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2011 42: 1125 originally published online 19 April 2011Journal of Black StudiesChristopher Charlie Jett

of an African American Male Mathematics Doctoral Student''I Once Was Lost, but Now Am Found'' : The Mathematics Journey

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1Georgia State University, Atlanta, GA, USA

Corresponding Author:Christopher Charlie Jett, Georgia State University, P.O. Box 3978, Atlanta, GA 30302-3978 Email: [email protected]

“I Once Was Lost, but Now Am Found”: The Mathematics Journey of an African American Male Mathematics Doctoral Student

Christopher Charlie Jett1

Abstract

The lack of mathematics academic achievement and persistence in African American male students is well documented in the K-12 education research literature. Moreover, it has been documented that this trend of mathematics underachievement continues in higher education for some African Ameri-can men. In this article, the author refutes the myth that African American male students are doomed to mathematics failure by drawing on research literature that highlights the strengths of African American male learners and by documenting the “voice” of an African American male doctoral student.Coupling critical race theory with case study research, the author chronicles the schooling, mathematics, and racial experiences of an African American male student. The author concludes the article by challenging those invested in the mathematics education of African American male students to work to ensure that African American male students are provided access to the mathematics pipeline.

Keywords

African American male students, mathematics, critical race theory



1126 Journal of Black Studies 42(7)

The schooling experiences of African American male students have been documented in the research literature (see, e.g., Duncan, 2002; Jackson & Moore, 2006; Noguera, 2008). Research specifically on African American men’s college experiences highlights the fact that many of them often experi-ence racism and/or difficulties with mathematics (see, e.g., Davis, 1994; Stage & Kloosterman, 1995; Treisman, 1992). Despite these reported difficulties regarding African American male students in mathematics, there are, how-ever, African American male students who achieve in mathematics. While it is necessary (and helpful) to examine the negative experiences that African American male students face in school, in college, and in mathematics to reverse this trend, it is also important to gain insights from studying high-achieving African American male students (Harper, 2005).

Harper (2005) sees the value in drawing from success stories, which also aligns with this area of research. In his work, Harper poses the following important questions concerning African American male students: “But what about those among this population who beat the odds, make the most of college, and achieve in multiple ways inside and outside of the classroom? Who are they, and what can they teach us?” (Harper, 2005, p. 8). These ques-tions speak volumes to the purpose of this case study, especially with regard to mathematics. This case study primarily focuses on an African American male student’s undergraduate mathematics experiences, but it also chronicles his experiences with mathematics as an African American male student from elementary school through graduate school. The study aims to present an African American male’s story of gaining access to college mathematics and exposes the reader to how this individual is continuing as a high achiever in mathematics.

In this article, a background of the research literature regarding the experi-ences of African American (male) students is provided. Then, the theoretical and methodological orientations that framed this case study are discussed. Next, the case study of Roger, coupled with a discussion concerning his expe-riences in light of the empirical research, is presented. The implications of this work for research, policy, and practice are also highlighted.

BackgroundAfrican American male students do experience success with mathematics. While the dominant discourse seems to perpetuate ideas concerning the failure of African American male students in mathematics, there is a growing body of research literature that highlights their successes (see, e.g., Berry, 2008; Martin, 2000; Stinson, 2008; Walker, 2006). In this review of the literature, K-12



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studies that highlight only the experiences of African American male stu-dents are presented. Then, research literature that reports on the experi-ences of African American (male and female) students at the undergraduate and graduate levels, respectively, is presented. Given the limited number of undergraduate- and graduate-level studies that focus exclusively on African American male students and mathematics, studies that also include African American female students as well as studies that draw on other science, technol-ogy, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) and academic disciplines are pre-sented to help situate the research study. This brief review situates this area of research and offers a snapshot of some of the mathematics education research literature regarding African American students.

K-12 Mathematics Studies Concerning African American Male StudentsBerry’s (2005, 2008) study with 8 successful African American male middle school students in mathematics revealed the following five themes: (a) early educational experiences: exposing African American male students to edu-cational materials before kindergarten; (b) recognition of abilities: placing African American male students in gifted classrooms and providing them with access to advanced mathematics; (c) support systems: having parents and extended family as models of (mathematics) success; (d) positive identity: being motivated and having a strong belief in self that they can be mathematically successful; and (e) alternative identity: participating in special academic organizations, church programs, and athletics to affirm a strong sense of African American culture. Coupling phenomenology, a methodological framework, with critical race theory (CRT), a theoretical framework, Berry used counterstorytelling with these eight African American male students to document their life, schooling, and mathematics experiences. Berry pro-posed that issues of race and gender be brought to the fore when constructing methods to address the mathematics achievement levels of African American male students.

Thompson and Lewis (2005) conducted a case study of an African American male high school student, Malik, who petitioned to have another mathematics course added to the curriculum at his high school. Understanding that he would need advanced mathematics for his desire to become a pilot in the future, Malik went to the school’s principal on several occasions to ensure that a Precalculus-Calculus course would be offered. Malik’s school offered Honors Algebra II as its terminal mathematics course. With Malik’s perse-verance, a Precalculus-Calculus course was offered the next school year.




Interestingly, Malik solicited 30 of his African American peers to sign up for the advanced mathematics course. This example illustrates not only how this African American male succeeded in mathematics but also how he created his own access to higher-level mathematics.

Stinson (2004, 2008) examined the sociocultural discourses on the agency of 4 successful African American males in mathematics. The participants were African American men in their early 20s who were reflecting on their mathematics schooling experiences. Employing a critical postmodern theo-retical framework, Stinson found that these African American men under-stood society’s racial structures and negotiated the negative discourses that are used to stifle the progress of African American men in society.

The work of Berry (2005, 2008), Thompson and Lewis (2005), and Stinson (2004, 2008) are not stories that are heard frequently concerning the mathe-matics education of African American male students. These K-12 examples show how important it is to reframe research so that mathematics educators and researchers can listen to and learn from the success stories of African American (male) students in mathematics education, especially those who have continued in the mathematics pipeline (Ladson-Billings, 1997). An explora-tion of African American male students’ K-12 experiences might serve as a vehicle to delve deeper into understanding their higher education mathemat-ics experiences. This case study seeks to add to the knowledge base concern-ing the mathematics experiences of an African American male mathematics doctoral student. I now turn the discussion to undergraduate studies pertain-ing to this area of inquiry.

Undergraduate Research StudiesTreisman (1992) conducted a study at the University of California (UC) Berkeley addressing the high failure rates of Blacks and Hispanics in calculus. Although Treisman’s study did not specifically focus on African American male students, his focus on students of color included African American male students. The goal of his research was “to improve the quality of instruction in Introductory Calculus at Berkeley” (Treisman, 1992, p. 363). The study included 20 Black and 20 Chinese students. After analyzing data from surveys, moving in with students, videotaping students, and interviewing students’ families, Treisman concluded that minorities’ failure might be attributed to these four reasons: a motivation gap, a lack of academic preparation, a lack of family support or a lack of knowledge about higher education, and a lack of income. Treisman also found that Black students typically worked alone, whereas Chinese students worked in groups. It can be argued that Treisman



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studied academically (mathematically) successful African American students, given that students must have exceptional grades and standardized test scores to be admitted into UC Berkeley.

Treisman’s (1992) research is seminal regarding the mathematics achieve-ment and/or underachievement among undergraduate students of color. Even though the goal of the study was to improve the Introductory Calculus course, the study was somewhat deficient in theory as it pinpointed “problems” with Black students. Although Treisman recognized a void in the research litera-ture, he did not interview the Black students themselves to validate or refute his conclusions.

Hrabowski, Maton, and Greif’s (1998) research is also important regard-ing the academic achievement rates of African American male students. In their work, Hrabowski and colleagues interviewed high-achieving African American men and their parents. The African American men were enrolled in the Meyerhoff Program at the University of Maryland–Baltimore County to study science, mathematics, and engineering (SME; which has become synonymous with STEM). The goal of the program is for students to com-plete SME degrees and then pursue a doctorate in one of those areas in order to reverse the downward spiral that seems to be occurring among African American male students in education in general and SME disciplines in par-ticular. The program, which now serves African American women and other minorities, consisted of African American male students only during the 1st year of its implementation. Hrabowski et al. documented the success stories of these African American male students who negotiated racism and offered suggestions (i.e., set high expectations, establish open and consistent com-munication, and foster a positive racial and male identity, to name a few) for parents and educators of African American male students who have a desire to rear academically successful African American male students.

McGee (2005) studied 14 high-achieving African American mathematics and engineering majors in their junior and senior years of college. Employing CRT, she found that these students exhibited positive racial identities and continued in the African American spiritual tradition. She also found that parents were impor-tant factors in the students’ success. Furthermore, she found that most students embraced an ideological paradigm of “succeeding against the odds.”

As noted, Treisman’s (1992) work was influential in bringing the conver-sation concerning the achievement rates of students of color in mathematics in higher education to the fore. Hrawboski et al.’s (1998) work continued the dialogue in this area and proposed specific suggestions to contribute to the academic success of African American male students. Also, McGee’s (2005) work added to the knowledge base by applying a CRT framework to her




research, thereby bringing race to the forefront. As it stands, however, more research is needed to document the successful experiences of African American male students in college mathematics.

Graduate Research StudiesCooper (2000) examined the procedures of a mathematics department that influenced a large population of African American mathematics graduate stu-dents at the University of Maryland–College Park. The mathematics depart-ment at this university is one of the largest mathematics departments in the United States and has a track record of mathematical productivity and research. Cooper learned that one person can make a huge difference (i.e., Raymond Johnson); an African American presence within mathematics faculty mem-bers, staff, and students themselves lends itself to attracting students to a program; academic as well as social support are needed for students to be successful in a mathematics doctoral program; and mentorship is a valuable aspect needed prior to and during graduate school to assist with the progress toward a doctoral degree.

Warde (2008), in another study, conducted focus group interviews with 11 African American male graduate students who were successful in obtaining their bachelor’s degree. Although his study did not include participants who obtained degrees in mathematics, his study yielded valuable insights, as it pertains to the participation of African American male students in college gen-erally. Warde’s participants were asked to recount “the key events and/or expe-riences that contributed to their successful completion of a baccalaureate degree” (Warde, 2008, p. 61). The focus groups were separated into two groups (one group had 6 participants while the other group had 5). His phenomenological investigation revealed four themes: “(1) having an epiphany about the impor-tance of higher education; (2) having access to the resources needed to attend and persist in an institution of higher education; (3) having a mentor; and (4) being resilient when faced with obstacles” (Warde, 2008, p. 59).

Notwithstanding, there is a shortage of research examining the experiences of African American male students in higher education, especially at the grad-uate level. The work of mathematics educators, such as Cooper (2000), should be brought to the fore when discussing the graduate school experiences of African American male mathematics students. Additionally, intertwining the work of scholars, such as Warde (2008), outside the field of mathematics edu-cation with mathematics education research is a vehicle to engage in dialogue across academic disciplines regarding the participation of African American male students in higher education in general and mathematics in particular.



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Thus, borrowing from intellectual traditions outside of mathematics might prove beneficial in mathematics educators’ understanding of the experiences of African American male students at all levels. Furthermore, employing nuanced theoretical perspectives and qualitative methodologies might lead to additional insights concerning the mathematics experiences of African American male students.

Theory and MethodCRT is a theoretical orientation that has been used in education research to bring issues of race and racism to the forefront. CRT developed from the work of legal scholars, such as Alan Freeman, Richard Delgado, and Derrick Bell, an African American law professor, who is considered the father of CRT (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). These scholars sought to withstand the subtler forms of racism that evade our society by developing CRT. This theoretical framework builds off of four basic principles providing the epis-temological foundation for CRT.

First, critical race theorists contest “that racism is normal, not aberrant, in American society” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000, p. xvi). Because the United States has historical structures, schooling practices, and so forth that perpetu-ate racism, racism seems normal to people in our society. Second, critical race theorists do not follow the regular traditions of scholarship. In other words, CRT allows researchers to employ storytelling (i.e., voice) to speak out on processes that allow racism to thrive in society with the hope of break-ing down some of these racist barriers. Third, CRT asserts a critique of liber-alism (Ladson-Billings, 1999). Critical race theorists offer this critique by arguing that the dominant culture does not fully understand concepts such as liberty and equality. Fourth, critical race theorists argue that Whites have been the primary beneficiaries of legislation. As such, critical race theorists argue that Whites will accept and/or encourage advances for people of color only when these advances also benefit Whites themselves.

Drawing from CRT as a theoretical construct, this study also employed the case study research approach as a methodological framework. “A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2003, p. 13). Case study researchers investigate phenomena for the purpose of explaining, understanding, and mak-ing the public aware about the cases (Hays, 2004). Furthermore, this approach allows for thick descriptions of the case (Merriam, 1998). In keeping with the tenets of CRT as well as case study research, it is important for me as the




researcher to share my own experiences and articulate my viewpoints con-cerning this area of inquiry.

I am an African American male scholar who completed an undergraduate degree in mathematics at a historically Black university (historically Black college and university [HBCU]) and have also taken mathematics courses at a predominantly White institution (PWI) and a diverse research institution. Moreover, I have taught mathematics classes at an HBCU, a community col-lege, and a diverse research institution, which has exposed me to a myriad of educational climates and given me different insights concerning the mathe-matics experiences of African American male students in higher education. These experiences have caused me to think differently about mathematics and the African American male student and thereby to focus on their successes in mathematics, especially at the collegiate level. Moreover, my research inter-ests are centered on investigating how African American male students gain access to college mathematics and continue to journey through the mathematics pipeline (i.e., graduate school).

The successful African American male student who was a participant for this case study was referred by a colleague. The participant’s name and refer-ences to other locales have been changed to pseudonyms. Inclusion criteria for the case study included the following: (a) self-identified as an African American man, (b) completed an undergraduate degree in mathematics, and (c) enrolled in a graduate mathematics or mathematics education program. Data were col-lected from an initial survey and three interviews. The survey detailed informa-tion pertaining to the participant’s demographics, family, education, and so on. The interviews allowed me to explore the participant’s schooling, mathemati-cal, and racial experiences. For this case study, each interview lasted between 35 min and 1 hr. Also, each interview was audiotaped and transcribed by the researcher. After the case study was written, I shared my analysis of the data with the participant to member-check the data (Glesne, 2006). Coupling the case study approach with CRT, the case study (i.e., results) and discussion of an African American male student who met the criteria for participation are presented.

Results and DiscussionRoger’s Introductory Vignette

Roger grew up as an only child in the South in what he classified as a middle-class family. During his college experience, Roger majored in mathematics at an HBCU in the southeastern part of the United States. In addition to majoring



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in mathematics, he also played on the college football team. After college, Roger completed two master’s degrees, one in mathematics and one in elec-trical and computer engineering at a PWI. Currently, he is working on his doctorate in mathematics.

Reflecting on his educational experiences, Roger expressed that he had exceptional schooling experiences. He stated that most of his elementary school teachers knew his parents; therefore, he was expected to act and per-form well in school. Although he remembered serving as the president of the student council in the eighth grade, he maintained that most of his elementary and middle school educational memories were vague. While he spoke rather positively about his schooling experiences in general, he did not cite any educative experiences related to mathematics specifically.

As a high school student, Roger stated that he was not interested in math-ematics. He actually found mathematics to be somewhat difficult. Below is a transcription of the interview regarding Roger’s struggle with mathematics in high school:

Author: What about your high school experience (in math)?Roger: In high school, I didn’t like math. I struggled in math the first

couple of years. I believe because I was more focused on athletics than my education because I played football, and athletics in the environment of high school, I really wasn’t focused that much. Math wasn’t my strong point. But in high school, I really wasn’t focused on school. It was basically social. But I made it through.

Author: And why is it that you didn’t like math in high school?Roger: Basically, I just wasn’t focused. Actually, I had to take a math

class in summer school. I remember my summer school class very well. I really enjoyed it. I don’t know if it was the teacher, but since I think about it now, I believe it was because I didn’t have that many distractions. Summer school in math, I did pretty good.

Author: Were you in summer school because you failed (math)?Roger: Yeah, I failed.(We both laugh.) (Interview 1)

The fact that Roger failed mathematics in high school validates his disdain for mathematics in high school. Roger’s experience is in stark contrast to the lit-erature that reports that students who choose mathematics and science majors in college usually have successful early experiences in mathematics courses (Oakes, 1990). Furthermore, his case study later reveals that his dissatisfaction with mathematics continued on for an abbreviated time period into his college




experience, again in direct opposition to the research literature. Interestingly, Roger failed mathematics in high school because he was more concerned about football, not because of a lack of mathematics abilities.

The Journey to MathematicsInitially, Roger entered college seeking to obtain a degree in computer science. Roger believed that the computer science faculty members at his undergraduate institution did not exude excitement about their field of study. Moreover, he expressed that he became frustrated with the small nuances of computer programming. For example, he made reference to searching diligently for over an hour for an error in his computer program, which happened to be one semicolon error. For these reasons, Roger switched his major to mathematics after 1 year of studying computer science.

In college, Roger expressed that he had a mathematics professor to help him understand the intricacies of mathematics and who was equally instru-mental in his decision to study mathematics. Discussing the connection with his mathematics professor, Roger explained,

And I had a teacher, he was a math teacher, he really took me under his wings and stuff. I mean I was trying to do good and work hard at it and stuff. Stuff wasn’t clicking, but after he got with me and showed me how to do things, the ins and outs and stuff like that. Actually, it was gray to me. And then basically, he just worked with me, and it was easy. (Interview 1)

Later in the interview, Roger revealed that his mathematics professor was an African American man. As indicated, however, Roger’s interest in mathe-matics was piqued by his African American male mathematics professor, who noticed his gift in mathematics through working with him one-on-one. Roger’s example aligns closely with the work of Cooper (2000) that asserts how one faculty member (i.e., student and faculty interactions) can make a difference in attracting students to the mathematics pipeline. Furthermore, by seeing his African American male professor take interest in his mathematics education and practice mathematics, Roger was able to see himself as a doer of mathematics (Clark, Johnson, & Chazan, 2009). As such, the implications of having an African American mathematics scholar worked in Roger’s favor. These implications also highlight the salient aspects of race and the need to employ CRT in mathematics education research.



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College Mathematics Experiences

Although Roger was involved with football in college, he cited several instances of working with other mathematics majors on various assignments. Additionally, he expressed that he did several mathematics presentations in college, which he credited with helping him strengthen his teaching skills. He joked, “I’m teaching, so I give presentations everyday” (Interview 2), stress-ing the importance of those mathematics presentations during his undergradu-ate studies to his current occupation as an assistant professor of mathematics. In addition, he kept the majority of his lecture notes from his college math-ematic courses and draws upon those lecture notes to engage his African American students in mathematics.

Roger paid homage to his HBCU for producing the most African American mathematics majors in the state, even more than all of the well-known research universities in his state. He credited this production of African American mathematics majors to a strong mathematics department along with strong mathematics faculty and a strong department chair. He used the word strong to refer to the faculty members’ sternness with regard to rigorous mathematics and their ability to help him and other African American students prepare for graduate studies in mathematics. This observation is consistent with the research literature that indicates the importance of mentorship (i.e., social and academic or mathematics) as a valuable asset to assist with graduate school preparation and matriculation in mathematics (Cooper, 2000).

Given Roger’s strong mathematics department, he did not have many major challenges with the discipline of mathematics itself after declaring mathematics as a major. When questioned about his most difficult mathemat-ics course in college, he identified Calculus as the course that posed the most problems for him. Recounting his time in Calculus, he noted,

Uh, basically, I wasn’t putting enough time into it. And basically as a young person, it was kind of overwhelming the material and stuff . . . Basically I had to understand that if I don’t know these rules, then I’m not going to get it. I didn’t really; it wasn’t just clicking that I need to know these rules. I was just, basically, pictured Calculus as being intimidating. And after you’re intimidated, that’s it. (Interview 2)

Surprisingly, Roger claimed that he was intimidated by Calculus. With Roger’s Calculus experience, he was not able to see himself as a doer of mathematics. Later on in the interview, he mentioned that he had to take Calculus again in summer school because he failed to master it the first time




he took it. He failed Calculus because he did not invest a sufficient amount of time needed to be a success in the course. After mastering Calculus, however, Roger found that his remaining mathematics courses built off of the Calculus foundational knowledge.

As a result, Roger experienced much success with the remainder of his mathematics courses during his tenure as a mathematics major. More impor-tant, Roger has remained an A student in mathematics throughout the rest of his undergraduate and graduate career in mathematics. In college, he was bestowed respect from his peers because of his intellectual capabilities to pursue mathematics as a major:

I mean that’s the major to pursue because after you tell them you’re a math major, you’re looked at different. And people ask you questions like how’d you do it, so basically, the bottom line is I believe we carry the most weight than anything that you can do. (Interview 2)

Roger believes that people see mathematics majors in a different light than other majors. In his experience, people regarded him as being highly intelli-gent because he was pursuing a mathematics degree. This paradigm may have caused him to excel further in mathematics. During his graduate school years in mathematics and engineering at a PWI and in his current doctoral work in mathematics, Roger says that he has not had a challenging mathemat-ics course because he obtained the mathematics training while working on his undergraduate degree to achieve in advanced theoretical mathematics gradu-ate courses.

Along with learning mathematics in college, Roger connected and applied these mathematical concepts to various real-world scenarios. He conveyed,

Basically, with taking an Abstract Algebra class . . . Basically in that class, they showed us like dihedral groups, basically shapes and stuff. And I know with that type of stuff if you look at people’s rims on their cars, that has dihedral groups like shapes and stuff. So we learned that in Abstract Algebra. (Interview 2)

Roger explained that his Abstract Algebra professor showed the class how advanced mathematical concepts were used in everyday life. This example of connecting the rims of cars with the concept of dihedral groups aligns closely with the culturally relevant literature (Ladson-Billings, 1994). By using the rims on cars as an example, Roger’s professor incorporated a cultural referent to engage students in meaningful mathematics (Berry, 2003).



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Critical Race Reflections

Roger was questioned about his experiences with race and racism as an African American male student in mathematics. Because he went to an HBCU with mostly African American students, he did not think that the race question dealt with his undergraduate experiences. He did, however, reflect on his experiences as a graduate teaching assistant at a research university while working on his master’s degree. He recounted,

But I was a professor also. But once I told them that I’m a professor, they look at me, they see I’m Black and I’m young. They try to stereo-type me looking at me like I ain’t supposed to be no professor. But they couldn’t do nothing to me because I knew my stuff. But that’s what I picked up. (Interview 3)

Roger believed that his students questioned his mathematical abilities because he was an African American male (graduate) instructor. Similar to Cleveland (2004), Roger realized the he was being judged because of his race as opposed to his intellectual attributes. In Cleveland’s experience, he shared his thoughts and feelings concerning the racial injustices practiced at the institution with his cohort and faculty members. In other words, Cleveland shared his experiences to disrupt the institutional racism at his school, thereby employing a CRT strategy to dismantle the racial tensions (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). Roger, however, did not cite any actions that he used to counteract the racism projected onto him. Rather, he stressed that his math-ematics knowledge would be used as a buffer to those who held racist beliefs concerning his ability to teach mathematics as an African American man at a research university. Therefore, Roger used his intellect as a mecha-nism to negotiate the negative discourses surrounding African American men in mathematics (Stinson, 2008).

Roger was also questioned about his experiences with race and racism as an African American man in society in general. There seemed to be a contra-riety regarding his SINE (i.e., a company for which he was employed) experi-ences with racism. He affirmed,

To be honest with you, I really haven’t dealt with racism, but I have. It was just that it wasn’t, it was more behind the scenes instead of out in the open. They did things behind my back. For example, I worked for SINE. Basically, I had more degrees than everybody in the com-pany. This was in another state. Basically, what happened is I applied for a supervisor’s position, and you got to send a package to Smallville.




The package never got to Smallville and things like that. So they do little stuff like that behind your back. (Interview 3)

Prompting Roger to reflect more deeply about his experience with racism, I probed him further about that experience. I offer the following portion of the interview at length to get at the essence of his argument:

Roger: The process is you have to do all the paperwork. Get the paper-work to your supervisor. And then they send it to Smallville. Then Smallville contacts you and sets up a schedule for you to do a man-agement test.

Author: Uh-hum.Roger: Basically, I turned the packet in every year. I didn’t get any

contact on when I’d get to take the exam or anything like that. Then I know for a fact that I gave the packet to the district manager one time.

Author: And you still didn’t get picked?Roger: No.Author: And how did that make you feel?Roger: Uh, frustrated. Uh, the bottom line is basically I was frustrated

because basically I had really wanted a career in Sine. But I see right now that’s not in God’s plans for me to do. So at that point in time I was kind of frustrated, but right now I’m glad that it didn’t go through. So I don’t have a problem with it because they cutthroat. When it comes to hiring up in the company, they cutthroat. And as a Black man, I already know I’d a got cut. (Interview 3)

According to Roger, his packet for a supervisor’s position was mysteriously lost for 2 consecutive years. For the subsequent year, he gave the application to the district manager, thinking that would result in hearing from one of the company’s representatives. To his dismay, he still was not contacted. Because he possessed a degree in mathematics, Roger believed that he was extremely qualified for the job and an ideal candidate for the position. The fact that he was not contacted, he believed, was directly related to the fact that he was an African American male applicant. As such, race (i.e., CRT), he believed, was the underlying construct prohibiting him from access to moving up with the company. This encounter aligns with CRT’s fourth tenet in that it can be argued that he was not granted a promotion because he had the potential to advance farther in the company than his White counterparts, especially given the fact that he possessed a mathematics degree (Ladson-Billings, 1999). Other accounts of being judged because of race (i.e., African American) and/



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or gender (i.e., male) can be found in the literature (see, e.g., Bell, 1992; Cleveland, 2004; Ellison, 1980/1995; Kunjufu, 1995; Mays, 1971/2003; Tatum, 2003). Furthermore, as he reflected on this experience, Roger real-ized that he might not have survived in the company as an African American male supervisor, given the company’s racial hiring reputation. Therefore, he believed that God did not allow him to secure the position. His references to God validate his spiritual connection, which is also consistent with the spiri-tual tradition evidenced by McGee’s (2005) participants as well the partici-pants in my larger study (Jett, 2009, 2010).

Concluding VignetteAccording to Roger, he, as an assistant professor in a mathematics department at an HBCU, is in an optimal position to attract more African American male students in the mathematics pipeline. The following segments of the interview detailed below provide a better understanding of Roger’s sentiments:

Author: What can we do as college professors to attract more African American males in mathematics?

Roger: We’ve gotta go out there and get ’em.Author: Uh-hum.Roger: They ain’t gone come to us. I mean if we’re serious about it,

we’ve gotta go get ’em.(I laugh.)Roger: We have to get them.Author: Uh-hum.Roger: But I feel we can get them though. I mean they’re out there, we

just gotta go and get them. I mean we need to do something like start like a team, young Black men and just go to high schools. Because if you think about it, it’s more young Black men teaching math in high schools, they don’t know that it’s young brothers like me and you on the college level, so we need to network and get them in. (Interview 3)

Roger spoke with passion about “going to get ’em,” referring to African American male mathematics majors. He believes that we, as African American men in mathematics, should collaborate to bring this vision into fruition. This collaboration should be inclusive of both African American male math-ematics high school teachers and African American male mathematics (edu-cation) professors. This collaboration parallels the work of Johnson and Brown (2009). These scholars encourage universities and schools to partner




in order to reach the goal of mathematical literacy for African American students. At the University of Maryland–College Park, Johnson and Brown have been involved in events such as an elementary African American male mentoring program, university colloquia, and family math nights, to name a few, to foster mathematics achievement. As such, their push for collabora-tion is not limited to mathematics educators but also inclusive of the family and community as well.

During our last interview, Roger made it a point to emphasize that our work as African American men in mathematics has just begun. His closing argu-ment really captured the earnestness that he has for his experiences with mathematics. Again, I am compelled to share the interview at length to give voice to his testimony:

Author: Are there any other thoughts that you would like to share about being a successful African American male in college mathematics?

Roger: Well, to be honest with you. It’s all a blessing. We’re all called to something in life, and if you can stay on track and stay on a straight track and don’t get off on any exits and get to the point where you need to be at in life. It’s all a process for you to try to give back. . . . Well, I don’t know how you feel, but I didn’t think I was gone get this far. But it’s all a blessing though, but I’m glad I did.

Author: Uh-hum.Roger: As a person that’s been lost before, don’t understand things,

been immature and couldn’t see the forest before the trees; that makes me want to help people a lot and help them turn the light on and get to where they supposed to be. (Interview 3)

Roger mentioned that he did not think that he would achieve so much as it pertains to school (i.e., working on a doctorate in mathematics). He made reference to the fact that he was “lost” as it pertains to his educational goals. In other words, he was not really focused on school; rather, he was going through the motions as a football player, not contemplating the ramifications of his own education on his life. He now, however, has a clear vision of his future in mathematics, one that includes attracting more African American male students to the mathematics pipeline.

ImplicationsThis case study offers implications with regard to research, policy, and prac-tice. As it pertains to research, more studies highlighting the mathematics



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success of African American students is essential to the sustaining of the mathematics pipeline for this group. In particular, more studies exploring the successful undergraduate and graduate experiences of African American men in mathematics are needed. Given the emphasis on producing more African American male graduates and STEM degree holders, I argue, suc-cessful mathematics experiences for African American male students might be a starting point to this end, especially given mathematics’ crucial role in being the underlying foundation for STEM disciplines. Therefore, I propose that researchers investigate the mathematics experiences of African American male college mathematics graduates who are continuing in the mathematics pipeline whether in graduate school or in the workforce.

Another implication for research (as well as policy) includes investigating the academic achievement rates of African American male athletes. For example, Roger failed mathematics in both high school and college because he was more focused on football than his mathematics studies. While it is commendable for African American male students to engage in athletics, this athletic engagement, however, should not be to the detriment of African American male students’ academic performance. Moreover, mathematics educators must create spaces that welcome and celebrate African American male students’ mathematics accomplishments just as sports celebrate their accomplishments. Equally important is the need for those in higher education institutions to create environments that foster mathematics achievement for African American male students.

Additionally, I challenge those engaged in mathematics teaching and learn-ing on the front lines to recognize and build upon the mathematics potential in African American male students (Cooper 2000, 2004). Roger’s professor could have viewed him as a student lacking mathematical intelligence and not provided him with the knowledge base to have access to the mathemat-ics pipeline. As Roger’s case study demonstrates, however, it is never too late to attract African American male students to the mathematics pipeline. Another implication from this case study is that those who are invested in the mathematics teaching and learning of African American male students must assist in enabling African American male students to see themselves as doers of mathematics (Clark et al., 2009). Exposing African American male students to the historical academic legacy of African American men in general and African American men in the mathematics pipeline in particular might be starting points to this end (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Kenschaft, 2005).

Also, an engagement in dialogue regarding race as it pertains to mathe-matics must be practiced by mathematics educators. I concur with Berry




(2008) that issues of race (i.e., African American) and gender (i.e., male) be brought to the fore when conceptualizing strategies to engage African American male students in mathematics. Generally, mathematics classrooms are constructed as sites where little to no discourse concerning race takes place. Mathematics practitioners must work against structures that frame mathematics as being divorced from issues related to race and/or racism. Discussing and critically analyzing literature regarding CRT would be fruit-ful in making this a reality. It would be even more powerful for African American male students to use mathematics as a tool to examine various racial injustices (Gutstein & Peterson, 2006). A critical examination of race might also assist policy makers in their efforts to establish policy to meet the needs of African American male mathematics learners.

As such, policy makers and other stakeholders must draw from research that highlights the mathematics education strengths of African American male students to inform research and policy. By starting with the premise that African American male students lack mathematical intelligence, policy mak-ers perpetuate the myth that African American male students are deficient in mathematics (Martin, 2009). Therefore, more research is needed that explores the successes of African American male mathematics learners and draws upon CRT as a theoretical paradigm to inform research, practice, and pol-icy if our goal is truly to attract more African American male students to STEM disciplines and to ensure the sustainability of mathematically compe-tent citizens.

Concluding ThoughtsThis case study unveiled the mathematics journey of Roger, an African American male student who has continued in the mathematics pipeline. Even though this is a single case study, it has implications for those conducting larger research studies in this area. Roger’s mathematics story is robust and also offers insights to those who seek to investigate the experiences of African American male students in mathematics. Given that his story does not mirror the “traditional” exceptional mathematics student (i.e., an A math-ematics student from elementary school throughout his or her mathematics education career), Roger’s case study showcases the unique, unexplored mathematics talents of an African American male student.

After reflecting on this case study, I present some questions for critical thought concerning the experiences of African American male students in mathematics. These questions include the following: What insights might be garnered as a result of employing CRT as a theoretical framework



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in mathematics (education) research? What factors contribute to the fact that some African American male students do not see themselves as doers of mathematics, much less as pursuant of doctoral degrees in mathematics? What factors contribute to African American male (and female) students’ being intimidated by mathematics, especially when people of African descent have contributed significantly to the development of mathematics? and What efforts might be employed by policy makers and mathematics educators to hold African American male student athletes to a standard of excellence as it pertains to their mathematics achievement rates? These questions need further exploration to shed light on the mathematics experiences of African American male students.

Undoubtedly, research examining the mathematics experiences of African American male students has the possibility of providing an avenue for mathematics educators to (re)discuss schooling practices that enhance the (mathematics) achievement outcomes for African American male students (Stinson, 2006). Furthermore, by attempting to understand the experiences of African American male students, educators, researchers, and policy makers can work to create mathematics practices that might work for all students (Matthews & Williams, 2007). It is my hope that those who read this case study will recognize the mathematics potential in African American male students, assist African American male students in envisioning themselves as mathematically astute individuals, and (continue to) create spaces for African American male students to engage in meaningful mathematics.

Definitively, Roger stated during our last interview with all earnestness that he was lost. When I reflected upon his statement, the lyrics to the song “Amazing Grace” came to mind: “I once was lost, but now am found.” These words are applied to the educational experiences of African American male students, and I am concerned about the many African American male students who are lost as it pertains to their education in general and their mathematics education in particular. This concern is even more disheartening to me, given the mathematics potential of African American male students and also the grave consequences that are associated with not being mathematically liter-ate. It is my hope that those who read this case study will be called to action to assist those African American male students who are lost in finding their way, especially those African American male students whose way includes (re)entering the mathematics pipeline.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.




Funding

The author received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

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Bio

Christopher Charlie Jett is a Clinical Assistant Professor in Middle Level Mathematics Education in the Department of Middle-Secondary and Instructional Technology at Georgia State University. His research interests include employing a critical race philosophical and theoretical framework to (mathematics) education research and investigating the experiences of successful African American (male) students in mathematics.



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