jane doe is running for office

Running For Office 0

Running Head: Running For Office

Jane Doe is Running for Office

Kate McNally

Northern Arizona University

English 305W

Writing in Disciplinary Communities

Dr. Flower Darby

March 18, 2010


Abstract

This essay takes a look at the history of women in politics and the challenges

they face. It attempts to define obstacles facing candidates today and outline

methods with which to counteract them. Women have been active in all political

parties since the 1890s. From the suffrage movement to the establishment of

women’s divisions in the major political parties through the transition of women

in mainstream politics, women have faced untold challenges to both their

support of and participation in the electoral process. There is a real need for

increased participation by women in politics. Women should be encouraged to

be more actively involved with the political process regardless of political

affiliation. More research needs to be done to pinpoint weakness in the political

process that hinder women’s chances as an elective candidate and to discover

better ways to enable their success.


Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................................................... 2

LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................................................................. 2 LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................................................. 2

HISTORY OF WOMEN IN POLITICS IN ARIZONA ................................................................................................... 3

THE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT ............................................................................................................................................. 3 ISABELLA GREENWAY ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 THE ARIZONA FIVE ......................................................................................................................................................... 6

WOMEN AS CANDIDATES ................................................................................................................................... 7

RECRUITMENT ............................................................................................................................................................... 7 CAMPAIGN STRATEGIES ................................................................................................................................................... 7 MEDIA ......................................................................................................................................................................... 8 FUND RAISING ............................................................................................................................................................... 9

NEW DIRECTIONS IN RESEARCH ON WOMEN & POLITICS .................................................................................... 9

FUTURE RESEARCH ......................................................................................................................................................... 9 EXPAND PARTICIPATION ................................................................................................................................................ 10

CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................................... 10

WORKS CITED ................................................................................................................................................... 15

List of Tables TABLE 1 ‐ STATE VARIATIONS – PERCENTAGE BY STATE (OXLEY AND FOX 2004, 115) .................................................................... 11 TABLE 2 ‐ STATE VARIATION BY CHARACTERISTICS (OXLEY AND FOX 2004, 117) ..................................................................... 12 TABLE 3 ‐ PROBLEMS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN CANDIDATES (CARROL 1994, 52) .......................................................................... 13 TABLE 4 – ADVANTAGES PERCEIVED BY WOMEN CANDIDATE (CARROL 1994, 53) ....................................................................... 14

List of Figures FIGURE 1 FRANCES WILLARD MUNDS ..................................................................................................................................... 4 FIGURE 2 NELLIE T BUSH ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 FIGURE 3 ISABELLA GREENWAY ............................................................................................................................................. 6 FIGURE 4 1999 ARIZONA INAUGURATION (ARIZONA STATE LIBRARY 1999) .................................................................................. 6


Jane Doe is Running for Office In the 2008 Presidential primaries women squared off against men and

themselves for the chance to run for the highest office in the country.

Unfortunately, none of them made it far enough along the campaign trail to win

that coveted spot. Why? It wasn’t just because they were women. Various

obstacles and challenges face women running for electoral offices all over the

country. Funding, family situations, ethnic orientation, religious affiliations,

physical and emotional stress, as well as the design of the political structure of the

parties themselves all conspire against female candidates. Women should be

encouraged to be more actively involved with the political process regardless of

political affiliation.

History of Women in Politics in Arizona

The Suffrage Movement

“We are here for business.”

With this simple statement Frances Willard Munds, who was then leader of

the Arizona suffrage movement and the first woman to serve in the Arizona State

Senate, quickly established how serious she was about her role in government. On

January 19, 1915 she presided over the state senate session and not only did she

encapsulate her approach to government but she won the respect of both the

press and her fellow senators. (Osselaer 2003, 17) The campaign platform for

suffrage emphasized woman’s role as pioneers. They requested the right to vote

based on their sacrifices and contributions. Sixty‐Eight percent of voters agreed

giving the suffrage movement the largest national margin of victory to date.

(Osselaer 2003, 18)

After the amendment was passed, historians have noted that few women

succeeded in politics. Since politics was a “man’s” game, most women felt

uncomfortable outside a family‐styled environment. Some lacked the needed

political socialization and skills. Few ran for office. Those in Arizona that were


relatively successful against male candidates tended to have the same traits;

aggressive, talented, pragmatic and knowledgeable about politics. Eager to

participate in politics Arizona woman’s leaders were back by the National and

Arizona Federation of Business and Professional Woman’s Clubs. Largely

overlooked in studies, these clubs encouraged women to run for public office,

were the primary organization for recruiting women and gave voice to women’s

issues of the time. The Arizona BPW had one goal: break down barriers to

advancement by ensuring equal treatment of women. (Osselaer 2003, 19)

The experience of growing up in the west may have socialized women to

take an active role in politics to a greater extent than their eastern seaboard

sisters. Arizona women’s legislation had higher success rate, 30 % overall, due

largely to the fact that on average they introduced more bills to the House. Over

half of the bills introduced by female candidates covered education, child welfare,

libraries, public health, and morality issues. (Osselaer 2003, 21) Most women, like

Nellie T. Bush, found few obstacles on the way to the legislature. However, once

there they couldn’t use this political experience to gain a state or federal office.

The voting public wouldn’t be ready for that until 1990s.

FIGURE 1 NELLIE T BUSH (Arizona State Library 1920)

FIGURE 2 FRANCES WILLARD MUNDS (ARIZONA STATE LIBRARY 1918)

Isabella Greenway “… I think now I have been waiting for it all my life.”

Isabella Greenway was elected Arizona’s first congresswoman in the primary

election in 1933 with Seventy percent of the vote. The key to her political career

was not only her own personal business savvy but her lifelong friendship with the

Roosevelt Family, a close friend of his niece Eleanor and bride of Robert Munro‐


Ferguson, a Rough Rider. Isabella first entered politics by registering voters and

campaigning for her husband. Bob Ferguson died in 1922 and Isabella remarried.

Unfortunately, in 1926, her second husband Jon Greenway also died. In 1928, with

Eleanor Roosevelt as a political ally, she was named Arizona’s Democratic national

committeewoman. (Miller 2004, 122)By 1930, the people of Arizona hoped that

Isabella Greenway would run as a candidate for governor. While it was more likely

that she was afraid men might resent her participation, Isabella claimed avoidance

of criticism of “personal prominence” as her reason for not running. (Miller 2004,

126) It was former governor Lyman Hunt that encouraged Isabella to consider

taking a run at the Congressional seat. Isabella was named by Hunt to the

commission planning Arizona’s exhibit at the upcoming 1933 Chicago’s World’s

Fair.

Hailed a “political phenomenon” by some the press at the Democratic

convention in Chicago latched on to her link between Theodore and Franklin

Roosevelt. In February of that same year Isabella resigned as a national

committeewoman and planned to run as U.S. congressman‐at‐large from Arizona.

(Miller 2004, 130) The Arizona Daily Star as well as most of the state’s newspapers

backed her congressional run because she had done more for the Democratic party

and the state of Arizona than any other candidate. Organizations supporting her

sprang up all over the state crossing ethnic, economic and even political lines.

(Miller 2004, 133)

Once sworn in on January 3, 1934, Representative Greenway spent more

time responding to anxious constituents than crafting new legislation. She was also

appointed to both the Indian Affairs and Public Lands Committees. When she

lobbied hard for the copper industry and for veteran’s, some suggested that she

was in fact “the most dangerous foe the administration has in the chamber.”

(Miller 2004, 134) When she retired Greenway left behind a newly invigorated,

well organized Democratic party.


Isabella was an independently wealthy businesswoman with experience as a

loyal party worker who cultivated a close personal relationship with the sitting

President to further her own career. Her ability to travel into rural Arizona made it

possible for her to unite and energize Arizona’s democrats and bring them back to

the party.

FIGURE 3 ISABELLA GREENWAY (ARIZONA STATE LIBRARY 1935)

FIGURE 4 1999 ARIZONA INAUGURATION (ARIZONA STATE LIBRARY 1999)

The Arizona Five

In November of 1998 Arizona became the first state to elect an all‐female

chain of command. Governor Jane Hull, Secretary of State Betsy Bayless, Attorney

General Janet Napolitano, Treasurer Carol Springer and Superintendent of Public

Instruction Lisa Graham Keegan were known as the “Fab Five.” (Coplan 1999, 60)

Their collective win can be attributed to good public policy and the legacy of

women in the west. It was the west that first granted women the right to vote,

divorce own property and practice law. (Coplan 1999, 63) According to Coplan,

women in general tend to vote democratic. Only one of the five was a democrat. A

closer look at party history illustrates why the centrist republicans were able to

sweep the top five seats in Arizona. Napolitano herself said, "I think it's important,

too, that it's not just that five women were elected, but each of the five has had a

significant record in public service jobs. This was not a fluke. This is what happens

when lots of women are entering political life." (Gabriel 1999)


Women as Candidates

Recruitment

While men have traditionally been offered political opportunities for loyal

party service, women have not. (Carrol 1994, 24) Some women with sufficient

credibility and resources have mounted insurgent campaigns and won. Party

leaders would prefer to avoid such incidents in an effort to strengthen their

control over the party. As a result some pressure has been felt by the party leaders

to consider more women candidates. Party leaders may also have chosen to back

more women candidates to regain voter trust in the wake of Watergate.

There are three possible patterns for recruitment by party leaders. First, by

actively recruiting women for low‐prestige offices, where voter prejudice would be

less intense and are less likely to be desired by male candidates. Second, by

recruiting women as “sacrificial lambs”, offices where the party is not expected to

win anyway and the party doesn’t want to risk running a promising male candidate.

Third, by recruiting women to run for offices in multimember districts, offices

where they only risk losing “one” seat as opposed to the “only” seat. (Carrol 1994,

27)

The time has come to integrate the three patterns of participation and

explore how they are linked. The understanding of dynamic women’s recruitment

and the complex participation depend on it. (Carroll 2003, 47) Recruitment is an

ongoing process and effects participation of women in politics.

Campaign Strategies

In order to identify successful strategic and tactical maneuvers to overcome

the innumerable of political impediments that surface over the progression of a

campaign, we must explore the internal dynamics of the campaign itself. Decision

making, staffing patterns, media strategy, fund raising and voter targeting are key

according to Joan E. McLean. (Carroll 2003, 53) While women and men employ

different decision making styles, they vary no more in the political arena then they

do in the corporate world. Men favor hierarchical or competitive styles. Women


prefer a more collegial setting. A woman who feels the decision making style is as

important as the campaign will be willing to put in the extra hours but it might end

up costing her the election in the long run. The man‐hours it would take to conduct

an individual study, let alone a multiple case study make it impractical to gather

the necessary data to determine what, if any, affect this has on the overall

outcome of the election. (Carroll 2003, 56)

Often a mix of volunteers and professional staffers are used on campaigns.

Local and part‐time legislative seats depend more heavily on volunteers. Paid staff

and consultants are more likely to work for statewide or federal offices. A well run

organization is obvious. Everyone knows what to expect at every stage of the

campaign, from who’s on the “need to know” list to what time the local coffee

shop opens. The most difficult thing for a candidate to adapt to may be learning to

delegate. Without this competent support system a candidate could lose valuable

time campaigning effectively. Another challenge might be transitioning from an all‐

volunteer, mostly family oriented, campaign to a professionally run operation.

Either way, to be effective, campaign strategies need to be tailored to the “hands‐

on” style most women prefer.

Media

Credibility is one of the most important early messages of a campaign. Since

male candidates are more likely to be taken seriously, female candidates often end

up explaining not only their political history but their personal history as well. It’s

difficult for women candidates to not only get accurate reporting from the media

regarding their qualifications but to have the media recognize their capability to

run a sustainable campaign. (Carroll 2003, 59)

Although according to Carroll female reporters are more likely to treat

women candidates seriously than their male counterparts. Good campaigns

develop pro‐active strategies to handle this biased press coverage. One strategy

that has worked well for women candidates is effectively using the “outsider”

image to take advantage of voters’ anti‐incumbency feelings. Women candidates


have also used positive‐only advertising and humor to defuse negative advertising

by their opponents.

Fund Raising In comparable races men and women candidates raise, on average, similar

amounts of campaign funds. It’s unclear however how the allocation of resources

for raising those funds compares. it is clear that male politicians are more willing

to spend more of their own personal money on a campaign then their female

counterparts. (Carroll 2003, 63) Women candidates repeatedly list money as the

overriding obstacle to a successful campaign. Men by the nature of their

socialization skills are also more comfortable asking for money upfront. Women

candidates have also been known to be more reluctant to authorize campaign

expenses then men with the same goals and resources. (Carrol 1994, 51) One thing

candidates of both genders can agree on is the massive blocks of time that must be

devoted to fund raising.

New Directions in Research on Women & Politics

Future Research A new research agenda must be adapted that includes a multi‐method

approach. Qualitative interviews and focus groups will enable researches to gather

comprehensive information on thought processes and beliefs not only of the

candidates both male and female but of the voters as well. Without one the other

is meaningless. A more in‐depth look at the gender gap will assist campaigns in

fine‐tuning their strategy to make allowances due to age and experience. Mass

media should be systematically researched to fully examine the influence of media

on the political process. Innovative and creative research designs as well as

traditional surveys, field research and content analysis will yield the information

necessary for consultants to help politicians make effective decisions regarding

their media choices.


Expand Participation

A broad study of participation of women in politics is the key to the future.

Women candidates are no longer limited by “woman’s issues”, abortion, birth

control, childcare, maternity/paternity leave and education are becoming

mainstream issues. Participation in non‐traditional political activities must be

evaluated in order to facilitate recruitment of female candidates to traditional

legislative positions. Understanding the construct of these welfare issues gives a

greater understanding of the changing nature and practices not only of politics but

of basic citizenship. (Carroll 2003, 218) In order to understand “politics” we must

understand all the varieties of participation by women in all her networking roles.

Conclusions

In 2007 a small town of McLean in Texas elected Peggy Baer as mayor. She

led a five‐woman board of aldermen. Women also filled the positions of city

secretary, justice of the peace, and postmaster, mangers of the bank, feed store,

grocery store and nursing home. While the school superintendent was male the

two schools had female principals. (Blaney 2008) It appears that the election of

women to higher political offices has indeed spread far and wide.

While women from Arizona have a rich political history and distinct

advantage, most women will continue to have individual struggles within the

current party system. Recruiting, funding, campaigning and serving in any office is

an ongoing battle. Further studies should be conducted to explore possible

solutions to ensure that every candidate has a fighting chance.

The voters must make a conscious decision to take an active part in the

process. Whether it’s simply voting in every election or volunteering for a specific

party or making the jump to running for office. Women (and men) who choose to

do their civic duty should be supported and applauded. Sometimes it takes only

one voice saying “yes you can” to make the difference and turn a small campaign

into a huge victory.


TABLE 1 ‐ STATE VARIATIONS – PERCENTAGE BY STATE (OXLEY AND FOX 2004, 115)

STATE VARIATION IN WOMEN EXECUTIVE OFFICIALS, 1979‐1998 State Percentage of

Women Executive Officials

State Percentage of Women

Executive OfficialsNew Jersey 40.0 Alabama 14.2 Colorado 38.1 Tennessee 13.3 Indiana 36.7 Virginia 13.3 Arizona 36.4 Arkansas 13.1 Delaware 35.9 Illinois 12.0 Kansas 33.0 Nebraska 12.0

Minnesota 32.0 Vermont 11.7 Nevada 30.0 Florida 10.8

Connecticut 29.0 California 10.7 Oregon 28,0 Utah 10.0

Oklahoma 25.2 Louisiana 7.5 Pennsylvania 25.0 Kentucky 7.3 Wyoming 24.0 New Mexico 6.7 Missouri 23.3 New York 6.7 Michigan 20.0 South Carolina 6.7 Montana 20.0 Georgia 5.0

New Hampshire 20.0 Wisconsin 5.0 Ohio 20.0 Massachusetts 4.0 Texas 19.7 North Carolina 2.0

Rhode Island 18.0 Alaska 0.0 Washington 17.5 Hawaii 0.0

Idaho 17.1 Maine 0.0 Iowa 16.7 Maryland 0.0

North Dakota 16.3 Mississippi 0.0 South Dakota 15.0 West Virginia 0.0


TABLE 2 ‐ STATE VARIATION BY CHARACTERISTICS (OXLEY AND FOX 2004, 117)

STATE VARlATION IN WOMEN CANDIDATES AND WOMEN EXECUTIVE OFFICEHOLDERS, 1979-1998

Women Candidates Women Officeholders

Column1 Unstand a Stand b Unstand a Stand b Political System:

Number of Exec. Offices -.02 (.34) -0.004 -.59 (.40) -0.075 Power of Exec. Offices .10 (1.09) 0.004 -2.84 (1.28)* -0.086 State Population -.02 (.02) -0.086 .01 (.01) 0.026

Party Recruitment Processes: Rep. Party Dominance 2.82 (1.35)* 0.143 -1.59 (2.04) -0.056 One-Party Dominance -.86 (1.13) -0.034 -1.29 (2.18) -0.035 Party Control Nominations 1.38 (1.72) 0.033

Candidate Supply: Women Lawyers .55 (.26)* 0.213 Women in State Legislature -.02 (.19) -0.01 Moralistic Culture -2.04 (1.37) -0.07 Traditional Culture -5.16 (2.22)* -. 174 Women Candidates 1.08 (.12)*** 0.754

Gatekeeper Demands: State Liberalism -. 13 (.33) -. 033 -.44 (.28) -0.079 State Feminism -. 79 (5.51) -. 010 .97 (4.29) 0.008 Masculine Offices -. 13 (.06)* -. 135 .20 (.10) 0.146 Feminine Offices .08 (.07) 0.052 .20 (.10)*t 0.09 Women Candidates (lag) .40 (.06)*** 0.362 Women Officeholders (lag) .14 (.07)*t 0.119

Constant 14.09 8.63 Number of Cases 206 206 Adjusted R2 0.44 0.66


TABLE 3 ‐ PROBLEMS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN CANDIDATES (CARROL 1994, 52) Problems Perceived by Women Candidates, 1976, Who Ran in Contested Primaries

OFFICE

Problems Congress Statewide State Senate

State House

Resources Money 58.00 52.90 40.00 27.90 People 22.00 5.90 18.70 15.80 Time 16.00 11.80 16.00 15.80

Organized Support Party 16.00 0.00 13.30 13.20 Organizations 0.00 0.00 2.70 5.60 Media 0.00 5.90 4.00 1.90

Campaign‐related problems Visibility 10.00 11.80 4.00 3.70 Organization/planning 10.00 5.90 9.30 8.20 Dirty Politics 6.00 5.90 10.70 8.40 Issue positions 0.00 0.00 1.30 1.10 Opponents 8.00 0.00 10.47 10.20

Characteristics of Voters Dificulty Contacting Voters 2.00 0.00 1.30 1.70 Voter apathy or distrust 6.00 5.90 10.70 5.20 Distric Characteristics 6.00 0.00 9.30 6.70

Sex‐related problems Being a woman 2.00 17.60 13.30 8.90 Woman's issues 0.00 5.90 8.00 1.90 Lack of support from other

women 2.00 0.00 0.00 1.70

Candidate characteristics Name familiarity 10.00 5.90 9.30 7.10 Personality characteristics 4.00 0.00 2.70 5.60 Other problems 8.00 5.90 9.30 7.10

No problems mentioned 14.00 11.80 10.70 20.30

N= 50 17 75 462


TABLE 4 – ADVANTAGES PERCEIVED BY WOMEN CANDIDATE (CARROL 1994, 53) Advantages Perceived by Women Candidates, 1976, Who Ran in Contested Primaries

OFFICE

Advantages Congress Statewide State Senate

State House

Resources

Money 0.00 0.00 4.00 3.20

People 2.00 5.90 20.00 10.40

Time 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.80

Incumbency 4.00 0.00 8.00 5.60

Organized Support

Party 2.00 11.80 1.30 1.90

Organizational and media endorsements 6.00 0.00 2.70 3.70

Officeholders, local leaders 2.00 0.00 5.30 2.20

Campaign‐related problems

Weak opponents 10.00 11.80 4.00 3.70

Prior campaign experience 10.00 5.90 9.30 8.20

Good organization 6.00 5.90 10.70 8.40

Good publicity 0.00 0.00 1.30 1.10

Characteristics of Voters

Voter distrust of incumbents 6.00 11.80 4.00 2.40

Support from voters generally 10.00 0.00 6.70 4.50

Sex‐related advantages

Being a woman 10.00 5.90 12.00 7.60

Support from other women 2.00 5.90 2.70 1.50

Candidate characteristics

Well known, good reputation 16.00 35.50 20.00 21.60

Record in politics 4.00 17.60 8.00 6.10

Knowledge 12.00 0.00 6.70 5.40

Personality characteristics 8.00 17.60 8.00 5.60

Training in another field 2.00 0.00 0.00 3.50

Husband/family 2.00 0.00 5.30 3.40

Other problems 2.50 5.90 1.30 4.10

No problems mentioned 36.00 33.30 35.90 23.50

N= 50 17 75 462


Works Cited Arizona State Library. "Arizona govenors; Arizona Women." Arizona State Library. 1999.

http://photos.lib.az.us/photos_Detail.cfm?ID=16608 (accessed March 2010).

—. "Frances Willard Munds." Arizona Woman's Hall of Fame. 1918. http://www.lib.az.us/awhof/IMAGES/women/munds.jpg (accessed February 2010).

—. "Isabella Greenway King." Arizona Women's Hall of Fame. 1935. http://www.lib.az.us/awhof/women/king.cfm (accessed February 2010).

—. "Nellie T. Bush." Arizona Woman's Hall of Fame. 1920. http://www.lib.az.us/awhof/women/bush.cfm (accessed February 2010).

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Coplan, Jill Hamburg. "The un‐republicans.(women in Republican leadership roles)." Working Woman, 1999: 60‐64.

Gabriel, Angela. "State shifting political image.(election of five women to Arizona's top five state offices)." The Business Journal ‐ Serving Phoenix & the Valley of the Sun, 1999: 19(2).

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McNally, Kathryn S (): You have submitted your assignment(McNally, Kathryn S ()). Submitted Time: March 10, 2010 10:40 PM

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