SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL

\ GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY

• CENTER FOR POPULATION RESEAijCH

VOLUME 30 . NUMBER 4 . DECEMBER 1976 605 THIRD AVENUE· NEW YORK, N.Y. 10016

Contents oj this issue-see page 55

Board Passes

Resolution Honoring

.Gardner Lindzey The Council's board of directors, at its annual meeting on September 25, 1976, unanimously passed the following

resolution honoring Gardner Lindzey on the occasion of the completion of his service as a director:

WHEREAS, from its inception the Council has depended for WHEREAS, he has served the Council on the following its success upon the energy, imagination, and dedication committees: of its directors, its committee members, and its staff; and Faculty Research Fellowships Committee, 1960-63

Committee on Genetics and Behavior, 1961-66 Committee on the Biological Bases of Social Behavior,

1966 to the present

WHEREAS, for some 16 years Gardner Lindzey has played a leading, indeed crucial role in the intellectual life and administrative functioning of the Council-as initiator, synthesizer, committee member, administrator, author, and friend; and

WHEREAS, he has written two Council publications, Projective Techniques and Cross-Cultural Research

(1961) and Race Differences in Intelligence (1975, with John C.

Loehlin and J. N. Spuhler); and

Committee on Work and Personality in the Middle Years, 1972 to the present; and

WHEREAS, Gardner Lindzey has helped administer the Council's affairs as:

Member, Board of Directors, 1963-76 Chairman, Committee on Problems and Policy, 1965-70 Chairman, Executive Committee, 1971-75;

THE BOARD RECOGNIZES Gardner Lindzey's major contributions both to the Council and to the advancement of the so­cial sciences; it appreciates his teaching us to attend to man's biological nature while avoiding the shoals of biolog­ical determinism; and it wishes him continued success as director of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behav­ioral Sciences. Therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED THAT, on the occasion of his last meeting as a Council director, the board of directors, on behalf ~~ the Council and the whole social science community, expresses its warmest thanks to Gardner Lindzey for his .witty, wise, and incisive help in guiding the Council through a difficult period.

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The Social Sciences in Cuba

FEWER THAN 10 million people live within Cuba's 44 thousand square miles. Its population is relatively ho­mogeneous in terms of race, ethnicity, and wealth; the median age is 22 years. In the 17 years of its ongoing revolution, Cuba has brought about a transition to socialism and has developed strong ties both with the Soviet Union and with other Eastern European nations. Its achievements in areas such as education, einploy­ment, health, nutrition, and recreation, as well as many of the characteristics of its social sciences, derive from the fact that Cuba is a small, young, homogeneous, socialist, Third World nation.1

The structure ·of Cuban social science

The social sciences began in Cuba in the early part of the 20th century. Anthropometric work on criminal populations, child growth surveys, and a few ethno­graphic studies had been carried out by 1930. By the 1950s, a few social scientists were assisting marketing firms to carry out national public opinion surveys; at the University of Havana, psychology courses had been established in the division of natural sciences and courses in anthropology, social history, and social theory were being offered through a concentration established in the faculty of the humanities; and some courses in eco­nomics were given at the University of Havana and at the private University of Villanueva. These beginnings of Western social sciences, which focused on a relatively narrow range of phenomena, were interrupted in 1959; since then, new social sciences have taken their place.

Although social science research takes place in Cuba, few reports on it are easily available to the international social science community. Research aimed at gathering information for state planning is continuously commis-

• Louis Wolf Goodman and Nancy R. Goodman visited Cuba as guests of Cuba's Ministry of Foreign Relations from June 17-24, 1976. The author was invited in his capacity as staff of the Joint Committee on Latin American Studies, which is sponsored by the Council and the American Council of Learned Societies. Gordon Adams, Lourdes Casals, David Collier, Margaret Crahan, Jorge Dominguez, Richard R. Fagen, Nancy R. Goodman, Franklin W. Knight, Abraham Lowenthal, Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Eleanor Bernert Sheldon, and David L. Sills made valuable comments on an earlier draft of the article.

1 For Cuban social and economic statistics, see the Anuario Estadistico de Cuba, 1974, published by the Junta Central de Planificaci6n, Havana, in late 1976. A summary of changes through 1974 is presented by Kalman H. Silvert and Frieda M. Silvert in "Fate, Chance, and Faith," American Universities Field Staff Reports, 2(2):4-6, 1974.

54

by Louis Wolf Goodman •

sioned by the government and by the Communist Party .• Until 1973, however, the formal development of the social sciences was given a very low priority. Courses were not widely offered in universities and research tech­niques were used primarily to gather data concerning practical problems. This lack of attention was largely a result of the economic conditions in postrevolutionary Cuba. Party planners felt that the social sciences would not yield sufficient immediate results to justify heavy early investments.

In the last three years, with the growth of the Cuban economy, university enrollments in the social sciences have been increasing at rates faster than those of other fields. However, the faculties of the humanities and so­cial sciences--largely compo~ed of the departments of social anthropology, literary history, social history, and sociology-still have relatively small enrollments com­pared with other faculties in Cuba's four universities at Havana, Oriente, Las Villas, and Camagiiey. For 1972-73, the Anuario Estadistico reports 43,261 uni­versity students:

10,914 in faculties of technology 8,393 ill faculties of natural science 6,253 in faculties of agricultural science 6,247 ill institutes of pedagogy 4,747 in faculties of humanities and social science 3,968 ill faculties of medicine 2,739 in institutes of economics

Although the composition of these faculties is not uni­form in every university, economics and psychology are generally outside of the faculty of humanities and social science. Economics is generally located in a separate policy-oriented institute and psychology is generally in the faculty of natural science. The precise array of de­partments in faculties varies among universities. At the University of Havana, the faculty of humanities and social science contained, in 1974-75, departments of philosophy and sociology, and schools of history, jour­nalism, law, letters, and political science. The institute of economics had departments of international rela· tions, mathematics, measurement, planning, and po­litical economy, as well as teams studying agriculture, the fishing industry, steel, sugar, and transportation. •

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

• In 1976, low social science enrollments continued at

the University of Las Villas, Cuba's third largest uni­versity.2 The distribution of the 8,282 students by fac­ulties was:

3,568 m the institute of pedagogy 2,346 in the faculty of natural science 1,077 in the faculty of agricultural SCIence

575 in the institute of economics 567 in the faculty of medicine 149 in the faculty of humanities and social science

Compared with nationwide statistics for 1972-73, higher proportions of students at the University of Las Villas are enrolled in the pedagogical institute and the faculty of natural sciences-and fewer in the other fields. This may reflect changes in educational policy since 1972-73 or the distinctive role of the University of Las Villas in Cuba's system of higher education.

The enrollment patterns reflected in both of these sets of statistics indicate that, in comparison with the social sciences in the United States, different disciplines are included as social sciences, and economics is the only discipline which is offered on a large scale to university students. Although university training is important, universities are far less central to social scientific re­search and training than they are in the United States. As discussed below, the generation of knowledge

.through social scientific techniques is an essential fea­ture of Cuba's centrally planned society. Government agencies and ministries, ranging from the" Communist Party, to the Ministry of Foreign Trade, to the Federa­tion of Cuban Women, to individual hospitals within the public health service-all have social research units that systematically collect and analyze data relevant to their tasks.3

In most of these agencies, researchers do not yet as­pire to international publication or to contact with the Western social sciences. However, such contact has be­gun in health-related agencies which started research programs in the early 1960s.4 Researchers in other or­ganizations reported that such activities are part of their future plans.

The structure of the Cuban Academy of Sciences re-

2 These figures were obtained by Franklin W. Knight, Department of History, The Johns Hopkins University, in an interview with the rector of the University of Las Villas in April 1976.

S On visits to such agencies, the author had no trouble obtaining copies of data collection instruments or examining analyses of pro· duction, needs, goals, and their correlates. .

'For a discussion of the Cuban health system, including health-related social research, see Z. Stein and M. Susser, "The Cuban Health

•ystem: A Trial of a Comprehensive Service in a Poor Country,"

International Journal Of Health Services, 2(4):551-566, 1972.

DECEMBER 1976

flects the current state of the social sciences in Cuba. At present, the Academy contains three institutes: the In­stitute of Social Science, the Institute of Natural Sci­ences, and the Institute of Exact Sciences. Each insti­tute has a number of departments; those reported to be the strongest are all part of the Institute of Natural Sciences.

The Institute of Social Sciences is relatively new, founded in 1973 as " ... a means of studying the past and linking it to the reality of the current situation. II Institute staff indicated that the basic research needed to build these understandings cannot be carried out in universities because of the professors' heavy teaching schedules. This staff is young and relatively nonhier­archical, reflecting the recent development of the social sciences in Cuba. Nuria Gregory, the director, and most of her staff are in their 20s, have been trained in Cuba, and hold the Licenciado degree (slightly higher than the United States B.A.). This same staffing pattern pre­vails at the University of Havana. Because of the staff's youth, departments at the Institute and the University are strikingly short on individuals with international exposure or who have had extensive research or publish­ing experience. Despite (or perhaps because of) this, the staff manifests a strong desire to learn through experi­ence. Although staff have been transferred among the Institute, universities, and research departments of gov­ernment ministries, appointments at the Institute are full-time.

The four departments of the Institute include:

1) The Department of History, which deals with Cuban history in different periods-the 19th cen­tury, colonial history, the Republic during the 20th century, and the Cuban Revolution. It also contains a separate group of six historians who ex­amine recent Latin American history with a spe-

CONTENTS OF THIS ISSUE

53 Resolution Honoring Gardner Lindzey

54 The Social Sciences in Cuba-Louis Wolf Good­man

61 Ottoman Turkey and the Maghreb in the 19th and 20th Centuries-Serif Mardin and 1. Wil­liam Zartman

66 Summer Workshop in Pharmacogenetics

66 Recent Council Publications

68 Application Deadline for Program of Post­doctoral Grants to Minority Scholars

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cial emphasis on Cuba's role, reflecting Cuba's in­tention to have strong ties with Latin American and other Third World countries.

2) The Department of Archeology, which studies Cuba's pre-Columbian aboriginal cultures.

3) The Department of Technology, which studies ma­terial living conditions in Cuba during two his­torial periods-the 19th century and prerevolu­tionary 20th century.

4) The Department of Social Psychology, which is small (eight researchers) and focuses on problems of youth and adolescence, especially vocational problems.

At the Institute, plans for research are developed first at the working-group level. Proposals for research are then discussed by the relevant departmental scientific committees. If a proposal gains departmental approval, it is then reviewed by the scientific committee of the Academy. If approved by this committee, the work of the project will be coordinated with national social pro­grams and/or other research by the National Council on Economic Collaboration and Scientific Technology. The Council evaluates the work plans of all Cuban organizations concerned with science and the social sci­ences, systematically diffuses information, and organizes interagency discussions. Institute staff said they have had few problems getting study proposals approved. They attributed this to the increased interest in the develop­ment of the social sciences since 1973.

The Academy of Sciences' publishing program is or­ganized on the national level by the Book Institute. Members of the Institute of Social Sciences publish in university-based journals, and there is an expectation that in time the Institute of Social Sciences will have its own journal.

The Academy of Sciences is constantly changing its structure. This is the result of continuing discussions about program and structure carried OUt by staff com­mittees. One recent change is the divison of the Institute of Neurophysics and Psychology into the new Institute of Studies of the Brain and the new Department of Social Psychology (of the Institute of Social Sciences). Impending changes are the addition of Departments of Economics and Sociology to the Institute of Social Sci­ences.

The programs of the Department of Psychology of the University of Havana reveal some important aspects of social science training in contemporary Cuba.5 De-

5 Nancy R. Goodman, Department of Psychology, University of Connecticut, gathered this information.

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spite heavy teaching responsibilities and the difficulties of carrying out research in a teaching context, profes-sors in the program have written papers based on theo­retical and empirical research that form part of a departmental publication series. Members of the de-. partment have also written a number of books­designed for use in university psychology courses-which were published by the Book Institute.

Most of the literature cited in these publications is written by Soviet psychologists, although some Ameri­cans are cited and American-authored articles, trans­lated into Spanish, are used as teaching materials. A three-part set of materials used to teach an "attitudes" section in the social psychology program shows how foreign literature is used. The first part contains three articles by North American. scholars: "Cognitive Dis­sonance," by Leon Festinger; "Prediction of Attitude from the Number, Strength, and Evaluative Aspects of Beli~fs About the Attitude Object," by Lynn R. Ander­son and Martin Fishbein; and "Attitudes and Prediction of Behavior," by Martin Fishbein. The first two articles are used without any accompanying bibliography or in­dication of date or place of original publication. The third article, adapted from Fishbein's Readings in Atti­tude Theory and Measurement (1966), was published with its bibliography intact.

The second part consists of two sections: a 66-page essay on the measurement of attitudes, and a 34-page essay on the semantic differential. Both cite North American and Western European references exclusively and appear to be translations of essays by U.S. psycholo­gists. Neither essay identifies its author or includes a bibliography.

The lack of attention to the protocol of scholarly com­munication which characterizes North American schol­arly journals is of course not unique to Cuba. The ap­parently inconsistent footnoting and referencing has many possible and partial explanations. Among them are:

1) Since Cuba is not a cosignatory of international copyright agreements, Cubans who use copyrighted ma­terial are not legally bound to cite it correctly.

2) The material may have arrived in incomplete form and, because of the United States embargo, it may have been difficult to obtain complete information.

3) In prerevolutionary Cuba, there was no tradition of footnoting. At most, references would be contained in a bibliography.

4) Citation details may have been lost in the process of translating and editing the materials and, since the materials were to have limited circulation for teachinga purposes, final copy may not have been corrected. _

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

This is not a complete list of possible explanations, but it highlights certain aspects of Cuban social scien­tific scholarship and indicates how work by United States scholars may be transformed when it is used

• by social scientists working in circumstances quite dif­ferent from those in the United States.

The third part of the teaching materials is an 86-page overview essay, written by members of the teach­ing staff. After a brief history of the study of attitudes, with an explanation of how social psychology has de­veloped in the United States, the essay points out that "the groups of socialist scientists who investigate themes of social psychology (Kuzmin's laboratory in Leningrad and the work of Hiebsch and Vorwerg in the German Democratic Republic) have shown that one can work with a science such as ours within socialist societies." The introduction concludes with the hope that these materials will help adapt this area of study, developed mostly by North Americans, to serve the needs of so­cialist societies. The remaining 50 pages of the essay begin with a discussion of "attitudes as hypothetical constructs" and then continue through 20 other topics in theory and method, concl uding with discussions of stereotypes and prejudice. The argument throughout is explicitly based on North American empirical and theoretical writings, although findings from Cuban

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empirical studies are used as examples, as are references to theorists such as Marx, Engels, and Feuerbach. This mixture does not necessarily reflect a clear dominance of Soviet psychology. Rather, it seems to be the begin-ning of an attempt by Cubans to use both Western and Soviet traditions.

Although elective courses are not offered in the un­dergraduate program, from written descriptions it would seem that course coverage is much more com­plete and systematic than that presented in both the undergraduate and graduate programs of most North American psychology departments. Individual programs can be arranged by working with professors or by par­ticipating in extracurricular study groups. This practice is followed by most students planning careers in psy­chology.

For example, the social psychology program designed last year consists of 10 half-year semesters. During the program, students have courses in anatomy and the physiology of the nervous system; biology; the psychol­ogy of sensation, perception, and attention; the psychol­ogy of memory, thought, and language; the psychology of motivation and affective processes; the history of psychology; infant and adolescent psychology; the psy­chology of personality; social psychology; psychopathol­ogy; the psychology of work; the psychology of educa-

DECEMBER 1976

tion; methodology; statistics; and computation. In addition, courses in language and physical education are required each semester, as are one semester each of Marxism-Leninism, the history of philosophy, political economy, and critiques of bourgeois thought.

The expJicit incorporation of discussions of Marxism­Leninism, critiques of bourgeois thought, and the study of political economy are characteristic of all fields of higher education in Cuba. This instruction builds an awareness among social scientists of the distinctive na­ture of their society and the theoretical limitations and methodological difficulties of making comparisons be­tween socialist and capitalist countries. This was reflected when I discussed research projects with social scientists. Comments were made in an open analytical fashion, yet discussions of research involving U.S.-Cuba comparisons were carried out by noting in a noncritical fashion dif­ferences in the Cuban and United States political sys­tems which require different designs for similar studies in the two societies. For example, when it was suggested that hypotheses about youth culture might be examined by comparing studies of United States high school students with studies of Cuban students, Cuban psychologists listed considerations which they labeled "exogenous to existing research designs" and which, until taken into account, would cause the findings to be noncomparable. These considerations include the fact that most Cuban children attend boarding schools during their grammar school years and that mo~t parents of students are them­selves in an educational program-making studies a more normal part of home life. Such practices would make the role of the family in socialization, the "gener­ation gap," and parental attitudes toward education quite different in Cuba and in the United States.

At the University of Havana, a group of faculty schol­ars, with a few students, has formed an Institute for the Study of the United States. This group has existed for three years, and in that time its status within the uni­versity has changed from that of a "group" to an "in­stitute." Although this change in title indicates interest in the Institute's development, the Insitute does not have full-time staff members and its research program has only just begun. As its first project, it is beginning to investigate the nature of race relations in the United States. In addition, one of its members, Mayra Vilas IS, a 32-year old movie critic from the Center of Cinema­graphic Information and a former professor of English at the University of Havana, has written a short book entitled Valoracion de la Independencia de Trece Colonias ("An Evaluation of the Independence of 13 Colonies"). In it, she reviews the history of British coloni­zation and the American War of Independence within

57

the context of the development of international capital­ism. She concludes by arguing that the United States' in­dependence was based on its economic and political ex­pansionism, which set the basis for the future role of the United States in Latin America.

The founding of the Institute for the Study of the United Stales is of interest to Latin American social scientists. For years there has been wide agreement that it would be useful for Latin Americans to develop mechanisms for independently studying the United States, both to improve Latin American understanding of the United States and to counter ethnocentrism in U.S. social scientists' research on their own nation.6 The Institute for the Study of the United States at the Uni­versity of Havana is still at an early stage and its members lack experience both with the subject matter and with carrying out S9cial science research. However, in the future it may add new perspectives to knowledge of the United States, and it may serve as an impetus for the establishment of similar institutes elsewhere.

Social scientific research in state agencies

Impressive research is being carried out by researchers outside universities. The Cuban Institute for Consumer Research and Planning (Instituto de la Demanda In­terna-IDI), founded in April 1971, is charged with ob­taining knowledge about the consumption needs of the population in order to plan the production and distribu­tion of goods and services. The Institute carries out this charge through the collection of data about both current consumption and future needs; it communicates this in­formation both to state production and distribution agencies and to committees of the Communist Party re­sponsible for consumer planning.

The Institute is divided into a number of departments, including food, clothing, household goods, leisure time, consumption indicators, and demand structure. These departments are supported by those of applied mathe­matics, demography, economics, sociology, and psychol­ogy, and as well as by a scientific and technical informa­tion center.

The Institute functions as a bank for current data and as a collector of information for use in structuring Cuba's internal market. A staff of 100 researchers and assistants carries out basic studies on the consumption of food, clothing, housing, and recreation; it also designs con­trolled field experiments to project future levels of con-

6 For a discussion of this point, see the introductory chapter to Julio Cotler and Richard R. Fagen (editors), Latin America and the United States: The Changing Political Realities (Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1974).

58

sumption and to evaluate ideal future consumption pat­terns. Pedro Miret Prieto, a member of the Secretariat of the ·Central Committee of the Communist Party, indi­cated in a 1973 speech that the Institute is viewed by the. Party as an essential part of the solution of consumer problems. These problems have been a focus of , state concern for the past four years, and range from clearing distribution bottlenecks to generating demand for those foodstuffs which are in plentiful supply.

Among the techniques used to evaluate consumer de­mand is a nationwide sample of 7,000 families, stratified by residence and level of income, which is interviewed every three months. Items for these interviews and for other research projects carried out by the Institute are suggested by a nationwide network of more than 1,000 observation posts in schools, distribution locales, and stores which report problems, such as the lack of ac­ceptance of a given item, or difficulties with a rationing scheme, to the Institute so that they may be studied in greater depth. Studies are also suggested by the Institute's social scientists, initiated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party, or requested by government min­istries.

The results of these studies are used by a variety of national organizations. Recently, the Institute has been instrumental in gathering information on how to pro­mote the consumption of fish throughout the country and on the design of a uniform for secondary school chil- • dren. Through field experiments, the Institute deter­mines how new demand structures might be created through the use of such social control techniques as propaganda, education, price adjustment, and rationing.

Most members of the Institute staff have been trained in Cuban universities, although some have attended European universities. Some staff members received on­the-job training in advertising and market research firms in prerevolutionary Havana. The Institute has begun to sponsor conferences at which scientific papers are pre­sented and information is exchanged. The Institute has also published a book entitled Principios de Investiga­ciones de la Demanda ("Principles of Investigation of Demand"), a 327-page market research/social research text written by staff member Arnaldo Hernandez del Campo. This book is not only technical in nature, but it also discusses demand within the context of contem­porary Cuban society. For example, it is pointed out that different problems are chosen for study in socialist and capitalist societies, and further that social research is essential for providing the feedback needed to plan in a society like Cuba's. Contemporary relevance is en­hanced by the author's using examples from the Cuban • experience to illustrate points.

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

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Another state agency carrying out noteworthy social scientific research is the Institute of Infancy, directed by the Federation of Cuban Women; it is in charge of day care education throughout the country. The training of day care teachers is heavily influenced by social and developmental psychology. Teachers read Western psy­chologists; for example, Piaget's work is considered basic. Freud's writings, however, are not taken as seri­ously, and are read "because one should know about Freud." Although the administrators and researchers at the Institute are confident in the value of their Soviet and East German consultants, they regret the lost op­portunities for scientific exchange which they attribute to the United States embargo against Cuba.

The Institute houses a Laboratory for Child Growth and Development, directed by Jorge Jordan. This lab­oratory has facilities for measuring various aspects of child growth, ranging from height and weight to bone development. Dr. Jordan explained his national study of child growth, which used a stratified three-stage ran­dom nationwide sample of 50,360 children, ages 0 through 19. This study gathered 15 different measure­ments of physical growth and development, as well as social and educational information on children and par­ents.7 It is anticipated that the same panel of children will be re-examined during the second phase · of the study, thereby yielding data for longitudinal analysis. An article by H. Goldstein of the National Children's Bureau, London, in the Winter 1975 issue of the British journal Concern) analyzed findings showing that pat­terns of child growth and development of children born ill Cuba since 1962 are similar to those of the United States and Western European nations.

A discussion of recent research on international busi­ness provided an opportunity tq witness the diffusion of information among Cuban social scientists. The discus­cussion focused on my research,8 and took place at a seminar organized by the National Council on Eco­nomic Collaboration and Scientific Technology. One of the Council's tasks is the coordination of scientific ac­tivity. For this seminar, it brought together its own economists, political scientists, and sociologists with others from the Ministry of Foreign Trade, the Min-

7 The results of the study have been published in the Annals of Hu­man Biology, 2(2), 1975, as "The 1972 Cuban National Child Growth Study as an Example of Population Health Monitoring: Designs and Methods," by J. Jordan et al.

8 See Louis Wolf Goodman, "The Social Organization of Decision­Making in the Multinational Corporation" in David E. Apter and Louis Wolf Goodman (editors), The Multinational Corporation and Social Change (New York: Praeger P\.l>lishers, 1976, pages 65-95).

DECEMBER 1976

istry of Foreign Relations, and the University of Havana. Despite the fact that Cuban access to social science literature is limited by the United States' embargo, compared with similar government officials and social scientists in other Latin American countries, these mid­dle-level officials showed an unusual grasp of literature and issues. They were well-versed in Cuba's national goals and on how international business is and prob­ably will be related to Cuba's future. Most of the ex­change focused on problems of decision making and control in corporations and other complex organiza­tions. Much interest was expressed in a wider exposure to literature published in the United States.

Another institution which uses knowledge for both the advancement and the diffusion of the Cuban revolu­tion is the Casa de las Americas. The Casa is a state insti­tution, established to promote the arts and to relate the work of artists and writers throughout the hemisphere to the Cuban revolution. The Casa has a beautifully executed publishing program, which includes a jour­nal, records, posters, and books of poetry, prose, criti­cism, and some social science monographs. Each work is published in its original language, so its publications are in English, French, and Portuguese as well as in Spanish. These are diffused throughout the hemisphere and in Europe, and serve the dual purpose of advancing the arts and identifying the Cuban revolution with ar­tistic humanistic expression. These dual purposes can also be seen in an examination of a recent issue of the Casa's journal: of the 160 pages in Number 95 (March, April 1976), the first 55 contain two speeches by Fidel Castro at the recently held first Congress of the Cuban Communist Party, and the 12 contributors include five Cubans, two Uruguayans, two Mexicans, one Argen­tine, and one Bolivian. The lead contributor to the "Letras" section is Agostinho Neto, president of An­gola (whose contribution is four poems written in prison in 1960, translated from Portuguese into Span­ish). The journal combines clear political objectives with the dissemination of documents, essays, poems, and criticisms.

Characteristics of Cuban social scientific work

At each of these state agencies and at the universities, the normal style of social scientific work stands in marked contrast to professional norms in the United States. Cuban social scientists stated that their work has a collective basis, with social scientists working in teams rather than as individuals. This means that research is based on extensive discussion and mutual criticism.

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Because of this extensive discussion, advances in knowl­edge may appear more slowly in the Cuban system than in the United States. Since these discussions appear to be broad-based and systematically carried out both within research groups and among institutions, findings appear to be more widely diffused than they are in comparable United States settings. In the North Amer­ican social sciences, there is a gap between people at the frontier of a discipline and others in the discipline. In Cuba, there is much less of a gap, both because scien­tists who make discoveries are obliged to diffuse them in a relatively broad manner and because of the smaller size of the social science community. In addition, the focus on national priorities means that research is much more concerned with resolving contemporary problems. Although purely scientific concerns are of interest, they are of lower priority. The pervasive linking of scien­tific work to centrally planned action on national prob­lems may be another force for coherence within the Cuban social scientific community.

Another important characteristic of the Cuban social sciences is that significant changes in social scientific institutions and their organization are continually tak­ing place. As reported above, in the last few years the Institute for the Study of the United States has achieved increasing importance in the University of Havana, the Department of Psychology has revamped its teaching program, and the Institute of Infancy has just begun to publish its research. These changes are not surprising in Cuba, as institutions and their personnel learn through experience and establish their credentials. The social sciences in Cuba must be viewed as a set of insti­tutions responding to changes in historical circum­stances, especially the availability of resources. Evalua­tions of present strengths and weaknesses must be couched in the understanding that, however one might characterize the Cuban social sciences today, new insti­tuitions and a changing and expanding research program will have to be included in future descriptions.

Since Cuba is a planned economy and the state and the Communist Party have complete authority, social research is used to generate information of use for plan­ning. Hence, both for the gathering of baseline informa­tion on an entire nation and for carrying out large field experiments, Cuba can be said to serve as a social scientific laboratory. This is evident in the activities of the Institute of Internal Demand and the Institute of Infancy. These and other research facilities carry out investigations on a national basis and evaluate the rela­tive efficiency of different policies given their objectives. Cuba's population of 9.7 million people makes feasible nationwide experimentation with policy alternatives.

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Such social experimentation is much more difficult in Western democracies. Despite the political and social questions one might raise as to the conditions that make such research possible, the results of this research are interesting not only for social scientists in Cuba and other socialist countries but for social scientists in non­socialist countries as well.

Another much discussed implication of the state con­trol of the social sciences in Cuba is the fact that most experienced social scientists emigrated after the revolu­tion of 1959. The result is that the vast majority of so­cial scientists staffing Cuban universities, research in­stitutes, and government ministries are very young and, although very committed both to their society and to working as social scientists, they lack both research and internation~l experience. This results in their lack of realistic information regarding the nature of nonsocialist societies. In some areas where prominent historians, social researchers, and medical researchers have stayed in Cuba, research is already quite advanced. However, broad-based, theory-oriented, social research is still in the process of development and most empirical research is used for planning purposes and is not routinely dif· fused among Cuban academics.

Some writers have suggested that the low quality of available Cuban social scientific writing may be the reo sult of the repression of intellectual freedom. While the Cuban revolution does, in fact, focus the work of social scientists on current priorities, other very important ex­planations of the nature of Cuban social science must be based on an analysis of the youth and inexperience which characterizes most Cuban social scientists and on the fact that most social research is commissioned by state agencies and its findings are not diffused interna­tionally.

Additional questions must be raised concerning in­stitutional protections for intellectual and scientific au­tonomy. The complexities of social life make it essential to build institutional supports for intellectual freedom and critical judgment in both socialist and capitalist societies. Cuban scholars and politicians report that they are striving to avoid the mistakes of other socialist re­gimes. At this time, not enough is known about the so­cial sciences in Cuba to make a responsible judgment on their success.

The effects of the United States embargo of Cuba

Since 1961, Cuba's revolution has been carried out against the backdrop of a cultural, economic, and po­litical embargo by the government of the United States, which has made the exchange of scientific information

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

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•

between Cuba and the United States exceedingly diffi· cult. Cuban social scientists currently have very little contact with recent research in the United States. This is due in part to their great interest in socialist social

. however, it is largely due to the difficulty of contact with North American social scientists and with social science literature as a result of the embargo. Cuban social scientists feel that this has had deleterious scientific effects, as it is exceedingly difficult for Cuban social scientists to make use of recent United States findings when doing their work. Western documents and findings now become available through Xeroxing while researchers are abroad or by requesting reprints. The need to use convertible currencies to purchase United States social science literature and the fact that industrialization, agriculture, and defense programs have prior call on these funds prevent their purchase from Canadian or other sources.

Reviving scholarly

communication with Cuba

One attempt to counter Cuba's isolation has been car­ried out by the Latin American Studies Association . Since 1975, the association has provided the Cuban National Library with subscriptions to 10 social science journals and has also provided microfilms of a limited number of Ph.D. dissertations.

Cuba's isolation has resulted in an extremely uneven use of Western literature, as exemplified by the above discussion of the University of Havana's psychology program. In the United States there is near total ignorance of the social sciences in Cuba. Whether or not the political and economic embargo is ended in the near fu ture, the development of some mechanisms for nor­malizing contact between United States and Cuban so­cial scientists would benefit both scientific communities.

Ottoman Turkey and the Maghreb in the 19th and 20th Centuries

THE MUSLIM SOCIETIES on the eastern and southern shores of the Mediterranean have had a recent past that poses many challenges to Western social scientists. Because the societies are adjacent to Europe, and have

(.long had many direct relationships with Europe, there is a danger of Eurocentric interpretations of the social, economic, and political changes that have taken place. In order to find ways to avoid this danger and to bring fresh points of view to research on the history of Turkey and the countries of the Maghreb-Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia-during the 19th and early 20th centuries, a research conference was held in Turkey in May 1975.

Objectives of the conference

Organized by a planning committee 1 appointed by the Joint Committee on the Near and Middle East, the

• Serif Mardin is dean of the Faculty of Administrative Sciences, Bogazici University (Istanbul); I. William Zartman is professor of political science, New York University. Mr. Mardin is a member and Mr. Zartman a former member of the Joint Committee on the Near and Middle East, cosponsored by the Council and the American Council of Learned Societies.

1 S. N. Eisenstadt, The Hebrew University; Ernest Gellner, London School of Economics and Political Science; Ercuman Kuran, University of Ankara; Messrs. Mardin and Zartman; Abdelkader Zghal, University of Tunis. In addition to Messrs. Eisenstadt, Mardin, Zartman, and Zghal, the members of the Joint Committee on the l':ear and Middle East at the time of the conference were Marvin Zonis, University of

~hicago, chairman; Janet Abu-Lughod, Northwestern University; Ira .::. Lapidus, University of California, Berkeley; K. Allin Luther, Uni­

versity of Michigan; and Nur O. Yalman, Harvard University.

DECEMBER 1976

by Serif Mardin and I. William Zartman .,

conference brought together historians and other social scientists from the Middle East, Europe, and the United States.2 The papers presented are being edited for publi­cation; this article is based on the introduction to the volume.

The planning committee for the conference recog­nized the seriousness of the problem of Eurocentric bias and it asked the authors of the papers, insofar as possi­ble, to analyze what happened in Turkey and the Magh­reb independently of such specifically Western con­structs as "development" and "modernization." In so doing, the committee hoped the results might not only be a contribution to a better understanding of the recent history of these countries but might also mark a signifi­cant step toward the development of social science con-

2 In addition to the planning committee, the participants were Engin Akarli, Princeton University; Niyazi Berkes, McGill University; Fanny Colonna, Centre de Recherches Anthropologiques, Prehistoriques et Ethnographiques (Algiers); Carter Findley, Ohio State University; Arnold Green, American University in Cairo; Fahir Iz, University of Chicago; David Kushner, University of Haifa; Ali Merad, University of Lyon; Unal Nalbandoglu, Haceltepe University (Ankara); Aliya Ba/foun, University of Tunis; L. Carl Brown, Princeton University; Nicholas Hopkins, New York University; Remy Leveau, Saint Joseph University (Beirut); Rowland L. Mitchell, Jr., Social Science Research Council; l':oureddin Sraieb, University of Aix-Marseille; Fredj Stambouli, University of Tunis; Joseph Szyliowicz, University of Denver; Jean-Claude Vatin, University of Aix-Marseille; Nur O. Yalman, Harvard University; Ilkay Sunar, University of Ankara; Lu­cette Valensi, University of Paris (Vincennes); Peter von Sivers, University of California, Los Angeles; Marvin Zonis, University of Chicago.

61

cepts more nearly universal than those now in use.

Societal cohesion European oDservers of the Middle East in the 19th

century have left us with comments on the encounter between Islamic and Western states which are often arrogant and which also show a certain amount of puz· zlement. "Why," asked Lord Palmerston, "do Ottoman officials insist on squeezing their subjects like lemons when it is obvious that they should start by trying to raise income?" This naive view that the rulers of the Middle East were misguided children in whom it was excruciatingly difficult to inculcate the principles of Western civilized life led later scholars to discard such comments as simply those of prejudiced imperialists.

Dismissing these opinions, however, obliterates a very important insight that can be obtained from these Euro· pean observers, namely, that Middle Eastern societies were and are held together by cohesive elements differ· ent from those that unified societies in the West. Such cohesion is not a static matter; like all human affairs, it has its dynamic aspects and it also changes over time. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, major changes occurred in that cohesion which preceded or coincided with the crucial political events of the period: the Otto· man Empire, which had extended its rule to the eastern boundary of Morocco, was reduced to Anatolian Tur· key; all of its Mediterranean territories fell under European colonial rule. An initial formulation of the problem of understanding those events, then, could be: What was the nature of societal cohesion in the 19th and early 20th century Middle East; and what was the na· ture of the major changes in this cohesion that oc· curred?

Although these questions provide a potentially fruit· ful beginning, the planning committee concluded that the problem posed in this way is too crude for analysis purposes. Cohesion can be described in many terms, and changes come in many sizes. Somewhere between the overarching problem and the details of unique events the committee believed there should be some salient issues which could break down the problem into man· ageable components and aggregate the events into useful categories for synthesis. For purposes of analysis, the committee identified four issues that seemed paramount, recognizing that they are not necessarily the only di· mensions along which events of cohesion and change could be grouped.

Four paramount issues The first issue is the problem of creating a center, a

focus of organization and identity capa' Ie of making

62

decisions and orienting loyalties. Concern with the no· tion of center building includes the necessity for an examination of the nature of the elites who occupy the c,enter and the ideas of nationalism that relate them to. the larger population.

The second issue is the problem of creating patterns of behavior to govern the allocation of resources and the attitudes toward appropriate tasks of government.

The third issue is the problem of creating an ad· vanced secular education capable of coming to terms with new explanations of phenomena.

Finally, there are the problems created by stratifi· cation-the juxtaposition of vertical and horizontal divi· sions within the society.

In these four issues, three basic elements are present in some combination: an indigenous evolution, an exo· genous impingement, and a quantitative and qualita­tive major change. The change in one society is not necessarily of the same nature and almost necessarily not coincident with the equivalent change in the same issue area in another society. But it provides a lati· tudinal basis of comparison among regions of the Medi­terranean as different as the Anatolian heartland of the Ottoman Empire, the Sherifian Empire of Morocco, and the states of Tunisia and Algeria-border marches of the Ottoman Empire but in fact independent by the 19th century. At some point, both Turkey and the Maghrebian states felt the need to increase power con. centration at the center and develop national identities. At some point, they both began drastically to increase state resources and turn state energies to meeting prob. lems precipitated by new impingements from the out­side and accumulated by continuing internal develop· ments. At some point, a secular higher education was required to create new skills. At some point, they under­went a shift in the nature of the divisions within society. These "points" were obviously not the same in all states, but the challenge and change were the same, even though the responses and outcomes of these historical points were different.

Developmental versus structural analysis

The impact of the European nation-state on the Ottoman Empire and the Maghreb was not seen as a unidimensional process of diffusion of systems, knowl· edge, and cultures from the West into the Islamic Medi­terranean and the Ottoman Empire. Instead, it was seen as a complex working out of possibilities inherent in the institutions and internal political alignments of these countries during an encounter with the wes. Earlier studies of this type relied on a rather neat ev

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

lutionistic scheme which is becoming increasingly diffi­cult to justify: they usually have been contained within the broad framework of "development," which implic-itly postulated an "end point" of "modernization" that

uded industrialization, bureaucratization, and secu­larization.

The emphasis of the conference papers may be de­scribed as "structural," since what is examined is change in the structure of Mediterranean Islamic so­cieties. The authors frequently seek to dismantle a societal mechanism and observe how it works. That is, they engage in synchronic analysis and then try to un­cover how history has changed the mechanism, either in its functions or in the deeper premises on which it is ,postulated.

By underscoring the variety of social structures which appear within the same culture area, the papers are also distinguished from earlier, more "Orientalistic" studies of the Maghreb and the Middle East. The pres­ent emphasis may be recaptured from a vignette taken from the recollections of Sultan Abdul-Hamid II (r. 1876-1909). European biographers of the sultan have de­picted him as tyrannical but intelligent. The recollec­tions bring out another, and more significant, character­istic of the ruler by describing in detail the role he as­signed himself: that of the highest official in a hierarchy of officials which had permanence far beyond his own

.ife. On one occasion, Sir Philip Currie, the British en­voy to the Porte, was granted an audience with the sul­tan. The ambassador was reprimanding the ruler for re­sisting British policies the Turks thought improper. The envoy was sitting on a sofa across from t~e Turkish sov­ereign; he flourished his cigarette case, lit a cigarette, and made himself at home to the extent of crossing one leg over the other. We do not know whether this was com­portment that would have been approved by Queen Vic­toria. Neither is it clear whether the ambassador was trying to impress upon the sultan the overwhelming superiority of Great Britain, but this was the meaning imputed by the sultan to the envoy's nonchalant be­havior. Later, confiding to his chief secretary, Abdul­Hamid admitted that he had felt like seizing the am­bassador by the throat, but added "I am an official and I had to restrain myself."

Sultan Abdul-Hamid's self-imposed code of conduct during the audience he granted the British ambassador sheds light both on the Ottoman and on the Maghrebian reactions to the Western impact. On the one hand, we recapture a constant which is worked out in the themes of the majority of the papers: the imperialistic thrust of .n expanding system of nation-states fueled by an ex­panding capitalism. On the other hand, we see the atti-

DECEMBER 1976

tude of those who are on the receiving end of this ex­pansion as one not merely of passive acquiescence but as a ressentiment, a feeling of having lost control over a social and political system both domestically and inter­nationally.

Nature of the Ottoman and Maghrebi states

Although imperialism and ressentiment may have been constants which applied equally to the reaction of the Ottomans and the Maghrebis, the strategies avail­able to each one of these realms were different and con­sequently the outcomes of their encounters with im­perialism were dissimilar.

For the Ottomans, the state existed at three levels: as an ideal, a regulative device to establish law and order in a fragmented and segmented society; as an achievement, the network of institutions the Ottomans had been able to build up; and as the code that was embedded in these institutions. The state was an ideal because earlier Central Asian, Middle Eastern, and Ana­tolian societies-{)f which the Ottomans kept a vivid memory through their chronicles-had only approxi­mated the establishment of a durable political center. Each center had collapsed as the result of internal struc­tural weakness, including religious dissension and dy­nastic weakness, as much as from pressures generated externally, such as nomadic invasions. As a regulative device, the actual Ottoman achievement was a state with an extremely sophisticated but much less "pene­trative" core than the modern state. It included a bu­reaucracy, jealous of the integrity of the center; a stand­ing army; a provincial administration; a judicial struc­ture; a corps of doctors of Islamic law (the ulema) strictly supervised by the state; and a redistributive economy with state control over the supply of basic cereals and raw material for crafts.

Before discussing the code, it is instructive to contrast the Notth African state as an ideal and as an achieve­ment. In the Maghreb, the ideal of the state was also present, but the institutions of the center were less differentiated. The absence of highly developed state institutions resulted in both unfavorable and favorable consequences. The weakness of the center decreased its capacity for resistance, eventually leading to its occu­pation by the colonizer. On the other hand, the relative looseness of the traditional central control mechanism in the economic sphere resulted in the development of a bourgeoisie whose expansion may have been ham­pered by the small scale of its economic operation and by the existing redistributive patterns, but not by bu­reaucrats as in the Ottoman realm. Similarly, Islamic

63

educational institutions were much less under the con­trol of a jealous political center in the Maghreb than in Turkey, and could become foci for educational and political reform.

Much of what happened in the Ottoman Empire in the centuries proceeding the 19th was perceived by Ottoman statesmen as affecting the state: as growth of its power in good times, as an erosion of its archi­tectonic "center" in bad times, as the problem of re­establishing its ancient glory when reform was in sway. Much of 19th and early 20th century Ottoman political speculation had to do with instrumentalities that were to stop the decline of the state. The papers on the Ottoman Empire presented at this conference may be evaluated from this perspective: they take up the visi­ble, institutional thread of the Ottoman reaction to Western penetration.

It is now time to turn to what S. N. Eisenstadt has termed the "code." To keep the Ottoman state afloat was the basic strategy of Ottoman statesmen, as it was in the Maghreb, despite a less structured notion of the "state." Their code, their picture of the world in gen­eral and the social order in particular, contained "gen­eral evaluative precepts about the basic human virtues as well as more normative prescriptions about the proper relations between the basic components of social life."

The fact that the Ottomans only marginally felt the impact of colonialism was due to the existence of an Ottoman administration based on a code which could withst.and some if not all the pressures of expanding Europe and could transform the Ottoman patrimonial bureaucracy into a body with some resemblance to its French model.

When we seek the larger extensions of the code which regulated Abdul-Hamid's behavior in Turkey, Mawlay Hassan's in Morocco, or Ahmed Bey's in Tunisia, we find much that explains the pattern of Ottoman and Maghrebi domestic and international relations during the 18th and increasingly during the 19th century. In the Maghreb, the code underlay a set of strategies in which probabilistic inputs such as bargaining had a much greater weight than in the Ottoman system.

The place of Islam

We have reached a point where one question rIses quite naturally: "What of Islam?" In the conference papers, Islam figures primarily in terms not of dogma but in terms of the imbrication of religion with a weak center in one case and a strong center in the other. At

64

this level, the ressentiment shared by the Maghrebi and the Ottomans can once more be differentiated, although it constitutes what can be called the "invisible thread" of the reaction of these Islamic states to European pOliti.­cal, economic, and cultural expansionism.

Let us take the more general case first, i.e., that layer at which Islam has comparable functions in the Maghreb and in the Ottoman Empire. This was the cultural frame which made a distinction between Muslims and non­Muslims as "insiders" and "outsiders." Because of this common frame, the general defensive response to West­ern penetration was widespread. It went from travelers' reports in 1839 that the Syrian lower class grumbled over the granting of new privileges to infidels, through the Maghrebi and Egyptian leaders' resistance to Euro­pean pressures against prohibition and control of the sale of cereals to Europe, to the reactions of some Turks to what they considered a shameful and aping over­Westernization. In all these cases, European penetration was stamped as an anti-Islamic movement. And in the sensitization of the broad masses to this image, the men of religion-ulema) sheikhs) and mara bouts-played a primary role.

While in both Ottoman Turkey and the Maghreb there were many ulema who were open to Western ideas and institutions, it was also the ulema-or often their sons-who were most distraught by the idea that Euro­pean influences were destroying a way of life as a whOI. It was the ulema who perceived the European effect on institutions as multifaceted and cumulative in eroding the basic pattern of Islamic society. In both Turkey and the Maghreb, this type of reaction prepared the ground for protonationalism and for revitalization movements. It is at this point that the function of Islam as a flag, a banner gathering believers against the outsider, worked most clearly across cultures.

In the Maghreb, however, one additional element was operative. Throughout Islamic history one of the areas of social and political polarization had been that of the ulema COllaborating with the community, .the locality, and the neighborhood against the bureaucracy, the seat of power, the state. In the Ottoman Empire, the state controlled the ulema and to that extent re­ligious life, so that the communitarian role of the ulema was secondary and only prominent where the state with­drew. In the Maghreb, the center had much less control over the ulema) and under their leadership community­level protest movements could develop. In the Ottoman Empire, two distinct types of protest and nationalist movements emerged: elitist and secular on one hand, populist and religious on the other. These structunA are still a part of modern Tur_kish politics. On the othe"'-

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

hand, in the Maghreb political elites led both types of protest, often with popular followings.

Cultural impact of the West

• One final point which comes out of the conference papers has to do with aspects of the confrontation be­tween the Muslim states and the West which are seldom underlined, namely, the less visible and identifiable consequences of the encounter, the ambiguity and thus the malleability of cultural meanings. In the 19th cen­tury, when the economic penetration of the European nation-states into the Islamic area had become tentacu­lar, the relations of the Islamic area -to Western Europe were becoming both more symbiotic and more antago­nistic. These relations can be placed on a spectrum from the most visible to the most subterranean.

First, the structure of Islamic society was reshaped by the sheer impact of the encounter. Levantine com­pradors rose in status, local crafts and educational insti­tutions declined, new consumption habits developed. To these changes which were experienced but not willed one must add a second dimension, change that is con­sciously initiated with specific aims: the ruling elites of the Muslim states engaged in programs to reform and strengthen their institutions. Third, the ethical in­telligibility of traditional systems was subverted without

•warning and rather subtly a!ld imperceptibly for their Islamic participants. To a limited extent, some of these changes were perceived; when the professional norms of the crafts were gradually erased as the crafts declined, this was decried by many. But fewer understood that a new set of professional ethics had to be developed, together with -the new economic and social institutions that were meant to replace the crafts. In addition, few of the members of these societies understood that they were being drawn into the market nexus, that a system of redistribution was becoming a market system.

But we may say even more: reforms drew Muslim ruling elites into a mimetism of which they were not aware. As several contributors noted, even movements of reaction against the thrust of the Western nation-state were obliged to use and therefore adopt the social insti­tution and the accompanying stratification pattern and behavior of the nation-state. Reformers and protestors were thus drawn into using the rules of the nation-state even though they understood neither the deeper struc­tures underlying institutional mechanisms nor the more profound idiom of Western culture. Often Western thought, having filtered through the local culture, re-

•

emerged unrecognizable. Thus in the Ottoman Empire, European positivism was an instrument employed to

DECEMBER 1976

lift Ottomandom by its bootstraps but was very seldom used to understand Turkey's own societal idiosyncrasies.

From this perspective, we see that the interplay be­tween the nation-state and the Islamic states was con­strained at one point by the existing codes, at another point by the rules of the new system, at still another by the structured antagonism which the confrontation generated, and, finally, by some unanticipated conse­quences which were the outcome of idiosyncratic under­standings of new rules.

The degrees of freedom offered by each of the Islamic systems differed according to their special characteris­tics. In all cases, however, the importance of Islam is quite clear. Here we go beyond the possibilities opened up by structures and encounter specific institutions and styles. The ulema, the dervishes, and the other holy men as intermediaries and intercessors were the components of the system. Religious law, mysticism, and the secular culture of scribes were the more purely symbolic pro­cesses. It is this mix of structures, systems, codes, idioms, symbols, and specific historical confrontations that offers us richer possibilities for analysis than the concept of "modernization."

The key role of the center

Two theorists in particular have sought the key to explanations of the evolution of societies, and their work informs the chapters of this composite inquiry. Karl Marx posited a shift in the control of the means of production; Max Weber perceived a change in the basis of legitimacy. Neither key has been found sufficient to

unlock the treasure rooms of the Maghrebi and Otto­man empires, although followers of both scholars have often worked hard to make the keys fit. The authors of these papers generally worked in the tradition of one or the other, but were able to move forward from the initial formulation to a dialogue with the other school. The analysis which emerges finds the explana­tion of societal cohesion in the groups and alliances that comprise the structures of authority, the codes which provide the lines and limits of their behavior, and the skills and resources which they are able to generate and utilize.

As an ultimate summation, the ability of a society to maintain its cohesion throughout the troubled 19th and early 20th centuries appears almost directly related to its degree of center building and to the ability of the center to construct and maintain alliances that both supported it and integrated the rest of society about it . As new groups were generated by the previous policies of the government, they were available for alliance re-

65

lations with the center, or with other presumptive centers which might appear. A growth in the number and diversity of the groups finally required a full con­tract of alliance-a constitution.

We are now ready to answer Palmers ton, when he asks-in a structural translation-why did the legitimate center not treat the new middle groups as allies? It was

Changes took place in three issue areas. New forms of education created new skills and groups. New com­mercial activities created new urban agglomerations and strata within them, and new means of mobility broke the old impermeable gap between rulers and ruled. New demands created a need for increased resources and for new ways of solving problems. But contrary to the original formulation of the conference planners, the need for center building was not new. All the soci­eties faced the problem of center building from the beginning, and tried to meet it. They all entered the 19th century, in fact, on (or immediately after) the reign of a strong and somewhat successful center builder, whose approach to this challenge overcame problems left by the attempts of his predecessors. But his efforts cre~ted new problems by their very natur.e, and in the process of meeting them his successors stumbled, further overburdened by the three issues ·that were new to the 19th century.

the center's very attempts to tax and control that alien­ated the groups it needed for its new alliances, and 1. did so largely because the codes under which it operate kept it from seeing these groups as potential allies and instead trained it to consider them as expendable. The horizontal gaps that characterized particularly the Al­gerian, Tunisian, and Turkish parts of the Ottoman Empire prevented the very alliance which the expand-ing center needed, and the Sherifian Empire was scarcely any better off. It is not surprising then that in the end the centers of Morocco and Tunisia found the necessary support only from the foreign invader, that the same invader simply swept aside the weakest center in Al­geria, and that the strongest center, Turkey, which had had the longest time to' build up new groups of skills and resources, ultimately fell prey to the new elites that were its own creation.

Recent Council Publications

Summer Workshop in Pharmacogenetics

Japans.s Indu.trialization and It. Social Conasqusncs., edited by Hugh Patrick, with the assistance of Larry Meissner . .Product of a conference sponsored by the. Joint Committee on Japanese Studies. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976. 505 pages. $25.00.

From JUQe .20 to July 22, 1977, a sum· mer workshop on pharmacogenetics--the study of genetic factors that influence in· dividual differences in responses to drugs -will be conducted jointly by the Insti­tute for Behavioral Genetics and the School of Pharmacy of the University of Colorado. The aim of the workshop is to provide a conceptual framework in ge­netics for scholars whose primary interest is in pharmacology or psychopharmacol­ogy. Instruction will be offered at the advanced graduate and po~tdoctorallevels. The principal criterion for selection as a participant in the workshop will be re­search ;promise.

In this workshop. the participants will be instructed in those fundamentals of general. quantitative. and molecular ge­netics that are of particular relevance to pharmacology; provided with information concerning the development and use of animal genetic models in research; intro­duced to the pharmacogenetics literature; and familiarized with the role that phar­macogenetics plays or should play in health care delivery. The program will

66

consist of a combination of lectures, labo­ratories •. and round-table discussions. Par­ticipation should provide an adequate background for those who may wish to continue study in pharmacogenetics with the aim of acquiring a level of skill suffi­cient for conducting original research.

Travel expenses and living stipends will be available to those chosen for the work­shop. which is supported by a grant from the National Institute of General Medical Sciences. This summer workshop, unlike several others held at the Institute for Behavior Genetics in recent years. is not sponsored by the Council, but it was dis­cussed and planned at meetings of the Council's Committee on Biological Bases of Social Behavior, under a grant to the Council from the Training Branch of the National Institute of Mental Health.

Those wishing to apply for the work· shop should inquire at the earliest op­portunity of Dr. Gerald E. McClearn. Director. Institute for Behavioral Genetics. University of Colorado, Boulder 80~09.

Completed applications must be received by March 1, 1977.

This is the first book in a Western language examining Japanese industriali­zation to provide extensive coverage of the social dimensions of that process. Spe­cialists on Japan from the fields of anthro­pology. economics. and sociology discuss the evolving social and economic charac­teristics of Japanese industrial workers, present case histories of industrial devel­opment and industrial firms. and describe the major social consequences of the in­dustrial process. Japanese and American scholars contributed equally to the vol­ume, making it a unique collaborative effort.

Of particular interest are studies of three industries--cotton-spinning, ship­building, and general trading companies. Issues such as the life styles of industrial workers. the changing occupational com­position and recruitment patterns of the labor force, and technological diffusion are discussed. employing a qUantitative,. empirical approach.

VOLUME 30, NUMBER 4

While the social consequences of Japa­nese industrialization have been profound, the conclusions that can be drawn from the separate studies in this volume are tentative and far from definitive_ None-~eless, trends in internal migration and _n urbanization, fertility, household con­

sumption, and income distribution all seem strongly associated with structural changes in the industrial sector. Quality of life issues that have only recently entered the public consciousness in Japan also appear related to the level of indus­trialization and the scale of national pro­ductivity.

In addition to the editor, the contribu­tors to the volume are John W. Bennett, Tuvia Blumenthal, Masayoshi Chiibachi, Robert E. Cole, Hiroshi Hazama, Solomon B. Levine, Ryoshin Minami, Hiroshi Oh­buchi, Akira Ono, William V. Rapp, Gary R. Saxon house, Koji Taira, Ken'ichi To­minaga, Tsunehiko Watanabe, Kozo Ya­mamura, and Yasukichi Yasuba.

The Limi,. of Change: E .. ay. on Con­.erl!adfle Alternatifle. in Republican China, edited by Charlotte Furth. Papers from a conference sponsored by the Joint Com­mittee on Contemporary China, August 14-18, 1972. Cambridge, Massachusetts:

AHarvard University Press, 1976. x + 426 "pages.

This volume grew out of papers pre­sented at a conference on "Intellectuals and the Problem of Conservatism in Re­publican China," held in 1972 under the auspices of the Joint Committee on Con­temporary China. Focusing on the intel­lectual and political elite in postimperial China, the essays examine adaptation to change and to "modernity" within the framework of China's history and culture. Indeed, the analyses suggest that the framework is one of cultural conservatism rather than one characterized by a com­miunent to the prevailing political order_ As Benjamin Schwartz notes, there was in postimperial China "a profound sense of the determinative weight of the past." In short, as Charlotte Furth, the volume edi­tor writes., "the essays in this book repre­sent an effort to reevaluate the relation of recent Chinese intellectual movements

• DECEMBER 1976

to Chinese tradition, and to trace the changing face of conservatism in an avowedly revolutionary modern society."

In addition to Professor Furth, other scholars who contributed to the volume are Guy Alitto, University of California, Berkeley; Martin Bernal, Cornell Univer­sity; Hao Chang, Ohio State University; Arif Dirlik, Duke University; Lloyd E. Eastman, University of Illinois; Lin Yii­sheng, University of Wisconsin; David E. Pollard, University of London; Laurence A. Schneider, State University of New York at Buffalo; Benjamin I. Schwartz, Harvard University; Tu Wei-ming, Uni­versity of California, Berkeley; and Ernest P. Young, University of Michigan.

Political Leaderthip in Korea, edited by Oae-Sook Suh and Chae-Jin Lee. Papers from two symposia held during the sum­mers of 1971 and 1972; publication sup­ported by the Joint Committee on Korean Studies. Seattle: University of Washing­ton Press, 1976. xvi + 272 pages. $9.50.

This volume of papers grew out of two symposia held in Seoul during the sum­mers of 1971 and 1972. The publication was made possible in part through a grant from the Joint Committee on Korean Studies. The contributions examine lead­ership from the perspectives of the tradi­tional Korean monarchy, of a colony un­der Japanese rule, and finally as a divided nation. The particular characteristics of legislative, political party, and bureau­cratic leadership are examined, as are pop­ular perceptions of political leadership. in South Korea. In addition, through studies 'of the CentraI.Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, the volume ,considers North Korean leadership, as well as pat­terns of change in it.

Since an orderly constitutional transfer of power in the top leadership has yet to occur in Korea, a study of leadership style assumes particular significance, and the editors conclude with the hope that this volume will be followed by other detailed efforts to describe and interpret Korean leadership.

In addition to the editors, other scholars who contributed to the volume are Dong­Suh Bark, Seoul National University;

Bae-ho Hahn, Korea University; Sung­chick Hong, Korea University; Chong Lim Kim, University of Iowa; Ha-ryong Kim, Korea University; Chong-Sik Lee, Univer­sity of Pennsylvania; Young Ho Lee, Policy Research Institute (Seoul); Glenn D. Paige, University of Hawaii; James B. Palais, University of Washington; and Byung-Kyu Woo, Chungang University.

Se:c and Cia .. in Latin America, edited by June Nash and Helen Icken Safa. Papers from a conference sponsored by the Joint Committee on Latin American Studies. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976.

In an introduction to the 16 papers published in this volume, June Nash ex­plores how a focus on women facilitates a critique of existing social science models of Latin American society and calls into question the established framework for analyzing phenomena &uch as moderniza­tion and the class structure.

The papers were written by both Latin American and North American scholars for presen~"tion at a conference, held at the Torcuato de Tella Institute in Buenos Aires on March 18-23, 1974. They demon­strate that a focus on women does not imply an exclusive concern with women; rather, it provides a different perspective from which to view a variety of social science issues. The contributors explore and document the subordination and ex­ploitation of Latin American women in three areas: (I) in the family, where a patriarchal structure and ideology empha­size woman's primary role as wife and mother, catering to the needs and de­mands of her husband, and children; (2) in the labor-force, where lower-class women are confined to low-paid, unskilled jobs; and (3) in politics, where most of their limited participation has been carried out by upper-class women, who promote such programs as voting rights, which are often restricted to literate women of the privi. leged classes.

The papers from this conference have also been published in Spanish in a three· volume set entitled La mujer en la America Latina (Mexico City: Sep Se­tentas), edited by Maria del Carmen Elu de Leiiero .

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Grants for research on relations between racism and mental health:

Application Deae/line lor Program 01 Poste/octoral Grants to Minority Scholars: March 1~ 1977

The Council has announced that it is again offering a program of grants to enable scholars from minority groups to undertake research on relations between racism and mental health. This program is made possi­ble by a grant to the Council from the Maurice Falk Medical Fund. The committee reviewing applications is particularly interested in receiving proposals for re­search projects that include some consideration of how social structures and processes often function to per­petuate racism. Other appropriate research topics in­clude the study of individual responses to racism, the social organization of mental health services, and the investigation of the mental health consequences of social action to eradicate isolation, estrangement, or oppres­SIOn.

All scholars are eligible to apply but particularly wel­.come are applications from American Indians, Blacks, Chicanos, and Puerto Ricans. Applicants should have earned the Ph.D. degree in a social or behavioral sci­ence, or medicine with a specialty in psychiatry or have had the equivalent research experience. Special consid­eration will be given to imaginative research proposals

submitted by younger scholars who have the Ph.D. de­gree and are just beginning research careers.

Awards ranging up to $10!000 may provide for part­time maintenance in lieu of salary for up to 12 months, and modest amounts for clerical and technical assistance, travel, collection of data, and other research expenses. Requests for renewals will be entertained but will be reviewed in competition with all current applications.

Social and behavioral scientists interested in applying for support are invited to write to the Council describing briefly but explicitly the nature of the proposed research, the data to be used and the method of obtaining and analyzing them, and the significance of the research problem in respect to the field of racism and other social factors in mental health. In addition, the preliminary inquiry should include the applicant's age, occupation • or current activity, and academic degrees held. These inquiries should be made as early as possible so that com­pleted applications can be submitted to the Council by March 10, 1977. Awards will be announced by April 15, 1977 and may be taken up any time prior to June 30, 1978.

SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL

605 T H I R D A V E N U E, NEW Y 0 R K, N.Y. 1 00 1 6

Incorporated in the State of Illinois, December 27, 1924, for the purpose Of advancing research in the social sciences

Directors, 1976-77; BRIAN J. L. BERRY, PETER B. DEWS, ROBERT EISI\ER, JACOB J. FELDMAN, CLIFFORD GEERTZ, PHILIP W. JACKSON, HAROLD H.

KELLEY, FRANKI.IN W. KNIGHT, WILLIAM H. KRUSKAL, OTTO N. LARSEN, LEON LIPSON, CORA BAGLEY MARRETT, HERBERT MCCLOSKY, MURRAY G.

MURPHEY, PAUL H. I\IUSSEN, GUY H. ORCUTT, SAMUEL C. PATTERSON, ALICE S. ROSSI, PEGGY R. SANDAY, ELEANOR BERNERT SHELDON, ALBERT J.

STUNKARD

Officers and StaD: ELEAI\OR BERNERT SHELDON, President; DAVID JENNESS, DAVID L. SILLS, Executive Associates; ROl"ALD P. ABELES, RONALD AQUA,

ALVIA Y. BRAiIOClI, ROBERT A. GATES, MARTHA A. GEPHART, LoUIS 'VOLF GOODMAl", PATRICK G. MADDOX, ROBERTA BALSTAD MILLER, ROWLAND L.

MITCHELL, JR., ROBERT PARKE, PATRICIA R. PESSAR, PETER B. READ, DAVID SEIDMAN, DAVID L. SZANTON; MARTHA W. FORMAN, Assistant Treasurer;. CATHERliIOE V. RONNAN, Financial Secretary; NAiIOCY L. CARMICHAEL, Librarian

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