jeffrey d. needell, rio de janeiro at the turn of the century: modernization and the parisian ideal

Rio de Janeiro at the Turn of the Century: Modernization and the Parisian IdealAuthor(s): Jeffery D. Needell and Jeffrey D. NeedellReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Feb., 1983), pp.83-103Published by: Center for Latin American Studies at the University of MiamiStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/165535 .Accessed: 06/12/2011 08:58

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JEFFERY D. NEEDELL Department of History University of Oregon

RIO DE JANEIRO A T THE TURN OF THE CENTURY

Modernization and the Parisian Ideal

T he last two decades or so have seen academic interest in urban Latin American history mature to the point where questions of cultural realities have taken on greater complexity and importance. For reasons bound up with the socioeconomic factors usually studied first, the period between 1870 and 1930 seems fated to be especially attractive. That was the period, after all, when the neocolonial order came of age and, with it, the cultural possibilities born of greater wealth, a larger leisure class, an urban way of life in the expanding port and administrative centers, and the greater access to European cultural models through travel and luxury imports. '

What is offered here is a brief, focused examination of several aspects of urban elite culture at century's turn, in the hope of making a specific contribution to the larger discussion of Latin American urban culture in this era, especially as it has been advanced by Romero (1976: Ch. 6). Rio de Janeiro and the Parisian ideal, both important to Romero, have been selected and

AUTHOR'S NOTE: The author notes with gratitude the encouragement, advice, and criticism of Richard Morse and the enthusiasm and suggestions of Richard Helpern and Dana Brand. The work on which the article draws was supported by the generosity of the Danforth Foundation, Fulbright-Hays Commission, Social Science Research Council, and Mary McLeod Lewis Foundation. Additional source material is available from the author.

Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 25 No. 1, February 1983 83-103 ? 1983 Sage Publications, Inc. 0022-1937/83/010083-21$2.35

JEFFERY D. NEEDELL Department of History University of Oregon

RIO DE JANEIRO A T THE TURN OF THE CENTURY

Modernization and the Parisian Ideal

T he last two decades or so have seen academic interest in urban Latin American history mature to the point where questions of cultural realities have taken on greater complexity and importance. For reasons bound up with the socioeconomic factors usually studied first, the period between 1870 and 1930 seems fated to be especially attractive. That was the period, after all, when the neocolonial order came of age and, with it, the cultural possibilities born of greater wealth, a larger leisure class, an urban way of life in the expanding port and administrative centers, and the greater access to European cultural models through travel and luxury imports. '

What is offered here is a brief, focused examination of several aspects of urban elite culture at century's turn, in the hope of making a specific contribution to the larger discussion of Latin American urban culture in this era, especially as it has been advanced by Romero (1976: Ch. 6). Rio de Janeiro and the Parisian ideal, both important to Romero, have been selected and

AUTHOR'S NOTE: The author notes with gratitude the encouragement, advice, and criticism of Richard Morse and the enthusiasm and suggestions of Richard Helpern and Dana Brand. The work on which the article draws was supported by the generosity of the Danforth Foundation, Fulbright-Hays Commission, Social Science Research Council, and Mary McLeod Lewis Foundation. Additional source material is available from the author.

Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 25 No. 1, February 1983 83-103 ? 1983 Sage Publications, Inc. 0022-1937/83/010083-21$2.35

83 83

84 JOURNAL OF INTERAMERICAN STUDIES AND WORLD AFFAIRS 84 JOURNAL OF INTERAMERICAN STUDIES AND WORLD AFFAIRS

several points will be raised-some will give further strength to Romero's; others will raise new questions of common importance to Latin American cultural history around 1900. It will be shown that the Parisian culture crucial to Latin American elites was both traditionally important to Cariocas and, in its fin-de-siecle phase in France itself, something of a reaction against contemporary modern change. It will be noted that the Carioca culture, modeled on the Parisian, shared with the latter something of the removed quality of its reaction. It will be argued, however, that where, in France, participants clearly distinguished between modernization and elite culture, in Rio, modernization and the elite culture of Paris were identified as one and accepted, but in two different, though related, ways, In one, the identification of Parisian culture as the definitive statement of modern civilization led to the desire to make over the pdtria, especially in its urban symbol, the capital, a la francaise. In the other, the embrace of Parisian culture as modern civilization led to an indifference to the patria as, ipso facto, inferior to the beloved cultural metropole. Finally, it will be shown that a cultural reaction to the excesses of francophile modernity was anticipated at the century's turn and a critical step was taken toward a more nationalist reformulation of the problem of cultural identity vis-a-vis European civilization.

* * * *

The various nations of Latin America entered into the dynamic relationships of mature neocolonialism according to the vagaries of their own politico-economic circumstances. Consolidation and products suitable for export were the sine qua non on the Latin American side; the technology, capital, and markets were present in the North Atlantic center by at least the second third of the nineteenth century. In Brazil, coffee and monarchical strength combined from mid-century in a fruitful union that finally suffered through violent divorce in the period 1880-1898, when old internal combinations fell apart and new alliances had to be

several points will be raised-some will give further strength to Romero's; others will raise new questions of common importance to Latin American cultural history around 1900. It will be shown that the Parisian culture crucial to Latin American elites was both traditionally important to Cariocas and, in its fin-de-siecle phase in France itself, something of a reaction against contemporary modern change. It will be noted that the Carioca culture, modeled on the Parisian, shared with the latter something of the removed quality of its reaction. It will be argued, however, that where, in France, participants clearly distinguished between modernization and elite culture, in Rio, modernization and the elite culture of Paris were identified as one and accepted, but in two different, though related, ways, In one, the identification of Parisian culture as the definitive statement of modern civilization led to the desire to make over the pdtria, especially in its urban symbol, the capital, a la francaise. In the other, the embrace of Parisian culture as modern civilization led to an indifference to the patria as, ipso facto, inferior to the beloved cultural metropole. Finally, it will be shown that a cultural reaction to the excesses of francophile modernity was anticipated at the century's turn and a critical step was taken toward a more nationalist reformulation of the problem of cultural identity vis-a-vis European civilization.

* * * *

The various nations of Latin America entered into the dynamic relationships of mature neocolonialism according to the vagaries of their own politico-economic circumstances. Consolidation and products suitable for export were the sine qua non on the Latin American side; the technology, capital, and markets were present in the North Atlantic center by at least the second third of the nineteenth century. In Brazil, coffee and monarchical strength combined from mid-century in a fruitful union that finally suffered through violent divorce in the period 1880-1898, when old internal combinations fell apart and new alliances had to be

Needell / RIO DE JANEIRO 85 Needell / RIO DE JANEIRO 85

forged, under a republic, to put the country back on a profitable footing in the international market at century's end.

Essentially, the nation suffered the violence of a period of rapid transformation. Imperial centralism and the decadent planting regions had been thwarting the emergence of new regional elite interests and the rise of urban, "modernizing" elements. Urban centers of the Center-south became the staging area for this change and conflict, and an unstable congeries of new elite members, middle-sector military officers, urban-based profes- sionals, and the jacobino (radical nationalist) elements in the streets became their champion.

That the cities played this role, especially in the Center-south, is not surprising. These were the political, financial, commercial, and infrastructural centers of Empire and coffee economy alike, and they grew steadily. With expanding urban-oriented econ- omies and professions, as well, they naturally became increas- ingly independent of the more traditional rural areas and more open to the unsettling influence of European and U.S. thought and example. In such cities as Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, many planters' sons learned much that undercut their fathers' world, and increasing numbers of the middle strata looked forward to a more "modern" country: an urban, industrial, and "progressive" Brazil in step with the advanced North Atlantic powers about which they read constantly and to which some even traveled.

In the Campos Sales regime (1898-1902), however, a turn away from the projects and the conflict of the Republic's first years was completed. Campos Sales was the second civilian head of state; the military had returned to the barracks. The financial experi- ments had long since been abandoned for a cautious program of deflation and for the reestablishment of foreign credit. A revolt in the sertoes had already been quashed, and the jacobinos were chastened. A civilian, decentralized government had been imposed, firmly tied to the interests of the ascendent regions' agro-export elites. A certain calm returned, and with it and the

forged, under a republic, to put the country back on a profitable footing in the international market at century's end.

Essentially, the nation suffered the violence of a period of rapid transformation. Imperial centralism and the decadent planting regions had been thwarting the emergence of new regional elite interests and the rise of urban, "modernizing" elements. Urban centers of the Center-south became the staging area for this change and conflict, and an unstable congeries of new elite members, middle-sector military officers, urban-based profes- sionals, and the jacobino (radical nationalist) elements in the streets became their champion.

That the cities played this role, especially in the Center-south, is not surprising. These were the political, financial, commercial, and infrastructural centers of Empire and coffee economy alike, and they grew steadily. With expanding urban-oriented econ- omies and professions, as well, they naturally became increas- ingly independent of the more traditional rural areas and more open to the unsettling influence of European and U.S. thought and example. In such cities as Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, many planters' sons learned much that undercut their fathers' world, and increasing numbers of the middle strata looked forward to a more "modern" country: an urban, industrial, and "progressive" Brazil in step with the advanced North Atlantic powers about which they read constantly and to which some even traveled.

In the Campos Sales regime (1898-1902), however, a turn away from the projects and the conflict of the Republic's first years was completed. Campos Sales was the second civilian head of state; the military had returned to the barracks. The financial experi- ments had long since been abandoned for a cautious program of deflation and for the reestablishment of foreign credit. A revolt in the sertoes had already been quashed, and the jacobinos were chastened. A civilian, decentralized government had been imposed, firmly tied to the interests of the ascendent regions' agro-export elites. A certain calm returned, and with it and the


new credit husbanded by Campos Sales, "acceptable" change could be contemplated (see Barbosa, 1968; Lobo, 1978 Vol. 1: 467-468, 493, 503-504).

The man who presided over this was Rodrigues Alves (1902- 1906). On the basis now established, the new president initiated a program of public works, urban renewal, and public health in Rio, as well as diplomatic advance and continued, cautious financial management. Though the president, twice Minister of Finance and a finished politician, oversaw the policies of his regime, he surrounded himself with capable appointees and delegated to them considerable power. The most famous of his ministers was the Baron do Rio Branco, noted for his diplomatic triumphs. Among the regime's other celebrated figures, however, were Oswaldo Cruz, who ended yellow fever in the capital, and Francisco Pereira Passos, who rebuilt it. Why these men and Rio were so important in the scheme of things is central to the meaning of the president's policies. After the turmoil of the 1890s, which had brought Brazil penury and a reputation for violent instability, a healthy and "civilized" port capital was to be presented to the West as a symbolic and functional element in the country's new viability and potential as a secure advancing nation (see, for example, Franco, 1973, Vol. 1: Bks. 3-4; Vol. 2: Bk. 5). The message was "modernization"-and Brazilians spelled it out in French.

French culture had figured in Brazilian life since the colonial era. In the late eighteenth century, it embraced Enlightenment thought and matters of lifesyle, and by the latter half of the nineteenth, not only the elite but also the well-off among the urban middle sectors generally enjoyed French styles in dress, furniture, literature, luxuries, and even schooling. After the hiatus born of the Napoleonic invasion of Portugal in 1807, relations with France-which were resumed in 1816-loosed a flood of French immigrant artisans, booksellers, clerics, tutors, restaurateurs, artists, prostitutes, and merchants into Brazil. All helped to spread the already established French cultural influence

new credit husbanded by Campos Sales, "acceptable" change could be contemplated (see Barbosa, 1968; Lobo, 1978 Vol. 1: 467-468, 493, 503-504).

The man who presided over this was Rodrigues Alves (1902- 1906). On the basis now established, the new president initiated a program of public works, urban renewal, and public health in Rio, as well as diplomatic advance and continued, cautious financial management. Though the president, twice Minister of Finance and a finished politician, oversaw the policies of his regime, he surrounded himself with capable appointees and delegated to them considerable power. The most famous of his ministers was the Baron do Rio Branco, noted for his diplomatic triumphs. Among the regime's other celebrated figures, however, were Oswaldo Cruz, who ended yellow fever in the capital, and Francisco Pereira Passos, who rebuilt it. Why these men and Rio were so important in the scheme of things is central to the meaning of the president's policies. After the turmoil of the 1890s, which had brought Brazil penury and a reputation for violent instability, a healthy and "civilized" port capital was to be presented to the West as a symbolic and functional element in the country's new viability and potential as a secure advancing nation (see, for example, Franco, 1973, Vol. 1: Bks. 3-4; Vol. 2: Bk. 5). The message was "modernization"-and Brazilians spelled it out in French.

French culture had figured in Brazilian life since the colonial era. In the late eighteenth century, it embraced Enlightenment thought and matters of lifesyle, and by the latter half of the nineteenth, not only the elite but also the well-off among the urban middle sectors generally enjoyed French styles in dress, furniture, literature, luxuries, and even schooling. After the hiatus born of the Napoleonic invasion of Portugal in 1807, relations with France-which were resumed in 1816-loosed a flood of French immigrant artisans, booksellers, clerics, tutors, restaurateurs, artists, prostitutes, and merchants into Brazil. All helped to spread the already established French cultural influence


(and, through it, elements of other European cultures), and they did so especially in the cities, foci of cultural diffusion.3 The British, despite their economic domination, were relegated the grosser sort of trade; certain restricted aspects of lifestyle, political tradition, and philosophy; infrastructure; urban services; finance; and shipping-they never compared in other areas to their old rivals. As for the traditional metropole, Portugal had long since shown the way to the admiration and adaptation of French civilization.4

By 1890, the Parisian journalist Leclerc (1890: 216-218, 252- 253) could report France's cultural conquest of Brazil. But Brazilians were not alone in thinking of the Parisian as the epitome of civilized life. In Paris, they jostled with tourists from both Europe and the Americas, in common surrender to the charms to which all succumbed. Indeed, by 1900 the tyranny of the City of Light was complete (do Rio, 191 la: 97; Broca, 1960: 91-92; Hauser, 1952, Vol. 1: 878, 907). As Shattuck (1968: 1) puts it, "For Paris they were the Banquet Years ... The cultural capital of the world, which set fashions in dress, the arts, and the pleasures of life, celebrated its vitality over a long table laden with food and wine."

Yet not everyone ate at that table. Like Rio de Janeiro, Paris, too, underwent the violence and instability born of social transformation and struggle. That process is central to under- standing the elite culture that emerged. The Second Empire that had successfully imposed the will of the propertied on the poor had fallen to Prussian military method in 1870. The Parisian masses had seen their chance and taken it in the Commune. The monarchists and republicans made their peace with the Prussians and made war on the revolutionaries in a class struggle that gave the ruling strata a final, bloody victory. The emergent Third Republic was the sickly child of the bourgeois parties' parliament- ary alliances. It had against it, at one time or another (and frequently in combinations) monarchists, Bonapartists, Boulang- ists, the army, the Church, the socialists, and the anarchists.

(and, through it, elements of other European cultures), and they did so especially in the cities, foci of cultural diffusion.3 The British, despite their economic domination, were relegated the grosser sort of trade; certain restricted aspects of lifestyle, political tradition, and philosophy; infrastructure; urban services; finance; and shipping-they never compared in other areas to their old rivals. As for the traditional metropole, Portugal had long since shown the way to the admiration and adaptation of French civilization.4

By 1890, the Parisian journalist Leclerc (1890: 216-218, 252- 253) could report France's cultural conquest of Brazil. But Brazilians were not alone in thinking of the Parisian as the epitome of civilized life. In Paris, they jostled with tourists from both Europe and the Americas, in common surrender to the charms to which all succumbed. Indeed, by 1900 the tyranny of the City of Light was complete (do Rio, 191 la: 97; Broca, 1960: 91-92; Hauser, 1952, Vol. 1: 878, 907). As Shattuck (1968: 1) puts it, "For Paris they were the Banquet Years ... The cultural capital of the world, which set fashions in dress, the arts, and the pleasures of life, celebrated its vitality over a long table laden with food and wine."

Yet not everyone ate at that table. Like Rio de Janeiro, Paris, too, underwent the violence and instability born of social transformation and struggle. That process is central to under- standing the elite culture that emerged. The Second Empire that had successfully imposed the will of the propertied on the poor had fallen to Prussian military method in 1870. The Parisian masses had seen their chance and taken it in the Commune. The monarchists and republicans made their peace with the Prussians and made war on the revolutionaries in a class struggle that gave the ruling strata a final, bloody victory. The emergent Third Republic was the sickly child of the bourgeois parties' parliament- ary alliances. It had against it, at one time or another (and frequently in combinations) monarchists, Bonapartists, Boulang- ists, the army, the Church, the socialists, and the anarchists.


Moreover, pulsing within this painful age, industrialization and infrastructural and urban growth-with all their associated changes-went on apace.

Modern urban culture in Paris, the model Cariocas adapted, naturally developed as part of all this. The city was rebuilt under the celebrated Haussmann in the Second Empire as the more open, rationally organized, and salubrious showplace of Napoleon III (Pinkney, 1958: 25-39). Even after the disaster of the Commune, Paris had reemerged to play its traditionally central role in French culture, politics, and society, now capturing the new age's splendor and novelty. It was a period in shich the magical fantasy of theater and opera was triumphant, a period of aristocratic pretenses and illusions. Also, while its aristocracy, artistic establishment, and avant-garde stood at a disdainful remove from the bourgeoisie and its new-made world, the bourgeoisie, like the fashionable aristocracy, lived their fantiasies in the face of ubiquitous misery. It was the age par excellence of dandies, famous prostitutes, smart restaurants, mannered affectation, art nouveau, the boulevards, and the Bois. One might have thought it was all white tie and grandes horizontales-save for the oc- casional explosion of a bomb, the rabid antisemitism of the Dreyfus Affair, and the new emergence of the socialist left and the nationalist right (Benjamin, 1969: 201-216; Hauser, 1952, Vol. 2: 869-926; Shattuck, 1968: Chs. 1, 11).

This, then, was the Paris to which so many Brazilians looked in their thirst for the "modern." Perhaps the most dramatic instance of one trend in this direction is the one noted earlier: the urban reform of the capitol. Francisco Pereira Passos, the Haussmann of Rio de Janeiro, exemplifies the effects of French influence in the Carioca impulse toward the "modernization" of the patria (see Athayde, n.d.: Ch. 5; Costa, 1957, Vol. 1: 29-41; Franco, 1973, Vol. 1: 312-315). Though of an aristocratic planter family, Passos chose engineering at the Escola Militar, the alma mater of many of Brazil's modernizers, rather than the usual training at a law faculty. After taking his degree, he completed his preparation by a step many of the Escola's alumni took if they could: study in

Moreover, pulsing within this painful age, industrialization and infrastructural and urban growth-with all their associated changes-went on apace.

Modern urban culture in Paris, the model Cariocas adapted, naturally developed as part of all this. The city was rebuilt under the celebrated Haussmann in the Second Empire as the more open, rationally organized, and salubrious showplace of Napoleon III (Pinkney, 1958: 25-39). Even after the disaster of the Commune, Paris had reemerged to play its traditionally central role in French culture, politics, and society, now capturing the new age's splendor and novelty. It was a period in shich the magical fantasy of theater and opera was triumphant, a period of aristocratic pretenses and illusions. Also, while its aristocracy, artistic establishment, and avant-garde stood at a disdainful remove from the bourgeoisie and its new-made world, the bourgeoisie, like the fashionable aristocracy, lived their fantiasies in the face of ubiquitous misery. It was the age par excellence of dandies, famous prostitutes, smart restaurants, mannered affectation, art nouveau, the boulevards, and the Bois. One might have thought it was all white tie and grandes horizontales-save for the oc- casional explosion of a bomb, the rabid antisemitism of the Dreyfus Affair, and the new emergence of the socialist left and the nationalist right (Benjamin, 1969: 201-216; Hauser, 1952, Vol. 2: 869-926; Shattuck, 1968: Chs. 1, 11).

This, then, was the Paris to which so many Brazilians looked in their thirst for the "modern." Perhaps the most dramatic instance of one trend in this direction is the one noted earlier: the urban reform of the capitol. Francisco Pereira Passos, the Haussmann of Rio de Janeiro, exemplifies the effects of French influence in the Carioca impulse toward the "modernization" of the patria (see Athayde, n.d.: Ch. 5; Costa, 1957, Vol. 1: 29-41; Franco, 1973, Vol. 1: 312-315). Though of an aristocratic planter family, Passos chose engineering at the Escola Militar, the alma mater of many of Brazil's modernizers, rather than the usual training at a law faculty. After taking his degree, he completed his preparation by a step many of the Escola's alumni took if they could: study in


France. There he studied on his own and at the Ecole de Ponts et Chausees and then went on to work on French port and railroad projects-and all of this in the late 1850s, the early years of Haussmann.

Thus, Passos returned to Brazil and a long career in railroad, port, and urban engineering with seminal French experience. Indeed, the plans for Rio he first drew up in 1875-1876 demonstrate the impact of Haussmann.5 The political motive of the latter has been debated at length, but his urbanist intentions are clear. In the meliorist melieu of urban planning current in industrializing Europe, Napoleon III required rationalization and beautification, with an emphasis on imposing thoroughfares slicing away the old city to destroy troublesome, unhealthy slums, facilitate the increasing traffic, allow the passage of light and air, and make possible the embellishment of the "capital of capitals" (Pinkney, 1958: 27-36).

Passos's old plans, when finally realized, took Rio-whose organization he described as made up of "old usages that in many cases contradict . . not only those customs rightful in a capital but those proper to a simple 'habitat' of a civilized people" (Costa, 1957: 25)-and transformed it a la Haussmann. He also planned great avenue construction, cutting into the unhealthy confusion of the cidade velha, letting in light and air, and he cleared away old buildings and constructed the new, providing for present and future articulation between the urban center and its suburbs. In effect, Passos did as the remodelers of Paris had done-he used new thoroughfares, slum clearance, and urban beautification to make Rio the attractive, "modern" capital worthy of "civilized" people (Rangel, 1903: 3-4; Rangel, 1904; Costa, 1957, Vol. 1: 24- 41).

But this "civilized" people had not waited for Passos to adopt much they envied Paris. Though Passos might talk of "old usages," the fin-de-siecle Rio that Luis Edmundo remembered (Costa, 1957, Vol. 1 Ch. 2; Vol. 2: Chs. 10, 14; Vol. 3: Chs. 17, 19, 20; Vol. 4: Ch. 27) was chique in many respects.' In this, many exemplified a second trend in the Carioca thirst for the "modern."

France. There he studied on his own and at the Ecole de Ponts et Chausees and then went on to work on French port and railroad projects-and all of this in the late 1850s, the early years of Haussmann.

Thus, Passos returned to Brazil and a long career in railroad, port, and urban engineering with seminal French experience. Indeed, the plans for Rio he first drew up in 1875-1876 demonstrate the impact of Haussmann.5 The political motive of the latter has been debated at length, but his urbanist intentions are clear. In the meliorist melieu of urban planning current in industrializing Europe, Napoleon III required rationalization and beautification, with an emphasis on imposing thoroughfares slicing away the old city to destroy troublesome, unhealthy slums, facilitate the increasing traffic, allow the passage of light and air, and make possible the embellishment of the "capital of capitals" (Pinkney, 1958: 27-36).

Passos's old plans, when finally realized, took Rio-whose organization he described as made up of "old usages that in many cases contradict . . not only those customs rightful in a capital but those proper to a simple 'habitat' of a civilized people" (Costa, 1957: 25)-and transformed it a la Haussmann. He also planned great avenue construction, cutting into the unhealthy confusion of the cidade velha, letting in light and air, and he cleared away old buildings and constructed the new, providing for present and future articulation between the urban center and its suburbs. In effect, Passos did as the remodelers of Paris had done-he used new thoroughfares, slum clearance, and urban beautification to make Rio the attractive, "modern" capital worthy of "civilized" people (Rangel, 1903: 3-4; Rangel, 1904; Costa, 1957, Vol. 1: 24- 41).

But this "civilized" people had not waited for Passos to adopt much they envied Paris. Though Passos might talk of "old usages," the fin-de-siecle Rio that Luis Edmundo remembered (Costa, 1957, Vol. 1 Ch. 2; Vol. 2: Chs. 10, 14; Vol. 3: Chs. 17, 19, 20; Vol. 4: Ch. 27) was chique in many respects.' In this, many exemplified a second trend in the Carioca thirst for the "modern."


We have noted the importance of French taste throughout the nineteenth century-what we find at century's end is its flor- escence. A contemporary journalist, Joao do Rio (191 la: 90-91), exemplified the interest in la mode and its center, Paris: "Oh! It is necessary to be present in the City of Light to understand Fashion and the creation of a Fashionplate." Luis Edmundo recalls (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 702-703): "That which we had was no good: nature, the sky, the climate, the romance, the coffee. Only that which came from abroad was good. Only that which came from France was best. . . . Among us [we would say]-A thousand times (better to be) a cabby in Paris than the President of the Re- public, in Brazil."

In the domestic setting, of course, French furniture, architec- ture, and objets d'art continued to identify the family of means and good taste (Nabuco, 1973: 57, 162-164; Adam, 1914: 88-89; Lyra, 1977: 75). However, many Brazilians were au courant not only in ambience, but in the lives they lived as well. Take boemia, for example. From the 1880s, one found Brazilian artists and writers leading the same kind of lives romanticized by Murger's Scenes de la vie de Boheme. Memoirs describe their foibles, their drinking, their penury, and their flirtation with anarchism, jacobinismo, and even socialism (Netto, 1921, 1929; Duque, 1908a, 1908b, 1908c). Above all, they describe their devotion to the muse, a muse who often spoke French: "The prestige of the French book" recalled one, "continued immoderate and uncon- ditional. With what eagerness we read it! In the schools our language was still studied, through the works of the classical Portuguese . . . [But] for all that we remained French in spirit." (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 701).6

For the boemios, the place to meet was the rua do Ouvidor, with its famous bookstores, cafes, and restaurants. The boemios and the more "respectable" literati made of these places a world of their own, where French drink and French food could be savored while sizing up a French (or "French"7) cocotte and discussing the merits of French authors or schools. This world was not only

We have noted the importance of French taste throughout the nineteenth century-what we find at century's end is its flor- escence. A contemporary journalist, Joao do Rio (191 la: 90-91), exemplified the interest in la mode and its center, Paris: "Oh! It is necessary to be present in the City of Light to understand Fashion and the creation of a Fashionplate." Luis Edmundo recalls (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 702-703): "That which we had was no good: nature, the sky, the climate, the romance, the coffee. Only that which came from abroad was good. Only that which came from France was best. . . . Among us [we would say]-A thousand times (better to be) a cabby in Paris than the President of the Re- public, in Brazil."

In the domestic setting, of course, French furniture, architec- ture, and objets d'art continued to identify the family of means and good taste (Nabuco, 1973: 57, 162-164; Adam, 1914: 88-89; Lyra, 1977: 75). However, many Brazilians were au courant not only in ambience, but in the lives they lived as well. Take boemia, for example. From the 1880s, one found Brazilian artists and writers leading the same kind of lives romanticized by Murger's Scenes de la vie de Boheme. Memoirs describe their foibles, their drinking, their penury, and their flirtation with anarchism, jacobinismo, and even socialism (Netto, 1921, 1929; Duque, 1908a, 1908b, 1908c). Above all, they describe their devotion to the muse, a muse who often spoke French: "The prestige of the French book" recalled one, "continued immoderate and uncon- ditional. With what eagerness we read it! In the schools our language was still studied, through the works of the classical Portuguese . . . [But] for all that we remained French in spirit." (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 701).6

For the boemios, the place to meet was the rua do Ouvidor, with its famous bookstores, cafes, and restaurants. The boemios and the more "respectable" literati made of these places a world of their own, where French drink and French food could be savored while sizing up a French (or "French"7) cocotte and discussing the merits of French authors or schools. This world was not only


Parisian, it was self-consciously so (Vianna, 1908; Broca, 1960: Chs. 9, 12). Many boemios seemingly considered themselves a tropical contingent of the avant-garde, often to the point of dismissing out of hand anything written in Brazil. Luis Edmundo confides (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 701) that "more than ever we belittled with snobbism all that might be ours. . . . When the century commences, the new warriors of our literature are mad for Symbolism. It is the modern school... [brought from] beloved France . . . and received here by the [French] booksellers Garnier and Briguiet."

The domination of French literature had its parallel in French tyranny in dress.8 Joao do Rio, for example, who claimed that the whole world was compelled to ape the fiction and thefianeurs of Paris, took pleasure in describing the origins of fashion and did so with the eye of a connoisseur (Rio, 191 la: 92). Luis Edmundo, too, punctuates his memoirs with drawings and descriptions of the fashionable, whose debt to French imports or shops he makes clear (Costa, 1957, Vol. 2: 232-238). The names of shops and goods, of course, were often French, just as the conversation among the properly attired might be. Indeed, as in Paris, the mingling of sartorial elegance and fashionable cultural chat was common. There were Brazilian dandies, too, with their affected manner and studied attendance at the "right" social gatherings (Peixoto, 1911: Rio, 1908, 1917)-perhaps, as Broca notes (1960: Ch. 3) at "Five o'clock tea ... chez Madame X."9

Finally, many of the Carioca elite indulged these tastes by living in Paris itself. For them, the City of Light was the only urban experience that would brighten their dreary Brazilian existence (Martins, 1935: Chs. 6-7; Nabuco, 1973: 21-22, 50-51, 198-200). Luis Edmundo relates (Costa, 1957, Vol 2: 329) that, before Passos struck, "an elegant society already existed, though it often traveled to ... Paris, where it never tired of visiting ... One voyaged. One amused oneself. It was the devil to return."

The embrace of things Parisian was thus explicit in, and indivisible from, Carioca elite urban culture, as exemplified in the

Parisian, it was self-consciously so (Vianna, 1908; Broca, 1960: Chs. 9, 12). Many boemios seemingly considered themselves a tropical contingent of the avant-garde, often to the point of dismissing out of hand anything written in Brazil. Luis Edmundo confides (Costa, 1957, Vol. 4: 701) that "more than ever we belittled with snobbism all that might be ours. . . . When the century commences, the new warriors of our literature are mad for Symbolism. It is the modern school... [brought from] beloved France . . . and received here by the [French] booksellers Garnier and Briguiet."

The domination of French literature had its parallel in French tyranny in dress.8 Joao do Rio, for example, who claimed that the whole world was compelled to ape the fiction and thefianeurs of Paris, took pleasure in describing the origins of fashion and did so with the eye of a connoisseur (Rio, 191 la: 92). Luis Edmundo, too, punctuates his memoirs with drawings and descriptions of the fashionable, whose debt to French imports or shops he makes clear (Costa, 1957, Vol. 2: 232-238). The names of shops and goods, of course, were often French, just as the conversation among the properly attired might be. Indeed, as in Paris, the mingling of sartorial elegance and fashionable cultural chat was common. There were Brazilian dandies, too, with their affected manner and studied attendance at the "right" social gatherings (Peixoto, 1911: Rio, 1908, 1917)-perhaps, as Broca notes (1960: Ch. 3) at "Five o'clock tea ... chez Madame X."9

Finally, many of the Carioca elite indulged these tastes by living in Paris itself. For them, the City of Light was the only urban experience that would brighten their dreary Brazilian existence (Martins, 1935: Chs. 6-7; Nabuco, 1973: 21-22, 50-51, 198-200). Luis Edmundo relates (Costa, 1957, Vol 2: 329) that, before Passos struck, "an elegant society already existed, though it often traveled to ... Paris, where it never tired of visiting ... One voyaged. One amused oneself. It was the devil to return."

The embrace of things Parisian was thus explicit in, and indivisible from, Carioca elite urban culture, as exemplified in the


two trends analyzed here: Passos's urban reforms and the passion for a "modern" (that is, Parisian) way of life. And there was obviously much in common between Passos's patriotic hunger and his fellow Cariocas' taste for Parisian fashions. In Rio, unlike Paris, fashionable culture and "modernization" were thought interchangeable. That is, essentially, the view implicit in Passos's statement regarding Rio's "old usages" unfit for a "civilized people." Traditional customs were ipso facto uncivilized (Costa, 1958, Vol. 1: 159-208: do Rio, 191 la). Thus, when Passos began his reforms, a journalist (Figueireo Pimentel, quoted in Broca, 1960: 4) wrote that "Rio is becoming civilized," and the phrase caught on. The milieu was suffused with universalist, positivist assumptions about European culture-to become civilized was to progress, that is, to approximate the standards set by Europe (compare Burns, 1980; Burns, in Burns and Skidmore, 1979; and see Costa, 1964; Skidmore, 1974), which, as I have argued, were often sought in Paris. Thus, when Oliveira Lima (1910: 292-293) to Rio's (Parisian) reforms, he wrote that "the cities of the New World . . . offer a notable example . .. of long human evolution. In three or four centuries, they [have] passed from the state of nature to the state of culture, from complete bestiality to a refined civilization.... The city of Rio de Janeiro ... furnishes ... a beautiful example of a city that [has] passed through all the phases."

Those Brazilians who wanted the country's "modernization" had accepted Europe's lead and set about catching up. They were optimistic, believing in modern technology and Brazil's natural resources. The image preferred was always one of potential, unused, awaiting modern methods. One commentator (Lima, 1910: 298). for example, portrayed Rio as a city whose natural evolution toward modernity had been hampered only by yellow fever: "It was as if a grave illness repeatedly invaded an organism. . . . The great works that have just been executed .. . would have been at least partially realized, if the presence of the cruel enemy had not paralyzed our energy at every instant." With the medical triumph over the fever, civilization-modern science -begat progress.

two trends analyzed here: Passos's urban reforms and the passion for a "modern" (that is, Parisian) way of life. And there was obviously much in common between Passos's patriotic hunger and his fellow Cariocas' taste for Parisian fashions. In Rio, unlike Paris, fashionable culture and "modernization" were thought interchangeable. That is, essentially, the view implicit in Passos's statement regarding Rio's "old usages" unfit for a "civilized people." Traditional customs were ipso facto uncivilized (Costa, 1958, Vol. 1: 159-208: do Rio, 191 la). Thus, when Passos began his reforms, a journalist (Figueireo Pimentel, quoted in Broca, 1960: 4) wrote that "Rio is becoming civilized," and the phrase caught on. The milieu was suffused with universalist, positivist assumptions about European culture-to become civilized was to progress, that is, to approximate the standards set by Europe (compare Burns, 1980; Burns, in Burns and Skidmore, 1979; and see Costa, 1964; Skidmore, 1974), which, as I have argued, were often sought in Paris. Thus, when Oliveira Lima (1910: 292-293) to Rio's (Parisian) reforms, he wrote that "the cities of the New World . . . offer a notable example . .. of long human evolution. In three or four centuries, they [have] passed from the state of nature to the state of culture, from complete bestiality to a refined civilization.... The city of Rio de Janeiro ... furnishes ... a beautiful example of a city that [has] passed through all the phases."

Those Brazilians who wanted the country's "modernization" had accepted Europe's lead and set about catching up. They were optimistic, believing in modern technology and Brazil's natural resources. The image preferred was always one of potential, unused, awaiting modern methods. One commentator (Lima, 1910: 298). for example, portrayed Rio as a city whose natural evolution toward modernity had been hampered only by yellow fever: "It was as if a grave illness repeatedly invaded an organism. . . . The great works that have just been executed .. . would have been at least partially realized, if the presence of the cruel enemy had not paralyzed our energy at every instant." With the medical triumph over the fever, civilization-modern science -begat progress.


Rio's Parisian metamorphosis was thus seen and designed not only as an advertisement of Brazil's viability, but as a symbol of her "modern" future. Rodrigues Alves and the forces and hopes his programs represented were trying to signal the advance of Brazil into the ranks of the modern, Western nations (Bello, 1966: 183, 184, 191). That so many of his programs were directed toward Rio indicates, partially, how paired urban progress and modern civilization were in the minds of most educated West- terners at the time. Rio became civilized to the extent she became modern (that is, Parisian), and, in doing so, she served notice that Brazil was "coming of age."'0

However, modern urban culture is not always a celebration of the changing societies in which it develops. Fin-de-siecle culture in France was rather the reverse-a reaction, an aristocratic individualism that turned away from the political and socioeconomic turmoil that French modernization entailed. The movements and lifestyles most innovative-symbolism, for example, or, more especially, the paraded pleasures of the wealthy, particularly among artists and aristocracy-were pointedly directed away from the agony of society and toward the experience of the cultured self (see Shattuck, 1968: Chs. 1, 11; Benjamin, 1969: 158-159, 161-165, 167, 201-216).

A related response is obvious in the second trend noted among many of the frenchified Brazilians. Though they saw themselves as "modern," the process of "modernization" in Brazil itself was often of little personal interest. Others, of course, devoted their lives to transforming the patria (for example, Passos, and men like the Viscount of Maua or Andre Reboucas, earlier, and contemporaries like Oswaldo Cruz, Paulo de Frontin, and Rodrigues Alves). But, among many of the elite who enjoyed the results of"civilization," there was, quite often, a calculated lack of involvement in its Brazilian realization. As far as the creation of a "modern" Rio was concerned, their actions were incidental contributions.

"Modern" in taste, not modernizers, these Cariocas helped to make Rio Parisian by thier activities and desires, a result they did not intend so much as enjoy. They would probably have enjoyed

Rio's Parisian metamorphosis was thus seen and designed not only as an advertisement of Brazil's viability, but as a symbol of her "modern" future. Rodrigues Alves and the forces and hopes his programs represented were trying to signal the advance of Brazil into the ranks of the modern, Western nations (Bello, 1966: 183, 184, 191). That so many of his programs were directed toward Rio indicates, partially, how paired urban progress and modern civilization were in the minds of most educated West- terners at the time. Rio became civilized to the extent she became modern (that is, Parisian), and, in doing so, she served notice that Brazil was "coming of age."'0

However, modern urban culture is not always a celebration of the changing societies in which it develops. Fin-de-siecle culture in France was rather the reverse-a reaction, an aristocratic individualism that turned away from the political and socioeconomic turmoil that French modernization entailed. The movements and lifestyles most innovative-symbolism, for example, or, more especially, the paraded pleasures of the wealthy, particularly among artists and aristocracy-were pointedly directed away from the agony of society and toward the experience of the cultured self (see Shattuck, 1968: Chs. 1, 11; Benjamin, 1969: 158-159, 161-165, 167, 201-216).

A related response is obvious in the second trend noted among many of the frenchified Brazilians. Though they saw themselves as "modern," the process of "modernization" in Brazil itself was often of little personal interest. Others, of course, devoted their lives to transforming the patria (for example, Passos, and men like the Viscount of Maua or Andre Reboucas, earlier, and contemporaries like Oswaldo Cruz, Paulo de Frontin, and Rodrigues Alves). But, among many of the elite who enjoyed the results of"civilization," there was, quite often, a calculated lack of involvement in its Brazilian realization. As far as the creation of a "modern" Rio was concerned, their actions were incidental contributions.

"Modern" in taste, not modernizers, these Cariocas helped to make Rio Parisian by thier activities and desires, a result they did not intend so much as enjoy. They would probably have enjoyed


matters even more if they could simply have stayed in Paris, as many, indeed, were quite content to do. If the artists and dandies of Paris isolated themselves from modern France, at least they remained fiercely French. Indeed, they often separated France from its modern realities to condemn the latter. The Brazilian elite collapsed "modernity" and France together, as we have seen, and embraced both, sometimes at the expense of Brazil, which was neither "modern" nor "French" enough to claim their devotion or, at times, even their notice. In a contemporary satire (Rio, 1908), a foreigner exclaims: "It is frightful, cher confrere. ... All your compatriots know Paris as if they had been there, yet... it was necessary to ask ten people to obtain useful information about Rio de Janeiro." Broca (1960: 92) observes: "It was even chic to be ignorant about Brazil and to rave about Paris in an affected and not always intelligent manner." In this second trend, the embrace of modern urban culture, of Paris, often involved an estrangement from the rude realities of one's own, changing country.

Others, however, saw the process of modernization in Brazil more clearly. Of these, some were suspicious of it and used pointed wit or sensitive observation to register their skepticism and their fears. Machado de Assis, the preeminent writer, obviously displayed something of this ambivalence toward modernization in his notes on Carioca life. Usually, Machado uses a light touch, gently picking apart the indiscriminate enthusiasm for innovation. In 1892, he chronicled the changing fashions in opera and streetcars at thought they were both of equally negligible importance: "Tannhauser and electric streetcars. We finally have those great novelties in the country. The impresario of the Teatro Lirico does us the favor of presenting the famous opera of Wagner, while the Companhia de Botafogo has the courage to transport us more quickly. Will the burro and Verdi fall at the same time?" (Assis, 1964: 36). Elsewhere, Machado writes of two soon-to-be-replaced streetcar burros overheard before the change to electricity. After the more cynical of the two dispels the dream of the other for an emancipated retirement

matters even more if they could simply have stayed in Paris, as many, indeed, were quite content to do. If the artists and dandies of Paris isolated themselves from modern France, at least they remained fiercely French. Indeed, they often separated France from its modern realities to condemn the latter. The Brazilian elite collapsed "modernity" and France together, as we have seen, and embraced both, sometimes at the expense of Brazil, which was neither "modern" nor "French" enough to claim their devotion or, at times, even their notice. In a contemporary satire (Rio, 1908), a foreigner exclaims: "It is frightful, cher confrere. ... All your compatriots know Paris as if they had been there, yet... it was necessary to ask ten people to obtain useful information about Rio de Janeiro." Broca (1960: 92) observes: "It was even chic to be ignorant about Brazil and to rave about Paris in an affected and not always intelligent manner." In this second trend, the embrace of modern urban culture, of Paris, often involved an estrangement from the rude realities of one's own, changing country.

Others, however, saw the process of modernization in Brazil more clearly. Of these, some were suspicious of it and used pointed wit or sensitive observation to register their skepticism and their fears. Machado de Assis, the preeminent writer, obviously displayed something of this ambivalence toward modernization in his notes on Carioca life. Usually, Machado uses a light touch, gently picking apart the indiscriminate enthusiasm for innovation. In 1892, he chronicled the changing fashions in opera and streetcars at thought they were both of equally negligible importance: "Tannhauser and electric streetcars. We finally have those great novelties in the country. The impresario of the Teatro Lirico does us the favor of presenting the famous opera of Wagner, while the Companhia de Botafogo has the courage to transport us more quickly. Will the burro and Verdi fall at the same time?" (Assis, 1964: 36). Elsewhere, Machado writes of two soon-to-be-replaced streetcar burros overheard before the change to electricity. After the more cynical of the two dispels the dream of the other for an emancipated retirement


granted by a grateful humanity, the disappointed burro remarks that his companion "does not know the language of hope." The other replies, ". . .hope is proper to weak species, like man and the locust.... Our race is essentially philosophic. To man, who walks on two feet, and probably to the eagle, who flies high, belong the science of Astronomy. We will never be astronomers; but philosophy is ours. All the human attempts in this respect are perfect chimeras" (Assis, 1964: 42).

Beside satirizing science and the ingenuous optimism around him through the mouths of asses, Machado would often attack more directly, exaggerating the modernizers' passion for mechan- ization, rationalization, and novelty. In one 1895 piece, he wrote that

the circumstances demand the invention of . . . a conscious velocipede, more rapid than a man. . . . You, if you have the inventing knack, gather your forces together, and experiment,... design, write up a petition, and run to put yourself under the ... patent laws. When the velocipede thus perfected enters acts and gathers up the responses in [the proper] fashion, it can be applied to more ... and we will have discovered the key ... [to a] great problem. Ten percent of Humanity will suffice for the business of the world. The remaining ninety percent are useless mouths, and, what is worse, reproductive. Twenty formidable wars will put an end to them; a good preservative will maintain the rest for centuries. I think big; I am not a man of small vision nor ofgolpes a flor [Assis, 1964: 53].

For Machado, the preoccupation with modernization empha- sized the peripheral, neglecting what was central-the nature of society and its organization. He noted that "science has nothing to do with the utility or perversity of institutions. It does not encompass the social, only the mechanical." Machado pointed instead to the "principle of solidarity that links all the institutions of a country, from the lottery to engineering" (Assis, 1942, Vol. 4: 225).

Another writer was more concerned with the disparity between the rage for things Parisian and the nature of Brazil's process of

granted by a grateful humanity, the disappointed burro remarks that his companion "does not know the language of hope." The other replies, ". . .hope is proper to weak species, like man and the locust.... Our race is essentially philosophic. To man, who walks on two feet, and probably to the eagle, who flies high, belong the science of Astronomy. We will never be astronomers; but philosophy is ours. All the human attempts in this respect are perfect chimeras" (Assis, 1964: 42).

Beside satirizing science and the ingenuous optimism around him through the mouths of asses, Machado would often attack more directly, exaggerating the modernizers' passion for mechan- ization, rationalization, and novelty. In one 1895 piece, he wrote that

the circumstances demand the invention of . . . a conscious velocipede, more rapid than a man. . . . You, if you have the inventing knack, gather your forces together, and experiment,... design, write up a petition, and run to put yourself under the ... patent laws. When the velocipede thus perfected enters acts and gathers up the responses in [the proper] fashion, it can be applied to more ... and we will have discovered the key ... [to a] great problem. Ten percent of Humanity will suffice for the business of the world. The remaining ninety percent are useless mouths, and, what is worse, reproductive. Twenty formidable wars will put an end to them; a good preservative will maintain the rest for centuries. I think big; I am not a man of small vision nor ofgolpes a flor [Assis, 1964: 53].

For Machado, the preoccupation with modernization empha- sized the peripheral, neglecting what was central-the nature of society and its organization. He noted that "science has nothing to do with the utility or perversity of institutions. It does not encompass the social, only the mechanical." Machado pointed instead to the "principle of solidarity that links all the institutions of a country, from the lottery to engineering" (Assis, 1942, Vol. 4: 225).

Another writer was more concerned with the disparity between the rage for things Parisian and the nature of Brazil's process of


change. Broca (1960: 99-101) tells us how Euclides da Cunha (with Machado, among the most eminent of the era's literati) turned his back on the French capital to seek Brazil's future in Brazil. The point is sharpened by the man's background, for who could be more "modern"? Da Cunha, after all, enjoyed the gallicized, scientistic education common to his generation, read and spoke French, had an engineering degree from the Escola Militar, fought for the Republic, and devoted his life as a man of science and literature to realizing Brazil's potential as a "modern" nation (Putnam in Cunha, 1944: iii-xviii, esp. x-xviii).

Rather than turn to France, however, da Cunha sought Brazil's possibilities in the interior, writing of its most distant corners, building bridges to bind it together, studying its geography and its people, and teaching what he learned to other Brazilians as an author and a professor. Sharply aware of Brazil's cultural disequilibria, he used the techniques and vision of his Europeon education to deal with and understand the conflicts engendered in the patria's transformation. In the "Preliminary Note" to Os sertoes-his celebrated account of the federal defeat of the millenerian backlanders of Canudos-a-note in which he quoted Taine, he also wrote: "We, the sons of the same soil, ... staged this campaign;... ethnologically undefined, without uniform national traditions, living parasitically on the brink of the Atlantic in accordance with those principles of civilization which have been elaborated in Europe ... we played in this action the singular role of unconscious mercenaries.. .. The campaign in question marked a backward step, an ebb in the direction of the past. It was ... a crime" (Cunha, 1944: xxix-xxx).

With this ambivalence toward Europe, it is unsurprising to find that da Cunha preferred the backlands to the Bois de Boulogne: "I do not desire Europe, the boulevard, the glitter of a position [in society],"'he confided, "I desire the sertao... the laborious and sad life of the pioneer" (in Broca, 1960: 99). He never saw Paris and, when he considered visiting, thought only of teaching there what he knew of South America. He was a modernizer sensitive to the

change. Broca (1960: 99-101) tells us how Euclides da Cunha (with Machado, among the most eminent of the era's literati) turned his back on the French capital to seek Brazil's future in Brazil. The point is sharpened by the man's background, for who could be more "modern"? Da Cunha, after all, enjoyed the gallicized, scientistic education common to his generation, read and spoke French, had an engineering degree from the Escola Militar, fought for the Republic, and devoted his life as a man of science and literature to realizing Brazil's potential as a "modern" nation (Putnam in Cunha, 1944: iii-xviii, esp. x-xviii).

Rather than turn to France, however, da Cunha sought Brazil's possibilities in the interior, writing of its most distant corners, building bridges to bind it together, studying its geography and its people, and teaching what he learned to other Brazilians as an author and a professor. Sharply aware of Brazil's cultural disequilibria, he used the techniques and vision of his Europeon education to deal with and understand the conflicts engendered in the patria's transformation. In the "Preliminary Note" to Os sertoes-his celebrated account of the federal defeat of the millenerian backlanders of Canudos-a-note in which he quoted Taine, he also wrote: "We, the sons of the same soil, ... staged this campaign;... ethnologically undefined, without uniform national traditions, living parasitically on the brink of the Atlantic in accordance with those principles of civilization which have been elaborated in Europe ... we played in this action the singular role of unconscious mercenaries.. .. The campaign in question marked a backward step, an ebb in the direction of the past. It was ... a crime" (Cunha, 1944: xxix-xxx).

With this ambivalence toward Europe, it is unsurprising to find that da Cunha preferred the backlands to the Bois de Boulogne: "I do not desire Europe, the boulevard, the glitter of a position [in society],"'he confided, "I desire the sertao... the laborious and sad life of the pioneer" (in Broca, 1960: 99). He never saw Paris and, when he considered visiting, thought only of teaching there what he knew of South America. He was a modernizer sensitive to the


death dramatic transformations could bring, a modernizer who sought a Brazilian future for Brazil in the hinterland that stretched away from the "brink of the Atlantic"-away from the city, from Rio. Urbane Brazil was the beachhead of that civilization he both represented and suspected.

We find our third example in the observations of the celebrated journalist, Joao do Rio. But where Machado and da Cunha tended to draw back from Rio's modernization, do Rio was passionately engaged in the process. A confirmed Carioca flaneur, do Rio made it his business to observe Rio's transformation, writing newspaper pieces about the changes he experienced. He proclaimed this calling as the duty of the artist in an epoch of "modern" change: "The aspiration of the new artists should be that of thrusting through their own personality the great moment of the social transformation of their country in the miracle of contemporary life; that of now reflecting the giddy anxiety of progress . .. that of engraving the instant in which the old ways flounder, including ... morality, in the emergence of a frenetic and admirable life" (do Rio, 1911a: 225-226).

In accord with this dictum, do Rio wrote collections such as Cinematographo (1909), Psychologia urbana (191 la), and Vida vertiginosa (191 lb). In these, in stories such as "The Fashion- Plate," "The Era of the Automobile," "The Foreigner's Friend," "Tea and Social Calls," "When Will the Brazilian Discover Brazil?" "Modern Girls," and "The Day of a Man in 1920," do Rio would trace lightly what he felt to be the agony of Rio's metamorphosis. He saw there the death of a tradition-bound, familiar society and the birth of another moving with the speed of an automoblie toward impersonality, moral collapse, and servile attachment to foreign styles in dress and ideas.'2

One might note that elements in do Rio's reaction to modernity have their parallel (and may well have had their inspiration) in some of the French literature he doubtless absorbed. 3 One critic's analysis (Benjamin, 1969: 158-159, -161-165, 167) of Baudelaire, for instance, shows much of the same reaction against the speed,

death dramatic transformations could bring, a modernizer who sought a Brazilian future for Brazil in the hinterland that stretched away from the "brink of the Atlantic"-away from the city, from Rio. Urbane Brazil was the beachhead of that civilization he both represented and suspected.

We find our third example in the observations of the celebrated journalist, Joao do Rio. But where Machado and da Cunha tended to draw back from Rio's modernization, do Rio was passionately engaged in the process. A confirmed Carioca flaneur, do Rio made it his business to observe Rio's transformation, writing newspaper pieces about the changes he experienced. He proclaimed this calling as the duty of the artist in an epoch of "modern" change: "The aspiration of the new artists should be that of thrusting through their own personality the great moment of the social transformation of their country in the miracle of contemporary life; that of now reflecting the giddy anxiety of progress . .. that of engraving the instant in which the old ways flounder, including ... morality, in the emergence of a frenetic and admirable life" (do Rio, 1911a: 225-226).

In accord with this dictum, do Rio wrote collections such as Cinematographo (1909), Psychologia urbana (191 la), and Vida vertiginosa (191 lb). In these, in stories such as "The Fashion- Plate," "The Era of the Automobile," "The Foreigner's Friend," "Tea and Social Calls," "When Will the Brazilian Discover Brazil?" "Modern Girls," and "The Day of a Man in 1920," do Rio would trace lightly what he felt to be the agony of Rio's metamorphosis. He saw there the death of a tradition-bound, familiar society and the birth of another moving with the speed of an automoblie toward impersonality, moral collapse, and servile attachment to foreign styles in dress and ideas.'2

One might note that elements in do Rio's reaction to modernity have their parallel (and may well have had their inspiration) in some of the French literature he doubtless absorbed. 3 One critic's analysis (Benjamin, 1969: 158-159, -161-165, 167) of Baudelaire, for instance, shows much of the same reaction against the speed,


dehumanization, loss of tradition, and overstimulation that do Rio made the focus of his early pieces. Not only "modernity" but an early European critique of it, then, were taken to heart.

For do Rio, as for Machado and da Cunha, there was much to question in the "modern" culture Cariocas commonly associated with Paris. These men were among the few who did not add to the unthinking applause that generally greeted Rio's progressive transformation.

By 1900, monied Parisians enjoyed a culture of vigor and brilliance that was born of, and was fugitive from, the realities of contemporary transformations. Ironically, the elite in Brazil, traditionally francophile, accepted that culture as the embodi- ment of the best, the most advanced example of those same contemporary transformations, of the "modern" civilization with which they longed to be identified. In one trend, Brazilian modernizers took up this Parisian model and imposed it on their capital. We have examined the results of this identification of "modernity" with bell-epoque Paris. Rio itself, in its turn-of-the- century metamorphosis, was made over into the pale image of the City of Light.

But a second trend has been noted as well, If many of the rich and cultured of Paris were alienated from the larger society, they had a parallel of sorts in the indifference toward Brazil cultivated by "civilized" members of the Carioca elite. Many of these, in a pattern common to the Westernized elites of Europeanizing countries, were effectively citizens of a cultural metropole, in this case, self-proclaimed Parisians. They, and indeed the capital itself, distinguished themselves from the Brazil in which the new Rio was more the intended symbol of a European future than the organic heir of the Brazilian past. Unlike the cultural reaction of the Parisian elite, there was more than a simple difference of class- based culture and lifestyle in Rio. There was also, as an integral, complicating part of Carioca class differences, the added one of a distinction in the national origin and reference point of many

dehumanization, loss of tradition, and overstimulation that do Rio made the focus of his early pieces. Not only "modernity" but an early European critique of it, then, were taken to heart.

For do Rio, as for Machado and da Cunha, there was much to question in the "modern" culture Cariocas commonly associated with Paris. These men were among the few who did not add to the unthinking applause that generally greeted Rio's progressive transformation.

By 1900, monied Parisians enjoyed a culture of vigor and brilliance that was born of, and was fugitive from, the realities of contemporary transformations. Ironically, the elite in Brazil, traditionally francophile, accepted that culture as the embodi- ment of the best, the most advanced example of those same contemporary transformations, of the "modern" civilization with which they longed to be identified. In one trend, Brazilian modernizers took up this Parisian model and imposed it on their capital. We have examined the results of this identification of "modernity" with bell-epoque Paris. Rio itself, in its turn-of-the- century metamorphosis, was made over into the pale image of the City of Light.

But a second trend has been noted as well, If many of the rich and cultured of Paris were alienated from the larger society, they had a parallel of sorts in the indifference toward Brazil cultivated by "civilized" members of the Carioca elite. Many of these, in a pattern common to the Westernized elites of Europeanizing countries, were effectively citizens of a cultural metropole, in this case, self-proclaimed Parisians. They, and indeed the capital itself, distinguished themselves from the Brazil in which the new Rio was more the intended symbol of a European future than the organic heir of the Brazilian past. Unlike the cultural reaction of the Parisian elite, there was more than a simple difference of class- based culture and lifestyle in Rio. There was also, as an integral, complicating part of Carioca class differences, the added one of a distinction in the national origin and reference point of many


aspects of those differences. It was Parisian identification that helped estrange the new Rio and many of its upper- and middle- strata participants from most Brazilians. The Parisian elite turned its back on the contemporary society of France because of the modern changes tht threatened them-the Carioca elite often turned theirs on contemporary Brazilian society because they disdained its lack of modern change-because it was not enough like modern France.

In Brazil, some few among the educated reacted against aspects of this passion for European modernity. I have noted three: Machado de Assis, Euclides da Cunha, and Joao do Rio. Each, in his own way, took issue with the trends exemplified in Rio at the turn of the century. They established a constructive distance between themselves and this imported "modernity" that allowed them to hesitate, to judge, to warn. And they would be only the beginning.

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, post-Enlightenment European culture suffered a period of self-criticism that general- ized fatally after the barbarism of the Great War. This early intellectual turnaway from Civilization and Progress toward the "primitive" (ideas of the "blood and soil" variety, for example) and the irrational gathered force and triumphed.

Europeans were not alone in this reevaluation; they werejoined by young Brazilians dissatisfied with a decadent Europe and an "imitative" Brazil. These proponents of Brazilian Modernismo did not move from criticism of European modernity, to reaction, to the past. Nor did they agree with Machado's and do Rio's suspicion of technology. On the contrary, they worshiped "modernity" and the technology central to it. What they had in common with Machado, da Cunha, and do Rio was a critical stance toward the Europeanizing modernity of the earlier generation and a preoccupation with the nature of Brazilian reality as they understood it. From the criticism of the imported modernity, the hesitancy and the distancing we have discussed, they moved forward to a dialetic between the modernity they had learned

aspects of those differences. It was Parisian identification that helped estrange the new Rio and many of its upper- and middle- strata participants from most Brazilians. The Parisian elite turned its back on the contemporary society of France because of the modern changes tht threatened them-the Carioca elite often turned theirs on contemporary Brazilian society because they disdained its lack of modern change-because it was not enough like modern France.

In Brazil, some few among the educated reacted against aspects of this passion for European modernity. I have noted three: Machado de Assis, Euclides da Cunha, and Joao do Rio. Each, in his own way, took issue with the trends exemplified in Rio at the turn of the century. They established a constructive distance between themselves and this imported "modernity" that allowed them to hesitate, to judge, to warn. And they would be only the beginning.

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, post-Enlightenment European culture suffered a period of self-criticism that general- ized fatally after the barbarism of the Great War. This early intellectual turnaway from Civilization and Progress toward the "primitive" (ideas of the "blood and soil" variety, for example) and the irrational gathered force and triumphed.

Europeans were not alone in this reevaluation; they werejoined by young Brazilians dissatisfied with a decadent Europe and an "imitative" Brazil. These proponents of Brazilian Modernismo did not move from criticism of European modernity, to reaction, to the past. Nor did they agree with Machado's and do Rio's suspicion of technology. On the contrary, they worshiped "modernity" and the technology central to it. What they had in common with Machado, da Cunha, and do Rio was a critical stance toward the Europeanizing modernity of the earlier generation and a preoccupation with the nature of Brazilian reality as they understood it. From the criticism of the imported modernity, the hesitancy and the distancing we have discussed, they moved forward to a dialetic between the modernity they had learned


from the Old World and what they felt was essentially different in the New, to something they hoped would be a Brazilian modernity. 14

NOTES

1. The cultural possibilities of modern Latin American urban studies were pioneered in work such as that by Morse (1958) and have begun to bear fruit in such general analyses as that of Romero (1976). The historical importance of the period 1870-1930 is signaled in such recent essays as that of Hardoy (1972: Ch. 4), Morse (1974), and Halperin Donghi (1980).

2. On the urban milieu and emerging middle sectors, see Morse (1958, 1974), Lobo (1978), Bergstresser (1973), Hahner (1976), and others.

3. The roots of francophile taste are embedded in institutions and a tradition of consumption based on French paradigms and Luso-Brazilian adaptation.

4. Freyre (1948: 56-58, 63-66, 81-83) makes clear the direction and the limitations of English influence. Graham's (1972) focus unavoidably neglects the French preponderance in culture and lifestyle, and influence in areas often assumed to be British, such as engineering (Freyre, 1960). For French cultural domination of Portugal, see Marques (1976: 36-37, Ch. 10).

5. On Passos's original plans, see Athayde (n.d.: 109-110, 173-76). For the 1903 reforms, see the offical statement (Rangel, 1903) and the public one (Rangel, 1904).

6. Beyond boemia, French literary influence suffused the intellectual milieu, as Leclerc (1890: 252-253) and others point out.

7. Many European prostitutes attempted to pass themselves off as French (Freyre, 1970: 57-60). The nature of expensive prostitution in Rio was comparable to the paradigm in Paris.

8. The social columns and theater notices in Gazeta de Noticias or Rua do Ouvidor described in French the imported or modiste-made finery of high-society women.

9. The use of tea in a francophile milieu is not contradictory. From the eighteenth century, aspects of British usage were occasionally fashionable among the French.

10. This self-perception is explicit in the call for, and reaction to, the urban reforms. 1. The ambivalence toward "civilization"is remarkable in Os serioes. In one example

(Cunha, 1944: 160-162), the author's distaste for Brazilian cultural dependency and his simultaneous acceptance of Brazil's status are joined. Skidmore (1974) and Burns (1980; Burns and Skidmore, 1974) discuss da Cunha in larger arguments regarding national self- perception. Romero (1911) gives us the most telling contemporary response.

12. Ironically, but fittingly, Martins (1970: 7-8, 37-38) refers to do Rio's anticipation of central elements in Brazilian modernism. Though do Rio's style and preoccupations suggest a positive view of "modernity," the tenor of his pieces is different. He was fascinated by "miracle of modern life" but also profoundly worried by the loss of traditional mores.

13. Faria (1979: 55-59, 74-81) charges that do Rio often plagiarized French writings. 14. Martins (1979: 45, 74-75) discusses the union of a thirst for "modernity" and the

urge for a specifically Brazilian culture. Also, see Levi's (1974: 228-249, 324-325, 331)

from the Old World and what they felt was essentially different in the New, to something they hoped would be a Brazilian modernity. 14

NOTES

1. The cultural possibilities of modern Latin American urban studies were pioneered in work such as that by Morse (1958) and have begun to bear fruit in such general analyses as that of Romero (1976). The historical importance of the period 1870-1930 is signaled in such recent essays as that of Hardoy (1972: Ch. 4), Morse (1974), and Halperin Donghi (1980).

2. On the urban milieu and emerging middle sectors, see Morse (1958, 1974), Lobo (1978), Bergstresser (1973), Hahner (1976), and others.

3. The roots of francophile taste are embedded in institutions and a tradition of consumption based on French paradigms and Luso-Brazilian adaptation.

4. Freyre (1948: 56-58, 63-66, 81-83) makes clear the direction and the limitations of English influence. Graham's (1972) focus unavoidably neglects the French preponderance in culture and lifestyle, and influence in areas often assumed to be British, such as engineering (Freyre, 1960). For French cultural domination of Portugal, see Marques (1976: 36-37, Ch. 10).

5. On Passos's original plans, see Athayde (n.d.: 109-110, 173-76). For the 1903 reforms, see the offical statement (Rangel, 1903) and the public one (Rangel, 1904).

6. Beyond boemia, French literary influence suffused the intellectual milieu, as Leclerc (1890: 252-253) and others point out.

7. Many European prostitutes attempted to pass themselves off as French (Freyre, 1970: 57-60). The nature of expensive prostitution in Rio was comparable to the paradigm in Paris.

8. The social columns and theater notices in Gazeta de Noticias or Rua do Ouvidor described in French the imported or modiste-made finery of high-society women.

9. The use of tea in a francophile milieu is not contradictory. From the eighteenth century, aspects of British usage were occasionally fashionable among the French.

10. This self-perception is explicit in the call for, and reaction to, the urban reforms. 1. The ambivalence toward "civilization"is remarkable in Os serioes. In one example

(Cunha, 1944: 160-162), the author's distaste for Brazilian cultural dependency and his simultaneous acceptance of Brazil's status are joined. Skidmore (1974) and Burns (1980; Burns and Skidmore, 1974) discuss da Cunha in larger arguments regarding national self- perception. Romero (1911) gives us the most telling contemporary response.

12. Ironically, but fittingly, Martins (1970: 7-8, 37-38) refers to do Rio's anticipation of central elements in Brazilian modernism. Though do Rio's style and preoccupations suggest a positive view of "modernity," the tenor of his pieces is different. He was fascinated by "miracle of modern life" but also profoundly worried by the loss of traditional mores.

13. Faria (1979: 55-59, 74-81) charges that do Rio often plagiarized French writings. 14. Martins (1979: 45, 74-75) discusses the union of a thirst for "modernity" and the

urge for a specifically Brazilian culture. Also, see Levi's (1974: 228-249, 324-325, 331)


analysis of the Prados' intellectual history. On the cultural changes in Europe, see Hughes (1958). The reevaluation that went on between the world wars had far-reaching results. Among them was a more positive approach to non-Western cultures. It would be interesting to explore the aspects common to this process and the search for an "African" Africa by Europeanized Africans (see, for example, Markovitz, 1969) and a "Brazilian" Brazil by Europeanized Brazilians.

REFERENCES

ADAM, P. (1914) Les visages du Bresil. Paris: Pierre Lafitte. ASSIS, M. de (1964) Cronicas-Critica-Poesia-Teatro. Sao Paulo: n.p. ---- (1942) Cr6nicas, 4 vols. Rio-de Janeiro: W. M. Jackson.

ATHAYDE, R. A. de (n.d.) Pereira Passos: O reformador do Rio de Janeiro: Biografia e hist6ria. Rio de Janeiro: A Noite.

BARBOSA, F. de A. (1968) "A presidencia Campos Sales." Luso-Brazilian Rev. 5, 1: 3- 26.

BELLO, .. M. (1966) A History of Modern Brazil: 1889-1964. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press.

BENJAMIN, W. (1969) Illuminations. New York: Schocken. BERGSTRESSER, R. B. (1973) "The movement for the abolition of slavery in Rio de

Janeiro, Brazil, 1880-1889." Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University. BROCA, B. (1960) A vida literaria-1900, Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio. BURNS, E. B. (1980) The Poverty of Progress. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. _

_--- and T. E. SKIDMORE (1979) Elites, Masses, and Modernization in Latin Amer- ica, 1850-1930. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press.

COSTA, J. C. (1964) A History of Ideas in Brazil. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. COSTA, L. E. da (1958) De um livro de mem6rias, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Dept. Empresa

Nac. (1957) O Rio de Janeiro do meu tempo, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Conquista.

CUN HA, E. da (1944) Rebellion in the Backlands (Os Sertoes). Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

DUQUE, G. (1908a) "O cabaret de Yvonne (Recordacao de um tempo)." Kosmos 5, 11: 1-2.

(1908b) "Chronica de saudade." K6smos 5, 10: 1-3. (1908c) "No tempo de'Gazetinha."' K6smos 5, 9: 1-4.

FARIA, G. L. de (1979) "A recepcao e a influencia do Oscar Wilde na 'belle epoque' literaria brasileira." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sao Paulo.

FRANCO, A. A. de M. (1973) Rodrigues Alves: Apogeu e declinio do presidencialismo, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio.

FREYRE, G. (1970) Order and Progress. New York: Knopf. --- (1963) The Mansions and the Shanties. New York: Knopf.

(1960) Um engenheiro frances no Brasil, 2 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio. - (1948) Ingleses no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio.

analysis of the Prados' intellectual history. On the cultural changes in Europe, see Hughes (1958). The reevaluation that went on between the world wars had far-reaching results. Among them was a more positive approach to non-Western cultures. It would be interesting to explore the aspects common to this process and the search for an "African" Africa by Europeanized Africans (see, for example, Markovitz, 1969) and a "Brazilian" Brazil by Europeanized Brazilians.

REFERENCES

ADAM, P. (1914) Les visages du Bresil. Paris: Pierre Lafitte. ASSIS, M. de (1964) Cronicas-Critica-Poesia-Teatro. Sao Paulo: n.p. ---- (1942) Cr6nicas, 4 vols. Rio-de Janeiro: W. M. Jackson.

ATHAYDE, R. A. de (n.d.) Pereira Passos: O reformador do Rio de Janeiro: Biografia e hist6ria. Rio de Janeiro: A Noite.

BARBOSA, F. de A. (1968) "A presidencia Campos Sales." Luso-Brazilian Rev. 5, 1: 3- 26.

BELLO, .. M. (1966) A History of Modern Brazil: 1889-1964. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press.

BENJAMIN, W. (1969) Illuminations. New York: Schocken. BERGSTRESSER, R. B. (1973) "The movement for the abolition of slavery in Rio de

Janeiro, Brazil, 1880-1889." Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University. BROCA, B. (1960) A vida literaria-1900, Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio. BURNS, E. B. (1980) The Poverty of Progress. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. _

_--- and T. E. SKIDMORE (1979) Elites, Masses, and Modernization in Latin Amer- ica, 1850-1930. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press.

COSTA, J. C. (1964) A History of Ideas in Brazil. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. COSTA, L. E. da (1958) De um livro de mem6rias, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Dept. Empresa

Nac. (1957) O Rio de Janeiro do meu tempo, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Conquista.

CUN HA, E. da (1944) Rebellion in the Backlands (Os Sertoes). Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

DUQUE, G. (1908a) "O cabaret de Yvonne (Recordacao de um tempo)." Kosmos 5, 11: 1-2.

(1908b) "Chronica de saudade." K6smos 5, 10: 1-3. (1908c) "No tempo de'Gazetinha."' K6smos 5, 9: 1-4.

FARIA, G. L. de (1979) "A recepcao e a influencia do Oscar Wilde na 'belle epoque' literaria brasileira." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sao Paulo.

FRANCO, A. A. de M. (1973) Rodrigues Alves: Apogeu e declinio do presidencialismo, 5 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio.

FREYRE, G. (1970) Order and Progress. New York: Knopf. --- (1963) The Mansions and the Shanties. New York: Knopf.

(1960) Um engenheiro frances no Brasil, 2 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio. - (1948) Ingleses no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Jose Olympio.

102 JOURNAL OF INTERAMERICAN STUDIES AND WORLD AFFAIRS

GRAHAM, R. (1972) Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil, 1850-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.

HAHNER, J. E. (1976) "Jacobinos versus Galegos: urban radicals versus Portuguese immigrants in Rio de Janeiro in the 1890s." J. of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 18, 2: 125-154.

HALPERIN DONGHI, T. (1980) "The cities of Spanish America 1825-1914: economic and social aspects" in W. Borah, J. Hardoy, & G. Stelter (eds.) Urbanization in the Americas: The Background in Comparative Perspective. Ottawa: History Divi- sion, Museum of Man.

HARDOY, J. E. (1972) Las ciudades en America Latina. Buenos Aires: Paidos. HAUSER, A. (1952) The Social History of Art, 2 Vols. New York: Knopf. HUGHES, S. H. (1958) Consciousness and Society. New York: Vintage LECLERC, M. (1890) Lettres du Bresil. Paris: Plon. LEVI, D. E. (1974) "The Prados of Sao Paulo: An Elite Brazilian Family in a Changing

Society, 1840-1930." Ph.D dissertation, Yale University. LIMA, O. (1910) " A cidade," Almanaque brasileiro Garnier... 1910. Rio de Janeiro:

Garnier. LOBO, E.M.L. (1978) Historia do Rio de Janeiro, 2 vols. Rio de Janeiro: IBMEC. LYRA, S. A. (1977) Rosas de neve (como eram as mulheres no comeco do seculo.)

Rio de Janeiro: Catedra. MARKOVITZ, I. L. (1969) Leopold Sedar Senghor and the Politics of Negritude.

New York: Atheneum. MARQUES, A. H. de 0. (1976) A History of Portugal, Vol. 2. New York: Columbia

Univ. Press. --- (1972) A History of Portugal, Vol. 1. New York: Columbia Univ. Press. MARTINS, A. de R. (1935) Um idealista realizador: barao Geraldo de Rezende.

Sao Paulo: n.p. MARTINS, W. (1970) The Modernist Idea. New York: New York Univ. Press. MORSE, R. M. (1974) "Brazil's urban development: colony and empire." J. of

Urban History 1, 1: 39-72. - (1958) From Community to Metropolis: A Biography of Sao Paulo, Brazil. Gainesville: Univ. o

jeffrey d. needell, rio de janeiro at the turn of the century: modernization and the parisian ideal

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