jerome r. riley--the philosophy of negro suffrage (1897)

8/2/2019 Jerome R. Riley--The Philosophy of Negro Suffrage (1897)

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- x C |K&? >PI % Europe the chief concern of many of

the leading statesmen is the bettermentof labor. No statesman of note can be foundwilling to go on record as championing anycause inimical to labor and its highest development.We, as a race, have no weapon of defense

which we can wield with greater effect andforce than labor, labor from the stumpage up.Through the channels of labor the future ofour cause advanced, and the solution of therace problem largely solved. Rememberingthat not only is a race problem to be solvedbut a great human cause to be subserved. In

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74 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.the field of labor our position can be madecommanding, as its principle and knowledgemay be said to enter somewhat into our traditional history, always bringing strength andvalue, progress and morality following mostcertainly in its wake. In this field, underproper conditions and leadership, we can bemore successful pioneers from start to finish.Through this field the best forces we possess,for our development, are brought into requisition.Embarking in this field, we believe it is one

of the most certain routes giving promise ofthe achievement of success and insuring a safefoundation upon which to stand.Our negro republican leaders seem to be

unable to comprehend the great changeswhich have been brought about in the fabricoof this government and to foretell futureevents or to judge of consequences, so largelydependent upon our own actions. We havefelt that these leaders have indulged us over-omuch in what they are pleased to term ourliberties.The real

significancein the moral and


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THE LABOR QUESTION. 75material growth of liberty is its rise andprogress toward a higher civilization, and justin the proportion as we understand and comprehend our duties, obligations, and responsibilities. In this direction lies the surestguarantee to substantial liberty ; and aboveall else, we cannot afford to be blind to thereal nature and power of our obligations.Resting under liberty s call, one of the strongest armors of defense which we possess islabor.

This field is consistent with our power andresources, giving us our best and most successful route along the line of our progress, theone traveled by the dominant race in theirdevelopment of a civilization the world over.

Let this, then, be the channel throughwhich we shall travel.Whatever diversity may follow along this

route, of whatever character it may be, so longas it is honest, impressed as we are with itsvalue and dignity, let it be labor, honest labor.We uncover our head to labor and stand inreverence, when we fully comprehend it asa potent factor in civilization. Labor brings


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76 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.us to the nearest possible approach to equalterms with dominant civilization and its influences everywhere. Especially is this true ofthe South, bringing, as it does, more freedomand peace, entering into the establishment ofa peace basis so much sought.This is essentially our field ; in it we canbecome the peer of the proudest. This wecan say from personal knowledge and experience ; in this field we can hoe our own row,and, if we will, own it, with none to disputeour ownership. Through this field our mostpractical benefits and advantages are workedout, thus making us not only a potent factorin that line, but reaching out in all directionsand into all avenues.

Moreover, after the unceremonious haulingdown of our colors in the matter of suffragein the District of Columbia, under the gilt-edge chieftains in their attempt at leadership,the indications were quite clear that in orderto extricate ourselves from the wreck of failure all along the line, and in everything,we should take anchorage seek a basis ofoperation upon firm and approved ground, in


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THE LABOR QUESTION. 77the field of labor. We have felt, and do stillfeel, that in this field a safe basis could andcan be found for a common standing, reaching, ultimately, to an intelligent understandingof the uses and abuses of manhood and citizenship ; but in this, as in other great fieldsof human effort, looking1 forward to securingothe best average benefit to our race, numbering eight millions in this country. And righthere let us say, and with emphasis too, thatone of the obstacles to our progress underour new aspects and relation to society is awant of inflexible test of truth and falsehood,of right and wrong. These qualities and virtues are indispensable to our race. They areespecially so in our struggling, as we honestlyare, for a basic standing bearing the test ofthe closest scrutiny ; thus aiding us in themost patriotic manner to discharge, creditablyand acceptably, the high functions of thecitizen.The result of both experience and observa

tion convinces us that we are most at home inthe fields of labor.While residing in Western Canada with my


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78 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.parents, many years ago, we noticed withgreat profit the successful founding and development of a negro settlement, and that, too,under the most unfavorable auspices soil,climate, and production were alike against us ;notwithstanding all these we developed apower, force, and aptitude, suitable not onlyto the ordinary concerns of life but to thehigher duties of morality and citizenship.This achievement was wrought out .in theheaviest forest from the stump up, from gathering of the harvest to the better understanding and proper use and value of itsproceeds.

This pioneering was under white leadership,the Rev. Dr. King, the most patriotic gentleman of Irish nativity I ever met. The surrounding country being made up with struggling Scotch, Irish, and English farmers, fairand patriotic white leadership and exemplars,by reason of their long training and experiencein civilization, is best and must stand until wehave made leadership possible through similarprocesses of development of a successful peacebasis, and rearing thereon a structure of char-


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CHAPTER VI.LOGICAL RESULT OF INVESTIGATION COMMENTS ON PROMINENT COLORED OFFI

CIALS OF APPROVED CHARACTER, BOTHDEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS, OF THEDISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, AND COMMENTSON RACE LEADERSHIP.

WE have learned that some surprise existson the part of one or two gentlemenof the adverse attitudes of negro democrats, and other citizens, as well as negroesthroughout the country, toward a certainappointment made by the President in the District of Columbia, designed, doubtless, to represent negro democracy in particular and arace of eight millions in general.

In all racial appointments (receiving so fewas we do in proportion to our numericalstrength), we very naturally and properly scrutinize and investigate their worth, merit, andweight, not merely avoirdupois, or bulk, but

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RACE LEADERSHIP. Siintellectual weight. Our investigations revealsuch worthy and efficient appointees that haveserved the District of Columbia as the following: Hon. John F. Cook, for many years Collector and later Assessor of the District; Hon.B. K. Bruce, Recorder of Deeds; Hon. FredDouglass, who held the last-named office forseveral years, and was also United States Marshal for the District; Colonel Perry Carson,the very efficient District Inspector ; W. CalvinChase, Esq., who was also an efficient DistrictInspector; all of whom were republicans,and all of them men whose character was abovereproach and whose standing was very high,both in the District and country. Their conduct in office was that of careful, honorable,and painstaking officials, meriting high commendation at all times.Of the two democratic appointments in the

District that have stood scrutiny and investigation on the lines above laid down, one is theHon. J. C. Matthews as Recorder of Deeds, andat present recorder of the capital city of thegreat State of New York, an office of greathonor and responsibilit}^, which carries with it


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82 PHILOSOPHY or NEGRO SUFFRAGE.

high judicial functions. We can form a prettyfair estimate of the character of Judge Matthews by considering that he has been electedto this high office by a constituency composedalmost wholly of white voters. The circumstances and conditions under which he hasreached his present elevated position render itdifficult to estimate the value of the service hehas rendered and is rendering his race. Thesignificant verdict when he surrendered theoffice in Washington was that his conduct of ithad never been surpassed, if ever equaled, byhis long line of predecessors; and we maysafely say that the verdict will be the samewhen he surrenders the office he now holds;and it can be relied on that he will serve outhis full term, and well done, approved, will befor him no extravagant verdict. Judge Matthews has reached his present position throughhis strict adherence to true democratic principles and through his belief that the best interests of his race lay in the division of theirsuffrage, and through their integrity and highmoral principles, which must win.


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84 PHILOSOPHY, OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.both of the great political parties in northernconstituencies and fail to find any snch recognition shown the race by the republican partyas that shown it by the democratic party in theelection of Judge Matthews to the position henow holds. Even the late Fred Douglass,during his long residence in Rochester, N. Y.,never received such honor and recognition.This affords food for deep thought to thinkingmen and women, and shows plainly that theirbest interests lie in a division of suffrage.Such a leader as Judge Matthews can be reliedon to resist the assumptions of characterlessscoundrels and made-to-order leaders wheneverfound in the ranks of negro democracy. Thesame can be said of Geo. T. Downing, of RhodeIsland; of Lloyd G. Wheeler, of Chicago, 111.; ofPeter H. Clark and J. Milton Turner, of Missouri; of C. A. Ridout, of the State of Washington; of James Ross, of Iowa; of ArchieGrimke, of Massachusetts ; and numerous othercolored democrats of character and intelligence.We desire race leadership possessing thehighest conception of duty and lofty appreciation of moral character and approved capability


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RACE LEADERSHIP. 85whenever possible, but where such cannot beobtained we prefer fair-minded white leadershiprepresenting equality under the law, especiallya leadership that does not shrink from theespousal of truly Jeffersoiiian principles anddoctrines. To illustrate our position : At themeeting of the National League at Indianapolis, Ind., we favored the election of GeneralUpshur as president of a Negro DemocraticNational League if a new organization was tobe formed, for the reason that his successfulformation and management of our campaignleague, operating in the close Northern andEastern States, made us feel in honor boundto make him a tender of its presidency, even ifhe would not accept it. For the signal abilitydisplayed by him in the management of thatcampaign (referring of course to the campaignof 1892), and his knowledge of the men uponwhom he relied for the work, well fitted himto say who should lead the new organization ifone was to be formed.

General Upshur being (as we all knew) indifferent to the bitter opposition attacks for hisservices in this direction never swerved to the


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86 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.right or left and made a division of the negrovotes in these close States a positive reality aswell as a determined factor.

Let us say right here, we least of all ca:cafford to sanction or encourage the pretensionsof self-constituted leaders in whom we maydiscover a characterless monstrosity. We havedoubtless suffered overmuch from improperleaders, and we should have no place for them.Should such leaders be forced on us againstour will and protest, to satisfy personal obligations regardless of moral requirements and akeen appreciative sense of their maintenance,we cannot afford to lower the standard of citizenship to which we aspire, and which can onlybe reached and attained along the line of truecharacter.


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RACE LEADERSHIP. 87

INTEGRITY OF SUFFRAGE.It is not now, nor has it ever been, our pur

pose to write simply as a critical partisan, butrather with a sincere desire to promote andelevate the standard of negro citizenship inthis republic. The true philosophy of suffragelies in its integrity. "Out for the stuff" or"for what there is in it" are remarks frequently heard by both white and coloredvoters, and most reprehensible and defencelessremarks they are, which we, especially as arace, can least afford to make or act out, forthe reason that we are only making a recordespecially with reference to our new relation tothe body politic. Our actions must deserveapproval before our claims to proper recognition will be fully conceded. Moreover, suchsentiments or expressions of this character aregrievously wrong even in the whites, and doesviolence to proper citizenship notwithstandingtheir accepted record for civilization. Oursbeing still in embryo, so to speak, such remarks would be still more harmful. On the


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88 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.whole, coming from any race, they should berebuked as being detrimental and destructive togood citizenship. Ours being an imitativerace, when asked why we do thus and so, ouranswer invariably is, "the whites have doneit," "the whites do the same." Precisely so;but we submit as a logical proposition thatsimply because raw meat is sold in the marketis no reason why it should be eaten raw at thetable ; on the contrary, it would be better whencooked and seasoned. Hence, when we imitateit should be the more mature and sincere ofwhite sunragants. Aside from this, let us establish a character line based upon an elevatedand ideal standard.


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CHAPTER VII.CIVIL SERVICE TOUCHED UPON.I E favor civil service to the extent of itsgiving security to employes during

specific terms, according to grades,always selecting the most meritorious, andenlarging it if necessary.Some four or five years ago, in speakingwith the Hon. Clifton R. Breckinridge andHon. W. J. Bryan, who were always interestedto know how our people felt, whether thelaw operated favorably or unfavorably to us,we gave as our opinion that the merit systemshouH be retained ; that the life tenure wasun-American, un-democratic, and pro-aristocratic, and would lead to class distinctions ;a proper grading from a nine-hundred-dollar clerkship up; -a fixed tenure according tograde would always keep the maximum ofthe force and vigor to the minimum of old

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90 PHILOSOPHY OF NKGRO SUFFRAGE.

age ; and inefficiency through rotations. Weoppose the one-man power in making appointments, rather feeling that divided responsibility should obtain between the politicalleaders of their respective sections and thechief executive. We believe firmly in partyaccountability and responsibility being essential to hearty party life and activity and thebest good of the country ; otherwise a subversion and reversion of party zeal checked.

Patriotism is never confined exclusively toany certain individual or class. Whateverstimulates our commanding general also stimulates the staff officers and line men as well.Oftentimes there is as much patriotic heroismdisplayed on the part of the private on thefield of battle as on the part of the commanding general and staff officers. Wherethe one-man power is paramount, power andresponsibility is too often selfish and personal.Appointments are very often made regardlessof public requirements and patriotic partyservice, and regardless of public approval ->too often in the face of both. We deem itunfair to reproach an honest, fair, rugged, and


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CIVIL SERVICE. 9 1

sincere party man as a spoilsman on accountof his seeking to obtain office from his party,whether it be the highest place or reachingdown to the lowest place within its gift ofbestowal.


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CHAPTER VIII.A WORD OF COUNSEL TO THE NEGROVOTERS OF MARYLAND AND KENTUCKYSEEKING STRENGTH FROMTHOSE BEST ABLE TO RENDER IT.

T^ifTE are sure winners this time in bothy y states," was the remark of an en

thusiastic republican, in speakingof the approaching elections in Maryland andKentucky. From his reasoning a solid negrovote is to be cast for the republican ticket regardless of issues or men.

Remarkable as this statement may seem,that we as a race, after thirty and more yearsof freedom, are still unable to assume thefunctions of thinking American citizens, andthat our right to exercise suffrage has seemingly become perpetual and hereditary, contingent, however, upon voting the republicanticket.

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A WORD OF COUNSEL. 93The decision of the United States Supreme

Court in remanding us to the several statesfor the enjoyment and security of our civilrights should not be lost sight of ; hence inthe preservation of freedom and citizens rightsevery possible advantage should be taken tomake them most effective, ascertaining whoconstitute the dominant citizens in short,"where are we at?" And if they are not tobe found on both sides, or even a preponderance on the one side or the other, then ouraction should be wisely taken ; leaving nopretext of a menacing character to be attributed to us, scrupulously evading which, mustlead to a proper consideration of men on bothsides. In this way we gain for ourselvesand families standing and perpetual freedomthrough our independent action and diversified suffrage. In the past the fetishness ofthe Irish voter bred much antipathy towardhim for a time, from one of the great politicalparties, which, through a diversity of suffrage,has happily now disappeared. In this respect,seeking to maintain a common basis for safety,let us make the Irish our exemplars, which will


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94 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.give us strength and security where and whenmost needed.

In our position and relation to the bodypolitic in the two states, constituting, as we do,a large proportion of the labor element, wecannot easily escape our proper responsibilityand welfare ; considering men and measureson both sides, and to do it in the most intelligent and philosophic manner within our comprehension. Our home and best interest arehere brought prominently to the front. Theload we carry, and the responsibilities we assume, cannot be met without assistance. Wemust cultivate a friendly feeling, and thus growin favor with the people most able to aid us inthe promotion of our common rights and welfare. In doing this, it may become necessaryto make individual sacrifices. Any leader unwilling to do this is seeking to sow the seed ofdiscord and mischief for individual gain. Weshould not ask from such approved men asSenator Gorman and General Hardin, the respective leaders in their respective states, ante-election and catchy letters, which are too oftenmeaningless and deceptive, but from their char-


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SOCIAL EQUALITY. 97

there may be others who entertain the sameerroneous notions, it would not, perhaps, beout of place in this connection, to state whatwe know to be the true attitude of our peoplein this regard.By what process of logical and honest

reasoning could we place ourselves in suchan obnoxious and absurd position withoutgiving the lie to the contention of ourgreat negro leaders, who have claimed oraffected to claim for us the highest powersand capabilities for development p If theyare honest their actions should show it ; ifdishonest, they should publicly disavow anysuch contention. From our own experienceand observation we assert that there is nodesire on the part of the negroes in thiscountry to assume any such false attitude ;being as we are susceptible of improvement,and improving as we are, why should wewish for anything so absurd and unreasonable ?The statement of Governor O Ferrell of

Virginia, that in the transaction of publicbusiness he knew no difference between citi-


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98 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.zens, should stand. There is no ground,really, for the criticism of the governor s action in the Teohms incident in the executivemansion on social grounds. At the mansionthe governor is king it is his citadel hehas a right to draw the line there as in hisprivate residence : indeed, it is his privateresidence, just as the White House is thepresident s private residence.We remember that President Grant in entertaining the Santa Dominion Commissiondid not see fit to include the late Fred kDouglass, who was a member of the Commission as its Secretary.We were surprised that any one possessing ordinary intelligence should have allowedthemselves to be placed in such a compromising position as Teohms did.

In the matter of public rights public accommodations is something entirely different,dependent on our civility, requirements, andability to pay for them. There are publicrights and really the common rights of thecitizen. While en route to Chicago, the Hon.Clifton R. Breckinridge, accompanied by two


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SOCIAL EQUALITY. 99ladies with their colored maids, intelligentand neat in appearance, sitting across theaisle in the dining car, was noticed by himas not having been served by the coloredwaiters ; he at once beckoned them to servethem their breakfast ; they were hungry aswell as were the other travelers. There wasno social equality in this ; it was simplya matter of common public rights of thetraveler.

While a student in Canada, Lord Spencer,the first Lord of Admiralty in Mr. Gladstone sand Lord Rosebcrry s Cabinet, known then asLord Althrop, dined at the same table, on apublic occasion, with the writer and the otherstudents. Neither did Lord Spencer nor anybody else regard the incident as one of socialequality. It was simply dinner time, and theboys and girls were placed at the same table.It did not affect the sensibilities of his Lordship in the least, as he made a happy addressto us on the occasion, and has since made inquiries concerning us and our progress sincewe left the institution. Minister Breckenridgeand Lord Spencer are broad-minded men, and


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ioo PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.can comprehend the difference between asocial and public right. To the mind ofthe writer this distinction seems so clearthat any argument upon the subject is absurd and unnecessary.


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CHAPTER X.A DISCUSSION OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS

OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA-SUGGESTIONS AS TO THEIR IMPROVEMENTA LACK OF DISCRIMINATIONOF THE NEGRO NOT YET FULLY DEVELOPED.

JT[HE casual observer, noting our excellent^ school system in the District of Colum

bia, would be led to believe that no suggestion relative to its improvement would bein order, touching its management. Throughthe courtesy of the very efficient supervisingprincipal, Dr. J. H. N. Waring, in whose district we reside, we have been enabled to examine the work done, from the first to the eighthgrades, coming under the management of threemost competent lady principals, Miss M. P.Shadd, Mrs. M. E. Tucker, and Miss LauraDyson. Without any criticism, but rather inthe line of suggestion or observation, with the

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102 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.hope of adding additional strength betweenthese grades, and to these principals. Whilethey are thoroughly competent, owing toconditions Which they cannot control, it isnot within their power to give out all theycould under improved conditions which shouldbe had, bearing the responsibilities, as they do,of the seven lower grades below them, makethe duties for them too great. Their assistants should be selected from the best in thecorps. Great care and circumspection shouldbe had in the adjustment and re-adjustment ofthe lower grades, selecting teachers in pointof fitness and adaptability, for each respectivegrade ; a fifth-grade teacher should not teacha first-grade school, and vice versa.

Since the great majority of the childrennever go beyond the eighth grade, it becomesnecessary that they should receive all that itis possible for them to obtain. This can onlybe done by affording them every facility, evento increasing the pay of these principals, consistent with their responsibilities. With thisview of the case we should at once lop offsome of the high school top paraphernalia as


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PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 103being unnecessary and superfluous, and centerour energies where the greatest practical goodcan go to the greatest number, thereby bettermeeting the necessities of the hour.

Scientific accomplishment and developmentwill take care of themselves as we reachthese points in the line of special selections.Instead of spending so much time and moneyin the superfluous appendages in the highschool, let us devote that time and moneyto the industrial department, thus bringingit in closer touch with those grades whichare really our graduating point. We knowof the efficiency of some of the high schoolteachers who could, with profit, be utilizedpractically there.

It is no logical argument that the whiteshave this or that in their high school, andtherefore we must ; the whites have greaterneeds, greater opportunities,

betteropeningsin the future. Ours are less ; they must be

made and met as we go along, great orsmall, just in the proportion to our capacityand developing power, only in such proper-


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104 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.tion will our high school requirements bemanifest.We have often heard our negro leadersand some of our school officials in the pastdeclare that our schools are as good as thewhites schools, that as such they could notbe made any better than they are. Thisstatement will not bear the test of truthand logic. Schools are just what the peopleare from which they draw ; in the very natureof things can be no better. The whites haveobehind them centuries of civilization, culturein their homes, good home training to beginwith, while we have but little of these andin a large number of homes none at all ;hence for a long time to come our schools,from the very conditions, must be far inthe rear.

In proof of what we say, the record ofthe police court in the District shows toour discredit. While we represent less thanone-third of the population we constituteforty-three per centum of the crimes committed, which is a conclusive argument thatour schools can not be equally as good a?


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PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 105the white schools ; if as good, then theeffects produced are entirely different.To be convinced of the class from whichour schools must largely draw for theirpatronage, let a band of music strike upand in swarms they appear as if by magic ;from whence they issue it is difficult to tell,lining the avenue, three and four deep, fromthe Peace Monument to the President s mansion, presenting a spectacle humiliating

anddistrusting.o ,While we are opposed to sumptuary meas

ures yet it seems to us that, through our leaders and ministers, there should be some efforton their part looking to the regulation andmanner of these parades, our appearances aswell as our conduct afterwards ; and righthere let us say, that we can boast of asintelligent a ministry as in any State inthe Union.We are inclined to make a too formidabledisplay of toggery dress on a scale quite incompatible with our incomes. A reformationen these lines is much needed. We spend


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io6 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.too much in dress ; we spend too much inparades and picnics ; too much in buildingchurches. Let us have fewer churches andmore homes, more frugality. It is not whatwe earn but what we save that lends weight.Being forced to live in alleys is often our ownfault, the result of our extravagances.We seem to lack the power or sense of aproper discrimination, which will grow anddevelop as we advance in civilization enabling us to draw the line between moralityand immorality between virtue and vice ;that approved character should first enter ourbasic consideration for preferment. This applies with double force and meaning to ourschools and churches and in all our higherrelations of life. We have not yet quitelearned the sanctity of the home and the obligations and limitation which the marriagerelations carry and impose.For the lack of discrimination, a friend ofmine was caused to remark to me : " Do yousee that fellow there with that woman acrossthe street ? I once took them both off fromwhipping her husband. She is now this fel-


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PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 107low s wife. This husband they were whippingwas finally driven from home and died in astable. This couple, doubtless, now considerthemselves leading members of one of our advanced churches." A single inquiry as tohow this could be, caused him to remark :" Oh, they have some belongings and canoccasionally give a good feed."

Until we shall have learned to make discrimination in these things, we have much toolearn and much to improve upon, in orderthat our weapons of defense may be wiselyand well chosen.That we may show the philosophy of negro

suffrage and the advantages growing out ofthe proper use of it, we must convince theAmerican people that we are susceptible ofimprovement in all those qualities which go tomake up character and strength of character.The recent praiseworthy effort of Prof. Geo.W. Cook of Howard University in reclaiming

the lads in his section of the city from vicewill be watched with much interest. Heshould be encouraged and aided.The successful management of the steam-


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io8 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.boat enterprise by a company composed ofnegroes, headed by Mr. Webster, Mr. Keys,and others, giving as it does employment toa large number of colored men, demonstratesthe real power and force of interested raceadvancement.The successful management of the Freed-men s Hospital under the management of that

eminent surgeon, Dr. Daniel H. Williams,ably assisted by the executive officer and ablephysician, Dr. John R. Francis, demonstratesour capabilities under proper conditions andsurroundings of which they have been able tosurround themselves.


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CHAPTER XI.THE AFRO -AMERICAN FREE SILVER CLUBCHANGED FROM PALMER TO BRYAN CLUB

-DR. RILEY DEFENDS HIS POSITION.TT7HE "John M. Palmer Colored Democratic

^ Club," the oldest colored democratic clubin the United States (organized origi

nally in 1875), met September 10, 1896, andchanged its name by unanimous vote to "TheWilliam J. Bryan Club." The president ofthe club, Dr. Jerome R. Riley, an old citizenand tax payer of Washington, the author of awork on the race problem, entitled "The Philosophy of Negro Suffrage," which is concededto be the greatest work of its kind ever published, addressed the club as follows :GENTLEMEN, I hold that this change of

name to the "William J. Bryan DemocraticClub" is at once timely and suggestive, andmost appropriate in view of the fact that General Palmer is now opposing the regular nomi-

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no PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.nees of the National Democratic party in convention assembled.

For the General s personality I have thehighest regard.A few months ago the Chief Executive ofthis nation issued his edict serving due noticeupon Great Britain and the world that theMonroe doctrine should be maintained on thiscontinent, notwithstanding such maintenancemight involve many millions of money andgreat sacrifice in flesh and blood of the common people. That edict was applauded andsustained with patriotic unanimity, regardlessof race or condition ; and this, too, withouteven a hint or suggestion of by your permission "John Bull," as being in any way requisite or essential. Indeed, any such hint orsuggestion, I daresay, would have been regardedas lunacy. By common consent the chief issuein this campaign is the money question thefree and unlimited coinage of silver, as of gold,at legal ratio. I make no pretense of beingspecially versed in economic science, or eventhe principles of civil government; but if wecan maintain the Monroe doctrine, although


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BRYAN FREE SILVER CLUB. ininvolving the expenditure of millions of treasure and great sacrifice in flesh and blood, surelythe United States is able to regulate its ownmonetary system in the interest and for thepromotion of the well-being of the toilingmasses of our own people, through peacefulmethods and measures, without the permissionof Great Britain or any foreign power. Mustthe American people be forced to say of consistency, thy name is Humbug? This proposition from my point of view is both logicaland fair and of value. Therefore, withoutbegging, borrowing, or stealing, for any purpose of discussion, beyond personal investigation which forces conviction and conclusion,the free and unlimited coinage of silver wouldresult in swelling the volume per capita circulation of money, either directly or indirectly.If this conclusion is founded in truth and goodreasoning, it must certainly result in affordinga better opportunity for the toiling masses toobtain a living share.

If we can, then we will take the chances cfits cheapness, although, as is often asserted,it never vanishes nor hides, which is too often


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ii2 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.the case with confidence which vanishes, andgold which hides. This is not a party or arace question, but one involving the life andbenefits of the masses against over-fed anddomineering money changers.

Before the issnes of this campaign had beenjoined, or the discussion had been properlybrought to the attention of the people who wereseeking more light on the subject, Mr. John R.Lynch, as reported, hurried off to Canton toinform Major McKinley that the colored votersof this country were all for him, and to a manwould vote for him. Later Congressman Mur-?a.y, of South Carolina, assured the NationalRepublican Committee, as reported in thepublic press, that the colored voters of his Statewere all for the gold standard. Gold bugswere they all of them whether they practically knew the color of the money or not. Suchstatements might be amusing, but for theirsupreme ridiculousness, reflecting alike uponour past progress and future possibilities.When as a farmer s boy, herding sheep manyyears ago, I depended in corralling them uponthe "old bell wether"; if he leaped the bar


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ii4 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.as soon as England and other nations will permit us to have it. Mr. Bryan says in theinterest of the toiling masses we should haveit now, that silver should never have beenstruck down at the instance of the moneychangers of this country and Europe. Moreover, the history of government proves thatwith all advancement in civilization throughpolitical evolution new conditions have arisen,giving rise to new parties, a readjustment ofold ones suitable to the new order of things.Indeed, we find that there is no such thing asperpetuity of political parties among whitepeople.Hence our presence here to-night in support

of that veritable and intrepid leader of hisparty and the people, William J. Bryan agentleman, a scholar, a lawyer, an orator and astatesman, whose breadth of statesmanshipembraces the area of our common country andall the races.


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CHAPTER XII.HON. JOHN R. MCLEAN COMMENDED TO THECOLORED VOTERS FOR THEIR SUPPORT

AS AGAINST HON. M. A. HANNA A FEWOF HIS MANY CLAIMS ON THEIR SUPPORTSET FORTH POINTS IN THE DEMOCRATICAND REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS CONTRASTEDREFERENCE MADE TO THELATE ELECTIONS IN MARYLAND ANDKENTUCKY, AND HONS. BLAIR LEE ANDCABEL BRECKINRIDGE MENTIONED.

f^T AM a true believer in the Jeffersoniandoctrine of equality under the law," wasthe remark made in our hearing by the

Hon. John R. McLean, of Ohio, the gentlemanwho is the subject of this chapter of commendation to the colored voters of that State, inhis office in Cincinnati nearly a quarter of acentury ago. We have been at some pains toascertain how far his subsequent actions havetallied with the above remark in his dealings

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n6 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.and relations with our race. Several coloredcitizens of that State, of good character andwell acquainted with Mr. McLean, have assuredthe writer that his actions have not onlytallied, but have gone, if possible, several bowshots beyond in his assurances of his trulydemocratic feeling toward us. Such wouldseem to be his inherited and traditional sentiments.By common consent he stands to-day before

the people of Ohio as the recognized opponentof the Hon. M. A. Hanna as a candidate forUnited States Senator. It is our duty asthinking men and intelligent citizens to inquire in what direction our interests lie, andour voting strength should be thrown in thiscontest. It is not sufficient to say simply howwe have always voted, but how should \ve voteat the present time. While changes in oureconomic relations are taking place and beingwrought out every day, we \vith infantile simplicity have followed our republican leaderswithout why or wherefore, too timid to investigate and revolutionize if necessary and changetenets and creeds in order to bring us in har-


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HON. JOHN R, McLEAN. 117mony with present economic conditions andrequirements.Wordsworth has written, "The child is

father of the man." This is a truism. Whymay not we, like St. Panl, put away some ofthe belongings of our childhood, and infantilevoting impressions, if we are ever to reachthe plane of independent voters consistentwith the duties, interests, and requirements ofto-day.A study of the Ohio democratic platform,which has Mr. McLean s unqualified endorsement and approval, is in marked contrast to therepublican platform of the same State, on whichMr. Hanna stands, especially in respect tolabor and its requirements. Our position mustultimately be taken with labor and the producing classes. Whatever interests white laborersand producers, equally interests us. We arein no sense interested in capitalistic organizations, as under their system trusts and combines have been formed controlling all that weeat, drink, and wear; regulating the prices ofall necessaries of life. We do not belone


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n8 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.there, as experience, through back and bellyrequirements, has shown.The most striking plank in the platform,

one which is in marked contrast to that of therepublican party and in strict accord with thedemands of organized labor, relates to ourmoney basis in this country, which, as setforth, should be gold and silver bimetallism.For this constitutional basis of money Mr. McLean has labored and stands, and as laborersand producers our true interests lie in rallyingto his standard. Indeed, we have alreadyheard expressions from a number of the leading colored citizens of the State of their purpose to support the democratic ticket and Mr.McLean as a friend of labor as against Mr.Hanna and the republican platform of "goldand confidence," "gold and courage," "goldand prosperity on the way," "gold and feel itin the air," a platform more remarkable forits euphony than for its staying qualities, forthe reason that the gold gets out of sight,and the confidence and the courage too oftenvanish.


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HON. JOHN R, McLEAN. 119Gold and silver, says Mr. McLean, must be

the basis of our money standard, as best forthe American people and in their interest, andon which our prosperity for all time depends.We fail to see the consistency of the gold democrats in electing Mr. McKinley, a bimetallistand high protection republican, some of themstill " pointing with pride " to their work. Itis the writer s special pleasure to note at thismoment, when so many of the colored votersof Ohio seem to be aspiring to the realm ofindependent political thought and action, inthe pending contest, that the true Jeffersonianprinciples of Hon. A. H. Garland and Hon.Clifton R. Breckenridge in Arkansas, nearly aquarter of a century ago, commended themselves to colored voters, and met their approvaland commanded their support, wliich we believeto be especially true and marked in Ohio today under the leadership of that very ablerepresentative, John R. McLean, of Cincinnati.Aside from that, his great strength lies in hisfair dealing with and treatment of labor inconnection with his great printing establishment at his home city, or wherever his interests


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I2O PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.come in contact with labor and the producingclasses. No false promises were made, but astrict observance of every obligation maintained. Therein lies his great strength withlabor interests and the common people of Ohio,who are to-day rallying to his support andthat of the democratic ticket.

This labor record of Mr. McLean seems tobe in marked contrast with the apparent factsreported respecting the record of Mr. Hannain his dealings with labor and labor organizations. If these reports are true he has failedto concede to labor the fruits of honest toil, butrather withheld and speculated on it. Hence,doubtless, arises the strong opposition of organized labor to him to-day. However, we hearsome criticism of Mr. McLean by a certain"gold" democrat in Ohio on account of hisreputed wealth. Strange criticism, indeed, toemanate from such a source, their God beinggold. Such a criticism, if true, signalizes himas one wealthy man whose ears are not deaf tothe wants and necessities of common humanityand labor s requirements, as the platform onwhich he stands clearly sets forth.


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HON. JOHN R. MCLEAN. 121As colored voters of Ohio, this opportunity

of supporting the nominees of the democraticparty in the State, standing as they do on aplatform broad-gauged and embracing theabsolute equality of rights, would seem opportune, for the reason that it brings us in touchwith the defenders of the interests of the producing classes, which are our interests. Letit be recalled that there was strong conflict ofopinion as to the propriety and wisdom ofgranting our elective franchise on the groundof our dense ignorance, lest it should be usedin an entirely partisan manner, under all conditions and circumstances, thus possibly becoming a menace to the public good. In manyinstances this seems to have been done, as weourselves have heard the remark from prominent white republicans in forecasting resultsbefore platform was really presented or anissue discussed, "so many negro votes, so manyrepublican votes," which we are sorry to sayhas too often been true, and has, we believe,brought reproach to negro suffrage here andelsewhere.


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122 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.The advice of our late friend and champion,

Charles Sumner, was to divide our suffrage,and thus enhance our standing and strengthin the community advice which we shouldheed. Moreover, the democratic platform,with Mr. McLean s approval, has also denounced, in no uncertain terms, the failure of thepresent State government to protect prisonerscriminally charged, especially so in the case ofthe recent lynching at Urbana, where the prisoner was easy of access to railroad and telegraphic communication, no valid excuse canbe offered for its occurrence.

IN MARYLAND AND KENTUCKYour votes have been thrown with remarkablesolidity for the republican ticket, making governors, senators, members of Congress, acabinet officer, and other good fat appointmentsforeign and domestic. Our account of salvageto date discloses five common laborers and sixmessengers from those two States. Of coursecheap men are usually taken at their own price.Our position in those" two States is that we are


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MARYLAND AND KENTUCKY. 123largely dependent on our white fellow citizensfor the advantages of obtaining a livelihood,for our school and church interests, and all theadvantages along the line of our improvement.The majority of white voters in those two

States being largely democratic, it would bewell to inquire whether or not we advance ourmaterial and community standing by thusthrowing a solid and massive vote for therepublican ticket. Of course, if we advanceour material relation and standing with thewhite democrats on whom we are dependentfor family support, and church and school andvaried interests, let us continue our solidity;but we believe the contrary to be true, that insuch solidity we invite severe criticism andeven hostility, and prevent neighborly communication on points of common interests.We have the acquaintance of two leadingdemocrats in their respective States, Hon.Blair Lee, of Maryland, and Hon. Cabel Breck-inridge, of Kentucky, and unhesitatinglyaffirm, from our political and personal acq.uaiiit-ance with these gentlemen, that no republicanin any State in the Union would go farther in


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124 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.conceding, demanding, and defending ourrights as citizens tinder the law. We havereferred to these two States at an earlierperiod, but through the action of the AmericanPublishing Company, of Hartford, Conn., thepublication of this work has been delayed tothe present moment, which makes it possibleand pertinent to refer to after-election results.


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CHAPTER XIII.REFERENCE TO A PERSONAL AND PRIVATE

LETTER OF THAT GREAT DEMOCRATICLEADER AND CHAMPION OF THE PEOPLE S CAUSE, HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, OFNEBRASKA, TO THE WRITER REFERREDTO INTELLIGENCE OF COLORED BIMET-ALLISTS COMPLIMENTED BY HIM.

fTI HIS typical leader, with an ideal record,r * indeed, a statesman without a blemish,

to-day stands before the people as theuncompromising advocate of that constitutionalbasis of money, gold and silver, the surest andmost reliable money basis for this country,regardless of what outsiders or other countriesmay think, has been denounced by demagogues and critics, as other great leaders andreformers in the interest of the people havebeen, as Sumner, Phillips, Garrison, and Lincolnwere. Hon. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska,in a private letter to the writer received only afew weeks ago, complimented and commended

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126 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.the support given the cause by the intelligentand thoughtful colored advocates of bimetallism,their study of the question, and their abilityin reaching proper conclusions thereon, thusshowing his feelings toward all supporters ofthe cause regardless of race.Our freedom having been wrought out

through great conflict and agitation, we canleast afford to discourage or discountenance areform when carried 011 to promote the bestinterests of the common people. We are abeliever in conflict whether in politics orreligion as being essential to the solution ofgreat problems and the production of the bestresults. No thoughtful student of the historyof enlightened Germany can deny that theagitation of the people through social democracy has wrought out and brought greatimprovement to the masses. Under such aleader as Mr. Bryan, standing on a platform ofequality before the law, what good reason canwe assign for not following him? From personal acquaintance with and observation ofthat gentleman, we unhesitatingly affirm thatno man lives who has a keener or more sin-


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HON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN. 127cere respect for the rights of all races, andgreater interest in their elevation. Whenenlightened democracy chooses snch a leaderwe can well afford to follow it, and not have itsaid, as we have remarked before, in footingup party strength and results in advance, "somany colored votes, so many republican votes."

CONCLUSION.In closing this discussion for the present,

the writer desires it to be distinctly understood that in following the line on which heembarked nearly a quarter of a century ago,he has sought to deal philosophically with thisproblem on its merits ; agreeable to the justiceof its proportions as we view it; in the hopeof ultimately, through a peace basis, of reconciling any feeling of enmity or hostility whichmight have engendered since our changedrelations, as being inimical to popular interest.The disadvantages under which we have

labored throughout this period precludes the


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128 PHILOSOPHY OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.possibility of vanity or any sordid personalambition on onr part.Our only purpose, therefore, has been to

deal, as best we may, with freedom and theobligations which it imposes.

NOTE. Respecting the delay in this publication, caused bythe American Publishing Company, of Hartford, Conn. Theirwhole proceeding will be laid before the public at the propertime, in the proper place, and in the proper manner.


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jerome r. riley--the philosophy of negro suffrage (1897)

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