janz, b. - universities in times of national crisis - rwanda & burundi

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UNIVERSITIES IN TI T H E CASES OF R .', i , " , B r Introduction T he pressure to participate in manifestations the requiremen university system. Historically, monasteries than with marketplaces. drawing people apart from the world improvement. At its worst, the focus the irrelevance o f the ivory tower. university, and particularly o f the lib real needs or wants o f the people. should be changed from monastery t comes with its own set o f problems a marketplace is no longer a un iver si ty. between integrity and relevance ar e th In a country undergoing the stres integrity and relevance is all the mo Burundi, where there is serious ethni life or death situation. And so, the suspect, as the stakes are higher. marketplace metaphor. I f only the un economic weal th o f the country, i f onl ofl iving, the national pressures woul is used in North America, it implies expertise to raise the general standar burdened with a serious crisis, the

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8/14/2019 Janz, B. - Universities in Times of National Crisis - Rwanda & Burundi

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GLOBALIZING AF'RJCA

the pressing problems that created the crisis and of preventing the crisis fromhappening again.

In both Rwanda and Burundi, issues such as these are of central importance.

Both countries have borne great suffering in recent years. The human tragedy of1994, with body counts as high as 850,000 is Rwanda 's recent legacy.' In the caseof Burundi, there has been long-standing guerilla warfare, particularly since thedemocratically elected government of President Sylvestre Ntibantunganya wasoverthrown in a coup d' etat on 25 July 1996, and replaced by the military governmentof Major Pierre Buyoya. Both countries endure regular ambushes and policeactions, and in both countries there are areas that are extremely volatile.

Such times raise serious questions for the university. Is this an institution that

can only exist, and can only have relevance, in a society that is stable and relativelysafe? Given that the institution already exists in both Rwanda and Burundi, howmight a real university exist in these conditions and not simply a group of buildingsin which some pale simulacrum of a university holds classes and hands outdegrees?

Answers to these questions will not be found in most writing on the nature ofthe university. Books and papers on the liberal arts and university affairs are ingeneral overwhelmingly based on North American (and some European) experience,which has a very defmite character. Unrest, for example, is put in terms of individualdeviance from generally accepted laws. Cultural conflict is often reduced to identitypolitics. Peace is assumed to be the default condition. Democracy of some sort isassumed to be the political system in which the university operates. The dominanceof science as a mode of knowing is accepted virtually without question. Relativemoral, political, and scientific superiority to the rest ofthe world is a given. And,even when there is some attempt to think about the state ofthe university in othercultures, it is almost always put in terms of "intercultural dialogue," which assumesthat the significance of those universities begins and ends with their relationshipto universities in North America or in Europe.

These conditions result in certain kinds of Western defenses ofthe university,and of liberal education in particular, which may not be particularly relevant touniversities outside of North America, especially those in situations of nationalcrisis. Two of these defenses I will call traditionalist and progressivist. Thetraditionalist sees the university as guaranteeing the continuity of the most

cherished values of society, while giving the foundation for something like Englishphilosopher John Stuart Mill's marketplace of ideas. We hold on to what is bestfrom the past, and through the rational process of debate we build the future. Thecrisis ofthe university, then, is put in terms of a loss of either the cherished ideasor the diluted possibility of rational conversation. It should be noted that there isa progressivist element in the traditionalist defense - recovering and maintainingtradition allows for the possibility of developing and building on that tradition.

The progressivist defense, on the other hand, argues that the university is the

best tool for changing society for the better. This might be accomplished bylinking research to private enterprise, giving us the ability to tailor the universityto the most pressing of public (or even consumer) needs. Or, critiquing the

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be found in most~ liberal arts and u\merican (and some, _it, for example, is putL. ,_._ , . ; ' ! " , ; , : ' J!?l~ u l t u r a l conflict is o f t e ~ ~ \ f j f r f t a ¢ n ' i r y

mit condition. D e m o ~ : t ~ ~ t ~ ~ l s ich the university o p e i a t ~ . Q W i I ) . a n C e epted virtually w i t h b l i ~ ~ i r r { v e tty to the rest of t h e ' W ' l t r : ~ ~ l ~ a , tk about the state o rDf "intercultural diales begins and endsurope. __inds of Western d'

which may not bespecially those

~ a l l traditionalis _~ a r a n t e e i n g the¥~ the foundation f6place of ideas. Wprocess of debat~ r m s of a loss o(nversation. I t salist defense eveloping and->ther hand, arge better. Thi -

giving us the,ven consum

. ,gives the space for rational discousecond case, society must be sufficieonly makes sense when there is a

-sufficient level of security to be ablethe progressivist defense require a d

:the answer, which is held against theto try to link research to private entetheneeds of the people are not consstructures of power when those struare in a tenuous position for some o

There are, of course, Herculeaplaces. The United Nations Educa(UNESCO), for example, has an extdesigned to assist in "capacity-builexpertise in specific countries. Other

on higher education, North-Southforth:These efforts could be thoughtis theiiolution to human problems, ainadequate because oflimited underoflocal universities must step in as tc e ~ a , i n place. However, that local retool, not unlike the colonial policiesover control of education, but alway

foreign economic requirements. Whappens when local needs come in caside, it might also be noted that cimply steady progress in conditions owith the goals of solving intractablegrowth. I t requires national stabilittrust of the society.

So, capacity-building at worst

be a tool for ameliorating conditionuse ofthe tool- stability, cooperatiouniversity still have a place? Mostuniversity exists in certain social ctrue? What if the university is in a so

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before us comes in three parts: (1) How have the universities in Rwanda andBurundi responded to the societal unrest? (2) What, if any, is the role of a universityin places as volatile as these? (3) What does this say about the nature of the

university in general?

468

The Cases of Rwanda and BurundiUniversite Nationale du Rwanda

The Universite Nationale du Rwanda (UNR) was founded by Catholic missionariesand has been supported since the 60s by, among others, Quebec universities.Before the genocide of 1994, it had campuses in Butare, Kigali, and Ruhengeri.Most of the faculties were in the southern town of Butare. The arts and social

sciences were in Ruhengeri, and the law faculty was in the capital, Kigali. This wasa political decision as much as anything, for Ruhengeri was the home of thePresident and a center of Hutu affairs. Butare, in the south, was seen as moreliberal and more Tutsi.

The vice-rector academic ofUNR, Dr. Jean Bosco Butera, suggested that theuniversity had at least an indirect part to play in the genocide. 2 The university hademphasized technical training to the exclusion of all else. I t had taught everyone tobe efficient, and so when it came to killing, they all killed efficiently. Now, he said,

what was needed was "humanistic" education, which would enable the people tofind new ways to think through the state of the country. And, even if the universityhad not directly fanned the flames of racism (although some members of theuniversity community were certainly accused genocide perpetrators), this doesnot mean it bears no responsibility for failing to address racism. One can imagine,in a society like pregenocide Rwanda, where the government at best turned a blindeye to racism, an d at worst contributed to it by issuing identity cards that carriedethnic affiliation and by stipulating that any attack on racism by the university

could be regarded as an attack on the government. So, the university had manyreasons to train technically proficient but socially, ethically, and politically ignorantpeople, and it had few reasons to resist this tendency.

The university, then, had been a witting or unwitting tool ofa racist regime.Butera's comments seemed to indicate that the university's place in the newpostgenocide society was to contribute to the foundation of civil conversationwithin society. The revamped priorities of the university reflect this. A top prioritywas to train teachers and lawyers; the teachers, to be able to affect the new

generation before they reach university, and the lawyers, to be able to put thejustice system back on its feet. Another important change involved language with the influx of Uganda-born Rwandans (mainly Tutsi), whose second languageis often English instead of French, the university decided to require that all incomingstudents spend the first year studying the European language they had not grownup with. Before the genocide, everyone spoke both Kinyarwanda and French; theintroduction of English on a large scale and its identity with Ugandan-raised Tutsiwould suggest that there is yet another reason for tension. I t was hoped that, after

language training, students would be able to take classes in either French or

GLOBALIZING AFRICA

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.m Butare. The Ruhengeri campus haf a c ~ 1 t i e s , but th.at campus was almowhIle the .physlcal plant of the BuRuhengen campus had always beento mention a. plum given to the Pralways seen m the south as somethito the standards of the rest of the

recentralization ofthe university: Thn o r t ~ w a s !he,str(),nghold of radicaliuniversity' a"s a whole, rather thu n d e r s ~ a n d i n gof itself in this natioc e n t r a l I ~ . e d a w a y ~ r o m the area of mw a ~ also b r ~ u g h t mt o Butare, mostl

. I m m e d l ~ t e l y a f t ~ r the. gen?cidekmd ()fho!dmg p ~ t t e r n , sImply tryi

a s s u m ~ t i o ? of a new rector, it undes e l f ~ c n t i q l l e ' . t od e t e r m i ~ e w wasto discuss this was held m July 1997m e e t i n ~ r e f l ~ ~ t the earlier priorities:promotmg bIlmgual education; (2) tl e ~ r n i n g their areas, also take classpnmary education in the country; a

American model, i ..e., a three-year bdoctoral programs m most areas, pl

I t should be noted that Rwandgenocide. The bureaucracy was hi~ h r o u g h the 1 9 8 0 ~ showed slow but

It was ~ c o ~ p a . r a t 1 v e l y well-run couthe umverslty mfrastructure as an aand, o ~ course: t ~ a ~ , past c a ~ e with pEven. h u ~ a m s t 1 c education may

who IS usmg the tool? Who definedWhat are the unintended consequenm i g ~ t read these initiatives as an effand mstead focus on the skills andpeace.

468

, : : _ ; ? : , J : : " } £ ~ f ~ r ~ ! : ~ ~ ~ ; ; 2 o : , : i . ~ : ; r i d ' ~ ~ : .." , ~ _ .. -

R Dr. Jean Bosc() B t l t e r a , ~ u g g e s t ~ ~ t h a t thert t ~ play in the g e n { ) < s ~ q ~ ~ ) b c y , , ~ ~ i X ~ , ~ ~ i t y h a d exclusion of all else. 1 t h a d J a u g h t e y ~ r y ( ) p e to

", \ ' : j ~ : J : ; " ; : - : ~ - " ; : o , ) ; , ' l t _ r ' : ' i : . " ' < _ " - < : ' _ ' ~ ; ' < f ' % ~ { ~ ' -~ } i

lling, they all k i l l ~ ; ~ ~ ~ ~ X ~ g ~ ; " , h e , s l l i d ,

education, which , ~ ( ) ~ l ~ ~ , ~ + ~ l r ~ ~ J j ! ' l P r - ( ) p l e . t o

:tate ofthe c o u n t r y , e . J 1 d , ~ Y ~ n ) f J ~ ~ " l ! I ] I v e r s l t y

I of racism ( a l t h o ~ ~ , i = ~ ~ P f ! ~ j 8 f thely accused g e n o c , i ~ ~ W ~ ~ ~ ~ t s W ; ; , \ ~ ~ ~ d.oes

or failing to a d d r e s , ' . ' a g m e ,a, where the gove · · " i I ' # , ~ ~ " ~ " . " . ; " " " " , . , , , ; g ~ ) l i n d

.lted to it by i s s u i ~ ~ , k ? ~ ~ I T . s ~ w , ~ ~ ~ l l J , [ C a r r i ~ d

g that any a t t a c k ; ' ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ; , c ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ \ t t ~ i # , ~ ~ , : e r s l t y

he g o v e r n m e n t . § ~ ~ ~ ~ W ¥ ~ t ~ ~ ~ 1 Y . j i ; } \ 1 1 1 d . ! T I a n y t but socially, ethi ""... . . 1 jgn()rllnt

e-:.",

:esist this tendency : ,;"

.a witting or u n w i ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ; ~ ~ ~ J ~ \ ~ , I ; s l . r e g i m e .

dicate that theu n k ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ t 8 ; ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ R ~ t ! h ~ n ~ w

ibute to the f o u n ~ i ~ ~ ~ , ~ ~ 1 . Y ~ 9 t ~ J : } x x r s a t 1 ? n

ities of the u n i v e r ~ ~ t ~ S } ~ 4 ~ J ~ } ; : ; ~ ~ ~ m p r i o n t y

s; the teachers, t o " t ? ~ ~ k ~ ~ , ~ ~ g e f ~ t h e newrersity, and the l a ) : ~ X ~ J . 1 j ; t ~ 0 $ f 9 ¢ , , ; ~ p l ~ L , ! ( ) put theDother important c ~ i m g ~ j n Y Q I x " e < i , I l l n g u a g e-

'" - "':,c' _ , , ~ , _ ~ " - r t ' . v < ~ " , , ; ';4>'('''-'", ,. -

randans (mainly T ~ , t ~ J ) ' / 1 ~ r " , 9 s , e r . l ! ~ s . ? n d ~ a n g u ~ g e ~ e university d e c i d , ~ g J . , < a t S ' ! \ l i r e t h a t ~ ~ l mcommging the European l ~ ~ g H a g ~ t h ~ y had not grown:yone spoke both l ( i l } y ~ i W i u l d ~ a n dFrench; thescale and its i d e n t i ~ y ' }Vi!9l1gandan:raised Tutsi)ther reason for t e n ~ i Q I 1 Y H " \ V a s hoped that, afterld be able to t a k ~ , ~ l , l . \ § i ~ , ~ i n ~ i t h e r French or

Os by, among others, Quebec universities.ampuses in Butare, Kigali, and Ruhengeri.thern town of Butare. The arts and social

lW faculty was in the capital, Kigali. This was(thing, for R u h e n g ~ r i ; w a s t h ~ home,of theirS. Butare, in t h ~ s o u ! h , , ~ a s seen ,as more

' : ' " . - ,". ' ' ' 1 - , : : , c ~ , :/:<, -,'l - , - . , . , . , ~ - ' '''t. ' ~ F , > _. ' k " ' - " . , - . ' - ' ,

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is defined in ethnic or political terms, it doesas having a responsibility for contributing toldjustice issues both inside and outside oftheligned to generate support among universitiespresented at the AIPU conference in Februaryasized the measures that have been taken toscussion concerning societal problems. The

n which a culture of peace could be fostered,.... ,; . ,.,":"<-.. ,.-,' ~ ...:, < ':,,,','

~ e a c e and human r i g h t s : i h f ~ I ~ " ~ ~ ~ ~ m p l i s h e d NICEF, and involves h ( ) l d i ~ g s e ~ i n a r s f o rthe

IS issues relevant t o p e l ! 9 ~ a n d h l . l m a n r i g h t s .

(good social b e h a v i o ~ l : ~ r J ~ · , r r z k ! ; ~ ! ~ : . T h i s is ansider national identity more important than

J : ; j ; r i : > ' ; · i : ~ ~ , ~ : ;. , . : . , ~ ' h into education f o ~ e ! f : f J g ; ! : i l ' n q " ! ~ ~ l J r e ; v e , n t i o n

resolution of c o n j l i c { ~ ~ : n ~ ! ~ , , 2 ~ l t ~ ~ L c t ~ ~ , f i n dofof "mutations" andcoriflicts, as well as a

. - l : ' I . + ; # : ' : ; - - ' ~ t : ; : , ; ~ _ j ¢ , ; - " ? , - ' ; ; : · ' ~ ! ' ~ : ; " " ~ \ - : : ~ , v _ - ; . .

[)mmunity to b e c o m e j p Y Q l y e 9 i n B u [ U n ~ i . '< ,'''-,:-:/ff,; ' ~ O l : ! $ _ , " , , ' I : ; - ' t " ' ~ - . : : - , J , , ~ : , - , . ' ~ " .,,,,,,,,, . ",,-,

'his offers an avenue for intellectual interaction~ _ " ' - ~ 4 - ; A ' - ' - _ ~ ~ ~ " " , ' : i ; - - ' , ; ; _ ~ - 7 [ ; J t i ~ . : - : 1 ; ~ ; - , , ~ y _ "

o the university, . '.. . . . . . '};. ~ J l ~ } and

ee main p r i n c i p l e s : ' f U ' ~ ~ * ~ ~ ~ ~ , ~ J ; ~ ~ ! ( ) g l } j H o n ofIiculture in p r o m o t i n & p e ! i c e ~ ~ d " h t i ~ a n rights.he need for o p e n n e s ; : ~ t i i \ f r f t c e ' x ' ~ h a ~ g e of

; : ~ " 9 f J ~ , , % - _ , j { ~ ' j ''1"'h'>y,ok- j " ' : : - ~ ' : ' ' : : --":,-'

gue. Finally, the m e a ~ 5 . ~ ; & ~ S ( ) ! : g ~ j ~ ~ . d , . ~ p e v a ~ u e

:apacities of a c a d e m i ~ s i n t h ~ p e ! l c e ~ ~~ e s o l u t l O n

:ontinent through c o o ' p e ; a t i o l 1 ~ n d ' r e s e a r c hthatcrises and solutions:,.M,anyc,fthe'problems in

cidal ideology, and iKtfuIliyersities must playa~ I o g y . - ~ " , : : J ' " "

o.

~ d i is long and bloody,but °1t has never reached. Currently, the g ~ v ~ r n m e n t is under worldperpetrated by long-time politician and army

ersity is attempting to operate in a somewhat

g o v e r n ~ e n t . .how the UnIVerSIty really can bec l a . i m e ~ , it does not seem to beu n I V e . r s I ~ y s ~ o u l d n e c e ~ s ~ r cquestionIng Its own pOSItion m

The problem of critical distsituations of national crisis. Thdoes not seem possible whennational integrity, are presentcircumscribed in its possibilitiesof.inquiry that it needs. One mieXIst, b ~ t my point is not an empBurundI (or Rwanda, for that mafor expounding unpopular beliefsmay not even surface, because thmay.preclude any real dissent oroutSIde of the parameters alre

government. Everyone knows td e . c i s . i ~ e action. That may meamlsglvmgs, and working toward

Problematizing the University iFollowing what I have argued this no place ~ o r universities in socbut I do belIeve that these univt ~ e context in which they opereIther because of the requiremen

Jhe crisis) or because it risks becthat will come out shortly.

There is more than one readchart a course for the university

Thec h a ~ i t a b l e

reading. goes liketo contnbute from theIr strengthe x ~ e r t i s ~ ofthe faculty is seen as aas I d e n ~ I f i e d by the government.to p r o v I ~ e ~ h e l ~ g a l personnel toAs well, It IS trymg to contribute t

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GLOBALIZING AFRICA

and by trying to make both French and English accessible to the universityeducated Rwandan. 8 In Burundi's case, the university contributes to the peaceprocess by emphasizing ways of overcoming divisions within society, and by

finding reasonable ways to deal with disputes. I t provides an avenue forconversation with universities and with other NGOs. In both cases, there is anattempt to inculcate the virtues of human rights and tolerance in order to overcomeethnic divisions.

One might, on the other hand, take a more suspicious view of each university'splace within society. In the case of Rwanda, the attempt to educate students inEnglish in a previously Francophone country could be seen as an attempt to shoreup the political legitimacy of an invading minority over the majority in the country.

Furthermore, it could be seen as an attempt to mask another distinction, that is,between Rwandans raised in Rwanda (by now, mostly Hutu) and Rwandans raisedin Uganda (mostly Tutsi). Not dealing with the French/English division may fostermisunderstanding, but dealing with it poorly may simply give credence to yetanother division within Rwandan society. As well, the attempts to mirror NorthAmerican-style universities may be difficult given the lack of qualified personnelafter the genocide. And finally, one might be suspicious that these modificationsin the university structure did not emerge from internal consultation (despite the

meetings of July 1997) as much as from government directive or external pressures.In the case of Burundi, one might argue that the university is emphasizing thekind of peace that supports the government (a government that is currently undersanction because of charges that the democratic process had been subverted).One might also argue that promoting peace and human rights can add the veneerof rationality to one side of a debate and effectively label the "rebel" side asirrational because it is not around the bargaining table. And, teaching "civisme"may be little more than inculcating compliance. Behaving civilly is not so different

from behaving obediently.I t

is easy to use the rhetoric of rationality and dialoguewhen you are in power.I t is not my intention to decide whether the charitable or the suspicious

reading is correct, or even to suggest that there is a little of both. The point is this:In both readings, the university is regarded as a tool of the government. Theuniversity is not there to decide what the problems of the society might be, or toengage in discussion about the fundamental nature of society; rather it is there toprovide the expertise to find solutions to problems already identified by those in

power. While there is opportunity for conversation in both situations, theopportunity is limited by the political realities in each case. Neither universitycould really offer a thoroughgoing critique ofthe society it finds i tself in; to do sowould be suicide. In both cases, the society is precarious enough that such acritique would be regarded as disloyal, and most likely the leaders would besanctioned or replaced.

This is the real issue whenever a university finds itself involved in a nationalcrisis. National crises demand action, but university (even more so, liberal) education

requires dialogue. Action is the application of legitimate power; dialogue defersthat power in favor of creating possible worlds. Action is technological; dialogue

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wanda, the attempt to educate students in;ountry could be seen as an attempt to shore

g minority over the majority in the country.ttempt to mask another distinction, that is,

(by now, mostly Hutu ~ ~ n d Rwandans raisedwith the French/English. division ma y fostert poorly ma y s i m p l y g i ~ 7 , p e d e l l c e t o c y e t

:iety. As well, t h e l l ~ t ~ r n B ~ 8 t ( ) Illiry:()r Northfficult given the l a c k ~ ~ f 9 1 1 . a l i f i ~ d p ~ . r s o l l n e l

[light be s u s p i c i o u s , , ~ ~ } l ~ . ~ ~ ~ , ~ 2 d . , i f i c ~ t i o n s

erge from i n t e r n a l ~ ~ ~ ~ , \ t L i ~ l ~ g P . J g . ~ ~ p ~ t , ~ thegovernment d i r e c J ! y ~ ~ ~ £ ~ ! ~ r n ~ l p r ~ ~ ~ g [ e s .

argue that the u n i ~ t : ~ ~ \ ~ ~ ~ l n l ' ~ 3 1 , ~ ; i ~ i ? g } h e

ment (a g o v e r n m ~ N ~ b ~ q . ~ ~ ~ ~ t l y ; ~ ~ ~ e r

democratic p r o c ~ s ~ ! ~ g ~ ~ , I l ~ ~ l J , ~ ~ ~ J l ~ , d ) .

: peace and humall!i ' ," ~ . ~ . n ~ e r

e and e f f e c t i v e l Y J ' ~ i J ! ~ , a s bargaining table'. A.n,. ea. g",<;IYisrne"

: c , ~ , . , ~ . ~ , : \ " t ' l j - 1 ! ' . , t ~ ~ L ; ~ < t - , ~ § ' ~ t P i ' ~ .; . ~ , i · \ " , ) < ' , , -

mpliance. B e h a v i n ~ ~ ~ J § ' ~ ~ ? ~ f ! ~ ~ t : n t o use the rhetoric 0" .. , . .' .' . . nddial6 ue

a university f i ~ ~ s . J t , ~ " * j ~ ~ o , , y ~ A . l t : ! II n ~ ~ 6 ~ a l but university ( e v e f l m o ( t : , ~ 2 ~ j ~ b t : r a l ) educatIon

~ ; •• ~ ~ ; " , . , ; ~ ~ . ~ " , ' . _ ' h v - " " ; ' # i " "

llication of legitimate I ? g w e ~ ; qialogue defersible worlds. A c i i o n T : ' ' i ! t ~ ~ h ~ o l o g i ~ a l ; d i a l o g u e

'.... ~ ..: . , . . , - ,c· •

u , ns ea o e n ng e un verway of living with that tension? Istechne (making): Making tools thdialogue and understanding? In a sothe university cannot afford to avo

simply cannot afford to capitulatew h ~ t h e r government, political factbu s messes represent those interes

ag.ency. W h i l ~ indirectly its job, atpnmary task IS to education. But itfor good or ill, to what constitresponsibility ofthe university weon the sidelines until the dust cleaBut what good does university eddialogue are needed. But neitherdialogue without action is lame. H

both action and dialogue have thei. There are some traditional ans

educate people for tolerance, forsolutions to problems, and so forth.society. These are North Americanthese things when almost a millioyou tell someone to just tolerate threally to communicate the central

the belief that what works for usassumption in both cases. Educatito the plan of action. But everyoneand opportunity are words that can jby a clever spin-doctor. Rights tagenda, unless it is couched in amean. Educating for rights does noabout the nature of rights. But

conversation does not tum into anThese liberal democratic virt

educated for his or her own charactehave a sufficient measure of characharacter of its people. Unfortunate

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Rwanda. Rwandans do not suffer from lack of individual character, at least no morethan anyone else in the world. The problems of their society do not stem frompersonal immorality, and a plan to change the attitudes of individuals without

setting up the context o f public conversation about the nature of society will notsucceed.Education for tolerance, specifically, may not produce what is needed. I t an

individualistic virtue, which assumes that each person's opinion has value simplyby virtue of it being an opinion held honestly by someone. Tolerance of this sortthrives in a culture of commodities, in a place where free competition betweenbrands of chocolate chip cookies give the illusion but not the reality of difference.This tolerance does not have to be inculcated. It is what North Americans already

have in a capitalist society, but it does not address the problems that drive peopleto kill each other. Countries are not built on tolerance; at best, tolerance merelydefers their decline. If a country is already in national crisis, there is nothing to bepreserved by teaching people to give each other the space to live. I t is not so much

tolerance that is needed, bu t the ability to encounter the other as other, withoutsubsuming it or requiring that it speak your language. Tolerance tends to ignoredeep difference, deferring any real encounter with that difference to a later time.

I f not just education for tolerance, then, what about education for

understanding? If only individuals could understand each other and i f onlypolicymakers an d leaders could understand what is happening in the society, allwould be well. But one might point out that understanding does not necessarilyimply that there is the will to act on the understanding. Furthermore, as the universityis a Western institution, set up with a disciplinary structure that emerged duringthe European Enlightenment and after, we might be asking Africans to understandtheir problems using lenses not appropriate to the task. Africans, after all, havealways been the subject of political, anthropological, religious, and economic

studies, in which they were the objects of investigation but never the interlocutorsin the discovery and creation of meaning. One interpretation of the university inAfrica might be that it is just a reproduction o f those Western styles ofunderstanding that have contributed to alienation, a sense of false objectivity ofknowledge, and the compartmentalization of knowledge. So, to suppose that theuniversity can offer understanding begs th e question: What understanding?

Specifically, what kind of understanding, and on whose terms, and wh o stands tobenefit? Is understanding another word for (causal) explanation?

Understanding has another danger; that it can simply amount to theorizing,which suggests using social science in its traditional forms. But can something asextreme as genocide be theorized? Or longstanding ethnic conflict? Is it just

intellectualization? Is understanding merely a way of distancing the brutal concretereality through the abstraction of theory? How can genocide be understood? An d

can this understanding contribute to praxis?These questions are by no means intended to suggest that virtue, human

rights, tolerance, or understanding are not laudable goals. The point is that these

goals, to become part of civic culture as opposed to external imposition, mustassume a prior set of conditions that do not in fact exist. An d it is not clear that the

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in a place where free competition between:the illusion but not the reality of difference.:ulcated. It is what North Americans alreadys not address the problems that drive peoplebuilt on tolerance; at best, tolerance merely~ a d y in national crisis, there is nothing to beeach other the space to live. It is not so much

lity to encounter the other as other, withoutak your language. Tolera9ce tends to ignorelcounter with thatdiffere,nce to a later time.

erance then what"ab'out education fo r

; could' u n d e r ~ t a n d ~ ~ ~ h other and i f onlylerstand what is h a p ~ ~ ~ i ~ ~ i n the soCiety, all:out that u n d e r s t ~ p i i I ~ 4 9 ~ ~ n o t necessarily~ understanding. F u i t h e ~ 9 r ~ , as the ulliversity

a disciplinary s t r t i s t ~ i ~ : , t ~ ~ ! . ~ T e..ged duringer, we might be a s ~ i ~ ~ : , ~ f..j ~ , ~ ~ s to understandlropriate to the t a ~ ~ , . t H r \ i : s , ~ I l ~ I 'a ~ t . e r a l l , h a ~ e

il, a n t h r o p o l o g i c a J ' L s H p i q ~ ~ , ~ , n ~economiCcts ofinvestigationbufnevertheinterlocutors:aning. One i n t e i { ~ S i ~ g ~ ~ p f ) h t : ~ n i v e r s i t y in, reproduction o f t h o s ~ /\\Tester Il .sty les ofd to alienation a ~ e r i s ~ ~ l f a i s ~ objectivity of

, _ ; . ~ ~ , " " : ~ " " i < ; ~ ~ t ' - " ' : ~ ; : ~ > - _ A ' i ' , ' ;, ' ,.

iization o f k n o w l e . : ~ ~ ~ , . & ~ e , ; h ) s u p p o s e that the19 begs the q u e s t ! . £ · I 1 ~ ; ~ " h a t y n d e r s t a n d i n g ?

oding, and on w ~ , ~ , ~ ~ ~ , ~ ~ , I J 1 1 s , a n 9 who stands to'ford for ( c a u s a l ) , ~ ~ R I ~ g ~ ~ J ( ) n ? .....•.. ' , .

nger; that it c a n ~ i m I J } : > ; a I ; n o u n t to theonzmg,e in its traditionaLforiTIs, 13ut can something as11 Or longstandini' ethnic conflict? Is it just~ merely a way of.distancing the brutal concrete!oory? How c a n J ~ ~ I l ( ) c , i d e b e understood? Andto praxis? ,,',:~,- __,;:,/~,':,' > ~ • "

leans intended to suggest that virtue, human:are not laudable goals. The point is that theselture as opposed. to external imposition, mustit do not in fact exist. And it is not clear that the

,specific, and dependent on a cersense at all. The virtues, then, areoccur, not a cause of that society

Perhaps, then, the universitvirtues that will ameliorate condimust act collectively as a conscitide of evil in desperate times. O

rig,ht to .make moral statements? I

umverslty can speak from the muniversity in dark times is to

unreasonableness of killing. Certlecturer as well as a premier ofarole. The genocide began in Butalike to think that at least one reasstand in the middle of madness (Tutsi Prefet in the country durinto do with it as well).

As many Rwandan professorthe genocide though. I f the rolestand, it failed miserably in conrationality of nonviolent and csurprise. Does reason lead to vihave thought. The "reason" of tthat it is unclear that any real stcharacter of technical expertise,any case. And, in a society thatgroup that contributed to making"rational" position has much hosupposing that the university's roseems to diminish its status as a u

times, it seems it must give up itThis tension, between actioneed to consider its role carefulbeyond the means-ends thinkingmore than killing your enemies ainstrumental rationality. It must b

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the time when critical reflection is least welcome. The problem is that the universityall too often falls into exactly the same pattern as the political system from which itis supposed to differ.

For Africans, in particular, part of the problem is that solutions have a i ~ a y been imposed using outside, usually Western, structures. They have always beenthe object of study, the "field" in fieldwork. The emergence of universities inAfrica in this century has typically been at the behest of colonizers or settlers, andas often as not has been an attempt to either assimilate Africans into Eur()peanvalues or give them enough skill to act as low-level bureaucrats in the managementof their countries. At independence, most African countries saw u n i v e r s i t ~ e asthe avenue to creating wealth. .v , ' "

All of this suggests that the liberal values associated with the university donot take us far enough. If one wanted to be sceptical, one could see the universityas part ofthe attempt to remake Africa, formatting its nations, its churches, mid' itseconomic instruments in the image of the West. If this is true, it makes itilllthemore difficult to imagine the university as having any place in the amelioration ofthe problems in Rwanda or Burundi. , " ' ,

The attempt to answer the question of whether universities have a place in asociety under extreme stress requires that we determine what the place of the

university has been, including some reflection on the similarities and differencesof the relationship between the university and society, between Africa an d NorthAmerica. Most scholarship has attempted to respond to North American tensions,but this will have limited application to Africa. For example, there are some uniquelyAfrican issues that require a new attempt to understand the university. First, theuniversity is not an African institution. It is an institution with a history in mediaevalEurope and the Enlightenment. Its structure answers certain questions about thenature and structure of knowledge, which has resulted in disciplinary structures

that assume that knowledge is objective, dispassionate, and reducible tocomponent parts and specific questions. Now, the university is being asked tofunction in a new context. These questions cannot be answered by simply appealingto existing disciplinary structures because disciplines themselves are answers toquestions with a specific cultural history. So, simply supposing that the universitycan investigate African problems in the same way it would investigate any otherquestion may not address the issue - that the answer is an answer to someoneelse's question.

The second issue arises from the first: The university draws from a cultureand, at best, interprets that culture for itself. It is not the only interpreter, but is onethat has a specific character, not the same as the interpretation that a church,political party, or trade union might offer. But the present university has alwaysdrawn from another culture when it has attempted to interpret. Its methods arethose honed as disputations in mediaeval Europe, experiments in the Enlightenment,and the increasing specialization that emerges when the culture demands that itsinterpretations have technological outcomes. Rwandan and Burundian society,

on the other hand, do not have this history. Rwanda and Burundi's histories, untilrecently, are not the same as those of Western technological societies. But the

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as low-level bureaucrats in the managementost African countrit:s saw lIniversities as

al values associated,\Viih'theuniversity doo be sceptical, o n e c ' O ~ l d ~ e e . thelmiversityformatting its n a t i o n s : i ~ ~ - - ~ h u r c ~ e s , and itsthe West. If this is t ~ u t : , ' i t w a k e s i t a l l theas having any p l a c . t ; I ! 1 t ~ e J m e l i o x ~ i i o J 1of

,· , ! ( ~ ' r e t ; ~ : r i 3 . ; ~ ] , ' ' t ' ¥ / : : f ? ; ' W · ' I > ' : ' : ~ ~ , ~ ~ i '

{';," ; i r : ; ; : : H " ' : ~ ; ~ 0 ; ( ~ ~ ' _ ' ; ' ; t ~ ; \ i : ::~'t ::-,

n of whether u n i v e r s i t i ~ s have;a place in a> , ' ~ t ¥ " ' ~ ' : i $ ~ ; ;','."" ' r - h ~ " ~ , r . ';;.' ~ : ' ~ ( ' ~ - " ,'"

s that we determine what tlit: 'place,of the\ < + , ' , : e ; ' ; ? i \ : * : 4 - ~ " " --,' ," " . -'y:

flection on the similarities ,anodifferences•

. : ::: - : " ~ ~ ; ; , , , t " " ¥ ~ ; ' 1 ~ : ~ ? ' ; h : , V

slty and socIety, b e t W l ; : e i 1 ~ f r ~ c a 3 H ' l d N o r t h . .- ' ' 1 ~ - ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' : $ ~ " , , " , > ~ ! ' ~ ~ , ~ , ~ ~ , ' { ' ' ' ' d < 4 ' ' . ,

ted to respond to N o r t h A m ~ r k a Q t e n s i o n s , , " " ' ~ ~ " ' ' ; ' " ' ' ' d . ; , , , n ~Africa. For example, t h ; : ~ , , ~ l ~ % l J l c r s ! f I l l q u e l y

:mpt to understand the'urii\iersity.,First, thee _ ~ ) ; i ' i : ' > ' . : ; ; A ~ : 1 ; " ; ~ ; ; ~ ~ ; : ~ ~ <s f

It is an institution w i t h c . ~ . , h , i ~ ! ~ l } J ~ d i a e v a l

ucture answers certam'gueshons,about the" . W . / \ ¥ , ~ . ~ t i ~ i '

' ~ i c ~ has r ~ s u l t e ~ i r i . g l ~ ~ ~ Q ' ~ $ ~ c t u r e s ~ e c h v e , d l s p a s s l O n a t e , a n ~ h r t ; ~ l I C l b l e tons. Now, the u n i v ~ r ~ l ~ ~ ~ i i f g ~ : a s k e d to. , ' j l ! , , , ~ ~ . ? , ~ , , , , ,..."".,

ons c a ~ o . t b ~ a n s w t ; ~ ~ ~ Y : " ¢ ~ J > p e a l i n g

;ause dlsclphnes t h t ; J l 1 S . $ J v e s a [ ~ . f l J J . , s w e r s to)ry. So, simply S U P P \ ? ~ r r ~ h ~ ~ p i v e r s i t y

e same way it w ~ . u ~ : m i ~ k { ~ l ~ ~ ? y other. that the answer IS. 0 someone

~ first: The unive , i ' . .. .... ...•..' ••...... . . l l cultureitself. lt is not the ~ n f ~ I = ~ 6 ' r , but is one

. : H ~ ( i > r : ; i ~ - · ; f i { : ' I D ; i - ; ~ "c _ , Y $ : l t " ~ " ~ > ! t

~ same as the m t e r p r e ~ a t l O n that a church,' ; 7 , > " " ' ~ _ ~ - ' - ' x ~ " I r i : } t ? f ~ 1 i : ; " ' i t ; ; ; - ~ : y , <, . , .>- '

:lfIer. But the presentllIllverslty has alwayshas attempted t o i i : ' ; e m ¥ ~ t Y t ; ~ e t h o d s are

~ , " ~ " ; ' " \ \ : W ' ~ ' ' ' _ . < "t:. -tC'C, ': " "';':"

at Europe, e x p e r i m ~ m s in t b ~ " E n l i g h t e n m e n t , '1.$:/· ' ~ - ~ \ ~ " , . 1 t ~ t - ' . > 1 ,'9'·

:emerges when the c,ljlturedemands that itsIltcomes. R w a n d ~ n ' 1 ~ ~ { a ~ u r u n d i a n society,ltory. Rwanda a ~ d ' ~ ~ ; i i : ~ d i 's histories, until)f Western technolo'; lcal. societies. But the

terms of crosscultural dialogue. So,looks like in Africa must wade tuniversity in North America and whSo, if an African university tries touniversity produced in North Amuniversity will find that the issues arin Africa do in the midst of unrest?

The Nature of the University in aWe may be able to see in the Greatbetween dialogue and action underthe level of success of that negotipower that action becomes most urgthat dialogue becomes most importsociety do not offer different issues

give a more stark picture of the issThe universities in Rwanda and

in their respective societies, i.e., toroles so far have been largely as toocases the governments have as thehave as their secondary interest conin a difficult place in both cases thmust contribute to society, but that

Attempting to define the problemswillingly, for in a precarious sitcounterproductive an d possiblyconditions, then, runs the risk of eitproviding the "experts" who can mawith a move that also serves to validthen, seems to be drawn out of its rois either marginalized (made safe)

One answer to the general qsociety is to appeal to the Greekcontemporary human beings to be ito 'apply' themselves to it, to its prohas the implications oftraining chil

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needs. This is a good description of the kind of education that will work in thecontext ofthe extreme crisis, if anything will. But the question still stands: Is thereany education that will enable someone to be in an adequate relationship to a war

or to the recovery from genocide? Is the national crisis an aporia, a disruption,that does not lend itself to the processes of education? Indeed, do we actuallyeducate for the time after the crisis rather than for the crisis itself?

And does this undermine the usefulness of the university? Universities arefounded on liberal education, which is education that assumes continuity, peace,and stability. Assuming that the university has a place here ignores the questionof what space a university can operate in an d in fact change the focus from that ofreflexive understanding of society to that of engineering a solution to the crisis.

But can there be these sorts of solutions, or preventions, to crises? Crises, bydefinition, are unique events. While we can draw analogies from other, similarcrises, it is rare that a crisis is actually solved or prevented. What actually happensis that a society constructs an understanding of itself that allows a move past theimpasse. Solutions, on the other hand, come in the form of setting the conditionsthat will defuse the impasse before it occurs. So, education is often cited as apreventive measure for national crises of this sort. But if the education is of thesort that tries to inculcate "values" or "human rights," the solutions are left

ambiguous, partial and prone to being coopted by various agendas, as has alreadybeen argued. Some will say that this is the best we can do, but it may not be.Educating for crisis management leaves us with an education that does not cometo terms with what the crisis actually is. I t imagines that the actors (educators)have no position themselves. That throws the university into the dilemma ofaction vs. dialogue, which is difficult to overcome.

This notion ofpaideia, however, may have some merit. While education maynot be possible in the context of national crisis, perhaps it is possible if we take thesting out ofthe word "crisis." This is, after all, an evaluative label. No one wouldsuggest that the genocide in Rwanda or the umest in Burundi are not crises, butthat does not make the term any less evaluative. We cannot avoid using terms ofvaluation for any circumstance people find themselves in, but calling something acrisis presupposes a certain attitude toward the times, which in turn calls forcertain kinds of action. The universities in Rwanda and Burundi are both bound tofollow the definition of the times as given by the government and by outsidefigures.

But paideia is the process of defining the times, not simply reacting to adefinition. The child under paideia learns not only to react to the givenness ofthetimes, but to contribute toward their creation. Those times need to be imagined; inother words, paideia does not happen simply to get away from some condition, butto bring into being something that is "not-yet."

What is an "adequate relation to the times" in Rwanda and Burundi? I t is notfor me to say; that is the task for Rwandans and Burundians. At best outsiders likeme might be able to be part of a dialogue. Indeed, the time may come when the

university has to avoid looking to technical expertise from the outside but toimaginative and creative possibilities from the inside. The university can have a

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The universities in Rwanda and Burundi have an unenviable and complextask. But every crisis brings the possibility of change. And there are success

stories in Africa - Uganda, Botswana, Eritrea. The key from the university's

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This is perhaps the place of the university in countries such as Rwanda andBurundi, where the government in the midst of national crisis continues. I t isnot simply to prepare teachers and lawyers, important as these things mightbe. In doing only this, the university risks being part ofthe problem, which is

to create a society in which all problems are addressed as technological ones.It is

not simply to promote human rights and civisme - that too may be regardedas an attempt to solve the problem of unrest by adjusting the attitudes of thecitizenry. But the cynical version ofthis is that it is simply a way of ensuringcompliance within society. And ensuring compliance undermines the discoursethat can happen by delimiting it.

4. Find WlryS of movingpast disciplinarity. Disciplines are artefacts ofthe modemWest and are not coextensive with the university. The mediaeval university

did not have disciplines in the sense that we have today: The trivium andquadrivium are not really groups of disciplines, but a two-step system thatfirst establishes the tools for acquiring any knowledge and then applies themto the most abstract examples. Disciplines, on the other hand, are directed ata particular subject matter, have their own internally justified methods, andtend to prefer specialization over wide-ranging general principles as the surestpath to knowledge. Disciplines are modem answers to modem Westernproblems. I am not suggesting that disciplines should be jettisoned; the past

cannot be undone. But one way of resisting the impulse to regard all problemsas technological ones is to foster conversation designed to unsettle thecomfortable disciplinary ways of doing things. While no one wishes for anational crisis, once one exists it could provide the opportunity to do thingsdifferently.

3. Take the leadfrom German reflection after WW II. Gennan academics haveagonized over how something like national socialism could happen in Germany.Karl Jaspers, Hans Gadamer, Hannah Arendt, and many others tried to give an

account of how things wound up as they did. The point is not that they wereable to come up with a cause-and-effect account ofthings, but that they wereable to coalesce different understandings of German actions. I t is important tostress that Gennan answers to the questions of national crisis will not beAfrican ones. And, indeed, one might question the various reflections onGerman guilt for a whole variety of reasons. But the point is that the collectivereflection on the nature ofthe society was a healing process. I t was not simplydone by educating Gennans that Jews are not the problem after all or by

stressing human rights. The healing process has been more complex thanthis.

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reasons. But the point is that the collectiveety was a healing process. I t was not simply

Jews are not the problem after all or by

ing process has b ~ ~ g ~ ( ) r e . ~ ( ) ~ p ~ ~ x than

iversity in c o u n t r i ~ ~ ~ ~ s ~ ' ~ ~ ' R \ \ , a n d ~ ' ( l n d the midst of n a t i o n a ( ~ t : i ~ i s c m i t i J i l l J e s .I t is

d lawyers, i m p o r t a n i i ~ ~ ~ ; ~ S ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ g s m ~ g h t

ity risks being p a r t o t t Q , e . ~ P J ~ 1 > I ~ I ! } . w ~ i ~ . hisoblems are a d d r e s s ~ ~ ; l l S l ~ ' i ~ ~ ( ) I ( ) g i c ~ 1 . 2 ? e s .

rights and civisme ~ · i h ~ t J 2 2 J ~ , ~ ~ g S · r ~ ~ ~ ! . 4 e d

of unrest by a d j t 1 ; ~ ! i ~ ~ J ~ ~ ~ l t ~ ~ ~ . ~ ~ ~ ( s , t ~ h e I ofthis is that it is s· ' . o{ Y I 1 ~ w ~ n g

lSuring compliance . ' · ~ l s ~ 6 t i r s e

ld Burundi h a v e ~ ~ ~ ' 9 ; r i ~ i ~ b j ~ a ~ d complexepossibility of c h ~ ~ J ~ ~ ; ~ h d there a r ~ s u c ~ e ~ s tswana, Eritrea. T Q ~ l < : ( : y from the umvefSlty s

' J l < ~ ~ ~ ~ t ; - ; ' · " , · _ , . : p : : : - - ; ; , , ~ - ' -,.

4. Ibid.5. Prunier, Rwanda Crisis, pp. 78-76. Interview with Pr Tharcisse Nsab

1997.7. n.a., "L'universite du Burundi face

conseil africain et du moyen orientfevrier 1997 pa r la delegation buIntemationale de Pedagogie Univ

8. Butera, May 1997.9. I t should be noted that none of thavoiding the pitfalls of th e "rights

10. I t should be said that the universisociety. Th e church, in particular,collective body, but there are storie

11: Editors' introduction to Gadamer,History: AppliedHermeneutics, ed

SUNY, 1992), p. viii.

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