beach and Paradise,

does not mean that they had no evidence for them. Further work needs to be done in order to

determine whether there is a greater incidence of re-use of materials at temporary sites.

Note that the two categories of temporary and permanent apply to very specific sites such as

workers’ camps and industrial-type sites for example, mining sites, railway stations or pump

stations that were established for a particular reason. Sites occupied seasonally are classed as

temporary, as they are not occupied for long enough periods of time for the characteristics of

permanency to develop. Thus, although they may be occupied intermittently over a number

of years, they would appear to be temporary in the archaeological record.

Over time, a site can evolve from temporary to permanent, as settlement becomes more

established. The characterisation of these two site categories leads to a number of questions.

First, what are the causes of these archaeological signatures? Are they just the result of a

settlement becoming more established over time, is it because of the influence of change in

demographics, or are there other reasons? Do all sites start as the first type, then evolve into

the second, or do some start as the second type? If so, can this be seen in the archaeological

record?

I have labelled the two site types as temporary and permanent, as that is how they first

appear. However, this perhaps is not a true reflection of what is happening at the sites. A

survey of findings at other short-term workers’ camps, discussed above, shows that the two

site types can be identified but the differences between them are not necessarily associated

with transience and permanency. Examples of sites that are classed as short-term, yet display

a more permanent archaeological signature are the sites at Dolly’s Creek (Lawrence Cheney

1995) and some of the dam construction camps in the western United States reviewed by

Rogge et al. (1995).

Dolly’s Creek is defined as temporary based on the highly transient population (Lawrence

Cheney 1995: 20) although according to my model of temporary and permanent sites, it

appears to be permanent. It was a mining town for around 30 years, from 1857 until 1888

(Lawrence Cheney 1995: 2), so was occupied for a relatively long period of time. It fulfils

two the other three criteria of the definition of temporary sites. That is, it was there to serve a

specific purpose, that of a mining town (function), and the population was highly transient. It


342

is unclear whether the initial gold rush settlers intended on being there for very long, or

whether they had a more permanent settlement in mind. If we accept that the sites were

temporary, then there needs to be another explanation as to why Dolly’s Creek is different in

so many aspects to the sites in this study.

Sites considered permanent, which have infrastructure and services, had a greater presence

of women and children. As discussed in Chapter 3, the presence of families (women and

children) in the archaeological record is usually identified from historical sources and type

artefacts, such as the presence of gender-specific artefacts and toys. However, the review of

other late nineteenth and early twentieth century short-term workers’ camps above and the

assemblage at the sites in Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor suggest

that it may be possible to identify the presence of families from other patterns in the

archaeological record. As the women and children arrive, so do the services and

infrastructure, resulting in an altered archaeological signature, and the appearance of a more

permanent site.

It has been noted that the presence of women at settlements have resulted in the development

of greater infrastructure, and the building of institutions such as churches and schools

(McGaw 1989). This has been seen archaeologically both in the United States (Hardesty

1994: 140; 1988: 16) and Australia (Lawrence 1998: 50; McGowan 1996: 231), where the

presence of such structures have been associated with the efforts of women within the

community. The historical literature suggests the sites within the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie

migration and settlement corridor were predominantly occupied by single, white men. There

is nothing in the artefact assemblages to contradict this and artefacts that are commonly used

to identify the presence of women such as women’s clothing and jewellery are not present.

What is not clear is whether amenities, such as churches and schools, are built first, in order

to attract more families to an area, or whether they are built as a response to the needs of the

existing community. As most of the sites in the study were short-term workers’ camps, and

did not become permanent towns, it is difficult to determine from this study. However, those

sites that did have the characteristics of permanence, such as Old Doodlakine and

Bullabulling, did not have a church or a school, suggesting that the population was required

first before the amenities. The building of such infrastructure requires organisation and

planning. Although it would vary from site to site, in the example of the study area, there

was no obvious push to bring families to the area, instead the focus was on providing

essential services such as transport and water for those already there.


343

Rather than my model only presenting a way to distinguish between temporary and

permanent sites, it can also be used to determine the presence of families in the

archaeological record. Once women and children are present at a settlement, there is a need

for pieces of infrastructure that fulfil a social need, including churches, schools and

hospitals. The presence of families promotes the building of these institutions and in turn,

the settlement becomes less ephemeral and more permanent. The distinction between

temporary and permanent sites still stands, but the model can also potentially provide more

without relying on the presence of women- and children-specific artefacts, as has been

traditionally used. It needs to be tested further, but this idea moves the model beyond a

simple dichotomy of temporary versus permanent.

This transient population and the kinds of site uses such as short-term workers’ camps,

resulted in an archaeological signature that can potentially be used to identify other short-

term workers’ camps. They are characterised by a combination of a high number of cans,

few ceramics, non-essential items and structural material.

Conclusion

In Chapter 6 I looked at the effects of the global influences of colonisation, colonialism and

the frontier, and local influences of access and supply and socio-economic status o the

people living at the sites, on the archaeological record. Following on from this, in this

chapter I have examined temporary and permanent sites and how the archaeological record

is also affected by mobility, how long people intended to stay, and the goods they carried

with them as a consequence. From this I presented a model of how temporary and permanent

sites can be identified in the archaeological record and proposed the idea that the presence of

women and children can be identified at sites using more than type-artefacts, which are

usually relied upon. The final chapter presents a discussion of the results in relation to the

thesis questions and outlines the conclusions of the thesis.

Chapter 8 Life in the Transport Corridor

344


This thesis is the study of late nineteenth and early twentieth century settlement sites along

the transport corridor between Mundaring and Kalgoorlie. Through examining the

archaeological and historical data, I have attempted to create a picture of these settlements

during this period. Returning to the thesis questions:

• How do sites along the corridor from Mundaring to Kalgoorlie compare in the

archaeological record? and,

• What was life like at the settlements?

This chapter presents answers to these questions following on from the previous chapters.

Addressing the first question, how do the sites compare, that is, what the similarities and

differences in the archaeological record are and why, the results demonstrated that overall

the archaeological material at the sites was homogenous. The same items were being used at

all of the sites along the corridor. However, as well as the overall homogeneity, there were

also subtle differences, such that some sites had the appearance of a greater sense of

permanence, while others appeared to be occupied temporarily.

Some sites, such as Bullabulling and Number 7 Pump Station, could be separated into areas

which were occupied during different periods and for different purposes, resulting in

different archaeological signatures within the site. However, the archaeological signature for

the sites as a whole masks these subtle differences between the different areas.

Despite the overall homogeneity, there were some differences between the sites. First,

looking at where the sites were settled, not surprisingly, they were located next to water

supplies. The exceptions to this were Number 7 Pump Station, which of course had its own

supply, and Coolgardie Paddock. This was most likely a settlement for a single family and

unlike the other sites in the study, was not a stopping point for the journey to the goldfields.

Therefore, although water was obviously important, a large supply was not needed for

passers-by or trains.

Within each settlement, the location of the activity areas were determined by a number of

factors. The first one was the location of a pre-existing soak or well, such as at Bullabulling

and Doodlakine. Apart from Bullabulling, the settlements were on the eastern sides of the

adjacent granite domes. This may have been due to a number of reasons – perhaps the


345

granite provided some shelter form the weather, it may have been related to the topography

and the slope of the rock was more favourable on the eastern side, or that may have been

where subsurface water was located.

All of the sites were primarily established as stopping points along the route between

Mundaring and Kalgoorlie. The sites had different functions, such as railway stations,

telegraph stations, pump stations or supply points, but ultimately they were there as a rest

stop and to provide supplies between two places. These functions consequently affected

further development of the sites. They did not develop into established towns, with the

associated amenities and infrastructure, rather they only had what was necessary – for

example a railway platform, associated buildings and houses for the workers.

The natural resources used at each site were limited to water and wood. The sites were

located next to a water supply, with the exception of Number 7 Pump Station, which had its

own. Vegetation at each site was cleared to make way for the settlement, and possibly as a

wood supply. All of the sites, apart from Woolgangie Condenser, still have clearings in areas

of occupation.

There is a correlation between the clearings and the duration that those areas were occupied.

The permanent occupation areas of the sites remain cleared and the woodland in the

temporary areas has grown back. This would be related to both the length and type of

occupation. A longer duration would result in less opportunity for the woodland to return,

but also the impact on the environment would be greater, with bigger, more substantial

structures being built in the permanent areas, requiring more land to be cleared.

Aside from the water and wood, other local resources, particularly food, appeared not to be

utilised. There is some evidence for hunting through the use of guns, but none of the

cartridges could be clearly associated with the study period and could be from later periods

of occupation. In addition, the lack of faunal material and the predominance of cans suggests

that there was a heavy, if not sole, reliance of canned food at all of the sites.

Prior to the discovery of gold at Coolgardie in 1892, there were virtually no Europeans east

of Southern Cross. Then, following the gold rush, various pieces of infrastructure were soon

built, including the railway line, completed in 1897, five years after the first discovery of

gold. Completion of the railway line would have resulted in a change in the material culture

available on the Goldfields, such that heavier goods, which are not so easily transported on

foot, and goods in bulk, such as canned food, would have then been more readily available.

This availability and supply of goods would have affected the archaeological record, with a

different range and greater number of goods being available after the railway line was built.


346

As there was such a short time between the first Europeans and the building of the railway

line, pre- and post-railway settlement cannot be distinguished in the archaeological record.

Therefore it is assumed that most of the material culture follows the arrival of the railway

line.

Within the settlements, the spread of archaeological material decreased over time. This was

because following an initial influx, the population generally decreased over time and the

spread of settlement contracted, for example at Bullabulling. The sites that did not show this

pattern were either occupied for a very short period of time (Old Doodlakine) and/or were

used for a single function during their occupation (Woolgangie Condenser, Coolgardie

Paddock). Therefore, as the function of a site changed over time, such as from stopping

point to railway station, so did the pattern of settlement.

All of the sites had material commonly found on nineteenth and early twentieth century

sites, such as bottle glass, cans, ceramics, industrial metal and clay pipes. The relative

amounts of these items perhaps give an indication of how the site, or area, was used, by

comparing them with other sites from a similar time period and function.

The second thesis question asked what life was like at the settlements. The aim of this

question was to establish the basic parameters of how the people lived, including how they

were housed, what their diet consisted of and what material culture they used. Again, the

best way to describe what life was like at the settlements is transitory. Any remains of

buildings in the archaeological record are from later periods, usually around the 1950s and

1960s. Prior to that, the buildings were insubstantial and ephemeral. Based on historical

records, they were mostly tents or wooden structures. There are no foundations for these

structures, and the only possible evidence for them tents are lines of stones which were

possibly a tent base, at Bullabulling, and some copper grommets. There were some more

substantial houses built prior to the 1950s, including one structure at Bullabulling which has

since been removed.

The archaeological evidence suggests that people’s diet consisted mainly of canned food.

There was very little, if any, fresh meat, and no evidence for gardens or hunting of native

animals. Although in some ways a lack of fresh meat and vegetables could be considered

limited, there was a wide range of canned foods, and sauces and condiments were available,

presumably in an attempt to supply some flavour. Beverages consisted of alcohol, mainly

beer, and soda water, which is more than at other sites.

The daily material culture consisted of few ‘luxuries’. The dominant item was tobacco,

although this was through the presence of tobacco cans, rather than clay pipes or other


347

evidence of smoking. Ceramics were not common, especially during the early period of

settlement. They became more of a feature after the 1920s, particularly at Bullabulling. They

were few very other artefacts of a personal nature, with the assemblage dominated by those

that are deemed essential, such as items related to food and beverages and industrial needs.

In summary, life consisted of the essentials. Although items could be supplied by the railway

line, such as canned food, they were restricted to what was necessary, and in some ways,

what could be carried. It was not until families started to live at the settlements, that other,

less essential items start to feature in the archaeological record.

One of the original aims of this thesis was to study the different groups living and working

within the migration corridor, and whether they could be identified. It was soon established

that the different groups could not be determined within the archaeological record and the

aims were adjusted accordingly. The similarity between the sites and the homogeneity in the

material culture meant that no differences in terms of ethnicity and social class could be

determined. It was also initially thought that aside from a few artefacts, the presence of

women and children could not be established based on traditional markers of identity.

However there was other evidence in the form of social amenities that indicated the presence

of families.

There are two points raised by the above observations. First, the historical record implies

that the population along the migration corridor, and in the Goldfields, was predominantly

white, single men. There is little evidence both before and after European settlement for

much Aboriginal presence in the region, and legislation such as the Goldfields Act suggested

that there would be few Asian miners, which was also seen in the archaeological record. The

exception to this is the Afghan population, the camp for which at Coolgardie, despite

historical evidence and numerous attempts, unfortunately could not be found. Therefore,

aside from the Afghans, the archaeological record supports the historical evidence. Although

this is not to suggest that there were no Afghans present, rather it is highly likely that the

ethnic population was greater than is implied in the historic records but cannot be seen in the


The second point to come out relates to the presence of women and children. Again,

returning to the historical records, they were certainly known to be present, with women

working as nurses, particularly at Woolgangie town, and prostitutes, both European and

Asian, working in Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie. Yet the traditional markers could not be seen

in the archaeological record, such that there was not even any evidence for the hospital

known to be at Woolgangie town.


348

However, when exploring the ideas of temporary and permanent sites, how each could be

seen in the archaeological record and what were the reasons behind these changes, it became

apparent that there was more to it than duration and intention of occupation. Sites elsewhere,

such as Dolly’s Creek on the Victorian goldfields and workers’ camps in California, showed

evidence for what could considered ‘permanence’ even though they had been occupied for a

short period of time or for a specific purpose. The factor that these sites did have in common

was the presence of women and children. There appeared to be a correlation between the

presence of families, and the establishment or amenities and infrastructure, which gave a site

an appearance of permanency. Therefore, in the absence of established markers, it may be

possible to determine the presence of families in the archaeological record based on the

overall archaeological signature, and the presence of certain luxuries and services that

perhaps single men do not feel are necessary.

In summary, the similarities between sites are that they were normally located near a water

supply, unless they had their own; the main area of occupation was cleared, and remains so,

with other areas not as heavily or continuously occupied becoming covered in woodland

once again; they have the same supply lines, resulting in the same material culture at each

site; the goods came from outside sources, and the local resources were not utilised; and the

population appears to be demographically the same, with no distinctive markers of

individual groups being apparent.

There is not as much surface archaeological material at Old Doodlakine as the other sites.

This is due to two reasons, firstly, in the Wheatbelt, Old Doodlakine gets a higher amount of

rainfall than the sites in the Goldfields resulting in different vegetation. There is a clear

change in the vegetation east and west of Southern Cross, such that on the western side, the

area is agricultural, with intensive use of the land for growing crops and a dominance of

grasses. To the east is the semi-arid area of the Goldfields, dominated by open woodland and

a sandy surface.

The second reason is because of the way the site has been used. Unlike the other sites in the

study, Old Doodlakine was intended to be a permanent town site, providing all of the

necessary amenities. Clearly this did not happen, with the site relocated just five years later,

although this original intention would have informed what goods and buildings were

considered necessary. Following the abandonment of the town, the site was used first as a

golf course, then as a farm, something that did not happen to any of the other sites. At those

the post-settlement occupation consisted mainly of day visitors, and more recently campers,

which would have had a much lesser impact on the sites and the archaeological record.


349

This study was limited by the majority of the sites being in the Goldfields, resulting in a bias

towards sites in the eastern end of the migration corridor, which were all in the same

environmental conditions. In order to get a true picture of life along the migration corridor, it

would have been good to have a greater inclusion of sites in the western end. Unfortunately

due to later continued use of sites, site preservation and access, it was not possible to include

more sites from the western end.

The study provided an opportunity to study late nineteenth and early twentieth century

material culture, a time period that up until recently has been neglected in archaeological

research (Marsden 1993). In the last twenty years there has been an acknowledgment that the

twentieth century is important in archaeological research and steps have been made towards

characterising it (e.g. Stratton and Trinder 2000; Davies 2006; Buchli and Lucas 2001).

However, despite this acknowledgment, the material culture of the late nineteenth and early

twentieth century in Australia, and particularly Western Australia has yet to be characterised.

This study, along with others (e.g. Davies 2006; Grimwade 1998; Allison 1998; Holmes

1990), can be used to create comprehensive guides to material culture for the twentieth

century, along the lines of Brooks’ (2005) An Archaeological Guide to British Ceramics in

Australia, 1788-1901 and Boow’s (1991) Early Australian Commercial Glass:

Manufacturing Processes. In the process, by characterising twentieth century material

culture, it will help to gain a greater understanding of what types of goods people used and

how. In 1995 Gibbs highlighted the need for more historical and material culture studies in

both Australia and Western Australia in order to be able to conduct inter-site comparisons

(Gibbs 1995: 333-334). In the intervening period the situation has not greatly improved in

Western Australia, although recent and forthcoming research is making some headway into

characterising the material culture in Western Australia following European settlement

(especially Fleming forthcoming; also, Souter 2007).

This thesis has provided a regional analysis of late nineteenth and twentieth century

settlement sites along the migration corridor between Perth and Kalgoorlie during the gold

rush. It is one of the few historical archaeological studies conducted in Western Australia,

and has provided an opportunity to learn about life outside of the Goldfields during this

period. The water pipeline between Mundaring and Kalgoorlie has provided the

geographical basis for the study as the searches for both water and gold informed the way

the settlements were formed. As well as contributing to the database of late nineteenth and

early twentieth century material culture, through using the case studies of some stopping

camps en route to the Goldfields, characteristics of nineteenth and twentieth century

workers’ camps have been explored, resulting in the proposal of a model outlining two


350

different types of camps. Initially distinguished as temporary and permanent settlements, it

was revealed that the differences between the two were more subtle than that, and the

presence of families at the camps resulted in a more ‘permanent’ archaeological signature.

This was initially a study of the different groups that lived and worked along the migration

corridor, and although the different ethnic groups could not be identified in the

archaeological record, other groups were in way that was unexpected. There is the

opportunity to expand on this idea and determine whether determining gender and the

presence of families in the archaeological record can go beyond simply identifying marker

artefacts.

The discovery of gold in Coolgardie in 1892 and subsequent gold rush brought a large

amount of people from Australia and the world to the region, contributing to the character of

Western Australia and its people in the period around Federation. The Goldfields Water

Supply Scheme, built as a response to the lack of water in the region, is one of the great

engineering feats of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and an integral part of Western

Australia’s and Australia’s history. This study has examined the archaeology of this

important region, and the settlements that grew as a result of migration to the Goldfields, and

has sought to gain an insight into the lives of the people that lived there.

351

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Western Australian Government Railways Commission (WAGR) 1897 Railway Map of Western

Australia. Perth, WA: Government Printer. Western Australian Government Railways Commission (WAGR) 1981 Westrail: a Concise History.

WA: W.C. Brown Government Printer.

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White, Richard 1981 Inventing Australia: Images and Identity 1688-1980. Sydney, NSW: George

Allen & Unwin. Whittington, Vera 1988 Gold and Typhoid: a Tale of Two Fevers. Nedlands, WA: University of

Western Australia Press. Wilkins, George H. 1928 Undiscovered Australia. London: E. Benn. Willis, Brian 1992 From Indispensability to Redundancy: The Afghans in Western Australia 1887-

1911. Papers in Labour History 9:39-61. Wilson, Andrew 1988 The failed colonial squire: Sir John Jamison at Regentville. In J. Birmingham,

A. Wilson and D. Bairstow (eds), Archaeology and Colonisation: Australia in the World Context. Sydney, NSW: Australian Society for Historical Archaeology:123-138.

Winer, Margot and James Deetz 1991 The transformation of British culture in the Eastern Cape,

1820-1860. Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 73/74:41-61. Wyman, Walker D. and Clifton B. Kroeber (eds) 1957 The Frontier in Perspective. Madison:

University of Wisconsin Press. Young, Linda 1998 The material construction of gentility: a context for understanding the role of

women in early nineteenth-century sites. In M. Casey, D. Donlon, J. Hope and S. Wellfare (eds), Redefining Archaeology: Feminist Perspectives. Research Papers in Archaeology and Natural History. Canberra: ANH Publishing, Australian National University Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies:134-137.

373

Personal Communications

Jeff Austin, Research Officer, Australian Railway Historical Society (WA Div), 2004, email

Cadbury Consumer Relations (Charlie), 2004, email

Martin Carney, 2008, email

Kelly Fleming, 2006, conversation

Ian Keally, Western Australian Department of Environment and Conservation, 2005,

telephone conversation

Owen Kinsey, former resident Boorabbin railway station, 2005, interview

Rev. Peter Harrison, owner Koora retreat, 2005, interview

Laurie Minozzi, owner Bullabulling roadhouse, 2005, interview

W.F. (Tex) Moore, Consultant Heritage and Culture, Shire of Coolgardie and West

Australian Museum, 2004, email and interview

Gaye Nayton, 2009, email

Rick Newman, neighbour Doodlakine, 2005, interview

Dr Brian Pollard, visitor to Karalee, 2005, interview

A/Prof. Andrew Rate, Centre for Land Rehabilitation, School of Earth and Environment,

University of Western Australia, 2009, email

Michael Smirk, Senior Research Officer, School of Earth and Environment, University of

Western Australia, 2006, conversation

Frances Tree, Coolgardie resident, 2005, telephone conversation

John Walsh, neighbour Doodlakine, 2005, interview

Appendix A Sites Visited and Site Types

374

Appendix A Sites Visited and Site

Types

Following is a list of all sites, from west to east, identified in the study region throughout

different stages of the project. The archaeological potential for each site is given and the

sites chosen for the final study are highlighted. The dates of occupation given relate to the

listed site use only. For example, Jureen Mission was occupied by Aboriginal people before

European settlement, but the dates listed are for the duration of the mission itself. The

archaeological potential, given as low, moderate high or unknown, refers to the study period

of 1830s-1914, and is not applicable to occupation outside this period.

Table A.1. Sites and site types

site name site use(s) approximate

date range

archaeological

potential

Mundaring railway station 1894-1971 low

No. 1 Pump Station,

Mundaring

pump station 1898-present low

Mundaring Weir tent city camp 1898-1900s moderate

Portagabra railway station 1894-1971 low

No. 2 Pump Station,

Mundaring

pump station 1898-c.1970s high

Sawyer's Valley railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Lion Mill railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Chidlow's Well railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Byfield's Hill railway station 1894-1971 unknown

The Lakes police station post-European moderate

Beechina Trailhead unidentified post-European unknown

Wooroloo Reserve railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Werribee railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Coates railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Baker's Hill railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Clackline Junction railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Mokine railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Spencers Brook Junction railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Spring Hill Siding railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Barlong Pool railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Poole Street Bridge bridge post-European low


375


date range

archaeological

potential

Northam town; railway station pre-European low

East Northam railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Seabrook railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Southern Brook/Northam Aboriginal site pre-European low

Southern Brook Aboriginal site pre-European low

Grass Valley railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Meenar railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Meckering town; railway station 1895-present low

Waeel railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Cunderdin Aboriginal site pre-European low

Chinaman’s Tunnels water catchment post-European moderate

No. 3 Pump Station,

Cunderdin

pump station 1898-present low

Cunderdin railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Youndegin police station post-European moderate

Youndegin Well Hunt’s Well 1865-present low

Lake Brown Aboriginal site pre-European low

Wyola railway station 1894-1971 high

Tammin Hunt’s Well; railway station 1865 low

Tammin dam dam post-European low

Bungulla railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Kellerberrin town; railway station c.1895-present low

Shark Mouth Aboriginal site pre-European low

Jureen (Djurian) Mission mission 1933-mid 1960s high

Naraline Well Hunt’s Well 1865-present low

Woolundra railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Marronobbing Spring Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Old Doodlakine Hunt’s Well; town (1865) 1891-1895 high

Doodlakine railway station 1894-1971 low

Baandee railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Baandee Lakes settlement c.1930s low

Hine's Hill railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Nangeeren railway station 1894-1971 unknown

No. 4 Pump Station,

Merredin

pump station 1898-present high

Merredin town; railway station 1894-present low

Merredin Peak Military

Hospital

hospital c. WWII low

Metchering Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Totadgin Rock Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Booraan railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Burracoppin Hunt's Well; town; railway station 1865 low

Walgoolan railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Carrabin railway station 1894-1971 unknown


376


date range

archaeological

potential

Edna May Mine, Westonia mine 1910-present unknown

No. 5 Pump Station,

Yerbillon


Yerbillon railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Burrancopping Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Koorkadine Well Hunt’s Well 1865 high

Bodallin Hunt's Well; town; railway station 1865 low

Noongaar railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Nulla Nulling railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Parker's Road railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Doongin railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Golden Pig railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Keocanie Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Moorine Rocks Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Kodjerning Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Southern Cross railhead; railway station; town 1894-1971 low

Koorkordine Soak Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Weowanie Tank Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Karolling Dam Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Quardagin Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

No. 6 Pump Station,

Ghooli


Ghooli railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Bronti railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Reen's Soak condenser; water tank 1892 (?) - ? unknown

Yellowdine railhead; railway station; dam 1894-1971 unknown

Kollandi railway station 1894-1971 high

Karalee dam; water catchment; railway

station

1892-c.1971 high

No. 7 Pump Station, Gilgai pump station; railway station 1895-c.1950s high

Koorarawalyee water catchment; railhead;

railway station

1892-present high

Warri railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Duri railway station 1894-1971 unknown

condenser (name

unknown)

condenser post-European high

Boorabbin water catchment; railhead;

railway station

1892-c.1894

(1971)

high

Boondi camp/stopping point; railway

station

1895-1971 high

Granite Hill Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Warngangering Dam Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Woolgangie condenser condenser c.1892-c.1903 high


377


date range

archaeological

potential

Woolgangie railhead; railway station; water

catchment; telegraph station;

town

1892-c.1970 high

Telegraph line, Dedari telegraph line; railway station 1894-? low

No. 8 Pump Station,

Dedari

pump station 1898-present high

Goondari railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Bullabulling water catchment; reservoir;

railway station; town

1892-present high

Ubini railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Calooli railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Yerdanie Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Gnarlbine Rock and Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Horse Rocks Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Slate Well Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Stony Hill Tanks Hunt’s Well 1865 low

White Peaks Tank (Saddle

Hills)

Hunt’s Well 1865 low

Coolgardie house 2 dwelling c.1950s low

Coolgardie house 1 dwelling c.1950s low

Coolgardie town 1892-present high

Coolgardie possible location of Afghan camp c.1890s low

Coolgardie Paddock dwelling c.1892-? high

Finnerty’s gnamma gnamma c.1892-present low

Mungari railway station; town 1894-1971 unknown

Kurrawang logging camp; railway station 1899-1937 high

Jack Carins’ camp camp c.1940-1971 low

Hannan's Lake railway station 1894-1971 unknown

Kalgoorlie town; railway station 1892-present low

Mt Charlotte reservoir reservoir 1903-present high

Appendix B Object Record Codes

378

Appendix B Object Record Codes GLASS

MATERIAL Dark olive………………..……...………..OL-D Olive……………..………………...…..……OL Tinted…………………..….……..….……TINT Amethyst……….........................................AMT Colourless……...........………..……….…..COL Amber………..…………..…………….....AMB Emerald……..…..………………………...EMR Blue……………………………………….....BL FORM/TYPE Bottle base……..…….....………………BOT-B Bottle lip………..……………………....BOT-L Bottle whole…………………………....BOT-W Bottle fract…………………..………….…BOT Battery base.……….…...………………BAT-B Battery lip……...……………………….BAT-L Battery fract…………………………..…...BAT Bowl large……………………………BOWL-L Bowl small……………..…………..…BOWL-S Stemmed glass…………..………….…..GLASS Tumbler………………………………....TUMB Window glass………………….......…….WIND Plate glass……………………………..…...PLA Flat glass……………………………........FLAT TECHNOLOGY Finishes: Single collar – hand finish……...COLLAR-S-H Single collar – tool finish….........COLLAR-S-T Double collar – hand finish…….COLLAR-D-H Double collar – tool finish...........COLLAR-D-T Ring Seal – hand finish…………….…RING-H Ring seal – tool finish…………………RING-T Ring seal – machine finish……..……..RING-M Perry-Davis finish…………………………...PD Crown seal – tool finish…………....CROWN-T Crown seal – machine finish………CROWN-M Blob finish……………………….............BLOB Codd seal………………………………..CODD Codd variant…………………….........CODD-V Lamont seal.…………………....................LAM Gledhill seal.…………………….............GLED Lightening seal………………………….LIGHT External screw……………………....SCREW-E External screw – wide mouth…….SCREW-EW Internal screw……………………..…SCREW-I Barrett stopper……………………...BARRETT Riley stopper……………………………RILEY Flared lip………………………………FLARE Prescription lip…………………………PRESC Unfinished lip………………………..…UNFIN Other…...……………………..…describe/draw

Bases: Conical push-up…………..………………CON Dome push-up……………………………DOM Moulded flat……………….…………M-FLAT Ricketts mould……….…….…………M-RICK Stippling…………………………………..STIP Other…..……………………...…describe/draw Whole bottles: Full length two piece mould….……M-FULL-2 Shoulder length two piece mould…...M-SHO-2 Two piece mould with separate base..M-BAS-2 3 piece mould………………………...……M-3 Moulded (unidentified)……………….MOULD Torpedo…………………………….……TORP Maugham…………..………………...MAUGH Square gin……...………………………….GIN Vinegar…………………………………….VIN Other…..…………………...……describe/draw Body fracts: Polygonal……………………..…………POLY Ribbed embossing……………………........RIB Twisted embossing……………….…….TWIST Dot embossing………………..……..……DOT Crosses embossing……………………..CROSS Diamond embossing……………………….DIA Other…...…………………...…...describe/draw For non-bottle vessels: Cut glass…………………………….…….CUT Pressed glass…………………………....PRESS Moulded…………………………........MOULD Other….…………………...…….describe/draw BLANK Cross-section: Round………...………………………………R Square………………………………..……..SQ Square chamfered………………………...SQ-C Square panelled…………………………..SQ-P Square diamond……………….………DIA-SQ Rectangular……………………………...RECT Rectangular chamfered……………….RECT-C Rectangular rounded………………….RECT-R Rectangular panelled…...........………..RECT-P Flared rectangular………….………..FLA-REC Oval……………………………………..OVAL Triangular………………………………….TRI Triangular-chamfered………………...…TRI-C Hexagonal……………………………...…HEX Octagonal…………………………………OCT Polygonal………………………………..POLY Other…..……………………...…describe/draw Branded bottle codes: AGM interlinked……………...…..AGM-LINK


379

AGM plain spaced..............................AGM-PLS AGM plain together……………...…AGM-PLT AGM superimposed………………...AGM-SUP Perth & Fremantle Bottle Co.……………PFBC Kalgoorlie Bottle Co.………………...……KAL Western Australian Bottle Manufacturers…. WABM Lea & Perrins…………………………...…LEA Holbrooks………………………………..HOLB Other…...……………………..…describe/draw MODIFICATION Retouch………………………...………….RET Use wear…………………………….…..…USE Burnt…...………………………………….FIRE Other…..……………………...…describe/draw DIMENSION Enter diameter of non-standard (60-70mm) round bottles Enter W and D of non-round bottles NUMBER Enter number of examples

CERAMICS MATERIAL Porcelain…………………….……………....PC Oriental porcelain……………….…………OPC Fine earthenware………………….……....FEW Red earthenware……………..……….…..REW Coarse stoneware…………………………CSW Fine stoneware………………………........FSW Vitreous stoneware….................................VSW Pipe clay (originally classed as kaolin)…...KAO FORM/TYPE Plate large………………..………..…PLATE-L Plate small………...………………….PLATE-S Plate (unidentified)..……………………PLATE Saucer…………………………….…..SAUCER Cup large…………………………..……CUP-L Cup small…………………………..……CUP-S Bowl large…...…………………….....BOWL-L Battery fract………………………….……BAT Bowl large……………………..…..…BOWL-L Bowl small………………...……….…BOWL-S Ewer…………..…………………….…...EWER Chamber pot……………………….……POT-C Jar large……………………...……..……JAR-L Jar small (neck)……………...………..…JAR-S Pot large…………………………………POT-L Pot small (no neck)……………………...POT-S Rice bowl…………………………………RICE Barrel jar…………………………..…BARREL Pipe………………………………….…….PIPE Pipe bowl………………………………PIPE-B Pipe stem………………….……………PIPE-S Unidentified flat…………………………FLAT

Unidentified curved…………………...CURVE Other…...……………………..………describe Insulators Metal capped Bell, single skirt………....CAP-S Metal capped Bell, double skirt…..........CAP-D Metal covered Bell………………………..COV Bell shaped, single skirt……………….BELL-S Bell shaped, double skirt…..……….....BELL-D Peg shaped……………………………...…PEG Other…...………………………...……describe TECHNOLOGY Glazed............................................................GL Salt glazed…..................................................SG Underglaze decoration……………………...UG Overglaze decoration…………………….…OG BLANK: DECORATION Colour……...…………………………write out Undecorated…..……………………….UNDEC Sponged…………..................................SPONG Banded………………………………BANDED Shell edged…………….……..….SHELL-EDG Hand painted………………………………..HP Unidentified transfer printed………………..TP Willow pattern………………………WILLOW Asiatic pheasants pattern……….………AS-PH Flow blue……………………….………FLOW Sprig pattern…………………….………SPRIG Blue Bamboo……………………….BAMBOO Celadon…………………………..….…….CEL Gilt……………………………….……....GILT Maroon & blue banding (West Australian Govt Railways)………………………………WAGR Other…...…………………………...…describe Known Pipe Brands: Davidson, Glasgow……………………DAVID McDougall, Glasgow……………. ...McDOUG White, Glasgow…………………..……WHITE Other…...…………………………...…describe MODIFICATION Retouch……………………………..….….RET Use wear………………………………..…USE Burnt…………………………………...…FIRE Other….……………………………….describe DIMENSION Normally no entry NUMBER Enter number of examples and Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) in brackets


380

BUTTONS MATERIAL(S) Ferrous metal……….……………………......FE Copper alloy………………………….…..…CU Glass……………………............................GLA Bone…………………………..………....BONE Shell…………….……………….……...SHELL Synthetic material…………...................SYNTH FORM/TYPE Sinkie 4 holes…..………………………SINK-4 Sinkie 2 holes…..………………………SINK-2 Sew through button 1 hole………………BUT-1 Sew through button 2 hole………...…….BUT-2 Sew through button 3 hole……………....BUT-3 Sew through button 4 hole……...……….BUT-4 Split loop button………...………….LOOP-SPL Soldered loop button………………LOOP-SOL Bar attachment button (metal)……….……BAR Lug attachment button (glass)……….……LUG Dorset (ring)………………………….DORSET Other…...………………………………describe Known button codes: Advance Australia……………............BUT-AA Best Ring Edge………..….................BUT-BRE Our Own Make…………………..…BUT-OOM Other…...………………………………describe TECHNOLOGY 1 piece (excluding loop)....................................1 2 piece (excluding loop)....................................2 BLANK: DESCRIPTION (if required) E.g. glass colour, cloth attached MODIFICATION Retouch…………………………..…….….RET Use wear………………………….……..…USE Burnt.……………………………...………FIRE Other….…………………………….….describe DIMENSION Enter diameter NUMBER Enter number of examples

CANS MATERIAL Ferrous metal……….……………………......FE Aluminium……………………...……..…….AL FORM/TYPE Food – unidentified (cylindrical can)……FOOD Food – dry (e.g. custard powder).………F-DRY Food – wet (e.g. vegetables)………........F-WET Round, short can……..………….………..FISH

Sardine (rectangular, flat can)…………..SARD Herring (oval, flat can)………….………HERR Anchovy (rectangular, narrow, flat can)..ANCH Meat (rectangular, tapered can)…...…MEAT-R Meat (triangular)…………………..MEAT-TRI Mustard (rectangular, flanged lid can)….MUST Drink (cylindrical can)…………………DRINK Tobacco (round, flat tin)………………..TOB-C Tobacco (rectangular tin)…………........TOB-R Matchbox (rectangular, flat tin)………MATCH Paint (round, wire handle tin)…………..PAINT Fuel (tall, rectangular, flat handle tin)…...FUEL Unidentified rectangular can…………….RECT Unidentified cylindrical can………………CYL Other…...……………………………...describe TECHNOLOGY Lap seam…………………………………..LAP Lock side seam………………………….LOCK Double side seam – external……………DSS-E Double side seam – internal……………..DSS-I Hole and cap…………………………….HOLE Old technology............................................OLD

Ends are rimmed and fit over side, may have circle and dot seal. Side seam is butted. All seams soldered, only shadow may be visible. Not covered by above.

New technology.........................................NEW Sanitary can. Ends are flat and double lapped. Side seam is double lapped, no solder.

BLANK: OPENING/OPENER Slip lid…………………………………...LID-S External screw……………………...SCREW-E Screw cap………………..………....SCREW-C Cap………………………………………..CAP Hinged cap…..........................................HINGE Top flap key…......................................KEY-TF Side ribbon key….................................KEY-SR Twist-key.............................................KEY-TW Ribbon key (unidentified)………….......…KEY Triangular puncture…..................................TRI Jab and rock….............................................JAB Rim cut…....................................................CUT Ring pull (detached)…..............................RING Hole push in……………………………..PUSH Tab pull (attached)......................................TAB Soldered top……………………………….SOL Flanged end……………………………...FLAN Other…...………………………...……describe Known can contents/brands: Central Queensland Meat Export Co. ….CQME J.S. Fry & Sons Ltd (cocoa).………..FRY-LTD J.S. Fry & Sons (cocoa)………………...…FRY Bourneville (cocoa)……..…………..BOURNE W.D. & H.O. Wills Bristol & London …….................................................WILL-ENG W.D. & H.O. Wills Australia..….....WILL-AUS


381

W.D. & H.O. Wills........................………WILL Taddy & Co.……………………….……TADD Known matchbox codes: Bell & Black 15 Bow Lane Cheapside London ……………………………………....B&B-TXT Bell & Black Bow Lane Cheapside London Wax Vestas...........................................B&B-CH Bell & Black London No. 4……….……B&B-4 R.Bell & Co. London ESTbd. 1832.BELL-LON R. Bell & Co. Melbourne ESTbd. 1832 ……………………………………..BELL-MEL R.Bell & Co. Vestas ESTbd 1832.…BELL-VES Bryant & May London.………….……….B&M Bryant & May Wax Vestas London..B&M-VES Other…...………………………………describe MODIFICATION Single hole………………………….…HOLE-1 Multiple holes…………..………….…HOLE-M Wire through hole…………………..……WIRE Billy………………………………….….BILLY Flat.…………………………………..…..FLAT Bent…..……………………………….…BENT Burnt…...……………………………….…FIRE Other……….…………………………..describe DIMENSION Enter HWD except standard drink cans NUMBER Enter minimum number of items (MNI)

CARTRIDGES MATERIAL Ferrous metal………………….…………......FE Copper alloy………………….……...……...CU Lead...……………………………………….PB Synthetic……………………………….SYNTH FORM/TYPE Shot……..………………………….….…SHOT Ball…..…….………………………….…BALL Percussion cap……..…………………...…CAP Case……………….……………………..CASE Bullet…………………..……………...…BULL Cartridge (case + bullet)….……...............CART TECHNOLOGY Edge strike………...………….………….EDGE Centre strike……………………………..CENT Ring strike……………..............................RING BLANK: Known cartridge codes: E……………………………………………....E Eley.………………………………..…….ELEY Eley 380…………………..………….…....E380 Eley London 450…………………….......EL450

Eley Kinoch...................................................EK ICI…………………………………………..ICI ICI (in arrow)…..........................................ICIA Kynoch 44 CF….......................................KY44 Kynoch 32-20...….....................................KY32 WRA Co 44 WCF......................................WRA Other…...……………………...………describe Calibre: Z calibre……………………………………..22 303………………………………………….303 38 calibre…………………………………….38 44 calibre…………………………………….44 48 calibre…………………………………….48 MODIFICATION Other……….………………………….describe DIMENSION Enter D if calibre is not clear NUMBER Enter number of examples

NAILS MATERIAL Ferrous metal……….……………...……......FE Copper alloy………………………………..CU Steel…………………………………………ST FORM/TYPE Rose head………………………………..ROSE Eubanks……………………………...……EUB Clasp headed……………………….......CLASP Wedge pointed………………………..WEDGE Rhomboid head………………………...RHOM Other…...………………………...……describe TECHNOLOGY Hand wrought/forged.…..………………HAND Cut…..………………………………….…CUT Machine cut/wrought…..…………....MACH-C Wire nails (iron)……………………..WIRE-FE Wire nails (steel)……...……………..WIRE-ST BLANK Normally no entry MODIFICATION Other……….………………………….describe DIMENSION Enter length NUMBER Enter number of examples


382

VITRICS MATERIAL Glass colour…..…………………......enter code Ceramic…………………….......……enter code FORM/TYPE Split lip25

Base core….………………….….……BASE-C ………...…………...……….….LIP-S

Base flake……………………..…....….BASE-F Base scraper……………………….…..BASE-S Body scraper….………………...…….BODY-S Mamelon scraper....................................MAM-S Flake………………………………........FLAKE Fract……………………………………FRACT Debitage……………………………..…….DEB Other….…………………….…………describe TECHNOLOGY Flake scars………………………………....FLK Sequential flake scars……………..…….…SEQ Reduction sequence (joins).........................JOIN Retouch……………………………..….….RET Use wear………………………………..…USE BLANK Normally no entry MODIFICATION Normally no entry NUMBER Enter number of examples

LITHICS MATERIAL Quartz (large grains, angular)……...……......QZ Quartzite (shiny, small grains)...…….….....QZT Silcrete (soapy)…...……………...................SIL Other…...………………………………describe FORM/TYPE Core………...…………………….…..….CORE Flake…………………………………...…..FLK Grindstone…………………………………..GS Hammer stone ………………………………HS Other…...………………………………describe TECHNOLOGY Flake scars ………...……………………....FLK Sequential flake scars …...…………..……SEQ 25 A split lip is where the neck of the bottle and lip break in the middle, forming two halves. Experiments by the author and an honours student at the University of Sydney (Andrew Wilson pers. com. 2007) suggest that this rarely occurs accidentally and usually indicates deliberate, or purposeful, breakage.

Reduction sequence (joins)….....................JOIN Retouch………………………………....…RET BLANK: STONE COLOUR Describe MODIFICATION Normally no entry NUMBER Enter number of examples

Appendix C Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Material Culture

383

Appendix C Late Nineteenth and Early

Twentieth Century Material Culture

One of the major components of historical archaeological sites is the material culture and

being able to identify and date it. Studies in Australia have tended to focus on material from

the mid-nineteenth century, resulting in a gap in the knowledge of late nineteenth and early

twentieth century material. The late nineteenth and early twentieth century period was a time

of great technological change, particularly for bottles and cans, resulting in a range of

material that has different characteristics than that produced in the mid-nineteenth century.

This chapter is a review of what is known about material culture from this period, compiled

in order to date the archaeological material in the study. This review is by no means

comprehensive, and focuses solely on the artefacts that were found in the study area. It is an

attempt to move towards creating a database of late nineteenth and early twentieth century

archaeological material from Australian sites.

Building material

Asbestos

Asbestos was first used for roofing and preservative materials in 1868, by the H.W. Johns

Manufacturing Company, in the United States (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.1). Asbestos cement sheets,

using 15% asbestos and 85% cement, were patented in 1900 by Ludwig Hatschek in Austria.

(Lewis n.d.: 7.10.3). It is claimed that a building in Thirroul, NSW was the first building to

be clad in asbestos cement in 1900, although this is possibly too early (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.4). It

was being sold in Perth in 1904 as ‘fibro-ciment’ (Anonymous 1904: 23), therefore this is

considered to be the earliest date for its presence in Western Australia.

There was a boom in production in 1913-1914, which was halted by World War I.

Manufacturing continued throughout the twentieth century, boosted by the materials

shortage in World War II (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.11). The manufacture of asbestos sheeting ceased

in 1995, following a ban on amosite (brown asbestos) and crocidolite (blue asbestos), the

forms used for it (Australian Safety and Compensation Council 1995). Asbestos pipes were

being made overseas by 1923 and locally in 1926 (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.7).


384

Asbestos was mainly imported from Canada, Italy and South Africa (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.2),

with some local manufacture following World War I (Bures 1987; Lewis n.d.: 7.10.7

footnote 58). Local manufacture appears to have been unreliable, due to the quality of

asbestos, such that immediately prior to World War II all of the asbestos used in Australia

was imported from Canada and South Africa (Lewis n.d.: 7.10.2).

Bricks

Bricks were brought to the Swan River Colony with the first European settlers in 1829 on

the HMS Sulphur (Fall 1972: 191). They were locally manufactured from 1830 due to the

abundance of brick and pottery clay (Moore 1978 [1884]: 26), although importation

continued, with the Eglinton having them as part of her cargo in 1853 (McCarthy and

Stanbury 2003: 67). The first machine used to make pressed bricks was brought into

Australia in the 1850s (Lewis n.d.: 6.01.8) and the first mechanized brick-making plant was

ordered for Western Australia, by Messrs. Smith & Co. and John Elsegood, in 1882 (The

Inquirer and Commercial News 12 July 1882: n.p.). Machine made bricks almost completely

replaced hand make bricks in Sydney during the 1880s (Varman 1993: 21) and although it is

not known how long it took for them to become common in Western Australia, it is likely

that it happened by the time of settlement in the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and

settlement corridor in the 1890s.

Bricks often have indentations, or depressions, on them which are known as the frog. The

main purpose is to provide a key for the mortar, although they also make the brick lighter.

The frog on machine made bricks is usually rectangular and has sharp edges. Wire cut bricks

do not have frogs (Varman 1993: 18).

Bricks were standardized and made using metric measurements in Britain in the 1960s

(Lynch 1994: 65). The modern Australian standard brick size (9 x 4½ x 3 in/228.6 x 114.3 x

76.2 mm) formed a significant part of the market by around 1860 (Lewis n.d.: 6.01.14,

6.01.15).

In summary, there were no major technological changes of bricks or changes in size

following settlement of the Mundaring-Kalgoorlie migration and settlement corridor in

1892. Therefore they cannot be reliably used as a dating tool for this region.

Bricks sometimes have impressions on them, giving the name or initials of the manufacturer,

or sometimes the name of the property or property owner in order to avoid theft (Varman

1993: 18). These can be used to get some information about where and when the brick was


385

made. Of the bricks found in the study area, the impressions were “:B” (DBID 1125), “:UB

(?)” (DBID 3061) and “SB” (no DBID). A search of the Post Office directories between

1893-1949 revealed a number of manufacturers located in Perth, Guildford, Northam and

York as well as elsewhere in Western Australia. The possible manufacturers of the bricks

labelled “SB” are listed in Table C. and a search of the Post Office Directories has not

revealed any possible candidates for the bricks marked “:UB”. The bricks marked “SB” may

have been made by another manufacturer either not listed in the Post Office Directories or

imported. However, given the large number of brick manufacturers in Western Australia

during the study period, the latter possibility is unlikely.

Table C.1. Brick makers in Western Australia between 1893-1949 with initials ‘SB’ listed in Post Office Directories

name location years listed

Swan River Brick Co. (later

Swan Brick & Quarrying Co.)

Howick Street, Perth 1893-1899

Stansmore Brick Yards

off Stanley Street, Midland

Junction

1909-1910

State Brickworks

Beenup; Perth; Byford;

Armadale

1915-1949

Bridges, S Bulong Road, Kalgoorlie 1917-1919

It has not been possible to determine which, if any, of these manufacturers used the

impression “SB” therefore no further information is known about the bricks found at the

sites.

Corrugated iron

Corrugated iron was developed in the early nineteenth century and was patented for use as a

building material in 1829 by H.R. Palmer in England (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.1). It is not known

exactly when it was introduced to Australia, but one of the earliest known advertisements for

it was in the South Australian Record in 1837 (27 November 1837 No. 3: 17). Although

common in some parts of Australia by the 1850s, in others, such as Harvey in southern

Western Australia, it was unknown in the 1860s (Staples 1979: 227), and it was usually the

introduction of the railway line that also brought the increased use of building materials such

as corrugated iron (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.6).


386

Heavier gauged iron was used in most buildings in the 1850s, and was used for mainly

industrial and engineering purposes until the mid-twentieth century, with the lighter gauges

in use by the 1860s (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.7; John Lysaght (Australia) Limited 1963: 10).

Corrugated iron tanks were patented in Victoria in 1857 by John Carter (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.7),

and curved corrugated iron roofing was common by the 1870s, particularly on shop verandas

(Lewis n.d.: 8.04.9). One distinction between modern and nineteenth century corrugated iron

sheets is in the way that the sheets are cut and consequently put together. Modern sheets

have an upslope (\/) on one end and a downslope (/\) on the other, whereas nineteenth

century sheets have a downslope on both ends and therefore need to overlap by whole

corrugations. Being able to lap by 1½ corrugations, as modern sheets do, provides enough

waterproofing, without being extravagant (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.10).

Two distinguishing features of corrugated iron that are of use in archaeological contexts are

first, sheets are often stamped with the manufacturer’s details, including the date of

manufacture (John Lysaght (Australia) Limited 1963: 8) and second, the different size

corrugations have different uses. From the John Lysaght Referee (1963: 10), one inch

corrugations, which were ¼” deep, were used in thinner gauges (26G) and used for

decorative architectural features such as soffits, ceilings, feature walls, and as a base for

sprayed plater and similar applications. Three inch corrugations (¾” deep) were used for

roofing and siding (10 corrugations, 3 inches wide) and tanks (8-3 inch), and five inch

corrugations were used for large items that needed strength, such as awnings and roofs.

These were the recommendations for one manufacturer, but can be used as a guide when

identifying uses of corrugated iron on sites.

The only significant change in the manufacture of corrugated iron in the late nineteenth and

early twentieth centuries was the introduction of ripple iron. This had corrugations of a small

pitch (one inch/25mm) and was first used in 1867, and around 1900 Wunderlichs used an

even more finely fluted profile, like corrugated cardboard (Lewis n.d.: 8.04.25).

There were very few developments in corrugated iron manufacture, following its

introduction in the first half of the nineteenth century. That, along with the fact that it is

often recycled, makes it unreliable as a dating tool for any site occupied after the 1850s. The

best option is to use the manufacturer details, which are often stamped on the sheets.

Galvanised iron

The process of galvanizing iron, or coating it with another metal such as zinc to protect it

from corrosion, was first developed in the eighteenth century. It was patented in France in


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1836 by Stanislas Sorel, and in England in 1837 by Commander H.W. Craufurd, although it

was not manufactured on a commercial scale until 1843 (Lewis n.d.: 8.02.2-8.02.3). By the

1840s there were at least two different methods – that developed by Sorel which involved a

coating on zinc alone, and another which used tin to coat the iron, followed by zinc (Lewis

n.d.: 8.02.4), although it is unlikely the two different methods could be distinguished in the

field.

Galvanised iron was introduced to Australia by 1850 (Lewis n.d.: 8.02.5), but due to limited

rail and water access did not reach Central Australia until the 1870s (Pearce 1978: 20; Lewis

n.d.: 8.02.7). It was used in pipes soon after 1850, most likely because it was cheaper than

cast iron (Lewis n.d.: 8.02.7).

In 1936 Lysaghts introduced ‘Zincanneal’ which is a heat-treated zinc coating that is heat

resistant and has a matt finish, which enables it to be painted without pre-treatment or

weathering, which are required by normal galvanised iron. It was used when ordinary zinc

coating was unsuitable, such as when in contact with sea water or refrigeration brines (Lewis

n.d.: 8.02.12). Due to the matt finish, there is the potential to distinguish this type of

galvanised iron in the field.

Nails

Nails can be used as a broad dating guide for sites, although the problems with them are well

noted (Egloff et al. 1991: 68-69; Burke and Smith 2004: 377). These include the usually

poor preservation of the nails from rusting and damage through use, nails can be stored for

many years before use, and are often re-used.

Studies of changes in nail manufacturing techniques have focused on the nineteenth century

(Varman, 1980 ; 1993 ; Lewis, n.d.), with machine-made wire nails becoming common by

the 1870s (Varman 1980: 107), unlike other artefact types, such as bottles and cans, which

were not fully machine-made until the twentieth century. Therefore changes in nail

manufacturing techniques are not overly useful to this study, as most had occurred before the

sites were established.

Rhomboid-shaped heads were manufactured from the 1880s into the twentieth century and

rose heads were manufactured from the 1850s until 1893 (Varman 1980: 108). Ewbank nails

were in use in Australia by 1838 (Lewis n.d.: 8.06.13). Their use declined by the 1860s

following the introduction of wire nails, although they were still being advertised in 1913

(Lewis n.d.: 8.06.14). Wire nails, which are machine made, were first imported into


388

Australia in 1853, but did not become cheap and plentiful until about 1870 (Varman 1980:

107). They can be identified by a cylindrical shank and marks on the neck from the vice

used in their manufacture (Lewis n.d.: 8.06.17)

Glass

Much has been written about the development of glass technology and dating of bottles (see

Boow 1991; Jones and Sullivan 1989; Society for Historical Archaeology 2007a for a

comprehensive discussion of bottles and bottle glass). This discussion is focused

predominantly on changes in glass used for bottles and jars, with some comments about

window glass. Following is a summary of this development in the late nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries, focusing on the aspects relevant to this study.

Of all of the items of material culture used to date sites, glass is one of the most useful for a

study of this period due to the major technological changes that happened following World

War I. In addition, bottles were commonly used and readily disposed of, providing an

abundant supply of information in the archaeological record. Although bottles were reused

(Stuart 1993; Busch 1987), many were not (Busch 1987: 72).

A study of four late-nineteenth and early twentieth century sites in the United States found

that the average time lag from manufacture to deposition ranged from 10.8 years for a

shipwreck site (Betrand) to 18 years for a dump site at Fort Mackinac, Mackinac Island,

Lake Michigan, used by civilian and military inhabitants (Custer Road Dump Site) (Hill

1982). Although this study was limited, it does suggest that there the use and location of a

site will have an effect on manufacture to deposition time lag, such that there will be a

longer time lag on more isolated sites. Hill (1982: 325) suggests that over time, the lag

decreases and although this was true for the four sites in Hill’s case study, it does not

account for other factors such as site use. Based on the results of this study, it would be safe

to assume that the time lag for bottles in the study area could be up to 20 years, given the

isolated nature of the sites.

There are several features of bottles that can be used to provide a date of manufacture. These

include manufacture method (hand blown or machine made), colour, type of lip and base,

and any inscriptions. Following is a discussion of each of these characteristics in relation to

the study period.


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Manufacturing method

Throughout the nineteenth century bottles were made by hand, with semi-automatic

machines used from 1893-1926 and fully machine-made bottles introduced in 190426

1. Vertical side mould seams along the length of the bottle, running from the base to the top,

often onto the rim or lip;

(Jones

and Sullivan 1989: 39). Hand blown bottles were manufactured until the 1930s, mainly for

small runs such as pharmaceutical bottles and cosmetics, and the total amount in an

archaeological assemblage is likely to be small (Jones and Sullivan 1989: 39). Bottles made

by either semi- or fully automatic machines look very similar and cannot necessarily be

distinguished based on their appearance (Jones and Sullivan 1989: 36). The diagnostic

features of machine-made bottles are (Society for Historical Archaeology 2007a):

2. Sharper and finer side mould seams than on mouth-blown bottles. Bottles made from

1905-1920s tend to have thicker or higher mould seams than later machine-made bottles due

to the increasing precision in mould machining and machinery;

3. A mould seam at the top of the finish which encircles either the bore or the outside of the

upper lip portion of the finish (sometimes both) and a horizontal seam immediately below

the finish which circles the extreme upper neck (called a "neck ring parting line");

4. Faint, somewhat wandering, hairline seams (“ghost” seams) are sometimes occasionally

visible on the sides;

5. A suction scar on the base of Owens Automatic Bottle Machine produced bottles;

6. Bottles, which are usually wide-mouthed or jars, made by a press-and-blow machine have

a circular valve mark on the base; and

7. Few, if any, bubbles in the glass and uniform thickness of the glass, particularly in bottles,

made after the 1920s.

Colour

Colour can broadly indicate a date of manufacture and bottle use. The chronology for

different colours and some of the common uses of each colour are summarised below.

Neither the dates nor the uses are meant to be absolute and are intended as a guide only. The

26 Barnett (1969: 85) states that fully machine-made bottles were introduced in 1905. As neither reference gives a primary source, I am taking the conservative option and using the earlier date.


390

dates are limited to post-nineteenth century to make it simpler, as for the purposes of this

analysis of all of the glass was manufactured during the nineteenth or twentieth centuries.

It has been demonstrated that the glass colour can vary according to use, but the uses

assigned to each are the most likely ones (Blee 1991: 111-117). The exception to this is the

dating of amethyst glass, which can be fairly securely dated to between the late 1880s and

the 1930s (Lockhart 2006).

The major glass colours used in this analysis are:

dark olive: commonly known as black glass, as it looks black when on the ground, this is

dark green, and when held up to the light often has a yellowish tinge. In use

between 1830 and the 1890s. Mostly used for alcohol bottles, e.g. whiskey, gin

(Society for Historical Archaeology 2007c).

olive: dark green glass, which looks green on the ground, distinguishing it from dark olive.

In use throughout the nineteenth century until around 1920. Mainly used for alcohol

bottles (Society for Historical Archaeology 2007c).

tint: applies to all glass that is clear, but has a slight tinge, such as blue or green. In use

throughout the nineteenth century until the 1930s. Used for goods where the contents

needed or were wanted to be seen such as food, medicine and soft drinks (Society for

Historical Archaeology 2007c).

amethyst: also referred to as solarised glass, this is glass that was made clear by the use of

manganese dioxide, which turns purple, or amethyst, upon exposure to UV light.

Used from the late 1880s until the1930s mainly for food containers and glass

insulators (Bolton 2005b; Lockhart 2006).

colourless: used for glass that is truly clear and has no hint of colour whatsoever. Replaced

tinted glass and common after the introduction of fully machine-made bottles.

Developed in the mid-1910s. Uses include food, soft drinks and medicines

(Society for Historical Archaeology 2007c: 117; Blee 1991).

amber: brown colour, in use from the nineteenth century for alcohol (particularly beer) and

poisons (Society for Historical Archaeology 2007c). Note that there is a difference

between amber glass produced in the nineteenth century and that produced post-

1920s. The glass used for early amber tends be thicker and it has a slightly yellowish

tinge, as opposed to a true brown. Amber bottles from after 1920 are all machine-


391

made, hence the glass is thinner and has fewer imperfections. The amber in this

analysis was manufactured after 1920, unless otherwise stated.

emerald: bright green glass as seen in modern alcohol bottles. First appeared in the 1920s

(Society for Historical Archaeology 2007c).

cobalt blue: bright blue coloured glass started being commonly used in 1845. Uses include

poison, soda water, ink and chlorodyne (Society for Historical Archaeology

2007c; Stevens 2002).

milk glass: opaque white glass that often initially looks like ceramic. Used from 1870 until

the mid-twentieth century for pharmaceuticals, toiletries etc. (Society for

Historical Archaeology 2007c).

Bottle finishes and bases

For the purposes of this analysis most bottle finishes can be divided into those used before

machine-made bottles and those used afterwards. The finishes in use before machine making

are blob finish, single collar and double collar. Those used afterwards are Perry Davis finish,

crown seal and external screw on narrow-necked bottles. Exceptions are the external screw

thread on wide mouth jars, which was introduced in the 1880s and is still in use today, and

champagne-type ring seals. These were originally applied by hand and then by machine after

1900. Differences can be seen between the two methods with machine-made ones being

more regular and having no imperfections (Boow 1991: 63-70, 115-117).

The distinctive Codd’s patent seal consists of a narrow neck which originally had a marble

inside. The seal was formed between the marble and a ring of cork, rubber or gutta-percha

(tree sap) and they were commonly used for carbonated beverages, such as aerated water.

The variant seen in this analysis was the Ryland’s valve, patented in 1882. Codd seals on

Australian sites can be dated from 1885 up to 1935, but are usually from the earlier period

(Boow 1991: 74-76).

Of the different bases, the types that can be used for dating are the Rickett’s mould and the

stippled base. The Rickett’s mould is identified by a ring of embossed lettering around the

base and was in use from 1820 until c.1900 for alcohol (Boow 1991: 29-30) and from 1821

until c.1920 for pharmaceuticals, toiletries, inks etc. (Jones and Sullivan 1989: 30). Conical

and dome bases were formed using a push-up tool or mould and pre-date machine-made

bottles (Boow 1991: 26-29; Jones 1971), therefore they were usually made prior to 1904. A

‘moulded-flat’ base is cup-bottomed base on two-piece moulds for tint coloured bottles and


392

was in use from 1820-140 until the present (Boow 1991: 116). Stippled bases are a regular

pattern of slightly raised dots on the base and are found on machine made bottles (Jones and

Sullivan 1989: 86).

Inscriptions

The most common inscriptions found in the study are as follows:

Australian Glass Manufacturers (AGM): traded from 1915 until the 1980s (Smith 2006)

and used four different maker’s marks on the base of their bottles (Figure C.8.1). Burke and

Smith (2004: 370) give an end date of 1948 for the superimposed mark, but from

observations in the field, it is more likely that the mark was used at least until the 1960s, if

not later.

a) AGM interlinked b) AGM Plain spaced 1922-1929 c) AGM Superimposed

AGM Plain together 1929-1933

Figure C.8.1. AGM Inscriptions. Dates of use: a) 1912-1922 b) 1922-1933 c) 1934-1948 (from Burke and Smith 2004 Table A3.1 p.369-370)

Perth and Fremantle Bottle Exchange Company Limited: operated under that name from

1907-1921 then became West Australian Glass Manufacturers (WAGM) Limited 1921-1964

and WAGM Pty Ltd 1964- 1974. However used Perth & Fremantle Bottle Exchange Co.

logo until at least 1958 (West Australian Glass Manufacturers Archives, Batty Library ACC

3056A/9).

“THIS BOTTLE REMAINS THE PROPERTY OF …”: bottles were commonly

embossed with the name of the owner after the 1870s under the returnable bottle system. In

this system the bottle was considered the legal property of the bottler, and were to be

returned to them for re-use (Busch 1987; Stuart 1993: 19). Embossing was common until


393

about 1960 (Boow 1991) and observations from Australian sites suggest that this inscription

was used from the late 1890s (Martin Carney, pers. comm., 2008).

(Peter) Dawson Dufftown Glenlivet: Scottish whisky manufacturer. Used a Rickett’s

mould. Also recorded at Arltunga, NT (1887- WWI) (Holmes 1990: 116 Figure 48) and

Strangways Springs, SA (1862-1896) (Paterson 1999).

6 to the Gallon: Rickett’s mould. Content and dates unknown, but attributed to unidentified

spirits by Holmes (1990: 117). Observed at Arltunga, NT (Holmes 1990: 116 Figure 48),

Strangways Springs, SA (Paterson 1999: 106), Cossack, WA (c. 1895-1910) (Gaye Nayton,

pers. comm., 2009) and Long Jetty, Fremantle, WA (date unknown) (Souter 2007: Appendix

3).

Lea & Perrins: manufacturers of Worcestershire sauce imported into Australia from 1862

(Coutts 1984: 242). They have also been found at Arltunga, NT (Holmes 1990: 119 Figure

49), Strangways Springs, SA (Paterson 1999: 122), Paradise goldfields, Qld (late 1880s –

1904) (Quirk 2007: 255) and Captain Mills Cottage, Port Fairy, Victoria (1870-1910)

(Coutts 1984: 242).

Eno’s Fruit Salt: medicine manufactured in England after the 1850s. Very popular

throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Royal Pharmaceutical Society

of Britain n.d.).

ACB: Aire & Calder Glass Bottle Co., a bottle manufacturer located in Yorkshire, England

and operated from 1936-1913 (Boow 1991: 175; Society for Historical Archaeology 2007b).

Window glass

Window glass became thicker over time and can be dated on that basis. Until c. 1870 it was

less than 2.8mm and less than 4.5 mm until c. 1905. Between 1905 and 1920 it was above

4.5 mm, then after 1920 it was up to 6 mm (Boow 1991: 111).


394

Ceramics

Ceramics provide useful information about chronology, status, trade, diet and ethnicity and

as such has been extensively researched (Lawrence 2006: 365). The three types of ceramics

found on historic sites are earthenware, stoneware and porcelain, with earthenware the most

common (Brooks 2005: 30).

Refined earthenwares were introduced in the second half of the eighteenth century and are

used for mass-produced, relatively inexpensive items, commonly tablewares (Brooks 2005:

32). Earthenwares are often decorated using transfer-printing, which became common in the

1760s (Brooks 2005: 43), with different patterns introduced at different times. As can be

seen from Table C.2, all of the transfer-print patterns found in the study area were

introduced before 1860, and as such are not useful dating the pieces found in the study.

Table C.2. Date range of transfer-print patterns found in study (Brooks 2005: 72-73)

pattern start date

blue underglaze c. 1780+

Willow pattern c. 1790

green, red, yellow and black underglaze c. 1828

polychrome c. 1840

banded c.1860+

Several pieces had inscriptions, such as makers’ marks, on them, which were more useful for

chronology than the decorations. Those that could be dated are listed in Table C.3. The

highlighted inscriptions are those that were manufactured within the study period.

The Tariff Act 1890 (US), often referred to as the McKinley Tariff Act, required all goods

manufactured outside the United States to have the name of the country of origin marked on

them, effective from 1891. Therefore it is assumed that most pieces labelled ‘Made in …’

were manufactured after 1891, however there are some variations to this. These are shown in

Table C.3.


395

Table C.3. Datable inscriptions on ceramics in study

manufacturer/Inscription date range reference

Burgess Ware, England 1922-1939 (Godden 2003: 116)

Clare China Co. Ltd,

Staffordshire, England

1951- (Godden 2003: 146)

Disney characters (Mickey

& Minnie Mouse)

1928- http://disney.go.com/vault/archives/charac

ters_ai.html

Edge, Malkin & Co.

Tonquin pattern

c.1883-1903 (Godden 2003: 230)

http://www.replacements.com/webquote/

EDMTONBR.htm;

Grindley, England 1954- (Godden 2003: 294)

Johnson Bros, England 1883-1955/

1913- 1955

(Godden 2003: 355-356)

Johnson Bros, Made in

England

1955- (Godden 2003: 356)

Made in … 1891- (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229)

Made in China c. 1900- (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229)

Made in England 1880 (1891)- (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229)

Made in Italy 1891- (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229)

Made in Japan 1921- (Kovel and Kovel 1986: 229)

Alfred Meakin, England 1930- (Godden 2003: 426)

J & G Meakin (Sunshine

ware)

1940-1963 http://www.thepotteries.org/mark/m/mea

kin_jg.html

Radfords, England 1938-1957 (Godden 2003: 520)

Ridgways, England 1905-1920

(1912?)

(Godden 2003: 539)

Royal Art Pottery, England

(Alfred Clough Ltd)

1951-1961 (Godden 2003: 153)

Stanley Hotel Ware, Globe

Pottery Co., Cobridge ,

England

1930-1940 (Godden 2003: 276)

T.G. Green & Co., Church

Cresley, England

1945- (Godden 2003: 290)

Stoneware was first developed in the thirteenth century and was used throughout Western

Europe and North America in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It was manufactured

in Australia from the beginning of the nineteenth century. The most common uses are for

storage vessels, for example ginger beer, and sewerage fittings (Brooks 2005: 33).

Stoneware production never really ceased, however for practical purposes manufacture of

stoneware bottles commonly found on archaeological sites ended at some point in the 1920s

or 1930s (Thom 2005: 97).


396

Cans

Complete metal cans are not often found on archaeological sites due to preservation factors

and as such have not been extensively studied as other artefacts including glass and

ceramics. Two comprehensive American studies of cans are those by Busch (1981) and

Rock (1984), both published in Historical Archaeology. Rather than repeat what these

authors have written, I will provide a very brief summary of canning technology as it applies

to the study period and some of the manufacturers identified.

Metal cans were first mentioned in the late eighteenth century and the first hermetically

sealed can was developed 1809 in France by Nicholas Appert, with commercial canning

starting soon after that (Busch 1981: 95-96).

The three major can types used in this analysis are referred to as old, hole and new.

Old: the ends are folded over and were soldered, along with the seams (Hunt 1959: 30).

Dates from 1809 when cans first developed until 1910, after the introduction of sanitary cans

(see new, below). There is an overlap in the dates between the old and new, based on

personal observations, to allow for lag in the overlap of the two technologies.

Hole: refers to both hole-and-cap and hole-in-cap cans. Once assembled the cans were filled

through an opening in the centre of one end and a cap was placed over the opening forming

a seal. The original cans, called hole-and-cap, were developed in 1810, but were soon

replaced by hole-in-cap cans, first manufactured by 1820. These had a small hole in the

centre of the cap which allowed steam to escape when the can was heated to sterilise the

contents. The hole was then sealed with solder (Rock 1984: 99, 100 Table 1). Dates for these

type of cans are 1820 to 1910, again allowing for changeover between this and new

technology cans. Note that they are assumed in this analysis to be used for preserved foods

only.

New: refers to sanitary cans which were developed in 1904 (Rock 1984: 100 Table 1) and

are still in use. There were several stages in the development of the sanitary can, including

the development of the double side seam in 1888 and the Ams can, which was the first

solderless can in 1898 (Rock 1984: 100 Table 1). The sanitary can was the first fully

mechanized can that used no solder (Rock 1984: 105).

Other developments in can technology that are useful for this analysis are (Busch 1981;

Rock 1984; Berge 1980: 261-262; cited in IMACS 2001):

1856 Gail Borden granted patent for canned condensed milk


397

1865 kerosene canned

1866 introduction of key-wind openings, e.g. fish cans

1875 introduction of tapered cans, e.g. meat

1875 sardines packed

1885-1900 lap seam in use27

1892 first tobacco can

(Ritchie and Bedford 1985: 112)

1894 Ams machine company begins manufacturing locked, double-

seamed can

1895 scored key wind strip added to the large end of tapered meat cans

1906 modern paint can came into use

1909 tuna canning began in California

1910 flat-sided, hinge-lidded tobacco can came into use

1935 introduction of the beer can

1945 first aerosol cans marketed

1953 canned soft drinks became popular

1959 first all-aluminium beer can

1965 introduction of the beverage can ring pull-tab

1965 introduction of the tin-free steel beverage can

The contents of the cans were identified based on the shape and any inscriptions. The types

of foods that were canned included meat, jam, soups, vegetables, milk, fish, fruit (Holmes

1990: 130-131) and butter. The contents were determined on the shape of the can, the

technology used to make it and the way it was opened.

Holmes (1990: 130) suggested that the contents of cans could be identified based on modern

equivalents, although a more conservative approach was taken in this analysis. First looking

27 Use of the lap seam in the database is from 1885-1910 to allow for time lag


398

at food and beverage cans, the contents of some cans were determined this way. For example

sardine cans are flat, rectangular cans, up to approximately 120 mm in length. Flat,

rectangular cans longer than this were considered to have contained other types of fish such

as herring and triangular cans were assumed to have contained meat, similar to modern

canned ham.

Rectangular cans that were not flat, that is taller than 75 mm, were assumed to have

contained meat, although it is important to note that meat also came in cylindrical cans, as

observed by several cans from the Central Queensland Meat Export Company (see below).

Cylindrical squat cans that were up to 50 mm in height and approximately 110 mm in

diameter were assumed to have contained fish. Identification of cylindrical beverage cans

was also based on modern equivalents.

For the cans that could not be identified based on shape or inscriptions, hole-in-cap cans

were considered to have contained preserved foods as there was no need to use that

technology unless the contents needed to be heated. Cans that were opened such that they

could not be closed again, for example rim cut, were also considered to have contained

preserved food eaten in one sitting. Whereas cans that could be re-closed, for example slip

lids, were considered to have contained dry foods such as cocoa and spices that would not be

used all at once. Cans that were opened with a puncture or triangular puncture were assumed

to have contained liquid, which could be poured out through a small hole.

The most common inscriptions identified on food cans were:

CQME Co./QUEENSLAND/1894 (or variations): these were for the Central Queensland

Meat Export Company, located in Rockhampton, Queensland, which was formed on 30

September 1880 (Brisbane Courier 1 October 1880: 2). The meaning of ‘1894’ is not

known, although it is assumed to be a date. CQME had an office in Fremantle in 1895

(1895-1896)(POD 1895-96).

J.S. FRY & SONS BRISTOL & LONDON/ CHOCOLATE/ AND/ COCOA/

MANUFACTURERS (or variations): Two of the variations were J.S Fry & Sons and J.S.

Fry & Sons Ltd. Fry’s became a limited company in 1896 (Cadbury Consumer Relations,

pers. comm., 2004). They merged with Cadbury in 1919 (Cadbury n.d.). The Fry name was

supposedly used until 1967 (Behm 2004), although this date has not been verified. The other

variation is “MANUFACTURERS/TO H.M. THE KING” which was presumably made

after the death of Queen Victoria in 1901.


399

The most common non-food cans were for tobacco. The major brands were:

W.D. & H.O. Wills: Cans were marked either Sydney or London. W.D. and H.O. Wills was

established in London in the late nineteenth century and the Sydney factory opened in 1901

(Alford 1973: 220). Therefore cans marked “Sydney” or any brands manufactured by W.D.

and H.O. Wills in Australia, such as Capstan (Tyrrell 1999: 18), are assumed to be post-

1901. Apparently manufacturing of Capstan ceased in the 1930s (Harrison 2002b: 183),

although that has not been verified.

British Australasian Tobacco (BAT): formed in 1903 (Walker 1984: 45) and are still in

operation today.

Champion, Conqueror: two brands of one of the manufacturers. Dates unknown, but were

advertised in the Post Office directory in 1895.

Clay pipes

Clay pipes were used throughout the nineteenth century. Briar pipes were introduced in

Australia in the mid-1850s, and surpassed the clay pipe in popularity by the end of the

century. However, they were more expensive than clay pipes and were only used by those

that could afford them or wanted to use them, thus the poorer classes continued to use clay

pipes until the end of World War I, when cigarettes took off, and clay pipes were effectively

no longer used, although it is important to note that manufacture of clay pipes continues

until the present day (Courtney in press).

Buttons

Buttons were mainly used for clothing, and most of those found in the study area were made

of metal, namely copper alloy or iron. The brands that were identified included Best Ring

Edge, Excelsior, Suspender and Our Own Make which were work wear buttons, usually for

trousers (Iacono 2009; Lindbergh 1999: 52). These are generic inscriptions and it is difficult

to determine an exact date for their use. They have been found on many Australian sites

occupied between 1840 and 1930 including McDonnell Range Reef at Arltunga (Holmes

1990: 140), Henry’s Mill, Victoria (Davies 2006: 65), Paradise goldfields, Queensland

(Quirk 2007: 221), Strangways Springs pastoral station, South Australia (Paterson 1999),

Captain Mills Cottage, Port Fairy, Victoria (Coutts 1984: 324), the CSR Site, Pyrmont,


400

Sydney (Lindbergh 1999: 55) and the Cumberland/Gloucester Street site, the Rocks, Sydney

(Godden Mackay Pty Ltd 1999; cited in Iacono 2009).

Of the tailors identified on some of the buttons, Hordern & Sons, Sydney started trading

under that name in 1869 and operated until 1973 (Teale 1972: 423-424; Historic Houses

Trust of NSW n.d.). The button found at Bullabulling is marked ‘Hordern & Son, Sydney’

(DBID 1166), suggesting that it may have been made by another tailor, as there were at least

five other competing Hordern shops in Sydney at the time (Teale 1972: 423-424). It is not

completely clear who G. Richardson, tailor (DBID 3505) was, but there was a tailor named

George Richardson listed in the Post Office directories at Kanowna, approximately 23km

north of Kalgoorlie, between 1898 and 1911. The operating dates for Denton Bros, Bendigo

are not known, although they were mentioned in the Victorian Government Gazette in 1900

(Friday 30 November: 4415). Nothing is known about the tailors identified from the other

buttons.

Buttons described in the database as ‘sinkie 4 hole’ are two-piece pressed steel buttons that

are concave and have, as the name suggests, four holes. These were manufactured after 1870

(Olsen 1963: 553) and were used for many of the inscribed buttons. Plastic was first

developed in 1907, therefore plastic buttons date from that point (Katz 1994: 3).

Bullet cartridges

The bullet cartridge brands that could be identified, and dates they were in use, were:

Eley: 1828-1978. Including E.B., Eley-Kynoch, Nobel Glasgow, Eley-Winchester (1866-

1978) (Steinhauer n.d.-a) and Eley-Kynoch ICIANZ (1928-1971) (Orica Limited 2004).

Winchester: established 1866. Traded as Winchester Repeating Arms Co. (WRA) from

1866-1940 (Holmes 1990: 143). Stamps include WCF, Winchester (from 1950s) and Super-

X (modern) (Steinhauer n.d.-a).

Remington-UMC: beginning 1911 (Holmes 1990: 143).

U.S. Cartridge Company: 1864-1938 includes Climax (Steinhauer n.d.-b).

Bullet cartridges are not very useful for dating as all were in use for long periods of time,

well outside the study period. Additionally, bullet cartridges could easily have come from

visitors to the sites rather than people living there.

Appendix D Functional Categories

401


Table D.1, below, is a list of the functional, sub-functional and specific functional categories

used in the analysis, along with example artefact types. The sub-function and specific

function categories include the options other and unidentified, where other is where the sub-

function/specific function was known but not included in the list of options (usually one-off

artefacts) and unidentified is where the sub-function/specific function is unknown.

Table D.1. Functional categories used in analysis

function sub-function specific function example artefact types

communication telegraph insulator ceramic

domestic beverage - alcohol beer glass

brandy

champagne

closure

gin/schnapps

ginger beer

schnapps

spirit

whiskey

whisky

wine

beverage - non-alcohol aerated water glass

carbonated drink

coca cola

beverage - unidentified carbonated drink glass

clothing

clothes peg

cooking pot metal

decorative ornament

food/beverage

cans; glass

food storage chocolate cans; glass

chutney

cocoa

dry product

fish

food

herring

jam

jam/preserve


402


jam/sauce/pickle

liquid

meat

mustard

pickles

preserved food

sardine

sauce

spice

vegetables

vinegar

Worcestershire sauce

furniture time-keeping clock

kitchenware cooking

food glass; shaker

storage

tableware decorative glass; ceramic; cutlery;

bowl

serve

tableware

tableware/serve

industry animal husbandry horse

equipment animal curry comb

nut

pipe

storage bucket

wheelbarrow

fitting fire

lighting kerosene cans

lamp

lithics flake

machinery

munitions firearm

other washing wash tub

power battery

storage barrel

dry product cans; glass

fuel

kerosene

methylated spirits

mineral turpentine

oil

paint

storage metal container

tool cutting hacksaw


403


vitrics28

flaked glass, flaked

ceramic

miscellaneous storage dry product cans

personal adornment jewellery

clothing closure

button (unidentified/not

trouser)

shoe heel

trouser button

currency coin

medicine antacid

castor oil

cough syrup

ointment ceramic; glass (bottle, jar)

salt glass (Epsom salts)

tonic

storage dry product glass; cans

medicine

polish

toilet ointment

perfume glass

toothpaste

recreation smoking cigarette

matches

tobacco can tab

toy bicycle

firearm

marble

structural building decorative

door

fire

furnishing

nail

pipe

toilet

window

farming fencing

fitting washing wash basin

furniture bed

other closure padlock

roofing nail

shelter tent copper grommet

28 The term vitric, coined by Judy Birmingham, was used for flaked glass and ceramics (Birmingham 1997, pers. comm.)


404


transport railway nail

motor vehicle

water condenser pipe

storage ship's tank

pipeline pipe

storage

405

Appendix E Archaeological Data

(CD)

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