jouet communication and mediation article reso 0969-9864 1994 num 2-1-3261

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Josiane JouëtLiz Libbrecht

Communication and mediationIn: Réseaux, 1994, volume 2 n°1. pp. 71-90.

Abstract

Summary: Throughout the Cold War two types of radio stations broadcast to the Communist countries: 'sovereign' radio (e.g.

BBC, RFI) and 'substitute' radio (e.g. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty). They developed, from the same sources of information,

two distinct styles of production and relations with listeners. These radio stations were both a political instrument and a cultural

vector, a link with the West and a medium for local communications, until broadcasting finally gained its freedom through political

change.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Jouët Josiane, Libbrecht Liz. Communication and mediation. In: Réseaux, 1994, volume 2 n°1. pp. 71-90.

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/reso_0969-9864_1994_num_2_1_3261

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_reso_136








COMMUNICATION

AND

MEDIATION

JosianeJOUËT

Translated

by Liz

Libbrecht

Summary:

How

can communication practices,

transformed by

the emergence of computerized technologies

and

the evolution of

the televisual system, be

analysed? This

article

considers

both

technical

and social

mediation.

The influence of technology

is

manifest in the modelling of practices

on

its logic and

performance

and

in the increasing

technicality

of the

communication

process.

That of

society

is seen in an

individualization and personalization

of

uses,

a

combination

of

technical rationality

and

subjectivity. Yet the social link remains

of theframework of reference which gives

meaning

to

practices.

71



COMMUNICATION

AND MEDIATION

4 COMMUNICATION

AND

MEDIATION

JosianeJOUËT

The entrality of mediatized com

munication tools,

which have

become

standard

in

all

aspects

of

daily

life, is one of the

most

signi

ficant features of social change

in ad

vanced industrial societies. The

use

of

these

devices

extends from leisure-

oriented activities

to the working environ

mentnd daily

tasks. Concurrently,

all

uses of the

media

are proliferating forms

of

new

'communicationaT behaviour are

emerging.

The

extended use of communication

tools

has coincided with the

arrival

in the typi

cal

ome,

of a new

range

of

equipment,

commonly referred

to

as 'new information

and communication technologies' (NICT),

including

microcomputers,

the

Minitel,

video

games, VCRs,

CD players,

tel

ephones with

a

memory and special

func

tions,

answering machines and faxes.

These

technologies

vary considerably

both

in

their

technical components

and

in

their

functions. Some

are

computer-

based,

such

as

microcomputers

or

the

Minitel, whereas others

remain analogue

devices,

but their

functioning

is

often

based

on

numeric commands. The term

'computer-based technologies' has been

chosen

here

to

denote

all

of

these

new

communication tools.

The evolution of communication practices

cannot however

be limited to the use

of

such devices, for it is also reaching the

sphere

of

traditional

mass

media.

Telev

ision-viewing is undergoing profound

change due to

the use

of peripheral equip

ment such as

video-cassette

recorders or

remote control devices,

but

also

as a

re

su lt

of

technical

changes

in

the

televisual

system and

the

proliferation of

the

choice

of

programmes

offered over the past de

cade.

Communication practices

are often

ana

lysed

as being

the

product of changes

in

communication

systems

and

equipment,

which

are thought to define de

facto

the

way in which individuals

use them.

Such

technical determinism, however,

should

be avoided.

The same can

be

said of

the

limiting

model

of

social

determinism

which ignores

the

role of technical objects

and

rather

sees social change as

the

prin

cipal factor

determining

usage.

Nowadays

communication

practices in

volve dual mediation which is both tech

nical and social, since the

device

used

structures

the

practice and since

the

practice structures itself

through

the

rules,

meanings and

motives found

in the

social

environment.

Technical

develop

mentsnd

social change

meet, and

these

practices

provide

a

highly

favourable

field

for observing

and defining this conver

gence.

This article

examines

first those social

facts

which bear

witness

to the

signifi

cancef technology, and

secondly

those

which demonstrate social

dynamics.

The

infiltration of technological and social

mediation

into

the

formation of

communic

ation

ractices

is then

defined

through

changes in

the

lifestyle and

discourse

of

users.

73



Josiane JOUĚT

74

Technical

mediation

Man-machine dialogue

has become com

mon

in

this latter

part

of

our century

as

homes are filled

with

communication de

vices used to

converse in

natural or coded

language. The

drop in prices, miniaturi

zationf equipment and simplification of

their

use have popularized

such devices

and made the most

advanced technol

ogies vailable to

the

uninitiated. Their

role in

daily life

raises

a series

of questions

on the evolution of the communication

process

and on

its social impact. It

in

fact

creates

a

link

between

the

architecture

of

technical

objects on the

one hand

and the

construction of social practices

on the

other.

Computer-based

tools

are

leading

to an evolution

in communication which

is also seen

in

the

use

of established

media

such

as television.

An increasingly

technical

communication process

Today's

computer-based communication

devices can be operated

only

if

the

archi

tecture of

the

technology is

respected.

An

increasingly technical communication

process is therefore being combined with

the

computer paradigm

and

being inte

grated

into

daily life.

The relationship between

users and

com

munication

tools

functions

in different

ways,

depending

on

the

technical

makeup

of

the

devices and

their

level of inter

activity. Whereas microcomputers are

the

most

interactive

domestic machines,

the

Minitel

is less interactive, and

other

household

communication

technologies

such as

VCRs

even

less

so. It is therefore

more

appropriate

to talk of interaction

than

of interactivity as

such.

Interactivity

is,

in

effect,

man-machine dialogue

which

is not only based

on

a continuing ex

change

of

commands

and

replies,

but

which also gives

users the

possibility of

intervening in natural or coded language

in the

contents

of

this

exchange.

tivity influences the

construction

of use

for it requires

the

continuing and active

presence of

the

user if

the

machine is to

function.

The interactive situation is therefore very

different from

the

use of 'digital' devices

which

carry

out

their 'programme' alone

at

the

touch of one or two

buttons

(e.g.

VCRs or

CD players).

These

electronic

non-computer-based devices function in

the

analogue mode but do nevertheless

include a numeric component (e.g. for

display or programming), which

directs

the

use

of

the

machine. Users must

ac

cept

the

machine's logic and follow

the

operating

order if

their

instructions are to

be carried

out.

'Digital technologies' are in fact

signif

icantly different from

former household

appliances. They often offer a wide range

of uses which, because of their complexi

tyequire

a

certain degree of

know-how.

Users,

put off by the difficulty of

operating

instructions,

only rarely

use

all

the

possible functions. However, they have

the possibility of programming their mac

hines,

for

example the

VCR to record

selected TV programmes, or of selecting

specific

information

such as a sequence

of a

film

or a message

on the

answering

machine. The

principles

of programming

and sequential logic

are

henceforth in

scribed

in the

operation of everyday ap

pliances and

have become, through

experience,

an

integral part

of

the

mental

schema

of

a

large

number

of users (Jouet,

1990).

Traditional mass

media

are also

gradually

moving towards interactivity

even

if inter

active television remains experimental.

Cable television is making money out of

the pay-per-view system, and viewers

can

react

directly

by means

of

telematic polls

during

the broadcasting of

programmes.

With

the

development

of

video games,

the

status

of

television sets is

changing

rapidly. P. Chambat and A. Ehrenberg

announce the

emergence

of

a

screen cul-



COMMUN ICATION AND MEDIATION

ture based

on

new ways of consuming

television,

such

as

the

transformation of

TV screens Into

display terminals for

in

teractive

processes

(Chambat

Ehren-

berg,

1988). Interactivity

thus appears

to

be

one of the future dimensions of the

television

set.

The dominance

of the computer-based

model

is not therefore bound to

the

use of

the

computer alone, but

permeates the

'digital

technologies'

that

surround

every

body. Users

of NICT develop a new rela

tionship with communication

tools

and

acquire,

in

an

informal

way,

computer-

type

skills

which become part of their

usual

communication

practices.

These

skills are

in

most cases rudimentary

and

limited to

basic operating procedures,

since

the

everyday

use

of

computer-based

tools

is

essentially

dependent on an emp

irical approach which

includes

de facto

a familiarization with procedures re

quired by

the machine.

This

informal

learning

of

a

technology's

codes

is

however not

necessarily

a source

of knowledge about

the

technology itself.

There

are significant

differences

between,

on the

one hand, a minority of individuals

who

are

interested

in

a technology as

such

and

who

acquire

theoretical

knowl

edge

bout it, like computer

hacks, and

on the

other hand

the

vast

majority of

users who have a purely instrumental

approach

to

their

machines.

For

the uni

nitiated

the

technology

remains

a black

box,

although with practical

use

its

mat

eriality

can be grasped, and operating

skills - and sometimes even some theoret

ical

nowledge

- acquired. Familiariza

tionith

the operating instructions

provides access to

the

Junction but not to

the

Jimctioning of

the

technology and even

less so to a thorough knowledge of it.

Nevertheless,

a

phenomenon

of

superfic

ialcculturation to the technology and

logic

of

the

computer

can

now

be

wit

nessed

spreading throughout

the

differ

ent

trata of society. The

user-culture

is

thereby

gaining technical

features,

which

do

not of course constitute a technical

culture as such, but which are

gradually

permeating people's

habitual

frameworks

of

reference.

If

the

use of computer-based

technologies

is becoming unavoidably

'technical',

that

of any other media also requires famil

iarity

with

the

codes

and

language

of

the

technology.

Thus the subjective construc

tionf meaning in televisual reception

does not

exclude the 'technical'

interpre

tation

f

the

contents even

if

the

latter are

finally reinterpreted in

relation

to the

so

cial,

cultural

and personal

references

of

each

person. Users acquire the ability to

understand the

language

of broadcasting

and of

images

and to interpret messages

which allow them, for example,

to

antici

pate

he

outcome of fiction scenarios (Ber

trand, de

Gournay Mercier, 1988).

This

ability reveals familiarization with the

codes

of the

medium.

Yet with

interactive or

digital technol

ogies,

a

break

in

the

relationship

with

the

machine

can

be

observed. The communi-

cational

skills

that are applied are not of

the

same

nature since they

are

based on

the

concrete

and physical experience of

technical materiality.

These tools

require

the

user's participation, not

simply in

interpreting messages, but also

in opera

tinghe technical system.

The

user dic

tates

his

or her commands to the machine

which, in

turn,

imposes

the

technical

logic

of

its

operation.

The diffusion

of

technical

values

into

usage

Whilst

computer-based tools

make the

act of

communication

more technical,

they also convey values of rationality and

performance

which permeate

practices.

New models of action

emerge

which

chan

nel

ndividual

and

collective

expression

and

become part

of

a

large number

of

daily activities,

given the

increasing

use

of

this

equipment.

They

therefore

appear

75



Josiane

JOUĚT

76

as the organizers of action.

The applica

tionsf

all computer

tools well

illustrate

this diffusion

of technical values into

the

elaboration

of

practices.

The

programmi

nf action is

the

same as

that

of a

technology ...

the mere use

of digital tech

nologies

conforms

to the

model

that

cel

ebrates performance. The execution of

separate operations composed of orders,

selection, sequential follow-up and stor

ing ecomes a habit. Operating a

machine

puts

to work a paradigm of formal

logic,

rapidity

and efficiency

that invades

daily

professional

and private

life. The practice

integrates

the

technology's

principles

of

rationality,

order and

coherence,

which

shape

ways of

doing

things and

new

be

havioural patterns' (Jouet, 1990).

Computers

are

often

considered

as

teachers

of rigour,

order and

method for

they

require

a step-by-step

and rigid

ap

proach.

The professional

applications of

these

tools,

for

example,

lead

to the

reor

ganization of work methods

around

their

formal

procedures.

A

growth

of

productivi

tyan be seen to result, and

the

ration

alization of

tasks

within

jobs

would

seem

to be

related

to

the

rationale of

the

ma

chine itself.

The

setting of

a professional

performance standard is often linked to

the use

of computers.

With telematics, information-processing

activities within

a domestic

and personal

context such as enquiries, reservations

on

public

transport,

banking

transac

tions, tc.

are

henceforth formatted

within

the

framework of operating proce

dures, and

the

interactivity of

the

tech

nique is expected to produce

maximal

efficiency

in

man-machine dialogue.

Time-saving

and the

optimization of ser

vices are

essential

motives for using

the

Minitel.

Furthermore,

the

memory functions of

technical devices

ae

increasingly

used

in

the management

of

people's

daily

lives.

Databanks

such

as

the

electronic

tel

ephone

directory

are commonly

used,

and

machines are given the task of storing

personal and professional

information

such as

the

most

frequently

dialled numb

ers

n

telephones

with

special

functions,

or appointments

on

electronic pocket

diaries with

an

alarm. The technical ob

ject

becomes a

partner guaranteeing

order,

while

life-styles

integrate its

values

of performance such as time-savings, pro

ductivity and

rigour.

Even uses

such

as

video

games

are inspired by

the

attraction

of performance.

The entire media system is steeped in

these

values.

The

current

emphasis

on

the

technical achievement of live satellite

broadcasting of events taking

place

any

where in the world, is the

result

of this

striving

for

information

in its

entirety.

Nothing

must escape

the

eye of television

cameras

or that

of

the

TV

viewer.

Even

viewers'

attitudes

bear

witness

to

this

attraction, shown by ardent zappers

who

try to

watch all programmes at

the same

time

(Bertrand, de

Gournay Mercier,

1988).

With the

VCR

and

the

creation

of

private vidéothèques, technology again

acts as a

memory

as

TV

viewers thems

elves become efficient managers of their

viewing

'programme' even if they

never

watch all

the

cassettes

recorded.

The

values

of performance

and order

which

are integral to advanced

technologies

therefore also become part of audiovisual

communication practices. This technol

ogical nfluence does not however

mean

that

practices

correspond

to

rational

models

of use.

The singularity

of ways of

doing

things

Communicational practices bring out

particular patterns

of behaviour

which

reveal

how each person adapts

to the

technical object. The encounter with a

communication

tool

is

the

source

of

a

specific

communicational

experience

that

involves

not only

the

knowledge of

the

technology's

codes

and the acquisition of



COMMUNICATION

AND MEDIATION

operating

skills,

but also

the

elaboration

of particular ways of doing

things.

This

experience

is

essentially

that of the user's

concrete

relationship

with

the

technology.

It represents the processes by which

users devote themselves

to

mental

and

practical

operations in

their utilization of

such

tools,

and by which they also

create,

empirically, their own ways of using

them.

As an example,

the

use of a

word-proces

sor

equires

a minimum

knowledge

of

the

software and

of certain operating proce

dures,

but each person nevertheless

de

velops

his own

way

of

utilizing

it.

Thus

besides being

'forced' to respect the archi

tecture of

the

machine's language,

the

user is granted a large degree of flexibility

allowing him to raid the

computer's memo

ry o

recreate

texts, to combine

diverse

elements

and think spontaneously,

with

out ecessarily being

limited

by technical

rationality. An adjustment takes

place

between

the

disorder of intuitive thinking

and the

ordering of

ideas favoured

by

the

technology.

This

can

moreover

be

related

to the feeling that one is

playing a

kind of

game when using a computer

(Proulx,

1988). Furthermore,

the

mediation of

the

machine

produces

a distancing from

in

tellectual

production

which makes

this

activity

both freer and more

efficient.

Each user of

the

word-processor therefore

has 'his way' of employing the functions

of the software and of writing on the

screen.

The use of

any

communication technol

ogynvolves personal behavioural pat

terns. The diversity of ways of watching

television indicates of

this

personalizat

ion.ny

TV viewer

chooses

his relation

shipith

the supply of messages and

has,

for

example,

his own way

of

using his

remote

control

device

to

select

the

screens

of his unique choice.

Thus

individuals

create their own

modes

of using

the media

and

integrating them into

their life-styles.

The

communicatlonal

experience there

forencludes the

skills acquired by

indi

viduals through their familiarization

with

the

codes

and

operating

functions

of any

communication

tool,

as

well

as particular

ways of dealing with the

technical

object,

both

of

which

constitute

the

construction

of

the

practice.

Social mediation

Whilst

the

mediation of technology is not

neutral

in the elaboration of communicat

ionractices, these are

equally

in

fluenced by the dynamics of social

change.

The emergence

of 'active and au

tonomous

users

has

become

a

common

feature of

the

evolution

of

communication

systems.

Nevertheless,

a distinction

must

be made

between

the

different levels of

this

autonomy.

There is indeed an indi-

vidualization of the use of

all

types of

media,

and communication practices

comprise, de

facto,

a subjective dimen

sionor

they are based on

individual

ways

of

doing

things, respond to

specific expec

tations

and

are linked

to

individual re

presentations

which draw

from

the

imagination.

But subjectivity

is brought

into

play

to varying degrees, depending on

the activity.

Whereas it

is marked in

watching

television, particularly fiction, it

is far less

evident

in the

functional

usage

of

the

media, such

as

the

consultation of

the Minitel for practical purposes, and is

dominant

in the use

of computer-based

technologies

that

demand personal invo

lvement and

are

highly

charged

emotiona

lly

Furthermore,

the

autonomy

of practices

is

relative,

for subjective

approaches

do

not

take place

in a vacuum filled only by

the

mediation

of the technical

object; they

are inscribed

in the reference to

society as

a whole

and in

the

search for

a new social

link.

From the individualization to the

personalization

of

practices

In the broadcasting

sector,

the

1980s

i

naugurated a

tendency

towards increasing 77



Josiane

JOUĚT

78

fragmentation of

viewing

and an individ-

ualization

of

practices. Faced with

an

abundance of programmes, users today

tend

to

adopt

autonomous

behaviour

that

is not unrelated to

the

new cult of individ

ualism. Television is

particularly

indicat

ive

f

this evolution, as noted by

Pierre

Chambat

and

Alain Ehrenberg:

'.. our society's

individualistic

tend

ency is also

influencing

the

com

mon base of our televisual

experience.

In short,

the

transfor

mation f our cultural models is

characterized

by

a

threefold

di

splacement:

from

the mass to the

individual, from passiveness to ac-

tiveness,

from

spectacle

to

com

munication

...

For television, this

representation

of the future is seen

in

new stereotypes under

the

aegis

of communication values. It tends,

in

effect,

to

switch

from

a

concep

tionf force-feeding, where 'the'

viewer is

imagined

as an impress

ionable

and

fragile

child,

incapable

of

any judgement,

to a

conception

of

autonomy

where the technology

makes an

adult

of him and

the

numerous channels

give

him fre

edom of choice

and

even

control

of

his

judgement' (Chambat Ehrenb

erg 988).

TV viewers are in

fact freeing themselves

from

their

dependence

on

the

media.

Rather than remaining glued to a single

programme, as in

the

past, they

react

to

the

multiplication of channels by select

ing,

nd increasing use of remote

control.

'Zapping

appears

as a massive phenomen

on.household TV set

changes

its

status

on

average

nearly 23

times a day

(switching on, plus channel changes).

This corresponds to over five changes per

hour's viewing' (Chabrol Périn, 1991).

This

active

behavioural

pattern

can

be

identified

in

the

mobility,

selection

and

*

For

a synthesis of this

work

see

Dayan, 1992.

diversification

of the use of mass media.

Thus

the

VCR, found in

nearly

half of

all

French homes in

1993,

enables viewers to

free

themselves

from

the

constraints

of

set times and to watch rented or bought

films of

their own choice. Furthermore,

the

tendency

towards the

individualiza-

tion of

usage is

growing today as

more

homes are equipped with more

than

one

set.

This reduces

the

practice of family

viewing, and points to a

repetition

of

the

phenomonon of fragmentation of radio

listening produced by transistor radios.

The broadcasting media,

in

spite

of

their

'massifying' nature, have

moreover

a

lways

given rise to personalized use. Re

search

on use and

gratification has

treated media consumption as a

'finalized

activity',

responding

to intentions based

on the

psychological

and

social needs of

individuals (Blunder Katz, 1974). Cul

tural studies in

Britain

and

America

also

show

the

complexity of reception,

seen

as

an activity

that mobilizes the

individual

and

sets

into

action

a

series

of

psychologic

l

nd

social processes

related to

his

or

her personal experience and cultural mi

lieu (Hall, 1980). This approach was

con

tinued

in

ethnographic

studies of

audiences (Morley, 1980). Furthermore,

research

on

reception

recently

took an

interest

n the inter-cultural

dimension as

a structuring element of

the

interpreta

tionf media products (Liebes

Katz,

1986). In

particular these

studies

em

phasize

the

process

by

which

viewers

i

nterpret

messages,

as

well

as

the

productive activity of a

reader, listener

or

televiewer. Reception

is

understood as a

subjective construction of

meaning.*

A

qualitative survey

(Bertrand,

de Gournay

Mercier, 1988) shows

how

ardent

zap-

pers recreate their own programme from

a mosaic of

sequences that

they glance at

fleetingly,

with

television becoming

the

medium for subjective fiction. The con

ceptua l i zation

of

reception

has thus

allowed us to rethink

the

use of mass



COMMUNICATION

AND

MEDIATION

media and to highlight the subjectivity of

televisual practices.

In

the

case

of

interactive

technologies,

the

construction

of usage corresponds to

a

different model,

based on

different

prin

ciples.

The

interactivity

of these

machines

demands

the

participation of individuals

in the

communication process,

and

their

versatility

requires

that

they construct

their

own

use. There is therefore a break

with the mass media model; usage is no

longer

measured

as a free activity of se

lection and interpretation of messages.

The

reception

model cannot

apply

to

these

technologies because they do not broad

cast rogrammes, they only talk through

their technical

potential

which

conveys

a

code of rationality and

'performativity'.

Software

states

nothing; it

dialogues.

Usage

is combined

with

a predetermined

technical

potential

which

forms an

una

voidable framework of reference.

Users

choose an application and construct their

use

with

reference to the

possibilities

and

limits

of

the

services

and

programmes

utilized.

Interactive

technologies

are characterized

by a

high degree of

individualization

of

practices. Versatility

is the interactive

component

that

allows for considerable

variety in

the

use of

these tools.

Thus, use

of

the Minitel includes

inquiries,

transac

tionsnd interpersonal

communication,

and microcomputers can be used for

games,

office

management,

information

processing, and

the

design

of

pro

grammes to meet specific requirements.

It is the user who,

with his

input,

con

structs

the final

product.

Rationality

and

subjectivity

Computer-based

technologies

lend

thems

elves particularly well to personal invo

lvement

which favours

subjectivity.

Their

principles

of

order

and

efficiency

per

meate usage and then co-exist

with

the

emergence

of

this

marked

subjectivity.

It

is the user

who becomes

the nodal

ment

and

who

in

a sense

shapes the

technology. The

quality

of

autonomy that

is incorporated

in the

architecture of

these devices

shifts

from

the

technology

to

the

user;

users

appropriate

the mac

hine s qualities of performance and inde

pendence for their own fulfilment

(Jouet,

1989).

The expression of

subjectivity

takes

differ

ent

orms depending

on the

individual's

relationship

to the

technical object. Three

typical

practices

illustrate

the

way

in

which

subjectivity

is born in

the

use of

computers

or

the Minitel.

(a) Professional applications of home

com

puters are modelled

on the

rationality of

the technology and

may

also be accompan

ied

y

subjective

behaviour related to an

aspiration

for personal accomplishment.

Individuals then

appropriate

the

qualities

of

the machine to

increase their

inde

pendence

and the

efficiency of their indi

vidual production. Having

the machine

at

home

gives

them

the

advantage, amongst

others, of not being assigned

to

a

place

of

work

and of

being

free from

institutional

constraints. Thus

for executives, certain

professionals and intellectuals, who are

the

main users of

home

computers for

professional

purposes, the use of these

machines often arises from a desire for

independence and individual control of

the work process,

which

is

a

form of self-

management of

their production. The

microcomputer

is

adopted

with

the

aim

of

increasing

professional

efficiency

and

productivity,

but

also

for

the flexibility

that

it provides since it makes it possible

to work at

the

desired

pace and time. In

this model, the value

of computers is first

and foremost that

of

promoting an

indi

vidual s professional

success. The

prac

tice f

using

them

therefore

corresponds

to

a response

to an approach

dictated by

the

primacy of personal initiative, individ

ual

roduction

or

even

creativity.

(b ) Personal programming originates in

the will to

master

the technology and the

79



Josiane JOUĚT

80

pleasure of subjective communication

with

the machine.

(Computer

hacks

take

the

rivalry between their own intelligence

and

that

of

their

computer

very

seriously.)

It therefore

integrates the

rationality

of

the

machine and

moulds itself

to

its

logic,

but

the

relational

value of

the

technology

replaces

the usage

value

that

prevails

in

the

professional self-management model.

In

man-machine interaction,

the

technol

ogys in

effect

the only referent

which

fulfils

the function of

mirroring

the pro

grammer s mental activity. However,

this

dialogue

does

not only

take place

through

the

mobilization

of

the

intellect but

through

a

psychic and

emotional

projec

tion

nto the

machine, which

enables

Sherry Turkle

(1986)

to talk of

'the

Rors-

chach

computer'.

Computer hacks often

regard their hobby as a passion

and de

scribe the

narcissistic

pleasure

of interac

tion ith the machine. Personal

programming is characterized by a soli

tary and

largely

self-taught practice

which

aims

at self-assertion

and

consoli

dation

of

the

ego.

It

displays subjective

behaviour

and is

founded

on the quest

for

personal achievement.

(c) The approach is

very

different when it

comes to

the

use of telematics for inte

rpersona l exchange

of messages with

strangers. The prescribed finality of

the

technology as a practical and functional

instrument is

diverted for

the purpose of

games

with a

large

element of

fantasy,

usually

of

a

sexual

nature. Being

anony

mous nd using pseudonyms

encourages

the

elaboration

of

a new

form of

social

interchange which frees

itself

from social

norms and codes. Message services inau

gurate the

construction of interpersonal

electronic communication

where subject

ivity

nd narcissism are deployed

at

will.

Nothing is

apriori rational

in this

practice,

so often described as an 'electronic

carnival',

a

vast

social

disorder

which

functions

at

the level

of imagination and

desire. Everything therefore

seems to

op

pose message services to

the

model

of

order and rationality of

the

technology

that mediates

it. Yet,

there

is a close

interrelation

between

the

architecture of

the

technology

and

the

construction

of

the

electronic social link.

An

analysis of

modes

of communication built

around

message

services makes it

possible to

overcome

the

main

antinomy

between

the

technical and

the

social processes, and

to

identify

the

structural

homology

between

the

principles

of the

operational device

and forms of interpersonal exchange.

First,

the configuration

of

the technical

system

defines

the

meeting

place.

The

Minitel

screen

fulfils

a

dual function: it is

a

shield that encourages anonymity and

the use

of pseudonyms (to be protected);

but also a mirror

that

reflects

the

fan

tasies and narcissism which pave

the

way

for

the

intimacy of interchange (it is

thought). Secondly, the communication

software

appears

as the

technical speaker

that

leads

the friendly dialogue.

The is

omorphism

that

results between

the

tech

nical

and

conversational structures

can

be seen on several levels.

Dialogue

is

punctuated

by technical

interactivity and

is woven around

a

continual coming and

going

between

speakers.

The computer

logic,

moreover,

dictates

the

modes of

the

practice

and users must accept

the

soft

ware s codes. They must therefore

demo

nstrate

skills based

on

knowledge of

the

technical procedure of

the

interchange,

the ability to write on the machine and

dexterity

in

the

required

manipulations.

With the

loss

of traditional referents in

electronic communication, words

provide

all

the

piquancy in

the

messages.

They

reveal

identities

and are

agents

of selec

tion ased

on spelling,

humour,

style

and

the

contents of messages.

Users

develop

personal

tactics

and

become

specialists in

managing dialogue, choose their corre

spondents, exchange messages with sev

eral

interlocutors

and

initiate

interaction

that corresponds

to their desires. The

use

of message services thus bears

witness to

a particularly

rich

communication expert-



COMMUNICATION AND MEDIATION

ence

which

includes and

skilled

the ela

boration of specific ways of doing

things

in the dual management of

technical

and

social

interaction.

The use of message services

thus

imple

ments

a certain

control

of social

interplay

which matches

the

performance of

the

software. The mediation of telematics

in

fluences

modes

of interaction and

tele-

matic encounters are not devoid of an

instrumental dimension.

Electronic

ex

change is

operational

first through the

technical device and

then through the

social

link.

Social

organization

and

tech

nical syntax

are

the

result

of

a close

inter

linking.

Nevertheless, whereas message services

integrate

the

rules of

the

technology,

the

contents of

the

messages originate

in the

pleasure

of social transgression

and the

expression of the

imaginary. The

game of

love on

a screen

is innovative and li

berating for it provides

freedom

from social

conventions

and

reintroduces

the

central

position of

sex

in

social

interchange, a

lthough it is also profoundly

traditional

and regressive. According to Marc Guil

laume these practices

inaugurate 'post-

modem tinkering

based

on

a mixture of

hyper-functional

devices and archaic

po

sitions

(Guillaume,

1989). On

the Minitel

screen one can

finally

play out one's sex

ual identity, escape

the

overwhelming

blurring of

gender identity

and relive the

archaic

models

of

relationships between

the

sexes. Convivial

dialogue

does not

only

permit one to affirm

one's

sex,

it also

offers

the

possibility of changing

it.

Dis

guising oneself is a way of discovering

others, but also of gaining

access

to one's

own otherness.

Thus message

services

reveal

both

the

permanence

of the

major

archaic figures of

primary

oneness and

sexual differentiation

(Jouet, 1991).

Strangely, it is

the

mediation of

the

tech

nology,

a

cold

and

disincarnated

pros

thesis, that

serves

as

a channel

to reveal

the

contents of

the

unsaid. This game of

electronic

love is

thus

based

on the

dox of fantasy regression

and

technologi

c l

dvance.

Message

services

appear

to

be

an

epiphe-

nomenon which reveals

the

profoundup

heavals in

our society. On

the

one hand,

electronic encounters are inscribed

in

the

model

of

technical

performance; on the

other

hand,

users indulge in

their

drives

and elaborate a mode of

interchange

based mainly

on the

imaginary which

transgresses principles of rationality. The

result is

an interrelation

between

the

so

cial and technical and these two poles

concurrently

construct

the

social

inscrip

tionf

the

message

service.

The

social

link

The

personalization

of practices and the

implementation of subjectivity, by way of

interactive

technologies, are however

in

no

way devoid of social projections. Subj

ective practices,

whilst

being the basis of

self-procreation, of

a 'production

of the

self,

only

have

their

meaning

in

and

through

the

social

dimension.

In the use

of message services, this

dimension imposes itself from the

start

through the

search for a new mode of

interchange, but

this

quest, based as it is

on

fantasy,

appears

as an artifice which

also

masks

a desire for

real experiences.

Users

moreover consider

that the

rela

tionships

established through telematics,

including those

that

lead

to

common

ac

tivities,

cannot

be

likened

to traditional

ones

which for

them

remain

'the norm' of

emotional

commitment and true relation

ships. he electronic

link

is

evaluated

against

the

yardstick of

the

traditional

social

link

which

remains the reference.

On

the other

hand these

practices can be

the

occasion for constructing

micro-com

munities here

Individuals,

confronted

with

urban anonymity and

all-encompas

sing

nomie,

reconstitute

friendships

and

social relations, as Axe's study

on

mess

age ervices shows

(Jouet,

1989).

Social

autonomy

thus

operates on

a

double

81



Josiane JOUĚT

82

level;

that

of

the

quest for

the self

shown

by

the

deployment of subjectivity, and

that

of

the quest

for

the other expressed

in

the

search

for

new

social

relationships.

The

collective identity

lies

in the

weaving

of

micro-social

links.

With

the

use of computers, professional

self-management

is based

on the

finality

of personal

production.

But the latter also

corresponds to

a project of investment

in

the

professional

field. Expectations of per

sonal gratification are strong,

whether

this

consists of peer recognition, promot

ion

r

financial

gains.

There is

effectively

self-finalization

of the

action, but

its

origin

and

its rewards

are, in

contrast,

situated in the

social game.

As for computer hacks, they often belong

to a micro-network of informal sociability

where

they meet, share a common com

puter culture and

exchange

advice,

knowledge

and software. As

'asocial'

as it

may

be, this

practice therefore

includes

a

collective

dimension

where

these

individ

ualistic approaches meet around

the

mediation of the

technology.

Moreover,

the

high social value attributed to com

puter-related

activities contributes t

owards

strengthening

the

computer

hack's

image, whatever his

or

her socio-profes-

sional background. The

desire

for

social

recognition is therefore not foreign to i

nvestment in the

technology.

Thus

the

significance

of

the

social

dimens

ions not only to be found in

the

ex

press ion

of

subjectivity or the

display of

social imagination

through

technology; it

can also

be identified

in

the

meaning

attributed to

the

practice. The search for

a social

link is

always

eminently

present

in the

use of new technologies

(Jouet,

1989).

The

individualization

and subject

iveature of

the

use of computer-based

technologies

have

often concealed

the

way

in

which

they

also

produce

a

social

link,

whereas

the

social

dimension of

the

use

of mass media has been amply covered by

research.

Thus studies on

television

have

shown how

viewing often remains a family

activity and provides topics for

conversat

ion

n social life. There

is

evidence

to

suggest

that

this

social

dimension

of

tele

vision is

particularly

marked in the case

of

serials,

be these

programmes

for prime-

time

viewing, like Dallas,

or

soap-operas

broadcast during the day'

(Pasquier,

1991). Furthermore

the

personalized

reading of messages is based

on an inter

pretation

which uses references anchored

in the

cultural

resources of the viewer.

'Interpretation

communities'

govern the

construction

of reception, as is clearly

shown

by

the

different

ways

in

which

Dallas

is

received, and

which

depend on

the

viewers'

ethnic

milieu.

But the

social dimension

of

reception

is

also manifest

on

another level.

D.

Dayan

remarks that reception is

accompanied

by

a participative context

which

refers to the

identity of other members of

the

public

whose status is

imagined:

'Viewing apr

ogramme

means

entering into

'parasocial'

interaction, not

only with

the

seen, but

also

with

the

unseen; it is

recognizing

oneself

as

a

guest*. Television is not there

just for

one to

see; it

is there

for

one to

see

'with'

... If seeing was 'seeing with', such

an

appropriation would lead

to the

potent

ialppearance of new

collective

identi

ties

(Dayan, 1992).

The autonomy of

the

free

and

active'

viewer, put forward by a large

number

of

studies since

the

1970s, should

therefore

not mask his

or

her identity as a

member

of the public. Similarly, the

tendency t

owards

an

individualization of

TV viewing,

accentuated

when

households

are

equipped

with

more

than

one set,

does

not

exclude

its social

dimension based on

representations of collective

participat

ionhysical isolation is not

always

s

ynonymous with social

isolation.

Reception is

an

activity built into

the

so

cial

link.

Thus

the

social mediation

that

governs

the elaboration of communication

prac-



COMMUNICATIONAND MEDIATION

tices, around traditional media or

com

puter-based technologies, leads to

a so

cial

link

which

combines

the

expression

of

subjectivity

and

attachment

to

the

community.

Interrelationship between the

technological

and social

dimensions

of

usage

The use

of communication devices ap

pears to be a

phenomenon that

is

increas

ingly

tructuring

social

action. This

position

occupied

by

communication in

the

life-styles

of

advanced

industrial

countries cannot be

analysed

as a mere

product of

the

diffusion

and

adoption of

new technologies; it is also

linked

to econ

omic and social changes and to

the

rene

wal

f values

which

produce the

ferment

of social

practices.

Since

the communicat

ionphere is not a

closed field, changes

in

the

use

of

the

media are intimately

linked

to

the

upheavals

of

society

as

a

whole.

User

representations

similarly

attest to

current changes. Their

discourse

is built

on

references

to

values of

the technologi

c l

aradigm and to

the referential

and

symbolic framework of 'modern'

society

which does not

seem to have disappeared

entirely.

Technological

and

social change

are therefore interrelated and communic

ation

ractices are situated at

the

point

at which

they converge.

Life-styles

Communication

tools

have

today become

inseparable from daily activities. Rising

living standards and increased

free time

have

contributed

to mass

ownership of

communication devices and to

the

deve

lopment of highly diversified spare-time

and

communication practices.

A

recent

survey

on

media

use

shows

that

French

people spend

nearly a

quarter of their

time

at home

(sleep included) on com

munication

activities.*

Television remains

the

main

form of

entertainment

and

is

constantly increasing, with

the

average

viewing-time

now being three hours per

day.

But an

INSEE [Institut national de la

statistique et des

études

économiques)

survey

on

'leisure' (Arnal, Dumontier

Jouet,

1989),

also

shows

that

micro-comp

uters

or example, are in constant use

and interpersonal

communication by

means of

the

telephone has become a

daily

practice.

Computer-based technologies thus

undergird the role

of

the

home as

the

centre of leisure-time and

information

ac

tivities through the use of radio and

tele

vision, and extend interpersonal

long

distance communication

by telephone.

Access to information and communicat

ionrom

home

is being broadened, by

the

videotext, to the consultation

of

data

banks and

the

carrying out of many dif

ferent

types

of

inquiries

and

transactions.

These developments confirm

the

growing

role of home-based technology in

the

evol

ution

of

lifestyles.

Interaction

with communication tools

embraces

all

spheres

of activity:

leisure,

work, services,

social

life. The entry of

computer-based technologies into lif

estyles is partly

seen in the changed

rela

tions of

the

public and private spheres,

and

in

the

emergence

of

a

new

temporal

and

spatial dimension

of action.

The

pro

fessional

use

of computers at home,

which blurs

the

division between

work

and leisure

(Bidou,

Guillaume

Prévost,

1988),

clearly illustrates

the

erosion of

borders between

the

public and private

spheres.

Furthermore, with

the videotext,

a

great

deal of

information and

many

transactions of a public nature are

enter

ing

nto homes to be

used

for

professional

and

domestic

purposes.

In contrast,

conv

ivial message services are

breaking

up

* Charpin, Forsé,

Périn,

1989. Survey

on

television,

VCRs,

radio, press, books, music, telephone,

Minitel

and

microcomputers.

83



Josiane

JOUĚT

84

the

private

sphere and

making public

the

most intimate fantasies. This

evolution

is,

moreover, found

throughout

the entire

media

system.

The

advent

of

an

informal

type of television is

thus

accompanied by

a profusion

of

programmes

where

individ

ualsalk about themselves

and

their

most

intimate emotions. Events from private

life

similarly

provide

material

for reality

show

scenarios.

This intermingling of different spheres is

also

seen in the use

of portable technol

ogies

uch

as

the

walkman

(Kouloumd-

jian,

1985),

or

mobiles,

i.e. pocket

or

car

telephones

(Combes Sammer, 1992; de

Gournay, 1992).

Research

has shown

how

the

use of

these technologies

is

at

the

intersection of

both

the public and private

spheres.

Nomadic communication frees

individuals from

the

constraints of a set

place. Furthermore,

remote control de

vices

are used

to

operate domestic ap

pliances

such as heating and security. On

the

other

hand,

the

videotext

and

micro

computer make

it

possible

to carry out

certain operations from

home.

There is

therefore a dual spatial movement of

the

private

world into

the public

sphere,

and

access

to the

public

sphere

from home.

The

breaking

up of spatial boundaries is

echoed in that

of temporal

ones. Comp

uter-based

technologies

produce a

new

temporality since it is possible to access

a

network

at any

moment.

Interpersonal

communication, whether direct or

deferred, is becoming

frozen

by means of

answering

machines and

electronic

mail

(Jouet

Toussaint,

1991).

Social

action

is freed from time constraints

(opening

hours of services, unavailability of corre

spondents) for it

is henceforth possible

when and where required. Similarly,

with

the

extension of TV times, viewers have

access to

programmes at any

time of the

day

or

night.

The

show

is

becoming

con

tinuous.

* Survey

carried

out by Canon, in France,

informatique,

21 May 1992.

The development of

the

media, new

and

old,

therefore leads

to

an extension of

frameworks of action. In many ways,

communication

tools influence

common

references of

time

and

space

and struc

ture

aily

life.

These changes

concretely influence

lif

estyles but

should

not lead

us to

a

mech

anistic interpretation

whereby

communication technologies

become the

causal

factor. They

are

closely

linked to

current changes

in the

productive sector

and private

sphere,

for

transformations

to

economic

and social

structures

affect

work, leisure and social and family rela

tions.

Amongst

these

changes,

the

evolution

of

structures

of production seems pivotal.

The decline

in

industrial

jobs together

with

the

increase in

the

tertiary sector

favour the use of communication

technol

ogies oth at work

and

at home.

Accord

ingo a recent survey,

30

per

cent

of the

working

population works

off-site

at least

part of the

time.*

The

validity of

these

results must be treated with caution, but

they nevertheless

point

to a tendency.

Furthermore, job insecurity and incen

tives o

small enterprises

encourage inde

pendent

work.

There has been a considerable

in

crease in people becoming self-em

ployed; better

qualified executives,

students

or

young

people

with all

types

of

qualifications

...

In all,

it

is

estimated

that

between 1980 and

1985, over half a

million people be

came self-employed, a

third

more

than

during

the

period from

1965

to

1970' (Seibel, 1991).

For these people

working

independently,

often with limited resources, their homes

are generally used as an office and are

equipped

with various communication

devices

(videotext,

answering machine,

fax) whilst

the

mobile telephone makes it

with

500 respondents, quoted In

Les

Echos




possible to move

about

and

remain

avail

able. New

values

and 'the

taste for auton

omy are

becoming prevalent in the

professional

world,

as

Jean-Daniel

Rey-

naud noted:

'In both inter-individual

and

group relationships,

autonomy

is

the

key

word (Reynaud, 1981).

The

spirit of ind

ividual enterprise is becoming

a

recognized value, and personal success is

an essential

motivation. The reappear

ancef

economic

liberalism is accompan

iedy admiration for

the image of the

entrepreneur,

the

self-made man and

personal effort, as

Alain Ehrenberg

shows

in

his

book 'Le

culte

de

la

performance'

(Ehrenberg,

1991).

The

use

of

micro-com

putersnd remote communication tech

nologies

provides

the

autonomy

needed to

satisfy

aspirations

for independence and

professional

performance.

Finally,

transformations

in the

structure

of

households

also favour the

adoption

of

communication

technologies.

The

marked increase in small,

single-parent

homes

continues.

According

to

Claude

Seibel, five million

people

live alone today,

of whom a

considerable

percentage is el

der ly .

But

the same

author

notes 'the

increasing fragility of relationships and

more

significantly

as it affects couples

(whether married or not) which leads to a

growing

number

of small households'

(Seibel, 1991).

The break-up

of families,

like geographical

mobility

due to employ

ment

roblems,

are all

factors

which con

tribute

to

the

increase

in

practices

linking

individuals

to

their environment. Many

adepts of

convivial

message services

ex

plain

their hobby

by the

break-up

of the

home,

loneliness and

the

search for a

social link.

Abundant literature on the subject shows

that since the

1970s

traditional struc

tures of belonging

have been

weakened

and strong beliefs which constituted

the

bedrock

of

modem

societies,

their

symb

olic

references, are

disintegrating.

These

upheavals

are partly seen

in

the

elabora

tion

f

new social

relations.

The

ing of ideologies is

accompanied

by a

focus on

individual

happiness, on leisure

and even a new hedonism. The erosion of

traditional

frameworks

of

reference is

completed

by the

emergence

of the

indi

vidual

who becomes his own

finality, and

by immersion

in subjectivity (Lipovetsky,

1983). The

importance

of self-realization

results

in the

cult of

the

ego

and

some

times

narcissism. But

we are also wit

nessing

the

birth

of

a

'new psychological

culture',

according

to

Robert

Cas

el,

which is

opening

this

culture of self-

advancement to

the

search for

new

forms

of

otherness:

A

great relational

dream arches

over it: contacts, encounters, group

life,

networks, conviviality,

inte

rchange ... this

means that,

even

if it

fails to

become a

society,

it effec

tively

exists as an intention of sociab

ility, and not only as

overwhelming

intimacy'

(Castel,

1981).

Thus

the

subjective

approaches

which

are

woven around the use

of

communication

tools

are expressed in

a wish for

personal

accomplishment; but they are often ac

companied as we

have seen,

by the

search

for,

or

the

formation of,

new

forms

of

social interchange.

The

processes

underway are however

shaped by multiple contradictions

and

do

not constitute a

linear

and homogeneous

evolution.

Changes

are

accompanied

by

resistance and

the

structures

of tradi

tional society, although weakened,

have

not disappeared. Values

are

dispersed

be

tween former beliefs - which, in spite of

everything, persist

- and attachment to

the

new creed

of

the

emancipation

of

the

individual.

Discourse

User

discourse

is

consistent

with

com

munication practices. It attests to

repre

sentations

which are connected,

on the

one hand, to social discourse

on

modern-

85



Josiane JOUĚT

86

ity, and rooted, on the other

hand,

in the

concrete experience of

communication

technologies.

Representational

modes

are

forged

through the confrontation of the individ

ualith

the

technical peculiarities

and

the

actual usage of

the communicational

tools.

Individuals'

statements

on

their

ac

tual

use

of

machines reveal

their relation

shipsith objects. They are

expressed

in

a language which

is often sprinkled

with

technical

terms

specific

to the

tools

used,

but also

with

their own

terms

which re

veal

the

peculiar

forms

of

their

negotia

tionith these tools. They show

the forms

of appropriation of

the

object. The com

municational experience is

always

a

ccompanied

by a representation

of the

technology,

peculiar to

each individual

and his or her

practice.

The socio-linguistic approach also em

phasizes

the

importance

of discourse.

Louis Quéré,

whose

theoretical

frame

work

s

that

of

a

co-belonging

of

practices

and

technical objects,

based

on

an

inter

nal-type

connection,

stresses the import

ancef discursive entities.

He

shows how

communication

practices

are based not

only

on

practical skills, but

on the

'...

mastery of a language, that is of

a

conceptual network,

a

vocabul

ary system of categorization and

of criteria for distinction,

evaluation

and hierarchical

arrangement,

which

enable

us

to

organize

the

field

of communication and account for

our practices.

This

language

is

not

first

and foremost

representative

or

descriptive; it is constituent. It is

not

only

used to categorize, name

and report accurately what

we

do;

it

articulates

our practices, provides

them with depth and with an hori

zon,

justifies them and

gives

them

a character

of desirability'

(Quéré,

1992).

But the

discourse of users also shows how

they perceive

the

insertion of

cation

tools

into their

lifestyles.

It

reveals

the role

they

attribute to

these

objects in

their spare-time

activities,

their

daily

tasks,

their

social

lives

or

their work,

and

is therefore a statement of values, ideals

and symbols which reveal

the

internal

meaning of

practices.

On another level, user discourse also ex

presses

expectations

and disappoint

mentsith respect

to

these objects,

and

brings

into play a conception of

the

possib

ilities and limits of

the

technology. Rep

resentations

therefore draw

upon

a set of

beliefs

and

values

which

link

the

pract

ices. In surveys

this

discourse bears wit

ness to the split of referents

between

attachment

to

values of technical ideology

on

the

one

hand,

and

the

persistence of

traditional values of

Western humanism

on the

other. Communication

tools,

and

particularly

computer-based

technol

ogies,

convey

the

symbols of modernity

and

progress which

accompany

their

dif

fusion

in

society (Scardigli,

1992). We are

moreover

witnessing

the

emergence

of

a

communication ideology around values of

transparency and

social

interchange,

analysed

by

Serge

Proulx and

Philippe

Breton

(Breton Proulx,

1989), which

is

used by all social agents. Communication

objects are not

neutral

but related to

a

social

conception,

which impregnates

col

lective representations.

User

discourse

does

include

in

more

ways

than

one the

creed

of technology as

a

source

of scientific and

social

progress,

and

as a means of

overcoming the

econ

omic

crisis. Users

state their

belief in

the

omnipotence

of

technological advances

which,

they believe,

correspond to

a

universal,

and in

any

case

irreversible,

movement. The Ideology of a technological

paradigm

is

indeed present

and confirms

Philippe

Roqueplo's

theory:

...in that it is

an

apology

for

science,

a

builder

of

our

environment,

an arsenal of models of

re

ality

and

principles

ustifying

the

division

of work, technology exercises in our civi-



COMMUN ICATION AND MEDIATION

lization

a fundamental ideological funct

ion (Roqueplo, 1983).

But

this

ideological

halo

which

fulfils

a

reasuring function is nevertheless called

into question by

the

pre-eminence of

traditional humanist values.

User

dis

course expresses

the

consciousness of

risks involved in

the

growing expansion of

technologies. The

basic values of

modern

society

seem to

them

to be

threatened by

the

dehumanization produced by subjec

tion

o

technical

efficiency, the

isolation

of

individuals

withdrawn behind their

do

mestic

machines,

the

replacement

of

the

human interface

by

man-machine dia

logue,

the

pre-eminence of technical

ra

tionality

over

the

value of intuition and

common

sense, and the dangers of

social

control by machines.

The image of

the future connected

to com

puter technology is furthermore

associ

ated ith

that of radical

social upheaval.

Social

representations

of new techniques

incorporate

the

perception

of

an

upheaval

throughout society. The

technological

ideology coexists with

the

pre-eminence

of

a social conscience grafted

onto the

normative framework of

modern society.

Practices are thus accompanied by a so

cial reflexivity and

discourse

is loaded

with

an

ambivalence

in

which

the

interre

lationbetween

the

technical and

the

so

cial

can

be seen.

The result

is

cross-

fertilization

between

the

technical creed

and

values

of

modern

humanism.

Return to mediation

Various theoretical models

have

at

tempted to identify the

relationship

be

tween technology and society. The

anthropology of the

sciences denies

'the

great divide'

between

scientific

discoveries

and

social processes. M.Callon

and

B.

La-

tour

develop

the

model

of

translation

and

analyse

the

series of alliances which are

formed between human and non-human

actors (Callon, 1981). In his historical

approach,

P.Flichy

also tries to go beyond

this

dichotomy:

'When

we

follow the

course

of

inno

vation, we

note that

there

is no clear

cut

between

the

technical

and the

social construction

of an object

...

technology and

usage

evolve.

This

construction

is

collective.,

it takes

shape

through the dispersal of the

technical object'

(Flichy, 1991).

The study

of communication practices is

not situated

on the

level of technological

invention

alone,

nor

does

it

dispense

with

the

necessity

to carry

out a

retrospective

analysis of

the uses

of

communication

over

long

periods. It observes

the

social

implementation of communication tech

nologies in situ and shows that

the

incur-

sion of technical order into the

communication process

does not

necessa

rilyxclude the

social contents of action.

Computer-based technologies initiate

new

types

of behaviour with regard

to

communication

tools,

and

these

affect

even

the broadcasting media.

Since

the

mediation of

technical

objects is not neut

ral t results in

the

action itself becoming

technical. This can

be identified in

all

the

ordinary

activities carried out by means

of

digital technologies.

It is shown by

cognitive

structures

and the elaboration

of new

ways

of doing

things,

including

the

most unspecialized uses. The rationality

of

the

technology

structures

the

practice

which

in turn

adopts

the

performance

values of

the

object.

On

the other

hand,

the

incorporation of

technical skill is accompanied by a multip

licity of practices and

gives

rise to subj

ectivity. The co-existence of

operational

rationality and personalization seems

common

to the various uses of old and

new

media.

Even so called 'rational*

usage, like that of computers, is not de

void

of

subjectivity.

According

to

L.

Quéré

it bears witness to the

correlation intr

oduced by

the

technological society

be

tween subjectivity and technicality.

87



Josiane

JOUĚT

Technological mediation

henceforth re

places

mediation by

the cognitive and

normative otherness of modern society:

'In the

technical

society

only

the

mediat

ionf

technology

remains

(machines and

formalized procedures)'.

We witness

the

emergence of

the

'operative subject' and

the

representation

crisis is

shown

by

'the

end of mediation by an objective

third

parly allowing for

the formation

of moti

vation and

orientation

of action' and by

'the

'subjectivation' of social action'

(Quéré,

1982).

The emergence

of

subjectivity

cannot

however be generated by technological

mediation alone; it is part of social

change, of

the

lack of social values, norms

and references,

which

opens the

way

to

the

search for

self. But

practices also

show,

including

in

the

most individual

approaches,

the

wish

to redefine the indi

vidual s

relationship

with society; prac

tices

are penetrated by social influences

and the latter

often constitute a

frame

work

of

reference

for

the

motivations

and

desires which fill actions

with their

dy

namism.

Even though actions are char

acterized

by

subjectivity, the

regulating

frameworks of action are situated in

so

ciety. Subjectivity is generated by

social

interaction.

Similarly,

the

ways

in

which communicat

ion

ools

and life-styles act

together,

like

the ambivalence of

discursive referents,

reveal

the

complexity

of

the

dynamics

between

communication technologies

and

social action.

Although communication

technologies

play

an

organizing

role in

social product

ion

here is at

the

same time a socializ

ation

f

these

tools which

shapes

them.

Faced with

the technical model,

society

reacts

and manifests itself through inno

vating

practices, which

in turn

act

on the

socio-technical

set-up. Faced with

the

so

cietal model, technology shows

its

hold

over modes of action.

The construction

of

social

use

of these technologies is

based

on complex

processes

in which

technol

ogical and

social

innovation meet.

This

results in

a dialectic relationship between

these

two

poles

which,

because

of

the

newness of

the

practices, remains

largely

unknown. It does however open a

particul

arlyromising field for research'

(Jouet,

1993).

Communication practices provide

social

material suited to observation for a

ttempting to

identify

the

relationship

be

tween

the technological

and social

dimensions.

They are

situated

at

the

heart

of

this

encounter

and

are,

in

a

sense, the

product

of

it. Although

the

resulting synergy arises from highly

com

plex and opaque phenomena which

defy

the

construction

of a global

explicative

model,

sociological

observation

and anal

ysis do

make

it

possible

to identify

the

indicators

and

relevant features which

reveal the

way

in

which

communication

practices

are constructed

around the

dual

mediation of 'the technical'

and 'the

so

cial .

88

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